EXPLORING NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIAN FIREARM OWNING MEN’S
EXPERIENCES AROUND ACCESSING MENTAL HEALTH TREATMENT
by
John D. Munt
B.S.W, University of Northern British Columbia, 2022

THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTERS OF SOCIAL WORK

UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
May 2025
©John Munt, 2025

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Abstract
Firearm owning men appear hesitant to access mental health services in Canada. This is
an issue as firearm related deaths are overwhelmingly caused by male suicide and by men killing
their domestic partners. Encouraging access to services may limit the number of these deaths.
However, no research has been undertaken directly asking men about their experiences in
seeking out mental health treatment.
This research is aimed to understand what firearm owning men experience when seeking
out mental health treatment. The purpose of this study was to gain insight into why men may be
hesitant to access services, and to consider what approaches may encourage them to access
services.
This research was limited to the geographical area of Northern BC. This study also may
not have been able to connect with men who felt the most hesitancy due to their reluctance to
engage with myself due to his professional affiliation.
This thesis used primary and secondary data. The primary data was collected via semistructure qualitative interviews done with six firearm owning men living in Northern British
Columbia. The secondary data was from a variety of sources obtained via relevant literature,
academic databases, government publications, and online sources. The thesis was an exploratory
qualitative study using semi-structured interviews and thematic analysis.
This research suggests that men value their firearms for extrinsic and intrinsic reasons.
The majority of men had some hesitancy towards accessing services, with the major obstacle
being concern over losing their firearms and how this would impact their lives. Suggestions to
increase the likelihood of men accessing treatment are aimed at general practitioners and
legislators with special emphasis on the government developing clearer processes.

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Table of Contents:
Abstract ............................................................................................................................................ i
Table of Contents ............................................................................................................................ ii
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ iii
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ iv
Chapter One: Introduction ...............................................................................................................1
Definition of Terms..............................................................................................................2
Overview and Statement of Purpose ....................................................................................6
Chapter Two: Literature Review ...................................................................................................11
Intervention Strategies .......................................................................................................12
Legislative ..............................................................................................................12
Clinical Route ........................................................................................................17
Legislative Predominance ......................................................................................23
Factors Possibly Contributing to Hesitancy .......................................................................25
Maleness or Masculinity ........................................................................................25
Heritage ..................................................................................................................26
Gun Culture and Political Factors ..........................................................................27
Chapter Three: Methodology and Methods ...................................................................................30
Methodology ......................................................................................................................30
Methods..............................................................................................................................33
Demographics ....................................................................................................................40
Ethical Considerations .......................................................................................................41
Evaluative Criteria .............................................................................................................42
Chapter Four: Findings ..................................................................................................................48
Hesitancy to Access Services.................................................................................50
Importance of Firearms ..........................................................................................60
Responsibility and Safety ......................................................................................63
Factors that Encourage Access to Services ............................................................66
Chapter Five: Discussion ...............................................................................................................71
Benefits of Firearm Ownership ..............................................................................71
Firearm Related Hesitancy .....................................................................................74
Traditional Barriers ................................................................................................78
What Encourages Access to Services ....................................................................80
Northern Context ...................................................................................................82
Implications for Research and Practice..................................................................85
Limitations .............................................................................................................88
Chapter Six: Conclusion ................................................................................................................89
References ......................................................................................................................................91
Appendixes ..................................................................................................................................109

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List of Figures
Figure 1: Final Codes and Themes ................................................................................................38
Figure 2: Time Spent in Data Analysis ..........................................................................................39
Figure 3: Themes ...........................................................................................................................49
Figure 4: Visual Representation of Sport Shooting .......................................................................57

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Acknowledgements
Firstly, I would like to thank my supervisory committee for their endless patience and
integral feedback when reviewing this thesis. The hours spent reviewing this document to make
it what it has become was a long and extensive process for which I am deeply thankful. Dr.
Burke’s feedback was, as has always been my experience, instrumental in rounding out ideas and
clearly laying out statements. Dr. O’Neill’s expertise in the field of qualitative research was
crucial in developing a readable final thesis and laying the foundation for the research which
took place. Special thanks is owed to my direct supervisor Dr. Kyle without whom this document
would still be a ramshackle collection of statements, poorly lain out quotations, and far, far, far
too many commas.
Further thanks is also owed to my family. To my parents, their support was unwavering of
me even when it had cause to waver. Nothing could have been accomplished without their
involvement. To my partner, I promise I will have fewer late-night diatribes about Microsoft
Word formatting issues. But no more cats.
Thanks is also owed to the Prince George Rod and Gun Club for their assistance in
recruiting participants. I reached out to several firearm organizations in Canada, and they were
the only ones who agreed to participate in this research. I sincerely hope that this thesis is of
some benefit to the members of the club.
Lastly, my deepest appreciation to the participants of this study. This study could not
have occurred without your involvement. It is not lost on me that I asked you to speak about a
difficult topic and to talk to me about often deeply personal issues that you have faced. I owe
each of you a debt of gratitude that cannot be easily repaid. It is my hope that this research can
be a launch pad for further and more in-depth studies into an important issue.

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Chapter 1: Introduction
Suicide is the leading cause of firearm related death in Canada amongst men
(Government of Canada, 2022). Concerning women, around 30% of firearms deaths are the
result of them being killed by their male domestic partner (Government of Canada, 2022). It is
my belief that men who own firearms may be less likely to access early mental health services.
Prior to this study, this belief was admittedly anecdotal. The belief was based on many
conversations with gun owning men and social media posts made by members of various online
firearm related communities. I am involved with both local sport shooting and hunting groups as
well as online historically focused firearms communities. In all such communities, there is often
talk of how reluctant men are to access helping services whenever the topic arises. This study
explored this phenomenon by speaking with Northern British Columbian men to understand how
they view mental health services. The research question for this study was “What are the
Experiences Northern British Columbian Firearm Owning Men Face in Accessing Mental Health
Treatment?”
There are some extant legislative barriers for gun owners when accessing mental health
services. The federal Firearms Act (1995) states that a firearms license can be revoked or denied
if an individual has
been treated for a mental illness, whether in a hospital, mental institute, psychiatric clinic
or otherwise and whether or not the person was confined to such a hospital, institute or
clinic, that was associated with violence or threatened or attempted violence on the part of
the person against any person (s. 5.2).
The language in this section is very broad and all-encompassing; Pirelli (2018) notes that a
mental health issue associated with violence does not equate to causation of violent behaviour.

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Almost any mental illness could be seen as associated with violence as per the Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual 5 (DSM-5). This issue around the difficulty in defining mental illnesses that
are associated with violence is addressed by Pirelli in their 2018 study. This point remains true
for the DSM-5TR as well; the issues raised by Pirelli (2018) are not addressed in any of the
revisions made (Bradley et al., 2023). This broad association may be a contributing factor
explaining some of the hesitancy explored later in this research. Further, research concerning the
effectiveness of firearms legislation at reducing violence is mixed. The research suggests some
legislative approaches show empirical success while others appear to be motivated by public
opinion (Barber et al., 2019; Barry et al., 2018; Pirelli, 2018). It is possible that there are extant
legislative barriers but exploring these barriers in depth was outside of the scope of this study.
Definition of Terms
Firearm Violence
Firearm violence is a complicated notion. In general, firearm violence refers to its use in
homicide or suicide (Pirelli, 2018). Some of the literature focuses on mental health and firearm
related violence in reference to mass shooting events (Bonk, 2014; Barfield, 2020; Barklage,
2017). This thesis is predominately focused on the use of firearms by men to complete suicide or
against female domestic partners. These are the two most prevalent firearm related deaths in
Canada (Statistics Canada, 2021; Statistics Canada, 2022). When firearm violence is mentioned
in this paper, it will generally be referring to these two phenomena unless otherwise specified.
Firearm owner
In this study, a firearm owner is anyone who has a possession and acquisition licence
(PAL). This would be approximately 2.2 million individuals in Canada (RCMP, 2020). Anyone
who wishes to posses a firearm in Canada must have a PAL or a recognized equivalent such as a

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firearm acquisition certificate (Firearms Act, 1995). There are several additional licence
provisions that can be added to the PAL; for example, a restricted licence provision on a PAL
allows for the purchase of firearms that are not purchasable with only a PAL. This licence is
colloquially known as an RPAL. The only exemptions to this law are for law enforcement, active
military, and a few other exempt persons (Firearms Act, 1995, s. 5-8).
Hesitancy
In this study, hesitancy refers to an individual’s unwillingness to seek out or engage with
any form of recognized mental health service or treatment that results in avoiding voluntary
mental health care.
Canadian
While this research focused on Northern British Columbian men, Canadian identity is
still an important consideration. Canadian in this context is any individual who lives in Canada
and identifies as a Canadian. This is because the PAL is not restricted to Canadian citizens. Nonresidents, permanent residents, and even foreign nationals may apply for and hold a licence
(Firearms Act, 1995; RCMP, n.d). As I wanted this study to best reflect the Canadian situation, it
was important that my study participants had some self-concept of being Canadian. Non-resident
opinions, feelings, legislation, or beliefs concerning firearms and mental health treatment may
not be relevant to the Canadian situation; for example, Americans tend to believe that firearms
are a fundamental and intrinsic right (Kopel et al., 2003; Joslyn, 2020). Ensuring that my
participants self-identified as Canadian contributed to the study being as relevant to the Canadian
context as possible. Due to the potential importance of a Canadian identity, even though the
participants will all be from Northern BC, they are referred to in the study as “Canadian”.

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Northern British Columbia
Northern British Columbian men, generally residing in the Prince George area,
participated in this study. Northern, remote, and rural are complicated and nuanced terms in
Canada. The terms are often used interchangeably (Brownlee et al., 2019) and there is ongoing
debate as to what these terms mean to both academics and residents of these areas (Schmidt,
2017). For the purpose of this study, Northern British Columbia will refer the four census
boundary regions that geographically make up the northern most parts of British Columbia: the
Cariboo, the North Coast, the Nechako, and the Northeast (Government of BC, 2023). I
understand the complex nature of defining these areas in these broad terms and this definition is
not indicative of any disregard for the unique sociocultural elements that exist in these areas. Its
use is highlighting some similarities but does not suggest complete homogenization.
Interpartner Violence (IPV)
IPV can occur across a broad spectrum including emotional, financial abuse, physical,
and controlling behaviours, all in a wide variety of settings (Howard et al., 2010). This thesis
does not differentiate between the varied types and will instead be focused on IPV as a singular
phenomenon. Terms such as domestic violence or domestic abuse may be used in reference to
literature on a case-by-case basis. My preferred term is interpartner violence as this most
accurately portrays the complex phenomenon.
Men
Men are defined as anyone who self-identifies as a male. PAL licences and applications
only have gender options for male or female (RCMP, n.d.). As such, anyone who identifies as a
male on their identification, regardless of sex assigned at birth, would be represented in the
statistics as male.

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Masculinity
Masculinity is a nebulous and abstract concept. Some authors suggest that masculinity
must be broken down into branches to fully conceptualize it. In their 2009 study, Anderson
suggests that there is a profound difference between orthodox and inclusive masculinity. Almassi
(2022) agrees and identifies that masculinity must be separated into toxic and non-toxic forms to
provide an accurate definition. McKegney (2014) acknowledges the breadth and scope of
masculinity but instead offers a broader lens. He believes that masculinity should be defined as
a tool for describing the qualities, actions, characteristics, and behaviours that accrue
meaning within a given historical context and social milieu through their association with
maleness, as maleness is normalized, idealized, and even demonized within a web of
power-laden interpenetrating discourses. (p. 11)
I believe that this definition was suitable for this study as it recognizes the complex nature of
masculinity, considers the intersections of many social constructs, and is heavily based on the
perceived meaning of masculinity. Further, this definition best aligns with my own concept of
masculinity and is utilized throughout this study.
Mental Health Issues
Mental health is known to exist along a broad and complex continuum (ZemojtelPiotrowska et al., 2018). Diagnosis pertaining to issues in one’s mental health is far from an
exact science (APA, 2023). The use of terminology reflects this uncertainty in practice, literature,
and society (Hinde & Mason, 2020). Different terms such as psychiatric issues, disorders, mental
health issues, and diagnoses are used in this thesis. These will be in reference to how the issues
were described in the literature on a case-by-case basis. My preferred term is mental health issue,
as this term addresses the varied and nebulous nature of mental health.

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Mental Health Treatment
The definition for mental health treatment was borrowed directly from the Firearms Act
(1995). This act suggests that an individual has sought out mental health treatment if they
Have been treated for a mental illness, whether in a hospital, mental institute, psychiatric
clinic or otherwise and whether or not the person was confined to such a hospital, institute
or clinic, that was associated with violence or threatened or attempted violence on the part
of the person against any person (s. 5.2b).
I chose this definition due to the relevance it has to this study. This piece of legislation is the
guiding force behind firearm removal, and its existence guides how the government engages with
the issue of mental health and firearms in Canada.
Significance of the Issue
Primarily, this study explored men’s experiences in order to both expand the literature
base around firearms and mental health and to illuminate any barriers that might be present.
Understanding what firearm owning men experience when considering mental health treatment
could have many potential benefits. Primarily, this study may assist those who believe they
would benefit from some form of intervention to access it on their own terms. This study could
also allow for the better fostering of relationships between mental health professionals and the
firearm owning community.
While the benefits of accessing mental health services are broad, there are two areas of
potential benefit as most important due to their severity in society. These issues are inter-partner
violence (IPV) perpetrated by men against women and male suicidality. Cumulatively these two
issues account for over 80% of firearm deaths in Canada (Government of Canada, 2022).

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Interpartner Violence
IPV across Canada is a serious issue. In the vast majority of instances, it is men inflicting
violence against their female partners; approximately 80% of reported cases of IPV list men as
the perpetrator (Conroy, 2021). Firearms are sometimes involved in IPV. When a firearm
becomes involved in IPV related instances it dramatically increases the likelihood that the
woman will be seriously injured or killed (Government of Canada, 2022; McPhedran & Mauser,
2013). This is an issue that affects women far more frequently than men. Over one third of
women killed by firearms in Canada were shot by their partner compared to only 2.2% of men
(Statistics Canada, 2022). This suggests that women are over 15 times more likely to be shot by
their partners than men. While women are the survivors of these crimes, men are far more likely
to be the perpetrator than women.
Mental health treatments for perpetrators of IPV has some clinical backing. Some studies
suggest that men with mental health issues are more likely to be perpetrators of IPV (Burns et al.,
2022; Cohen et al., 2022; Howard et al., 2010). Shorey et al. (2012) found that men who are
suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression often engage in IPV against
their female partners. More recently, the Lancet Psychiatry Commission noted that men with
mental health issues are more likely to be perpetrators of IPV (Oram et al., 2022). Early access to
treatment may help reduce the rates of violence perpetrated by men against their female partners
(Chantler et al., 2019; Tol et al., 2019). Trevillion et al. (2016) suggest that current approaches to
IPV engage only the survivors of IPV and that if we are to improve mental health services related
to IPV more attention must paid to the perpetrators. Lorenzetti et al. (2022) goes further and
insists that the “the participation of men is critical to preventing domestic violence” (p. 28). As

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men are far more likely to be the perpetrators of IPV, preventing its occurrence would reduce the
likelihood of adverse events occurring by addressing the root causes of the problem.
Suicidality
Suicide by firearm is a problem both internationally (Cerqueira et al., 2018; Vars, 2020)
and in Canada (Government of Canada, 2022; Langmann, 2021; Lester & Leenaars, 1993).
Suicide is by far the leading cause of firearm death in Canada; approximately 80% of firearm
deaths in Canada are due to suicide (Government of Canada, 2022). Compared to their female
counterparts, men are four times more likely to commit suicide by any means (Creighton et al.,
2018) and are thirteen times more likely to complete suicide by firearm in Canada (Government
of Canada, 2022). Men attempt suicide less often but are much more likely to complete suicide.
This higher rate of completion may be in part due to the methods they utilize; men predominately
use more effective methods of suicide such as firearms and hanging (Conner et al, 2019).
While it is unclear if firearm ownership contributes to suicide (Anestis & Daruwala,
2018; Pirelli, 2018), some studies suggest that ownership of and access to firearms increases
likelihood of completion of suicide (Pirelli, 2018; Raifman et al., 2020; Vitt et al., 2018). This
increased likelihood is due to the lethality of firearms and their relative ease of use as a method
of suicide; an impulsive suicidal thought can be acted on quickly without time for
reconsideration and with a very high probability of success (Pirelli, 2018). Firearms are the most
lethal and effective form of suicide. The use of a firearm in a suicide attempt has a 90% success
rate while the next two on the list, drowning and hanging, are only 56% and 52% successful
respectively (Conner et al, 2019).
If men are not accessing these services then they cannot provide the potential benefits we
may see. IPV and suicidality are notably extreme cases. The majority of individuals who access

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counselling or other services are simply in need of some assistance. Early access to treatment
options could address some of these issues. However, this research illuminated what the
participants of this research considered important when accessing mental health treatment. This
data could assist policy makers, practitioners, and academics develop methods to encourage
firearm owners to seek out early, voluntary mental health services and reduce the number of
preventable firearms deaths in Canada.
Personal Position
I position myself as a firearm owning man living in Northern British Columbia who
approached this exploratory qualitative study from a lens heavily influenced by symbolic
interactionism. I value my firearms extrinsically as they are important tools for me to engage in
hunting and sport shooting. Both of these activities are important components of how I view
myself. I am also an acute social worker currently employed at the hospital in Prince George. As
such, I value and attach a deep importance to mental health treatments as a sometimes-integral
component of someone’s wellbeing. I firmly believe in these treatments’ efficacy and their
importance.
As a Canadian man who owns firearms, participants shared some similar experiences to
my own that emerged as the research progressed. As I shared certain demographics with the
participants, reflexivity was an integral component in this study (Berger, 2015; Creswell & Poth,
2018). I was mindful to not attach my own preconceived ideals and emotions around an
experience onto a participant’s statements. Participants came to share their truths as they see
them and I attempted to be earnest in my interpretations of their words. It would be idealistic to
assume that my own experiences had no impact on the research. I was mindful of this fact and
utilized my own personal attachments as a driving force to foster research of the highest ethical

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standard. The exact steps of how I engaged in reflexivity and maintained awareness of my biases
will be more thoroughly discussed in Chapter 3.
Assumptions
There are several assumptions in this study. The first was that firearm owning men are
indeed hesitant to access mental health treatment. I was unable to locate any literature explicitly
discussing this phenomenon from the perspective of firearm owners themselves, and this
assumption was based on numerous interactions I have had with various firearm owners. The
assumption that firearm owning men may have hesitancy was based on these interactions. The
second assumption was that the ownership of firearms contributes in some manner to increased
hesitancy to access mental health treatment. There is no shortage of individual factors that can
contribute to a hesitance to access treatment, and it was assumed that the ownership of firearms
is another such factor.
Summary
The aim of this chapter was to discuss the rationale behind this study and its importance.
Suicide by firearm is an established issue in Canada and there may be some hesitancy to
accessing mental health services amongst firearm owning men. Terms were defined in order to
establish what meaning they hold in this study and the potential significance of this study in
addressing firearm related deaths was discussed. Finally, it discussed some of the assumptions
made by this researcher in the undertaking of this study. Mental health and firearms in Canada
are a prevalent issue. This chapter aims to establish context that will guide the rest of the thesis’s
path. The following chapter expands on the issue by exploring the extant literature base around
firearms and mental health in Canada.

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Chapter Two: Literature review
Introduction
The purpose of this literature review is to provide some context around firearms and
mental health research, policy, and practices. Typical intervention strategies around firearms and
mental health are discussed. These can be broadly categorized into legislative-based strategies
and clinical practice-based strategies. This chapter aims to also provide background for the
reader and pertinent legislation will be discussed. The predominance of legislation as an
intervention over clinical practices is discussed. Finally, extant literature is reviewed to explore
potential barriers that have already been theorized as possible reasons for firearm owning men’s
hesitancy when considering accessing mental health treatment.
Fundamentals of Firearms and Mental Health Research
There is much extant literature on mental health and firearms. However, limited amounts
of it discuss the reasons behind resistance of firearm owners in seeking out help. Much of it the
literature comes from the United States (US) with less on the Canadian side; this is likely due to
gun violence being a more pronounced issue in that country (Pirelli, 2018). Nonetheless, it is
possible to utilize this data to still create some general assumptions. There is very little literature
on the Northern British Columbian situation. This lack of literature is possibly due to the federal
nature of firearm statistics. Where possible in this document Canadian literature has taken
prominence.
Violence is the topic of much of the research surrounding firearms and mental health. It is
often focused on asking if mental health is the cause of firearm related violence. The current
literature is mixed and suggests that mental health issues and firearm violence are not well
understood. Complex psychiatric issues may contribute to increased homicides and suicides

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(Hildreth, 2009; Pirelli, 2018) or they may not (Ahonen et al., 2019; Canady, 2022; Large et al.,
2011; Leshner, 2011; Lu & Temple, 2019). The general consensus, however, is that access to a
firearm dramatically increases the likelihood of using it successfully to complete suicide or
homicide (Ahonen et al., 2019; Canady, 2022; Large et al., 2011; Leshner, 2011; Lu & Temple,
2019). There is a large focus as well on public perception. In the US, many people believe that
mental health issues are the root cause of gun violence (Anestis & Daruwala, 2021; Sargent &
Newman, 2021; Vargas et al., 2020). This belief is shared by many American gun owners who
believe that mental health issues are causal to many of the shooting deaths in their country (Barry
et al., 2018). It is not clear if this belief is shared by the Canadian population.
There is little research on the Canadian side around firearms and mental health, but it is
possible that some American data may be relevant to the Canadian situation. The databases
consulted were the PubMed Central, ResearchGate, and University of Northern British Columbia
(UNBC) Library databases. I could find no literature that discussed firearms owners’ perceptions
around accessing mental health services in these databases.
Intervention Strategies
Legislative
Current approaches to limit the negative effects of firearm and mental health related
issues take two main paths: legislation/policy-based approaches or clinical treatment (Barber et
al., 2019; Barry et al., 2018; Government of Canada, 2022; Langmann, 2021; Pirelli, 2018).
Legislative and policy-based approaches appear to be the most common approach in the
literature. Advocates for legislative approaches exist in the public, government, and scholarly
domains (Cook & Ludwig, 2019). The research concerning the effectiveness of firearms
legislation is mixed. Some interventions show empirical success while others may be motivated

13

by public opinion (Barber et al., 2019; Barry et al., 2018; Pirelli, 2018). Barber et al. (2019)
suggest that legislative approaches are only effective when they “build on the strengths and
values of the communities and individuals most affected by firearm suicides: gun owners and
their families” (p. 1700).
Despite the above, legislative and policy-based approaches are the most common method
of addressing firearm violence. Denial of ownership or removal from possession is the most
common intervention method (Langmann, 2021). This denial is often accomplished via
legislation. In Canada individuals are required to submit information when applying for a
firearms licence verifying that they have never sought out mental health treatment (Firearms Act,
1995). In the United States a National Instant Criminal Background Check System (NICS)
review is undertaken whenever an individual purchases a firearm (Bonk, 2014). Both systems are
aimed at denying an individual who has been treated, voluntarily or otherwise, for a mental
illness associated with increased risks of violence from obtaining a firearm.
In a search of multiple databases, no indication of the exact steps that are taken in Canada
to remove an individual’s firearms are clearly stated. Based on the legislation, any person may
report an individual whom they have concerns about to either the Canadian Firearms Programme
or the police. If firearms are to be physically removed from a person’s residence, the police will
do so. If the individual’s firearms are seized and officers believe their licence should be
suspended, the matter must go in front of a provincial court judge (Firearms Act, 1995).
Specifics were not able to be determined and exact procedures were not able to be obtained by
myself. It is unclear if the exact proceedings are guarded information or if they are simply not
published for public use.

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There are multiple reasons for why an individual can lose their firearms licence in
Canada. These reasons vary from “risk to self” to “court ordered prohibition/probation” (RCMP,
2022, p. 18). In 2022, 923 individuals were denied a PAL out of over 430,000 new licence and
renewal applications; 182 were for “mental health” and 197 for “potential risk to self” (RCMP,
2022, pp. 16-18). A further 3,315 licences were revoked out of an existing 2.2 million; 556 were
for “mental health” and 443 for “potential risk to self” (RCMP, 2022, p. 18). The rate of
removals and denials are actually quite low: 0.136% of existing licences were removed and less
than 0.24% of new licence applications were rejected.
Determining the percentages that involved mental health concerns was somewhat of a
challenge. This commission does not definitively define the reasons given for removal or denial.
We do not have exact definitions that show distinct boundaries or limitations which makes
concrete analysis difficult. Only “mental health” and “potential risk to self” were included in the
final percentages. “Mental health” and “potential risk to self” are separate. This could suggest
several different things: mental health may be referring to more broad concerns such as
depersonalization or issues with cognition whereas “potential risk to self” may include
specifically suicidal concerns.
Further, it is possible that “provided false information” may be related to mental health
as well as people could have lied about their mental health history. It is also possible that
individuals included in “potential risk to others” could be having some form of mental health
crisis (RCMP, 2022). Mental health may have played some part in these areas, but this is highly
speculative, and in the interest of accuracy it has been excluded from the percentages given. As
such, by a conservative estimate, at least 41% of denials and 30% of removals were related to
mental health.

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Legislation is a common tool used for firearms and mental health safety. However, there
are three key issues that legislation is not able to address. First, background checks are limited by
record sharing (Vars et al., 2022). The NICS does not have access to an individual’s medical
records limiting its efficacy (Bonk, 2014). In the case of the Canadian approach, the PAL
application process requires that the applicant voluntarily disclose if they have received mental
health services (RCMP, n.d.). Background checks conducted by the provincial Canadian
Firearms Officer (CFO) are limited to an individual’s criminal record (Bill C-21, 2023). The
RCMP and the CFO would not have access to an individual’s medical or private counselling
records and thus may be unaware of an individual’s history. These processes rely entirely on
voluntary self-disclosure. The only exception would be if an individual were detained by the
RCMP under provincial or territorial mental health regulations; BC’s Mental Health Act (1996),
for example, allows RCMP officers to detain and transport individuals in crisis to a medical
facility under Section 28. This would result in a police record that could be seen in a background
check. Background checks are limited by their access to information.
Further still, these checks can only occur on individuals who have a valid PAL for their
firearms. As noted previously, there are 2.2 million people with a PAL in Canada (2020).
However, a study conducted by Public Safety Canada (2022) on 2200 firearms owners revealed
that 10% of respondents to the survey identified not having a PAL. This number may not be fully
accurate, as respondents may not have answered honestly, fearing legal ramifications. However,
if this number is to be believed, then in addition to the 2.2 million reported licence holders there
are at least an additional 220,000 individuals who own firearms without a valid PAL. These
individuals cannot be assessed by the current system as it is reliant on individuals having a valid
PAL before the background check can begin.

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Second, legislative approaches can only focus on an individual’s mental health history.
This neglects to consider two issues concerning men’s mental health: the issue of detection and
the fact that mental health issues can develop at any time. Symptoms or signs of suicide can
often be difficult to detect; Lewiecki and Miller (2013) report that over 80% of suicide victims in
the United States were not treated for a psychiatric condition. In men, this number may be even
higher; men are half as likely to be diagnosed with issues of depression or suicidality when
compared to women (Bryde Christensen et al., 2022). Men in the midst of a mental health crisis
may show fewer signs than women. They tend to display less indicators of the turmoil they may
be feeling and instead engage in detrimental coping mechanisms such as increased risk taking,
substance abuse, or isolation (Brownhill et al., 2005; Herdiansyah et al., 2023). A study
conducted by Morin et al. (2019) reports that traditional methods of detecting depression in male
gun owners were likely ineffective; less than 50% of 2131 patients in the study who had
attempted suicide displayed symptoms associated with or were formally diagnosed with a
psychiatric disorder connected with increased rates of violence.
Legislative approaches also cannot address the issue of men developing mental health
issues after obtaining firearms. For example, depression in men can develop or remain
undetected for years (Creighton et al., 2017; Stromberg et al., 2010). Mental health issues may
arise later in life after the check has occurred. Again, this is an especially relevant issue in men;
men aged 45-60 have the highest rates of suicides when compared to other age groups (Monette,
2012; Varin et al., 2021). A man may pass his licensure test in his early twenties and not develop
serious psychiatric issues until his forties. Current legislative approaches are unable to address
this issue as they only prevent acquisition of firearms and cannot effectively address current
possession.

17

Finally, legislative approaches contribute to the problems we see around hesitancy to
access services. The Firearms Act (1995) states that a firearms license can be revoked or denied
if an individual has
been treated for a mental illness, whether in a hospital, mental institute, psychiatric clinic
or otherwise and whether or not the person was confined to such a hospital, institute or
clinic, that was associated with violence or threatened or attempted violence on the part of
the person against any person. (s. 5.2)
The language in this section is very broad and all-encompassing; as stated previously, Pirelli
(2018) notes that a mental health issue associated with violence does not equate to causation.
Almost any mental illness could be seen as associated with violence as per the DSM-5 (Pirelli,
2018), and this may be a contributing factor that explains some hesitancy. The legislative
approach involves the removal of firearms from the individual’s possession. Firearm owning
men report that their ownership of guns is of deep importance. Men may view “firearm
ownership and use as integral and enduring aspects of their life, closely bound to their identity,
occupation and self-esteem” (Wand et al., 2014, p. 674 ). Kalesan et al. (2016) reported that men
in the United States indicated that a loss of their guns would affect both their social and filial
standings, and Stroud (2012) reported that men have a deep connection between their ownership
of firearms and masculine self-image. A man may see the removal of his firearms as a threat to
both his status and his masculinity, then avoid seeking out help based on this belief. It is possible,
therefore, that legislation acts as a barrier in its own way.
Clinical route
Clinical treatment options are far less frequently mentioned in the literature. The focus of
prevention is often on changing legislation (Canady, 2018; Metzl et al, 2021). This focus on

18

legislation is despite the fact that mental health treatments show solid promise in reducing
suicidality amongst firearm owners (Barber et al., 2019; Betz et al., 2022; Jager-Hyman et al.,
2019; Vars, 2020), especially when the treatment is both voluntary and early (Acosta et al, 2013;
Ly et al, 2019). Much of the evidence concerns treatment of depression, and it is widely accepted
that any modality that has shown efficacy in treating depression is suitable for use amongst
firearm owners (Barber et al., 2019; Betz et al., 2022; Jager-Hyman et al., 2019; Ly et al, 2019;
Vars, 2020). Mental health treatments for individuals who own firearms can be beneficial even
when the person does not have a diagnosed mental illness. Miller and VandenBos (2020) note
that many incidents of firearm violence are due to “psychological and behavioural issues” and
are not correlated with any diagnosed mental health issue (p. 168). The primary clinical
treatment appears to be attempting to address the underlying mental health issue, often
depression, which contributes to negative outcomes.
There does not appear to be any preferred modality for use with firearm owners;
cognitive behavioural therapy (Vars, 2020), dialectical behavioural therapy (Bantjes et al., 2021),
and motivational interviewing (Carter et al., 2016) are all used with individuals who are at risk of
firearm violence. Bantjes et al. (2021) suggests that depression or anger are two important
components to address when working with firearm owning men. Bantjes and their colleagues
(2021) posit that the above feelings often play a part in firearm related violence and suggest that
any treatment modality can be effective as long as they can address feelings of depression or
anger. Instead of a specific modality, additional training for counsellors is often recommended
(Betz et al., 2022; Bryan et al., 2021; Sale et al., 2018; Valenstein et al., 2018). There are several
different training programmes targeted towards counsellors, health care providers, clinicians, and
even individuals involved in the firearms industry. Counselling Against Lethal Means (CALM)

19

training aims to provide clinicians with practical skillsets on how to speak with firearm owners
about temporary relinquishment of firearms (Betz et al., 2022) and PREVENTS is a programme
that provides training to counsellors who work specifically with veterans who are at a higher rate
for suicide by firearm (Lemle, 2020). These training programmes generally appear to have three
common themes: Lethal Means Safety, increased use of risk assessments, and specific
communication skills for working with American firearm owners.
Lethal Means Safety.
While practice considerations for working specifically with firearm owners are not as
common in the literature as legislative options, there are few methods that are suggested for use
in practice. Lethal Means Safety (LMS) is one such method. This process has individuals who
feel suicidal or homicidal either remove their firearms from their home or change their storage
habits. Simultaneously, these individuals engage with mental health services to reduce the risk of
an impulsive suicide (Sale et al., 2018). It is widely accepted amongst mental health researchers
that easy access to and availability of firearms dramatically increases the chance that violence
will occur (Betz et al., 2022, Langmann, 2021; Lemle, 2020; Sale et al., 2018), and LMS targets
this risk factor. Part of its efficacy is due to the fact that it addresses impulsive, unplanned
violence; a key factor relating to firearms is how simply and effectively they can be used in a
homicide or suicide (Betz et al., 2022; Jager-Hyman et al., 2019; Langmann, 2021; Lester &
Lenaars, 1993). While there is often some hesitancy amongst firearm owners around
surrendering their firearms, this is not always the case. In a study of 667 veterans in the United
States, Valenstein et al. (2018) reports that 65.7% of those interviewed would willingly
participate in an LMS programme if it was temporary in nature. LMS can involve safer storage
measures within an individual’s residence. Individuals who are currently at risk can keep their

20

firearms in their homes. Instead of surrendering the firearms, they either lock them up or render
them temporarily inoperable (Jager-Hyman et al., 2019). The use of trigger locks, gun storage
safes, firing pin removal, other temporary alterations, or a locked storage area are suggested to
accomplish this (Betz et al., 2022; Lemle, 2020).
If there is a concern that in-house LMS methods will not be sufficient, temporary removal
of firearms from the person’s home has been suggested. Valenstein et al. (2018) encourages
clinicians to discuss firearm safety with patients to develop pre-emptive safety plans that aim to
“voluntarily limit access during high-risk periods” that can be triggered if such a risk becomes
apparently (p. 82). Alternative storage arrangements can be organized with family, friends, or
other community members (Bryan et al., 2021). In some jurisdictions, private or public
organizations such as universities, police stations, shooting ranges, or health clinics even have
designated storage spaces for firearms (Lemle, 2020). Some areas in the United States have
created comprehensive maps of voluntary, short-term storage areas where individuals at risk of
suicide can store their firearms. The Colorado Firearm Safety Coalition (2023) maintains one
such map of these storage areas in their state and has contact information on their website for
interested parties. I was unable to locate any such programs in existence in Canada. Limiting
access to firearms is a commonly used technique to limit firearm related deaths.
Risk Assessment Use.
Increasing the frequency of risk-assessments is also recommended. While risk
assessments are recommended for use with any client who is at risk of committing violence, their
increased use amongst firearms owners is suggested due to the increased lethal risk that living
with a firearm brings (Betz et al., 2022; Bryant & Arditti, 2019; Wintemute et al., 2016). Wand et
al. (2014) encourages more frequent and in-depth risk assessments be undertaken with clients

21

who possess firearms. This can include using standardized risk assessments such as the
Columbia-Suicide Severity Rating Scale regularly and evaluating the need for further measures
accordingly (Wand et al., 2014). Individuals scoring high on these assessments may require more
intrusive measures such as the removal of firearms by law enforcement or involuntary
psychiatric treatments (Austin & Lane, 2018; Miller & VandenBos, 2020).
Communication Skills.
Many of the articles involving firearms and mental health covered the importance of how
clinicians discuss firearms with their clients. Many authors acknowledge the fact that firearm
owners may be very hesitant to speak with professionals about their guns due to the fear that this
will result in a removal, judgement, or them being added to some form of registry (Jager-Hyman
et al., 2019; Langmann, 2021; Miller & VandenBos, 2020; Valenstein et al., 2018). A study
conducted with firearms retailers, safety instructors, and law enforcement officials echoes these
concerns; the professionals consulted in this study consistently mention they believed that
firearm owners do not trust mental health professionals and that firearm owners avoid contact
with mental health professionals if at all possible (Jager-Hyman et al., 2019). Pirelli and Witt
(2017) suggest that firearm ownership is often split along political lines, and that firearm owners
may fear that mental health clinicians, whom they view as opposed to gun ownership, will
misunderstand their reasons for owning guns. Bryan et al. (2020) notes that firearm owners may
be initially hesitant to speak to clinicians about firearms in general, and that this silence can
sometimes contribute to negative outcomes in the long run.
To address this issue, almost all the articles consulted discussed the importance of having
conversations about firearm safety with owners (Austin & Lane, 2018; Betz et al., 2022; Bryant
& Arditti, 2019; Jager-Hyman et al., 2019; Langmann, 2021; Miller & VandenBos, 2020; Perilli

22

& Witt, 2017; Valenstein et al., 2018). There is a distinct emphasis on remaining nonjudgemental, keeping clients involved in the process, and approaching conversations from a
place of caring (Betz et al., 2022; Jager-Hyman et al., 2019; Langmann, 2021; Miller &
VandenBos, 2020; Valenstein et al., 2018). Jager-Hyman et al. (2019) reports that approaching
conversations around firearms in “an empathic manner and without explicit orders about what to
do may be particularly effective” (p. 698). Miller and VandenBos (2020) counsel that
conversations about firearms should be “respectful, informed, and tailored to each individual
patient’s needs” or the clinician runs the risk of the client refusing to engage in further treatment.
(p. 169). Bryan et al. (2020) acknowledges that discussion about firearms can be difficult for
both clinicians and clients, but states that clients tend be “very open to talking about [firearm
safety] when it is approached in a non-judgmental way” as opposed to from a place of judgement
(p. 958). To accomplish this, Pirelli and Witt (2017) suggest that practitioners engage in
reflexivity to see if they may hold biased views towards firearm owners.
To further increase the likelihood of engagement by clients, many authors suggest that
clinicians who work frequently with firearm owners gain some additional knowledge on the
fundamentals of firearm ownership. Miller and VandenBos (2020) suggest that clinicians attempt
to understand the “symbolic aspects of a gun and the personal meaning for the patient of owning
and possessing a gun” (p. 170). Valenstein et al. (2018) discusses how if a clinician determines a
client may be a risk, they should attempt voluntary LMS measures before any other options
unless there is an immediate risk. Pirelli and Witt (2017) go even further. They suggest firearm
owners have a distinct subculture, and that clinicians who work with firearm owners should
develop a basic understanding of this as a form of cultural competence. Jager-Hyman et al.
(2019) agrees with this, suggesting that a basic understanding of gun culture may help combat

23

the assumption held by firearm owners that “clinicians are not reliable sources for information
about firearms and are not likely to be familiar with or accepting of firearms or firearm culture”
(p. 698).
In general, practice considerations for working with firearm owners are not as common as
legislated approaches in the literature. There are a few methods that are suggested for use in
practice, but legislative removal appears to be the final result of many interventions. There are
some clinical methods for working with firearm owners to reduce the risk of deaths. However,
practical methods for working with firearm owners are dwarfed in comparison by policy and
legislative suggestions.
Legislative Predominance
Legislation and policy are definitively the primary approach to reducing mental health
related firearm deaths. There is a distinct gap in the literature around how to work with firearm
owners to enhance mental health interventions. This may be in part due to the varied nature of
mental health treatment; clinical approaches vary based on practitioner training, state and
province requirements, and funding (Valenstein et al., 2018). It is also possible that the increased
use of legislated approaches may be due to public influence. Firearm violence is an oftenpoliticized phenomenon, and policy makers are frequently influenced by public perceptions
(Barry et al., 2018; Barry et al., 2013; Meszaros, 2017). In both literature and society,
perceptions of individuals with mental health issues who own firearms tend to be negative as
well. Gun owners with mental health issues are only presented as dangerous to themselves and
others (Barfield, 2020; Barklage, 2017; McGinty et al., 2014); Bonk’s 2014 thesis is even
entitled “Denying the Dangerous” (p.1). This 2014 thesis focuses on how government agencies
can “prevent firearms from entering the hands of the dangerously mentally ill” (p. 1).

24

Public views echo the belief that gun violence is often a mental health problem rather
than a social one (Barry et al., 2018; Bonk, 2014; Chantler, 2020; Langmann, 2016). Mass
shooting events or suicides are often portrayed as caused by individuals with mental health
issues. Anne Coulter, a prominent conservative political analysist in the United States, said in
2013 “Guns don’t kill people, the mentally ill do” (as cited in Leyton, 2018). Even gun owners
themselves often hold this view; Barry et al. (2013) reports that 74.5% of 2703 American gun
owners surveyed supported firearm bans for individuals who had threatened, not attempted, selfharm.
This perception of those with mental health issues being inherently dangerous is despite
some evidence that suggests the opposite. Ahonen et al. (2019) discusses that individuals with
psychiatric disorders are far more likely to turn firearms on themselves than others. Lu and
Temple (2019) agree, pointing out that access to firearms is a far more reliable predictor of
violence than mental health issues. Leyton (2018) goes further, providing evidence that suggests
individuals with psychiatric disorders are less violent statistically than those in the general
population. The only exceptions Leyton (2018) identifies is violence towards oneself and
violence towards domestic partners; in these cases, individuals with psychiatric disorders tend to
be more violent than those without psychiatric disorders. The perception that mental health
issues are the root of problem muddies the debate around addressing the issue of firearm
violence and paints those with mental health concerns as root causes rather than individuals who
may need help. This may be a contributing factor to why restrictive policy is the foremost
approach to addressing issues of mental health and firearms.

25

Factors Possibly Contributing to Hesitancy
There is either an extreme paucity or no extant literature on why firearm owning men
refrain from accessing mental health services. As previously established, there is a recognition
that gun owners do tend to be more hesitant to accessing mental health treatments. There is likely
no one singular factor that will be the root cause of this hesitancy. However, this hesitancy may
be due to several potential factors that can be seen reflected in the legislation.
Maleness or Masculinity
Masculinity is identified as a prominent barrier related to firearm ownership. As
previously established, men in general are already much less likely to access mental health
services compared to women (Chatmon, 2020; Hom et al., 2015; Sagar-Ouriaghli et al., 2019).
While it is still not clear exactly why this is the case (Hom et al., 2015), the stigma attached to
help seeking may disproportionately affect men. Rural Canadian men reported that they were
worried about being perceived by family, friends, and employers as weak if they sought out
services (Creighton et al., 2017), and Oliffe et al. (2016) reports that men felt “embarrassed and
ashamed” at the prospect of seeking help (p. 308). This may translate over to hesitancy; Anestis
(2017) relays that men were reticent to engage in LMS methods with friends, family, or official
agencies out a fear of “outing themselves” as being in need of help (p. 1701).
Some of the literature connects hesitancy to a societal concept of masculinity (MöllerLeimkühler, 2002; Seidler et al., 2016). A 2022 study by Li and Gal suggests that men who do
engage with mental health services are perceived as “less masculine” by both men and women;
this study suggests that women were actually more likely to hold this belief than men (p. 430).
Oliffe et al. (2016) agrees, reporting that over a third of individuals surveyed in their study
reported having stigmatized views of men who had depression. Men may also feel emasculated

26

when asking for help with suicidality and depression. McKenzie et al.’s (2022) scoping review of
mental health and stigma amongst men found that public stigma around men’s access to mental
health could often develop into self-stigma as well.
The issue of hesitancy to access support may be exacerbated when firearms come into the
picture. While this is not a deeply explored area, some authors suggest that men connect their
self-concept of being masculine with firearm ownership (Borgogna et al., 2022; McDermott et
al., 2021; Stroud, 2012). Firearms are an outward display of masculinity that become intwined
with a man’s self-concept, and their belief of others’ perceptions, of their masculinity (Borgogna
et al., 2022). Carlson (2015) suggests that hegemonic masculinity and firearm ownership are
deeply tied together; men own firearms in order to “assert social relevance by embracing a duty
to protect” (p. 388). Stroud (2012) agrees and points out that men attribute aspects of their
masculinity to being able to protect their family with firearms. Since the predominant method of
suicide prevention involves the removal of firearms from an at-risk individual, it is plausible that
men could perceive the loss of firearms as an attack on their masculinity.
Heritage:
Men may view the potential removal of firearms as an attack on their heritage. Canada
has a long history of firearm ownership. Firearms came over with the earliest settlers, and were
often traded with Indigenous peoples (Borh, 2014). They were an integral component in the fur
trade; this was a key factor in North American colonization and still holds importance to trappers
today (Innis & Ray, 2017). In the modern era, hunting with firearms is a recognized cultural
component in both white settler and Indigenous cultures (Frolick, 2016; King & Furgal, 2015).
Miner and Manore (2007) report that men who hunt or trap often do so not out of necessity, but
out of a belief that it is an important cultural tradition. Hunting and trapping are especially

27

relevant within Indigenous contexts. Many, if not all, Indigenous groups have fundamental
spiritual, cultural, and practical connections to hunting (King & Furgal, 2014). Indigenous rights
to hunt are even constitutionally protected (Constitution Act, 1982, s. 35); this even allows them
some exemptions to firearms laws (Bill C-21, 2023). If individuals connect hunting with firearms
to an integral component of their cultural self-concept, it makes sense they would wish to avoid
their removal. This is even more important for individuals who still rely on hunting as a food
source, especially in rural areas (Frolick, 2016; King & Furgal, 2014). While firearm ownership
is no doubt a highly politicized phenomenon, many men who own firearms see them as simply
facets of their everyday lives (Das et al., 2021). They are normalized as tools for use in hunting
(King & Furgal, 2014) or as symbols of their heritage (Miner & Manore, 2007). For these
reasons, firearm owners may view removal of their guns as an attack on their heritage.
Gun Culture and Political factors:
Politics can play a part in hesitancy. While exact data are not available, gun owners in
Canada are more likely to identify as conservative (Jonas, 2021; Maher, 2021). Conservative
political parties are much more likely to be perceived as pro-gun than those with more leftist
leaning philosophies; this may contribute to the increased rates of firearm owning men who own
identify as conservative (Brown, 2021). Some literature suggests that conservatives are more
likely to distrust health agencies, counselling, or other institutions offering mental health services
(Ravenelle et al., 2021). They may also be less likely to both believe in the efficacy of and
engage in seeking out mental health supports (DeLuca & Yanos, 2018; Han et al., 2018; WaitzKudla et al., 2019). Men’s political ideology could also be a contributing factor around hesitance.
Academics have suggested that firearm owners share some form of culture (Das et al.,
2021; Homsher, 2001; Squires, 2000); Wyant and Taylor (2007) even differentiated between

28

protection-minded and hunting or sporting minded gun cultures. Men can ascribe significant
importance to these cultures; Kalesan and their colleagues (2016) address that some men in the
United States identified they would lose social status if they did not own guns. Further still,
firearm owners may to view gun ownership as a fundamental right (Kopel et al., 2003; Joslyn,
2020). While this is a well-known American phenomenon (U.S. Const. amend. II), it also exists
in Canada. A prominent Canadian firearm lobby is called the Canadian Coalition for Firearms
Rights (CCFR, 2022). Frequent and repeated interaction with a sub-culture of individuals that
holds these beliefs may contribute to the hesitancy noted.
Firearm ownership, especially in rural areas, may be seen as normalized (Kopel et al.,
2003; Joslyn, 2020). The ownership of firearms for hunting (King & Furgal, 2014) or cultural
reasons (Dal et al., 2021; Wyant & Taylor, 2007) may also contribute to the hesitancy we see. If
firearms are seen by owners as simply normal parts of their lives, they may feel that seeking out
mental health treatment threatens aspects of their social lives and how they view themselves.
The literature suggests that firearm violence and mental health is a relatively complicated
issue. Methods that aim to address the issue of firearm violence and mental health are
predominately legislatively focused with clinical approaches taking a back seat. Legislative
approaches suffer from some deficits which may limit their efficacy, and some literature hints at
the fact that firearm owners may be hesitant to access mental health treatment. Potential factors
that may contribute to the hesitancy we see are briefly discussed in the literature, but not overtly
studied. This thesis looks to add to this already extant literature by more deeply exploring the
experiences of firearm owning men who are considering accessing mental health treatment. In
the following chapter, research design will be discussed .

29

Summary
This chapter explored the existing literature on firearms and mental health. Some
fundamental information was provided to help provide context to this complex issue. The
literature review focused on the two main intervention methods in addressing firearm violence:
legislative and clinical strategies. Of the two, it appears that legislative approaches are most often
used. The issues with legislative strategies were discussed as they cannot always be the most
reliable intervention strategies on their own. Factors that may be contributing to the hesitancy to
access services amongst male firearm owner were discussed. These factors were often touched
on in the literature but not overtly explored. Further, these identified factors were usually noted
by academics or other professionals. This study aimed to add to the existing literature basis by
speaking with firearm owning men themselves about their own experiences. The following
chapter covers the methodology and methods used in this study.

30

Chapter Three: Methodology and Methods
Introduction
This chapter discusses the methodology and methods used in this thesis. First,
methodology is discussed. Symbolic interactionism will be briefly discussed, and how it
influences this studies lens. The concept of thematic analysis will also be discussed in broad
strokes. Second, the methods section is covered. Steps taken during the data collection and data
analysis stages will be illustrated. Special focus on the exact steps of Braun and Clarke’s six-step
thematic analysis (2006) outline are detailed. Finally, some graphics illustrating the steps in a
visual manner are displayed.
Methodology
The methodology for this study took a generalist qualitative exploratory approach. The
study was exploratory in nature. Qualitative research was chosen as it is best suited to exploring
the nature of the research question posed. The research question aimed at exploring a concept
that would likely not be easily quantifiable; namely what firearm owning men face when
considering accessing mental health treatment. Qualitative research was chosen due to its known
benefits when attempting to study what an individual is thinking, feeling, or experiencing
(Rendel et al., 2019). What these men experience would be difficult to accurately quantify, and
any attempt to do so could result in the loss of important context that accurately defines these
experiences (Rendel et al., 2019). This qualitative study can more deeply and fully examine the
what, how, and why behind firearm owning men’s experiences and relay this information in a
way which more accurately reflects the complexity of human behaviours.
Exploratory studies are often conducted when little or no data exists on a topic with the
goal of generating new knowledge (Rendel et al., 2019; Timonen et al., 2018). The exact goals of

31

exploratory studies are not always clear at the outset of the research commencing and may
develop later during and even after the research process is concluded (Timonen et al., 2018).
Exploratory studies can assist in clarify exactly what should be looked at when conducting study
on a topic (Rendel et al., 2019). An exploratory focused lens was chosen due to relative paucity
of literature on the topic of this study, and with the hope that it will provide clarity into the
phenomenon for the benefit of future studies on this topic.
Symbolic Interactionism
The theoretical background of this study was based around symbolic interactionism (SI).
A key component of SI is that individuals understand themselves, others, and their reality
through cyclical interactions with others (Mead, 1934). SI places heavy emphasis on
communication as foundational to an individual understanding themselves, others, and society.
Communication, and the reaction by others to said communication, provides people with a
framework on how they are to live their lives (Mead, 1934). For example, a man may interact
with his father, a person whom he views as a masculine figure, and thusly build up his own
concept of what a man is as maleness is socially understood and codified. He will then dress, act,
and interact with the world based on how they understand a man should act (Carter & Fuller,
2015).
SI theorists believe that the mind, the self, and society are three separate but intertwined
components of being that contribute to an understanding of oneself (Blumer, 1969; Carter &
Fuller, 2015). The mind is described as thought processes based on around our social interactions
that aim to resolve problems, the self is an aspect of our own self-awareness and self-image
based off our interactions with others, and society is an inner and outer influential force

32

composed of everchanging symbols created and passed on via socialization (Blumer, 1969;
Mead, 1934).
From an SI perspective, how a firearm owner understands themselves, relates to their
environment, and develops their beliefs will influence how they interact with their reality.
Interactions with other firearm owning men may create and develop the concept that seeking out
mental health treatment is a sign of weakness (Borgogna et al., 2022; McDermott et al., 2021;
Stroud, 2012). They may have developed an image of self as a hunter, and the threat of having
their firearms removed may be seen as an attack on their self-image. Further still, interactions
with other firearm owners could solidify beliefs in the inefficacy of mental health treatment.
Seeing as some academics have suggested that firearm owners have a form of sub-culture (Das et
al., 2021; Homsher, 2001; Squires, 2000), repeated interaction with other gun owners who hold
political, ideological, or social beliefs around accessing mental health treatments may result in an
individual believing that it is socially unacceptable for him to access these treatments.
Thematic Analysis
This study used thematic analysis as its primary method of data analysis. It was generalist
in approach but relied heavily on thematic analysis of interviews. Thematic analysis is a process
in which a researcher manually analyzes the data sets searching for patterns to develop into
themes (Butler-Kisber, 2018).Thematic analysis is often utilized when a researcher wishes to
interpret and make sense of a phenomenon, involve participants in the analysis of data, and
identify subjective experiential information (Braun & Clarke, 2006). It is more than simply
summarizing data, but aims to identify “the underlying ideas, assumptions, and
conceptualisations, and ideologies, that are theorised as shaping or informing the semantic

33

content of the data” (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 84). This will be discussed in more detail later in
the methods section of this paper.
The use of thematic analysis was beneficial for this study for several reasons. It was
consistent with the my goal of involving participants in the research process, exploring the
subjective experience of male gun owners, and identifying some major themes around gun
owners seeking out mental health treatment. Thematic analysis specifics will be discussed in
more detail in the methods section.
The approach taken in this study was consistent the overall goal of the study: to explore
what experiences firearm owning men may face when considering mental health treatment. The
SI based lens along thematic analysis was beneficial when exploring what male gun owners
considering mental health treatment may experience. The SI perspective will be discussed further
in the discussion section of this thesis.
Methods
Data Collection
Data was collected in the form of in-depth interviews with firearm owning men currently
residing in Northern British Columbia. Recruitment was focused on finding firearm owning men
who were willing to talk about their perspectives on seeking out mental health treatment.
Purposeful sampling procedures were utilized. I reached out to various firearm related agencies
and organizations. Ultimately, only the Prince George Rod and Gun Club assisted myself in
recruitment via the distribution of flyers to their email list. They were not involved with any
participant interactions aside from the sending of these emails.
Potential participants reached out to me via UNBC email. They were provided general
information on the study, and if they were interested in further participation they filled out a

34

consent form. Interviews were conducted either via Zoom or at UNBC depending on which the
participants preferred. Ultimately, six men participated in this study. Men were given
pseudonyms from a random name generator. Several men requested new names as the names
were similar enough to their own or to those they knew. These were re-randomized and were
accepted by the men.
The interviews ranged in length from 00:45:36 to 01:33:48. The interviews started with a
short script that discussed study goals, processes, confidentiality, provided informed consent, and
my position as a researcher. The study had broad scripted main questions (Appendix F). These
semi-structured questions were asked in every interview but were open-ended in nature in order
to encourage free-flowing conversation towards topics that participants believed important to the
pertinent topics. As such, many other prompting questions were utilized as potential themes
emerged dynamically during the interview.
The questions posed may seem broad, but this was on purpose. Jacob and Furgerson
(2012) suggest questions are to be “big and expansive” (p. 4) to encourage a free-flowing
conversation. I believe the questions worked well with a symbolic interactionist focus due to
their emphasis on cooperation and consensus in determining reality (Amineh & Asl, 2015). The
questions listed in Appendix F are only the guiding questions and may not reflect all of the
questions that were asked during the interviews. The questions were piloted for use with two of
my MSW cohort classmates. Changes to the questions were made after these interviews. The
nature of the changes was to shift the questions towards being more open and expansive instead
of more linear as the original questions had been. These changes were made to be more
consistent with the suggestions made by Jacob and Fergerson in their 2012 article.

35

After the interview, summarizing questions were used to reduce the risk of unconscious
editing and to offer an opportunity for any final relevant statements to be made. Contact
information was relayed at this point for the purpose of member checking.
Data Analysis
The open exploratory qualitative approach aims to identify and explore key themes
identified by research participants. This study followed generalist exploratory qualitative
guidelines (Creswell & Poth, 2018; Timonen et al., 2018). The method of analysis followed
thematic analysis outlined by Braun and Clarke’s 2006 article. Braun and Clarke (2006) outline
six-steps to be followed during qualitative data analysis. These steps do not necessarily have to
be conducted in a rigid set order, but generally consist of familiarization with the data, generation
of initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining themes, and writing up (Braun
& Clarke, 2006). This process is a recursive research process and the researcher may return to a
step even after commencing a new one (Braun & Clarke, 2006). An Excel spreadsheet was used
to keep track of the time spent on each step in order to broadly illustrate the amount of time spent
on each section of the research process. A graph of this spreadsheet can be seen below in Figure
2.
Familiarization with Data.
Initial data analysis began during the interviews phase via memoing which noted
important concepts during the actual conversations. Much of the familiarization occurred during
the transcription process. Following the interviews, each data set was manually transcribed in the
case of the in-person meetings. Zoom meetings were transcribed using Zoom’s transcription
software but were manually edited afterwards to ensure accuracy. Both in-person and Zoom
transcriptions were evaluated numerous times to promote accuracy. After all of the interviews

36

were accurately transcribed, the transcripts were read and re-read with the goal of attaining a
throughout understanding of the data.
Generation of Initial Codes.
After I was familiar with the data, initial codes were generated. Data was manually
evaluated for recuring insights or patterns that emerged. Transcripts were read and any quotes
that appeared to hold meaning relating to what firearm owning men experienced when
considering accessing mental health treatment were highlighted and codified in an initial master
code list. During this first period, 168 codes were created via an inductive coding approach.
Codes were reviewed and revised over several iterations. Codes which were similar or did not
have enough data to support them were combined with other, more accurate codes. This led to a
total of 57 codes being added to the master code list. These codes were then analyzed to
determine if they portrayed anything significant about the data that connected to the central
research question.
Searching for Themes.
Once codes had been created, themes were sought out and an initial thematic map was
created. Initially 12 themes were created. These preliminary themes were reviewed and any that
were too diverse, not supported by enough data, not relevant to the purpose of the study, or could
be broken down into subthemes were reorganized or discarded. This involved two levels of
analysis. First, extracts for each theme were reviewed to see if they formed a coherent pattern. If
not coherent, the data sets were removed or relegated to a more appropriate theme. The second
level involved comparing the now completed themes to the entire data set. This was done to
compare the trustworthiness of individual themes to the entire data set and ensure all relevant
data was codified.

37

Reviewing and Defining Themes.
Themes were defined and refined by comparing them with previous data extracts and
constructing them in a “coherent and internally consistent account” (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p.
92). This process involved having a detailed written analysis for each code that aimed to identify
what it may contribute to the central research question. At the end of this review, 4 themes, 1
with two subthemes, remained. The thematic map was updated into its final form which can be
seen in Figure 1 below.

38

Figure 1
Final Codes and how they Correspond to Final Themes and Sub-Themes

Note. This graphic depicts a mind-map of finalized codes, and how they corresponded to individual themes and subthemes. The
purpose of this graphic is to provide deeper insight into the themes and sub-themes by expanding on why they were chosen to reflect
the data that was analysed. This is not an exhaustive overview of all codes that were ultimately rejected or merged.

39

This process did not follow a straightforward, linear path. Reviewing of codes was often
interrupted to go and generate new codes as data analysis progressed, Further, the master code
list was frequently updated with new codes. In all, the majority of the time spent was on
reviewing of themes. An Excel spreadsheet that documented the time spent on each of the 6 steps
that Braun and Clarke (2006) discussed was kept, and its resulted can be view in Figure 2.
Figure 2
Time Spent in Data Analysis

The final portion of data analysis involved the production of the report that aims to tell
the complex story of the data related to the central research question and contain enough data to
support the prevalence of the issue (Braun & Clarke, 2006).

40

Demographics
Ultimately, six men participated in this study. They each participated in one
approximately one hour long semi-structured interview located either on the UNBC campus or
remotely over Zoom. In the interest of confidentiality, the specifics of their social demographics
will be spoken of in very vague terms. Participants were given randomized pseudonyms. Social
demographics were purposefully not attached to these pseudonyms to promote increased
confidentiality as several participants indicated concern over being outed. Several participants
noted concern that if someone recognized them based on their social demographics, their
historical or current issues with mental health might be reported to the CFP. Other indicators of a
concern around being reported to the CFP will be discussed more in Chapter Four.
Confidentiality was often a concern for the men involved in this study. As such,
demographics will not be attached to a participant in order to decrease the likelihood that that
men will be recognized. The participants were all adult men ranging in age from their early
twenties to late middle age. Four participants were located within the city of Prince George, one
in a more rural northern community, and one in a semi-rural community nearer to the central
interior. Concerning professions, two were employed in finance and business sectors, two
worked in skilled trades, one was retired, and one was a clergyperson. All had some form of
post-secondary education. All had children and were either in or had been in long-term
relationships.
All of the men owned firearms for recreational purposes and currently held PALs. Three
of the participants indicated they primarily owned firearms for hunting purposes and three for
sporting purposes. All the participants had accessed some form of mental health treatment at one
time and two were currently still on psychotropic medications prescribed by a physician.

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Ethical Considerations
In this thesis, steps were taken to pursue research of the highest ethical standard. The TriCouncil Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans (TCPS 2) was often
consulted when conducting this research (Government of Canada, 2023). The TCPS 2 places
emphasis on the importance of informed consent, confidentiality, and relationships between
participants and the researcher (Government of Canada, 2023). To address informed consent, a
lengthy and detailed information and consent form (Appendix B) was distributed to potential
participants prior to their engagement in the research process. This consent form contained
information on the studies purpose, goals, design, and expected outcomes. The form further
discussed where and how data would be stored, what the steps to promote confidentiality were,
and how data may be utilized. Further consent was obtained verbally prior to each research
interview to promote the concept of ongoing consent, and consent was once again sought during
the member checking portion of this research as well.
Confidentiality was a distinct concern in this research. As previous established in the
literature review, it is theorized that firearm owning men have some hesitancy to engage with
mental health professionals. Elements of this hesitancy were seen in this study and will be
discussed in more detail in Chapters Four and Five. Some elements of confidentiality have
already been discussed in this chapter such as the use of pseudonyms for participants and not
attaching specific demographic information to pseudonyms. Protocols for secure data
management were followed including the use of secure cloud-based storage systems and only
having participants real names in a master pseudonym list stored in password protected folder.
To further promote confidentiality, participant’s real names were not shared with anyone outside
of myself, thesis drafts were checked with participants to determine if deanonymizing

42

information was present, and elements of certain quotations by participants were edited to
remove possibly compromising information.
In qualitative research, the relationship between a researcher and participants is a
important consideration. In qualitative research, it is not uncommon for a researcher to have
access to potential research populations prior to any planned research beginning (Government of
Canada, 2023, p. 188). This was certainly the case in this thesis. Prior to this research beginning,
I was involved in both sport shooting and hunting as hobbies. I was exposed to discussions by
male firearm owners around their mental health, and what they were experiencing. This was
made clear to the University of Northern B.C.’s Research Ethics Board (REB) in my original
thesis proposal, but all of the participants in this research had no previous relationship to myself
prior to the commencement of this study.
Prior to the commencement of the study, a research proposal was submitted to the
University of Northern B.C.’s Research Ethics Board (REB). This thesis was reviewed and
approved by the University of Northern B.C.’s REB.
Evaluative Criteria
To increase trustworthiness, detailed procedures concerning the collection and analysis of
data were followed. Steps to promote trustworthiness were based on Ahmed’s 2024 article.
Ahmed (2024) suggests that to increase trustworthiness a researcher should aim to ensure their
research is credible, transferrable, dependable, and confirmable (p. 2).
Credibility
A key component of credibility is building trust with the research participants (Ahmed,
2024). I endeavoured to do this by clearly articulating that I am both a mental health professional
and a firearm owner prior to the research commencing (Appendix D). This even extended to me

43

showing potential participants my firearms licence when asked. Sharing common demographics
with the research participants helped to foster trust between myself and the participants. This
trust is reflected in several participant statements included in the Chapter Five. Ahmed (2024)
also suggests that reflexivity must be engaged in to promote credibility. Due to its importance,
reflexivity will be discussed in detail in the following section.
Transferability
Ahmed (2024) further reports that transferability requires thick, rich descriptions of
participants, research methods, and contextual information. In regard to participant descriptions,
I have provided some general demographics for the purpose of transferability. These
demographics are not as specific as they could be, but this was done in order to promote
confidentiality. Research methods have been presented in a through and detailed manner in this
chapter, and efforts to provide contextual information are present in the literature review,
definitions of terms section, Chapter Four, and Chapter Five.
Dependability
Dependability involves methodological documentation in which a researcher clearly
documents the rationale, steps, and reasonings behind research design choices (Ahmed, 2024, p.
3). Methodological documentation is most overtly discussed in Chapter Three in order that this
thesis could be repeated if necessary. Further, a data management plan and study design plan was
created and submitted to the research ethics committee prior to this thesis’s being approved for
study. These plans could be reviewed to determine exact procedures taken.
Confirmability
Confirmability is often achieved via peer debriefing, member checking, and the keeping
of a reflexive journal (Ahmed, 2024). Peer debriefing in this study occurred as I relied on the

44

feedback of my supervisory committee. Member checking also occurred to further promote
trustworthiness by verifying the accuracy of my own interpretations. Participants were contacted
via email and asked to review the interpretations of the data. Six of the six participants responded
to these member checking requests. All of the participants indicated that they felt their
perspectives were accurately portrayed, and did not request any changes to my interpretations.
Finally, a reflexive journal was maintained during this thesis. Reflexivity will be more
thoroughly discussed in the following section.
Critical Subjectivity
Critical subjectivity is often undertaken in qualitative research. Cain and their colleagues
(2023) defined critical subjectivity as “the process of reflexively deconstructing our own beliefs,
biases, subjectivities, experiences, identities, and more, in order to understand our core beliefs
and then share those beliefs with our readers” (p. 337). Cain and their fellow academics (2023)
suggested that researchers ask themselves how their beliefs impact study design, what evidence
they find to be worthy, how the researcher’s identity may impact research, and which findings
does the researcher find most intriguing (pp.340-345).
To engage in critical subjectivity, I asked myself these questions and engaged in metaanalysis before, during, and after the studies conclusion. How my identity may have impacted
this study was previously discussed in the personal position portion of this thesis earlier in the
introduction section.
A key component of critical subjectivity involved considering the impact of two of my
own pertinent demographic characteristics. These characteristics are my own firearm ownership
and that I am a mental health professional. These two components of my identity exist in a
dichotomous relationship. I enjoy the activities that owning firearms allows me to engage in,

45

value certain firearms for their historical significance, and hold some hesitancy when considering
accessing mental health treatment. I also believe in the efficacy of mental health treatment and as
a professional want to encourage people to access it voluntarily and without fear of potential
reprisals. It is possible that this dichotomous relationship has resulted in a specific focus on two
concepts prevalent in this study: that firearm owning men are hesitant to access mental health
treatment due to fear of losing their firearms and a focus on less intrusive methods of safety
around firearms and treatment. My identities as both a firearm owning man and a mental health
professional have impacted this study from the very beginning. Efforts to limit this bias are
discussed below.
As an individual, by and large I find that I tend to gravitate towards quantitative data as
being my preferred form of evidence. I do not mean to imply that I believe qualitative data is less
than quantitative data, but that as an individual I find quantitative data easier to comprehend and
base beliefs on accordingly. However, in the case of this phenomenon I posit that qualitative data
holds extreme importance. A quantitative study could not have delved deeply into what firearm
owning men actually experience when considering accessing mental health treatment; this is also
the extant gap in the literature. A qualitative study was the best method for filling this gap while
gaining valuable insight into the experiences of this phenomenon from those who are most
impacted by it. While I personally gravitate towards quantitative data in general, I believe that a
qualitative approach was best suited to this studies purpose.
Reflexivity
To further the critical subjectivity component of this study, I engaged in reflexivity.
Reflexivity is the process in which a researcher examines their own lived experiences, beliefs,
and values to see how they may influence the research process (Ahmed, 2024; Berger, 2015). I

46

engaged in the process of reflexivity to be as transparent about how my own personal life
experience may shape the interpretation of the data. Reflexivity was engaged in throughout the
entire research process. Engaging in reflexivity in qualitative research can be complex to portray.
The purpose of reflexivity in this study leaned more towards a positivist approach in that the
purpose of reflexivity was to limit researcher bias (Jamieson et al., 2023). A small component of
this involved being transparent about how my personal experiences and position may have
impacted the research. This was discussed earlier in the critical subjectivity section of this thesis.
A further step was taken by discussing this positionality with research participants before the
research began in the form of disclosure about my profession and personal ownership of
firearms. Steps were also taken to ensure that participants were aware of what the purpose of the
research was, what potential benefits may come from the research, and how their data will be
utilized. These steps were aimed at helping create a research environment that fostered informed
consent and accessibility (Jamieson et al., 2023).
Further reflexivity was engaged in during the actual research interviews wherein I asked
clarifying questions about participant statements. These clarifying questions were aimed at
attempting to limit the amount of researcher bias. In my journalling, I noted that it I could often
relate to the participants when they discussed the value that they attached to their firearms.
Further, I also noted that I too felt a form of form of hesitancy to engage with mental health
professionals as I knew it could put my firearms at risk. I attempted to balance these beliefs by
verifying via member checking that my own personally held biases did not dilute participants
truths. I included opinions that differed from my own, notably one participant who reported that
he held no firearm related hesitancy to accessing mental health services at all.

47

Reflexivity also occurred in the data analysis stage of this thesis. Transcripts were
compared to detailed field notes in an effort to be self-critical during analysis (Jamieson et al.,
2023). As previously discussed, member checking was an additional portion of this process.
Member checking allowed for participants to provide further insight into their own statements
and my interpretations of them.
Summary
This thesis follows generalist qualitative exploratory study guidelines. Methodologically,
it is influenced by SI and uses thematic analysis as a primary analytical tool. Symbolic
interactionism is a valuable perspective when looking at how individuals interpret, and
subsequently react, to their lived reality. Used in conjunction with SI, thematic analysis helped to
identify pertinent themes and explore them in depth. Data collection and analysis heavily
followed the six steps outlined in Braun and Clarke’s 2006 paper on conducting thematic
analysis. Transcripts were analysed and codified before eventually being turned into themes that
aim to paint a picture that accurately portrays what firearm owning men experience when
considering mental health treatment. Throughout this entire process, I engaged in reflexivity in
an effort to both acknowledge researcher bias and limit subjectivity. Finally, member checking
helped by ensuring that participants had the opportunity to comment on if they felt that their
statements were being accurately relayed.

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Chapter Four: Findings
Introduction
This chapter identifies the main themes discovered during the research process. First, a
general background of the research participants’ social demographics are discussed. Second, the
four main themes that emerged during the research process are described: hesitancy to access
services, importance of firearms, responsibility and safety, and factors that encourage access to
services. Hesitancy to access services is broken into to two sub-themes: firearm related hesitancy
and non-firearm related hesitancy. The main themes and sub-themes are all interconnected. The
themes and sub-themes do not exist in a vacuum and may influence each other. For example,
while the importance of firearms is a separate theme, it is connected to hesitancy to access
services in that the value men attach to their firearms was reported to increase hesitancy.
Thematic analysis of this study indicates that these themes are present when the research
participants consider mental health treatment.

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Figure 3
Themes

Note. This figure illustrates the four themes and two subthemes that emerged from the analysis of the data set.

50

Theme One: Hesitancy to Access Services
Reluctance to access mental health treatment was a commonly reported theme in this
study. Two sub-types of hesitancy were noted: hesitancy that was distinctly connected to firearm
ownership and hesitancy that is not dependant on firearm ownership. The men interviewed all
reported some degree of hesitancy around accessing services. Three of the men interviewed
reported having significant hesitancy and that they would likely not access services until they felt
it was absolutely necessary. Participants further spoke about how they believed that men in
general were less likely to access services. Numerous factors were identified that contribute to
this reported hesitancy. These factors can be broadly categorized into two sub-themes: firearm
related hesitancy and non-firearm related hesitancy.
Firearm Related Hesitancy
A key sub-theme in this study was that many firearm owning men reported they are
hesitant to access mental health treatment as they fear this will result in the loss of their firearms.
Of the six participants, three identified the fear of losing their firearms as a significant barrier.
Two additionally identified it as a moderate barrier, and one as having a “marginal influence, if
at all” (W. Watson, personal communication, 2024)
Lee Ward noted that hunting was an important social, cultural, and practical aspect of his
life. When discussing the possibility his licence could be removed by accessing mental health
services he noted that “to have that taken away would be a major blow to the life I'm trying to
build for myself and for my family.” (L. Ward, personal communication, 2024). Lee noted that
this hesitancy was also present during the disclosure period of the PAL application process and
spoke about his experience in receiving a phone call from the Canadian Firearms Programme
concerning his disclosure of his prior contact with mental health services.

51

I thought I had given them all the information. I think they sometimes will call just to give
a final kind of sum up and clarify some stuff. They asked the most questions about that.
So, I was definitely in that moment concerned that my struggle with mental health
previously in my life was going to be a barrier to my experience and enjoyment of
firearms in the future. That was definitely an experience that left a negative taste in my
mind about how they will judge me based on my previous experience. (L. Ward, personal
communication, 2024)
Three participants endorsed being highly hesitant to engage with any one in the mental
health field. Billy spoke with his family doctor about having some difficulties around his mood
and recalled,
You know, when I broke the conversation with him, it's like, dude, like, you know, ‘I'm
very hesitant to have this conversation because my firearms and the activities that
surround them and my family.’ He said ‘OK well, If I start you on an antidepressant, I
need to make a referral to a psychiatrist. That's probably 6 to 8 weeks out.’ Well, that
makes me nervous. (B. Barnes, 2024)
He further noted that he “wouldn't have had the conversation if [he] felt like there was too much
scrutiny put on owning firearms” (B. Barnes, Personal Communication, 2024). Kevin Hall noted
that he had not been asked about his firearm ownership during his interaction with a mental
health professional. However, he did note that if the topic had come up he would have ended the
relationship.
Clearly, that would have been an impediment to if they said ‘Oh, are you coming to
counseling and do you own a firearm?’ You know, if they ask that question, then it would
be ‘Oh, oh, OK, no. I don't need counseling’. Right there. Like I did mention before, there

52

is that hesitancy to get help…because of the consequences or unintended consequences
that could happen because of it…I can see myself doing that, saying ‘No, I'm not going to
get help because I don't want to risk losing something that I want’. It's a huge investment
in time and effort and equipment lost for - for what? Because I need help? That's kind of
like a penalty for trying to do the right thing…And I think that that’s is a barrier. I think
that is an impediment to people who need help or want to get help from taking that
decision, or maybe prolonging it too long so that the decision can't be made till they're too
far down the rabbit hole (K. Hall, personal communication, 2024)
Kevin noted that he felt gun related barriers delayed early access to treatment. Gregory
Sanchez indicated he was of a similar opinion.
I am absolutely certain that there are gun related barriers. I'd be interested in the results of
your study because I think that anyone who is actively using their firearms in some way in
their life, month to month, depending on seasons of course, will know that if they access
those services they're risking their firearms. I think that's absolutely so. That’s why I
agreed to talk to you about it, I think that's a concern. (personal communication, 2024)
Gregory did not exclude himself, noting that after purchasing his firearms he became more
cautious about interacting with his physician.
At that point, I realized that if I said anything to my doctor about mental health, that if I
said it in the wrong way where I forced him to mandatorily report me, that they be coming
and picking up my rifles and pistols and taking it all away from me. And they're not
famous for returning them (G. Sanchez, personal communication, 2024).
Of the six participants, three of them identified that their ownership of firearms would or
had actively impeded them from accessing mental health services. Additionally, two others noted

53

that it was a concern but that it would not limit their contact with a mental health professional if
they believed it was important. In addition to their own personal experiences, many of the men
noted that there appears to be a hesitancy present amongst gun owners in general. Gregory
Sanchez noted that at his sport shooting events the topic of mental health and firearms is shot
down almost immediately after coming up.
I don't know about your personal experience, but when I associate with my friends who
own firearms, if the topic of mental health ever comes up it takes like 30 seconds before
someone says ‘I would never go because they're going to take my guns’. I've heard that at
so many sport shooting meets. ‘Don’t tell your doctor nothing’. Full shutdown. (G.
Sanchez, personal communication, 2024)
The three participants that noted they did not have significant hesitancy indicating they
felt they were in the minority amongst gun owners. William Watson noted that he did not believe
that his ownership of firearms was a barrier to access for himself but indicated that he thought
this was uncommon.
I would absolutely assume that there is a large component of self-induced barriers to
access. Where, you know, they are associated to gun ownership, culture and sort of the
aspects of that… You never want to make assumptions. But it it's easy to put the various
elements together to draw a conclusion… It's reasonable to say that it's a segment of
society that would be less likely, I think. (W. Watson, personal communication, 2024)
Lee Ward expressed that in his work as a clergyperson in a small community he had
encountered this hesitancy several times. He noted that, while not a mental health professional,
members of his congregation would speak with him about aspects of their wellbeing.

54

I see that being a reason why they wouldn't talk to a counselor…I don't know that I would
value my firearms over that sort of thing. I guess my relationship with firearms, my
priorities are different than maybe some men's priorities that way. Like, I'm not going to
live and die by the gun. It's not my perspective. But I can see how it would stop people
from going to a counselor if they felt like it was going to threaten that aspect of their
lives. I see it sometimes. (L. Ward, personal communication, 2024).
Todd Walker stated he would seek treatment if he felt he needed it but noted that he felt this was
not the norm.
I think I have a pretty nuanced opinion. At this point, you know, I think, yeah, I think
guns are just things, even if it meant all of my guns being taken away, I probably would.
I’d probably feel like if I need to go, then I need to go. But I think that’s not a common
opinion in the gun world… gun culture, it's sort of like a machismo thing. (T. Walker,
personal communication, 2024).
All of the men who did not have significant hesitancy to access services did acknowledge
that they felt there was a large segment of gun owners who did have this hesitancy.
The men who participated in this study discussed feelings of frustration around certain
firearms laws and feeling persecuted for their ownership of firearms. Predominately, this
frustration was directed at the current Liberal Federal government under Justin Trudeau and the
many changes to firearms laws since 2021 (Bill C-21, 2021). Billy Barnes expressed a belief that
“this government is doing their very best at achieving full civilian disarmament in Canada… It
seems like the politicians are all just trying to push it on…. the guns. No more guns in society
and this will right itself.” (Personal communication, 2024). He noted that he felt somewhat
persecuted for firearms stating

55

There is such a huge, almost a priority it seems, to vilify firearms generally and anybody
that would use them recreationally. Like. ‘Why do you need that?’… And you know
when you talk about the stress, or if you get kind of depressed… This one thing that gives
me some kind of like joy, like some kind of passion in your life, when it feels like the
majority of people, certainly on the TV, are saying ‘You don't need to do that’, that's the
frustrating part. And that's what really sort of raises the hackles. (B. Barnes, personal
communication, 2024)
Billy was not alone in this belief. Kevin Hall agreed noting that he was “kind of feeling under
siege for being as responsible a citizen as I can be. It's irritating and frustrating… I do feel that
I'm being a bit of a target, or a victim if you want, for political gain.” (personal communication,
2024). Interestingly, only one of the six participants directly endorsed themselves as being
conservative. Kevin Hall further reported that he was a conservative but believed that this did not
impact his access to treatment, stating “as far as the services, like the actual delivery of services,
I think they're quite good (personal communication, 2024).
Gregory Sanchez stated he was “extremely left-wing, if anything” (personal
communication, 2024) but noted that he still held frustration towards the current liberal
government around firearm laws. Gregory recounted that in conversations about firearms he
frequently used a metaphor. In this metaphor, Gregory discusses how he feels changing firearm
laws are impacting his ability to practice sport shooting with his local group.
I have this feeling that this is a northern issue. The rural urban divide in in politics… In
my frustration with the Trudeau government's latest banning of everything, I've been
using the metaphor of a golf club. Not the golf club that you hold in your hand. But a
club, where men and women go to fire projectiles. You don’t get to drink while you're

56

doing this, and there's range officers making absolutely sure you don't break 90 (degrees).
It’s a good time. And I feel like they are trying to take all of that away. (G. Sanchez,
personal communication, 2024).
The above passage may require some clarifying information for those not as familiar with
shooting sports. Gregory is comparing his sport shooting to a golf club. There is both a
competitive sporting and social component to these activities. He notes that individuals
participate in both forms of clubs for these purposes. He also comments on range safety officers
who are present at the event to limit the risk to other shooter and bystanders. When he mentions
the concept of breaking 90 degrees he is referring to how these range safety officers monitor the
shooters who are handling firearms to ensure they do not point the firearm more than 90 degrees
away from the target. Figure 4 illustrates this point visually.

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Figure 4
Visual representation of sport shooting

Note. This visual displays what a sport shooting event may look like to provide context for
Gregory’s statement (G. Sanchez, personal communication, 2024). Item 1 is the shooter
themselves. Item 2 is the Range Safety Officer (RSO). They are responsible for ensuring that
safety measures to limit the risk of injury are followed. While specifics vary between disciplines
this generally includes ensuring weapons are pointed down range, stopping shooting if necessary,
ensuring safe handling procedures are being followed, and monitoring the shooter to ensure they
do not point their weapon accidentally away from the target. Item 3 is the target itself. Item 4 is a
visual representation of 90 degrees in front of the shooter. In certain disciplines, firearms are not

58

to be aimed past this 90-degree point. This is to ensure that if the firearm is discharged
accidentally it is aimed at the target and away from any bystanders. When Gregory Sanchez
comments on breaking 90 (personal communication, 2024) he is referring this.
Gregory comments on how he feels this activity is being threated by the changing
legislative landscape and the current Liberal government. Despite noting his stated leftist
tendencies, Gregory still expressed frustration towards the Liberal government around firearm
laws.
Non-Firearm Related Hesitancy
Participants expressed that they also faced barriers that were non-firearm related. Several
of the participants recounted how elements of masculinity impacted their access to services. Billy
Barnes noted that while battling depression and an alcohol use disorder he avoided treatment.
I was feeling very- I guess depressed is the right word. My depression manifests, not in…
It is sadness, but it's more like self loathing. Like I'm not good enough. I'm not worthy,
I'm not suicidal. Yeah, I could never, ever check out on my daughters. Ever. Or my wife
for that matter. So, it's not an option. Just living with the pain of how much I didn't like
myself was the only option... I felt it for very many, many, many years.... But you know,
there's that old toxic masculinity. Man up. Deal with it. Don't be a pussy, etc. (B. Barnes,
personal communication, 2024).
William Watson noted that his firearm ownership did not play a significant part of his
hesitancy and spoke about how his hesitancy was most influenced by his generational
perspective around masculinity.
Prior to (counselling), I would say that my opinion was to the negative, derogatory, toxic
masculinity end of the spectrum. And then I needed them, and then I grew up. And now I

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understand that as an educated, responsible adult sometimes they're necessary…. the
hesitancy was more aligned with the perception of weakness and of needing help, instead
of just being able to sort my own shit out… It was more associated to machismo and
growing up in a generation where gender-based roles and gender-based expectations of
behavior, I think, applied to me personally more than specifically the trigger of ‘Oh, I'm a
gun owner.’ I think for my generation for sure and probably for others, that it's even just
bringing it up that requires a degree of vulnerability, right? (W. Watson, personal
communication, 2024).
The concept of masculinity as a barrier was shared by Kevin Hall.
I still think there's probably more of the stigma for men getting help than women. And it
kind of goes against the ‘Oh I’m a man’ macho ideal that you're supposed to present, and
I'm not sure that that holds water as much as it did in the past. I do still think there tends
to be a hesitancy as it looks like maybe weakness… If I was going to kill myself, I'm not
going to tell anybody I'm just going to do it. Otherwise, you're not going to do it. You're
crying for help. And I think that doesn't tend to be how men do things. (personal
communication, 2024).
Participants concepts of societal masculinity were also identified as barriers. William Watson
noted that barriers were also socio-economic.
I did come from a place of privilege in the sense that access to these resources was never
a concern, you know. And there is there's a difference between something that's gonna
cost you a hundred bucks and something that's covered by work, you know, and that
needs to be recognized. I'm coming from educated middle class. That all makes it easier
to access resources like this, and to understand why I need to access resources like that.

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So, the socioeconomic factors are gonna be an important component. (W. Watson,
personal communication, 2024).
Participants also acknowledged that non-firearm related barriers were present in their
considerations around accessing mental health services.
Theme Two: Importance of Firearms
While reflecting on accessing mental health services, the participants often spoke about
why they owned firearms and what it meant to be a firearms owner. Three participants gave their
primary reason for owning firearms as related to hunting and the other three indicated their
primary motivation for using firearms was for recreational or sporting purposes. Lee Ward
indicated that he owns firearms for hunting purposes. Reflecting on bear hunting, Lee noted that
his hunting was tied to his faith in God.
I certainly find a lot of relaxation being in the forest, in the bush… As a man who is of
faith, it does bring me out into the into nature that I believe God made, and to harvest an
animal. I like what many First Nations, and I don't think this is necessarily in general
what every First Nations person believes, but kind of one of the things that's been
impressed upon me is that when you take from the world it's not supposed to be kind of a
‘Hi. I shot 5 bears, and now I'm a hero’. You know, it's like ‘No… These things are given
to us as a gift by God and they're given to us to be used.’ So, for me to take a bear or to
take a moose, It's not… I wouldn't say necessarily sacred experience, because I don't want
to go that far, but I'd say it's like this is a meaningful thing to me. I'm not abusing my
privilege. I'm using my privilege to both be feeding my family and also to help with
conservation. I think that's another one of those kind of important pillars that I've kind of
come to appreciate… (L. Ward, personal communication, 2024).

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Gregory Sanchez also noted that being in the woods held a form of therapeutic appeal to him.
There's being outdoors. The Japanese call it a forest bath. Don’t know if you're familiar
with that phrase. I love that idea so much… I had a trap line when I was 16. A land-based
living, Right, it’s more than just going out there and wandering around and feeding the
grizzlies with your left foot. It's drawing your livelihood that way. It changes something
inside of you too. (G. Sanchez, personal communication, 2024).
Lee Ward noted that he hunted for two main reasons: the practical aspect of attaining food
and the further element of connecting with his heritage.
I guess the main purpose is just, you know, fill up a freezer for the winter. It's also my
way of reconnecting with kind of my roots into a degree. My family's from a small town
originally… My grandpa was a logger so very much out in the bush all the time, and you
know, they lived off of their garden and off of hunting to a large degree. So, for me you
know, it is to provide for my family, and also to connect with that part of my heritage.
Heritage and hunting, those are the big things that that firearm ownership brings to me. It
kind of evokes in my in my heart. (L. Ward, personal communication, 2024).
Sport shooting as an activity was also commented on. Billy Barnes noted that it was the
“number one recreational pursuit that I have” (personal communication, 2024). He further went
on to comment on the emotions that it evoked in him.
For me, it's not just a pastime. It's really an integral part of my life… I choose not to golf.
I choose not to watch hockey. I'm not that guy. I'm the guy that's in my lab. I'm the guy
that's on the range. I'm the guy that's instructing some people when they ask me to take
them out, introduce them to the sport. That's what I do. So, for me, it's absolutely
intertwined with almost my identity. (B. Barnes, personal communication, 2024).

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Similar to those who cited hunting as a primary motivator for owning firearms, Billy also
indicated he found sport shooting to be therapeutic.
I am particularly focused on long range precision. Now it's very therapeutic. I have a, you
know, what I call a study or the lab in my in my home and I build my own ammunition
there… I’m in deep with the shooting sports. And it's the cerebral and that sort of
meditative element of it that really appealed to me, not to mention the community of the
gunnies. They're really salt of the earth bunch, most of them. If you’re a gunny like me,
it's really it's part of your Zen. Even if that makes no sense to the anti-gunners, it's part of
our Zen. Imperilling that Zen, I think, causes greater harm to be honest. (B. Barnes,
personal communication, 2024).
Kevin Hall similarly commented on his enjoyment of long-range precision shooting and
reloading.
Just for fun, just for recreation. And the interest in the learning a new skill. Like, with the
reloading and stuff like measuring the powder, measuring the bullet weight, the finding
out what the ballistic coefficient is. You know, It's a learning activity in a sense and it's
very technical. You know, just to get it as precise as you can. Yeah, it's a lot of fun… The
reloading, that component came in when I was trap shooting heavy. Just go out trap
shooting, and there was like five of us that would once a week and do the trap shooting
back… way back in the day. And that was so much fun. Relaxing, even. (K. Hall,
personal communication, 2024).
Both Kevin and Billy commented on how sport shooting was both a relaxing and social
activity for them. Some of the firearm owning men mentioned that owning firearms was a
component of a protector/provider mindset. Billy Barnes indicated that he believed a component

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of masculinity was being a “protector and provider, and those are the 2 words that come to
mind.” (personal communication, 2024). He indicated that this mindset had really come into
being when his wife became quite ill.
My wife was diagnosed with a severe illness at about this time in 2012. The sickest
person in the province of BC at the time…. nearly killed her. And it was in the nights in
that room, in that hospital room, when everything else is quiet. And I'm thinking about my
responsibility as a man and as her husband, and probably soon as a father... But when I
start thinking about external threats, physical threats to you know, really hit me in those
moments when I saw her fighting for her life against something she couldn't control and
thus began that sort of more vigilant, protector focused mindset (B. Barnes, personal
communication, 2024).
Other men commented more on the provider aspect of ownership, especially related to hunting.
Lee Ward previously mentioned that his ownership of firearms was connected to his concept of
being a provider for his family. He expanded on this further.
Maybe one day I'll be a good enough hunter that I can take an animal for my family, and
also another animal to give away, so that I can help the people around me that are unable
to get meat from the field, or, you know, don't have enough money to buy it at the store.
That's kind of a far dream for me, because I'm not here yet. I'm kind of satisfied being
able just to provide for myself a little bit. (L. Ward, personal communication, 2024).
Being a protector or a provider was often a key theme in firearm ownership
Theme Three: Responsibility and Safety
The concept of responsibility and safety came up unprompted in every interview with
every participant. Every participant noted that these two concepts were integral components of

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firearm use. Safety was discussed by every participant I interviewed. In general, this involved
support for firearm safety laws, safe use of firearms, and support for removal of firearms if an
individual has violent tendencies. Todd Walker commented on how he viewed his ownership of
firearms as a personal responsibility.
A firearm is a tool to do a thing. That thing is inherently violent, you know. Shooting an
animal is violence… It's all about responsibility. It's firearm safety, it's responsibility in
terms of like knowing you're going to hit an animal when you pull the trigger at it and
you're not going to maim It. It's safe storage. It's cleaning your guns… I think about
firearms as a way to throw lead really far, really fast. And that's dangerous. That's totally
dangerous. And just like how I care about workplace safety, you know, I care about
firearm safety in the exact same way. I really think of firearm ownership as primarily, first
and foremost, the responsibility to not hurt yourself and others (T. Walker, personal
communication, 2024).
Todd commented on how he viewed firearms ownership and use as a privileged responsibility,
noting that care needed to be taken during their use. Lee Ward even suggested that firearm
owners have a responsibility not only in action but in communication.
I think it's the responsibility of every gun owner and person who maybe works with
something dangerous to not be flippant in their words. You know, to not say things that
could make other people nervous. Because it'll help us when someone's being serious, to
actually make a very swift judgment on that. (L. Ward, personal communication, 2024).
In discussing the possibilities of removal, firearm owning men commented that they did believe
some people should not own firearms. Billy Barnes noted that he supports background checks
and removals for individuals who showed propensity for violence:

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As I've said, I don’t mind having ongoing eligibility because, you know, if I just snap and
lose it and beat my wife and kids and that causes the police to attend my home, I should
not have firearms, right? Full stop. So, if you're an ass and you’re violent? Should not
have them. That simple. I understand people's concerns. If I had been presenting violently,
or if I had been, you know, if there was some sort of evidence that maybe I was about to
come unhinged a little bit? Totally. Sure. But I just needed some help, man. (B. Barnes,
personal communication, 2024).
Billy showed some support for background checks but noted that he felt seeking help should not
be a sole reason for removal.
William Watson agreed with background checks and equated it once again to
responsibility. “I absolutely recognize that we must have some manner of system, some manner
of control over devices that can cause a lot of harm and that is a part of responsible gun
ownership… acknowledging that.” (W. Watson, personal communication, 2024). Lee Ward
indicated that he felt mandatory licencing was an important safety component of firearm use.
I feel like there needs to be a system. And our system I feel like is very safe. I especially
like the fact that it has training connected with it. Anyone can fire a firearm to a degree.
And to set a statute that says you must know how to do that safely before you can own
one, I think is really important. We do training for, you know, machinery, heavy duty
equipment, and so that we can operate our firearms safely. Firearms are a tool just like
any other tool. So, if you know how to use it safely, I think you're in good company. (L.
Ward, personal communication, 2024)
The firearm owning men in this study overwhelmingly supported some form of background
checks and mandatory training for licencing purposes.

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In addition to responsible use of firearms, many men commented on how they felt a
component of responsible firearm use was seeking out help if needed. Todd Walker noted that he
believed a part of responsible gun ownership would be seeking out help if needed: “If a guy
legally purchased a firearm and he has a mental health crisis, you should very, very much want
him to go seek medical care... That's true whether a guy owns firearms or not. Just, it should be
available to people you know?” (T. Walker, personal communication, 2024). Gregory Sanchez
agreed. He touched on both personal responsibility and societal responsibilities around owning
guns.
Gun ownership is maximally responsible in a societal way… It's certainly very personal,
maximum personal responsibility, yeah, but it's broader than just personal. Personal
responsibility is me making sure I don't shoot myself. But there's also a responsibility to
not shoot others, so it's bigger than just me. (G. Sanchez, personal communication, 2024).
Gregory noted that it was important for firearm owners to be mentally healthy.
Theme Four: Factors that Encourage Access to Services
During the interviews, participants discussed what may make them more likely to seek
out mental health treatment. Several participants commented on how they felt they would be
more likely to access mental health care if the practitioner was themselves a firearms owner. This
even extended to the study itself. Three of the six participants asked to see my firearms license
prior to beginning the interview. Kevin Hall, upon seeing this my PAL, commented that, “If you
didn’t have that, I would have walked” (personal communication, 2024). Some firearm owning
men appeared much more likely to discuss their mental health status with a practitioner who
owned firearms themselves. Billy Barnes spoke in detail about his experience in seeking out
mental health support from his family doctor:

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Like I said early on, I wouldn't have had the conversation if felt like there was too much
put on the owning of firearms. So, I went and I talked to my doctor. Now, I would not
have talked to my doctor if my doctor was sort of on the record as a gun grabber or didn't
understand the lifestyle, but my doctor is one of these elite mountain hunters. Just luck of
the draw. (B. Barnes, personal communication, 2024).
Billy even expressed that this extended to his participation in this study stating, “I asked you the
first question (asking if I had a PAL) for a reason. It can be very frustrating trying to have a
conversation with somebody who has no concept of what we're actually talking about, and you
very clearly do. If you have an RPAL you know exactly what we're talking about.” (B. Barnes,
personal communication, 2024).
Kevin Hall had also asked to see my firearms licence prior to the interview. He spoke
about who he would prefer to see if he sought out treatment saying, “I don't want a politician to
judge. Somebody who has a PAL who is in the counseling position or in a profession like that.
Has the credential, has both the knowledge of firearms and the professional training.” (K. Hall,
personal communication, 2024). Both Kevin and Billy commented on how they were more
comfortable speaking with a professional who was knowledgeable about firearms.
All of the individuals who participated in this study had some form of previous contact
with the mental health profession. These interactions varied in scope from regular contact with
psychiatrists and counselors to a one-time trauma debriefing seminar. Gregory spoke about his
experience in seeking out mental health care after the death of his father:
When my father passed away in 1999, I went into a deep depression, might call it clinical.
I was away from work for five weeks. Four weeks of that I spent in a rocking chair, looking
out my living room window at an elm tree. And just couldn't shake it. Eventually, ended up

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on Paxil, I think it is? The anxiety drug. My ex-wife got me in touch with a psychiatrist,
and he used the mega vitamin therapy… and it really helped. Having read a few books, I
think that you have three choices: Medication, meditation or counseling. I've been
counseling since I was a student in 1985. Which really helped me a great deal. (G. Sanchez,
personal communication, 2024).
William Watson also shared his experience with a mental health professional.
My experiences with mental health were flat line at nothing until I experienced a what
was for me a traumatic conclusion to a marriage and that that really shook me
foundationally, and left me in a place where I realized, without any doubt or any room for
negotiation, that I absolutely needed professional assistance with my mental health and
well being. And so I was, because of the severity of that situation, I was left without
option, and was not in a position where I could allow those sort of generational influences
to be like, ‘Oh, I'll just sort this out’. It was like ‘No dude, you are not sorting anything
out. You need help.’ And so, I sought it. And after that it made it easier to recognize
situations where professional help would be an of assistance. And it really became a
relationship where I was able to recognize mental health service providers as assets that
actually made my life easier. (W. Watson, personal communication, 2024).
William Watson expressed that he gained a new appreciation for counselling after attending
sessions.
Several participants commented on the importance of their families when considering
mental health care. Billy Barnes indicated that his perception that he was neglecting his duties as
a father was the driving force behind him seeking out treatment:

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It was back when I was drunk since I was never around anybody. Never around. I was
hungover and not available and not present and like just being a piece of shit …. laying on
the couch all day, put the kids in front of the screen, that kind of thing. That was the stuff
that really began to hurt. Again, I was still, you know, functional. I was getting to work. I
was keeping up my responsibilities, but I wasn't doing it in a healthy manner. My kids
were losing out. I cannot go on this way. This is not fair to my wife, certainly not fair to
my children. So, for me, it was about having that realization that I was a piece of shit, and
it was time to do something about it. So, family mostly. Yeah, not for me so much as for
them. (B. Barnes, personal communication, 2024).
Billy was not alone in this belief. Gregory Sanchez also noted that his hesitancy could be
overcome if his children believed he needed to seek treatment:
If I really felt like I had to go to my doctor, I’d feel pretty nervous about that now. I'd
have to get to a place where a child said ‘Gee, Dad, you really should go maybe get some
Prozac.’ At that point I would. (G. Sanchez, personal communication, 2024).
Several participants noted that they would seek out help if they felt they were impacting their
families.
Summary
This research located four key themes in the experiences of Northern British Columbian
firearm owning men when they considered accessing mental health treatment. Hesitancy to
access services was reported to be related to both firearm and non-firearm factors. Men further
reported that their firearms were of deep importance to them for cultural, practical, and even
therapeutic reasons. The participants emphasised the importance of safety and responsibility in
relation to firearm use. Several protective factors including families, and mental health

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practitioners having knowledge of firearms were also identified. These themes will be further
explored in the discussion section.

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Chapter Five: Discussion
Introduction
The main purpose of this study was to explore the experiences of Northern British
Columbian firearm owning men face when considering accessing mental health treatment. This
chapter discusses the findings suggested by this study and their importance to current and future
clinical practice, to future research, and to how government bodies could improve the general
public understanding of firearms policy. This discussion is based on findings generated from the
six semi-structured interviews that occurred during this research.
Benefits of Firearm Ownership
Men who owned firearms frequently spoke about what being a firearms owner meant to
them. Firearms were reported as being important to men both intrinsically and extrinsically; this
is consistent with the literature (Wand et al, 2014). However, previous studies did not discuss the
exact reasons behind why men enjoyed their firearms.
One of the chief reported extrinsic reported benefits of firearms was their connection to
what brought men joy. The two main ways this was achieved was from sport shooting or their
use in hunting; this is consistent with the only two reasons an individual can own firearms in
Canada (Firearms Act, 1995). The way that this joy was accomplished varied somewhat between
participants but generally involved a connection to a community, engaging with nature, a
connection to their culture and heritage, or even as an enjoyable hobby.
Connections to community are important for wellbeing (Palis et al., 2020). The
importance of socialization and community are crucial to mental wellbeing and has been very
heavily researched recently; there is no shortage of literature that discusses the impact that the
COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent quarantine had on individuals’ mental health (Cooper et

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al., 2021; Sommerlad et al., 2022; Wirkner & Brakemeier, 2024). The literature notes that men
utilize their firearms socially and their loss could impact or dissolve social relationships (Kalesan
et al., 2016). This goes beyond the original concerns for loss of simple social standing discussed
by Kalesan et al. (2016) and is concerned with the loss of protective social relationships. These
relationships were created and fostered around the use of firearms and the potential loss of
firearms jeopardizes these relationships. This finding suggest that the potential loss of firearms
could impact not just social status but important social relationships for men.
Contact with the natural world while hunting was discussed by the men as being hugely
important to their general wellbeing. This is well supported by the literature (Astell-Burt et al.,
2023; Mellor et al., 2022). Gregory Sanchez’s comment about a “forest bath” (personal
communication, 2024) is quite astute; a systematic review of forest walking found that it was
highly beneficial for people’s mental health (Okoro et al., 2024). Hunting allows for men to be in
nature and absorb these benefits. While several participants acknowledged that the loss of their
firearms would not explicitly prevent them from being involved in nature, it would reduce the
amount of time they would spend in it as hunting was the primary reason they went into nature.
Furthermore, the act of hunting itself was often reported as an important component; the three
participants who hunted noted that it was an important component of their identity connected
back to their heritage, culture, and in one circumstance faith. Hunting with firearms was
important both extrinsically and intrinsically to the research participants.
Extrinsically, men reported valuing their firearms for their use in activities that brought
them joy. A 2020 study done in the United States suggested that people who had a firearm in
their home reported increased happiness compared to those who did not (Hill et al., 2020), but
the study attributed this to alternative variables. Gun owners tended to more likely to married

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which was seen as more important to happiness than firearm ownership (Hill et al., 2020). This
study appears to be very well lain out, and I agree with its results that people who own guns are
not happier than those who do not. However, there is a large amount of subjective data that gun
owners are happy when they can utilize their firearms (Cunningham et al., 2000; Dowd-Arrow,
2019; Warner, 2019), and this study joins those studies in those findings.
The men who participated in this study also reported their firearms were a source of joy
for them. It should be noted that the participants of this thesis were not assessed for happiness or
depression via any instruments. Firearms are not instant sources of happiness for any person, but
for these participants they are highly important. The importance of firearms to their users is
consistent with the established literature (Cunningham et al., 2000; Dowd-Arrow, 2019; Warner,
2019). It should be noted that the above study did not evaluate if loss of firearms would be
harmful to happiness, and it is likely that the removal of firearms from someone who values
them would impact their overall happiness.
Previously, the literature only focused on the fact that men spoke positively about their
firearm use. It did not explore the reasons why. Understanding why firearms are important to
men is crucial to understanding why they may be hesitant to access services. Firearm owning
men reported deriving joy from their ownership of firearms, and that their loss would be
damaging to their mental health. Billy Barnes expressed this in a very succinct manner, stating
that he felt removal of his firearms was “imperilling that Zen” (personal communication, 2024).
This protective factor has not previously been identified in the literature, and could be an
important contributor to the hesitancy men have when considering accessing mental health
treatment.

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Intrinsically, the men felt that ownership of firearms was often connected to their own
identity and masculine concept, self-concepts of safety and responsibility, and their own views of
culture and heritage. This is relatively well known in the extant literature (Kachel et al.,
2024;Kalesan et al., 2016; Stroud, 2012; Warner & Thrash, 2020). In essence, ownership of
firearms was connected to aspects of their identity and self-concept. Heritage, culture, and
protector or provider mindsets and how they contributed to identity formation were discussed in
this study. These phenomena are well established in the literature (Frolick, 2016; Kachel et al.,
2024; Kalesan et al., 2016; King & Furgal, 2015). This study does not differ from those findings
but does reinforce their importance.
Firearm ownership was reported as being important to men’s self concepts around
tradition, heritage, culture, and a protector or provider mindset. This is discussed more in depth
in the section on what encourages access to services. Understanding the symbolic importance of
firearms to men is an important component of working with them (Miller &VandenBos, 2020),
and this study reinforces that fact. Firearm ownership was important to research participants for
both tangible and for more nuanced reasons.
Firearm Related Hesitancy
Five of the six research participants indicated that they had some form of reluctance to
seek out mental health treatment as they were concerned about losing their firearms. This
hesitancy varied in severity but was present in all but one of the participants in these interviews.
The hesitancy discussed had several contributing factors. As discussed above, it is in part due to
the fact that the potential removal of firearms was a threat to both men’s sources of joy and their
own self concepts. There were other components as well. Firearm owning men reported feeling
persecuted for owning firearms. They reported feeling as though society in general was opposed

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to their ownership of firearms, and that there is an effort taken by the government to remove their
access to firearms. This is not solely in regard to mental health related removals. There appears
to be a general consensus amongst the participants of this study that the government and society
in general is coming to remove their firearms.
The belief that firearm ownership is being restricted is not without its merits. Historically,
many models, varieties, and patterns of firearms were prohibited in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s
(Firearms Act, 1995). More recently in 2020 an order in council banned over 1500 models and
variants of firearms which was then put into legislation in 2023; this legislation was further
amended to restrict handguns by making the purchase, inheritance, or transfer of them illegal
(Bill C-21, 2023). These efforts are tangible attempts to remove firearms from the individuals
who own them. Concerning firearms and mental health, the rhetoric present in literature and
elements of society at large are often profoundly negative (Barfield, 2020; Barklage, 2017; Bonk,
2014; McGinty et al., 2014).
Potentially, this contributes to a state of hypersensitivity around firearm removal which in
turn leads to the hesitancy that we see reflected in the participants of this study. In general, this
was not targeted directly at counselling or medical services but a concern for the policy and
legislation that guided these services. The men did not have a concrete understanding of what the
removal process actually is beyond the fact that seeing a practitioner puts them at risk. This is
quite understandable as the exact processes are not easily and clearly discussed, and the
legislation governing removal is quite vague about what can constitute a possible removal for
mental health reasons (Firearms act, 1995, s. 5.2b). While men were not aware of the exacting
specifics of the legislation that could result in the loss of their firearms, they were aware of the

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existence of some form of government policy that could result in the loss of their firearms if the
accessed services.
Based off the statements made by the participants, this study suggests that there is
potentially a culture amongst gun owners that is distrustful of government and believes they are
out to take their firearms. This may tangentially extend to mental health professionals and
especially those who work for government programmes. This is evidenced in some of concerns
noted about “gun-grabbers”. Repeated interactions between gun owners creates a concept, which
based on previously discussed literature and legislation is not entirely inaccurate, that accessing
mental health treatment leads to them risking their firearm ownership. Gregory Sanchez noted
that conversations around had concerning mental health treatment amongst gun owners usually
resulted in “ ‘Don’t tell your doctor nothing’. Full shutdown” (personal communication, 2024)
which evidences this concept. The frustration and concern over numerous firearm bans has
translated over to a hesitancy to access services.
Interestingly, this hesitancy was not directed at mental health professionals in general.
The men in this study did not want government officials involved in this process but did state
that in general they had confidence in the practitioners. This news is actually somewhat positive:
this study suggests that participants believe that services may be beneficial but do not wish to
access them out of concern for losing their firearms. However, it should be recognized that every
participant in this study did have some form previous and positive contact with mental health
services that likely heavily contributed to this belief.
The literature that discusses gun culture generally is divided into two main subgroups:
sporting focused, which includes hunting, and protection focused cultures (King & Furgal, 2015;
Wyant & Taylor, 2007). This was reflected equally in this study with an even split between

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participants into these two subcultures. The literature on gun culture is mostly from the United
States. Canada likely shares some cultural similarities concerning firearms but it is distinct as
well. Todd Walker, who was raised in the United States, supported this by commenting on the
differences between the two (personal communication, 2024).
It should be noted that some of the literature comments on gun culture and masculinity.
There is likely a distinctly masculine aspect towards firearm ownership (Kalesan et al., 2016;
Stroud, 2012). Masculine concepts and notions created, reinforced, and re-evaluated in groups
may increase hesitancy (Chatmon, 2020; Hom et al., 2015; Sagar-Ouriaghli et al., 2019). Seeing
how firearm ownership tends to be a traditionally masculine activity, it is possible that firearm
owners tend to have a masculine self-concept that increases hesitancy; this is especially relevant
when we consider the protector or provider beliefs.
However, there are two important considerations within this realization. The first is that
the men commented on masculinity in relation to societal norms as a whole and not simply in
relation to firearms. It is unclear if people who own firearms view themselves as more “manly”
than those who do not, and it is equally unclear if masculine self-concepts that increase hesitancy
are present regardless of the ownership of firearms. While firearm ownership may potentially be
connected to increased notions of masculinity, more research on this topic would be needed to
say this conclusively.
Secondly, while men are by far the majority it must be noted that many women are
firearms licence holders themselves; Public Safety Canada reports that there are over 200,000
female PAL holders in 2022 (Government of Canada, 2022). Firearm ownership is not based
solely on gender identity. Hunting and other sport shooting activities are not solely relegated to
men and it is possible that women may also hold their firearms in high regard. It is entirely

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possible that female firearm owners may also feel hesitant to access services. This study did not
include women, however, and this idea can only be speculated upon. This will be discussed
further in the limitations section. Masculine concepts were reported as a barrier for the
participants when considering accessing services, but these concepts seem to exist independently
from firearm ownership.
The concern around access may lead to participants not accessing services until their
condition has progressed significantly which denies them the chance to access services early on;
this is especially concerning given that early access to services is associated with better treatment
outcomes (Acosta et al, 2013; Ly et al, 2019). Ownership of firearms was reported by
participants as additional barrier that limits their access to mental health services.
Traditional barriers
There are no shortage of barriers that limit men’s access to mental health services, and
firearm owning men are not immune to other barriers. Firearm owning men commented on these
as well.
Political alignment can be a barrier for men to access mental health. However, in this
study it was not as much of a barrier as some literature suggests (DeLuca & Yanos, 2018; Han et
al., 2018; Waitz-Kudla et al., 2019). It is theorized that many gun owners are conservative
(Jonas, 2021; Maher, 2021), but only one individual directly indicated they were conservative.
Two men distinctly noted they leaned quite left politically. It may be that while in general
politically conservative men have increased odds of hesitancy compared to others, where
firearms are concerned this hesitancy is not as closely related to politically ideology. In this case,
the hesitancy is not based so much on politics as it is on the ownership of firearms. However, it
also must be noted that conservative men are less likely to engage with mental health

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professionals (Jonas, 2021; Maher, 2021) which may have limited their involvement in this
study.
Other barriers that were commented on were socioeconomic, generational pressures, and
societal masculine concepts. These are all very typical barriers faced by men in general
(Borgogna et al., 2022; Creighton et al., 2017; Seidler et al., 2016) and were likely additional
barriers that would exist regardless of firearm ownership. This suggests that firearm ownership is
an additional barrier for participants and that other factors that generally affect men are still
present.
As discussed earlier, it is possible that masculinity and firearm ownership are tied
together. Even if they are not, certain elements of masculinity continue to be somewhat of a
barrier to accessing services. Several men commented on elements of toxic masculinity that they
believe are present in society at general, and limit access to services. This was especially present
in people who were older in age. The three participants who were over 40 years old tended to
speak more about this when compared to the three younger men. Positively, many of the men
commented on the belief that this generational concept is slowly shifting and men may not be as
hesitant as previous generations (de Mendonca Lima & Ivbijaro, 2013; Elshaikh et al, 2023).
Notably, this could suggest that masculine concepts around firearm ownership are not as strong a
contributor to hesitancy when compared to the other factors identified in both this thesis and
previously discussed literature. Men reported being less concerned with being seen as weak or
emasculate than they were losing their access to their firearms and thus the loss of activities that
bring them joy. While masculinity may have been a component, it was likely not the driving
motivation for the hesitancy reported in this study.

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What Encourages Access to Services
The men in this study reported being more likely to access services if the practitioner
themselves has firearm knowledge. This is heavily reinforced by the fact that three participants
asked to see my PAL and their statements around how important my licence was to their
willingness to engage with me. This is supported by one additional study (Jager-Hyman et al.,
2019), but as previously acknowledged this area does suffer from a distinct lack of literature.
Jager-Hyman et al.’s study did not speak with firearm owning men themselves, but the comments
made by the participants in this thesis reinforce the validity of their findings.
There are two possible reasons that firearm owning men may feel more comfortable
talking with firearm owning practitioners. The first is that men feel more understood by a
practitioner who owns firearms. This could be seen as a component of rapport building or feeling
understood; both are important counselling components when working with firearm owning men
(Betz et al., 2022; Jager-Hyman et al., 2019; Langmann, 2021; Miller & VandenBos, 2020;
Valenstein et al., 2018). Several of the men I interviewed referenced this fact, and they felt that I
could relate to their own beliefs of the importance of their firearms. The men reported feeling a
practitioner who owns firearm may be better able to empathize with their position.
Secondly, some of the men reported believing that firearm owning practitioners are less
likely to be “gun-grabbers”. This would reduce their perceived risk of losing their firearms while
simultaneously allowing them to access services they want. It was suggested in some of the
literature that mental health disciplines may be viewed as generally full of individuals who antigun tendencies (Jonas, 2021; Maher, 2021). Seeing a practitioner who is themselves a firearm
owner may alleviate some of these concerns and create a more welcoming environment.

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A second factor that encouraged access was the notion of responsibility. A sense of civic
responsibility around safety and responsibility has been very briefly discussed before in the
literature. A qualitative study of 4-H sports shooters found that civic responsibility was an
important component in reducing accidental firearm injury (Trinka et al., 2023) but this topic
was not overtly explored. The results of this thesis study suggest that these participants take pride
in their responsibility. Similar to Carson’s theory that firearm ownership may be a way to project
certain ideological beliefs (2015), it is tangible way of showing that they are responsible and
good citizens. This is something they report taking pride in and holds deep importance; a
responsible and safe citizen may have the potential to do harm but does not do so out of a sense
of personal and societal responsibility. Gregory Sanchez comments on this when he speaks about
firearm ownership being “maximally responsible in a societal way” (personal communication,
2024).
This responsibility and safety focused mindset extended to mental health care;
participants in this study all reported that they do not want to be a risk to themselves, families,
and society in general. Unfortunately, a large segment of this study reported they feel heavily
discouraged from accessing mental health treatment due to the potential loss of their guns. This
creates a moral conundrum, probably best emphasised by Kevin Hall’s statement of “being
punished for doing the right thing” (personal communication, 2024). A sort of cognitive
dissonance occurs: accessing treatment may be the responsible thing to do, but in order to do so
these men risk losing access to activities that they believe benefit them.
Participants also discussed how their families would be a primary motivator for them to
seek out treatment. This is plausibly tied into the protector/provider mindset. A man may not be
as concerned with the impact his mental health is having on himself but will become more

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concerned if he is impacting those closest to him. This could be connected back to notions of
masculinity as well; the concept of a stoic and unshakeable man are widely discussed in the
literature and usually in solely negative contexts (Chatmon, 2020; Hom et al., 2015; SagarOuriaghli et al., 2019). This concept has several pertinent implications. Positively, it may be that
men who are hesitant to access treatment may do so for their families. While other aspects of
masculinity likely increase hesitancy, the concept of being a protector/provider to their families
could reinforce when men view it is important to access mental health treatment. Negatively,
men without solid family support may not have this encouragement. This suggests that times of
divorce or other events that may limit a man’s access to their families are especially dangerous
and is even supported by some literature (Oliffe et al., 2022). The protector/provider mindset
around firearm use is a double-edged sword.
Northern Context
This study involved men who all lived in Northern British Columbia. It is likely that this
factor heavily influenced the results of this study. However, it was not discussed at length.
Gregory Sanchez directly noted that he felt that the issue of hesitancy was more prevalent in the
North (personal communication, 2024). Both Lee Ward and William Watson commented on this
belief more tangentially. Lee noted that his hunting with firearms was partially related to him
reconnecting with his family roots (personal communication, 2024) and William reported that
hunting with firearms was something that his family did intergenerationally (personal
communication, 2024).
While we do not have government sources, it is theorized that in the North there are
higher rates of firearm ownership when compared to more southern, metropolitan areas. Surveys
suggest that firearm ownership rates in rural areas tend to be much higher; 67% of households in

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the Yukon and Northwest Territories surveyed reported owning firearms compared to only 15%
in Ontario (Government of Canada, 2022). Further surveys suggest that rural households are 15
times more likely to own firearms compared to households in cities with a population of over 1
million (Government of Canada, 2022). The literature also suggests that firearm ownership is
more normalized in rural areas compared to urban ones (Dal et al., 2021; Kopel et al., 2003;
Joslyn, 2020).
Based off the literature and some participants statements, firearm ownership is likely
much more common and normalized in Northern BC than in more urban areas. If firearms do
increase hesitancy to access services, this could result in firearm related hesitancy to access
services being a more pronounced issue in the North when compared to the Lower Mainland.
This hesitancy could be another barrier that complicates the already difficult access mental health
services in rural areas in Canada; rural areas tend to have fewer professionals, issues around
transportation, and longer waitlists for services (MacLeod et al., 2022; Herron et al., 2020;
Hurley et al., 2024).
Symbolic Interactionist Perspective
As previously established, participants reported being hesitant to access services. When
analyzed from a symbolic interactionist (SI) perspective two main elements became apparent.
First, all of the participants mentioned they believed that in general there was a culture of
hesitancy present amongst firearm owning men. From a symbolic interactionist viewpoint,
cultures and groups influence each others’ beliefs and realities through repeated interactions with
each other. From this viewpoint, it is logical that repeated interactions with other men who share
hesitancy can reinforce this hesitancy (Mead, 1934). This ties heavily into the concept of the
“looking-glass self” in SI. The concept of the “looking-glass self” posits that humans watch how

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people react to their actions, interpret that reaction, and create a concept of self based on that
interpretation (Mead, 1934). As such firearm owning men who discuss mental health with their
social circle and run into a negative reaction will create a concept that they as firearm owners do
not seek out mental health services. Gregory’s comment about his sport shooting conversations is
a prime example of this negative reaction. He recalls that people are hesitant to speak about
mental health in general and mentions that if the topic comes up, it is to discuss not accessing
services (G. Sanchez, personal communication, 2024). This interaction then results in the
creation of both an individual and societal level concept that firearm owners do not access
mental health care. This is further reinforced by the notion that reality is a created via consensus
(Blumer, 1969; Mead, 1934). If your immediate social circle dictates that mental health services
will result in the removal of firearms, this can be constructed into a true reality.
Secondly is the importance of objects. In SI, the term objects is not solely relegated to
material possessions. Concepts such as family, social institutions, and political organizations can
be considered objects. A key principle involving objects is that people act in in a manner towards
these objects based on the subjective meaning they have attached to them (Blumer, 1969). Based
on this research’s findings and much of the literature (Kopel et al., 2003; Joslyn, 2020; Trinka et
al., 2023), firearm owning men attach importance to their firearms for a variety of reasons. The
men in this study noted that firearms were important for their culture and heritage (W. Watson,
personal communication, 2024), spirituality (L. Ward, personal communication, 2024), and joy
(B. Barnes, personal communication, 2024; G. Sanchez, personal communication, 2024).
With this in mind, the reported hesitancy makes logical sense. Accessing mental health
treatment does carry a risk of losing one’s firearms (Firearms Act, 1995). If firearms are highly
valued, one may be hesitant to access services as it could result in the loss of items that hold deep

85

meaning. It is important to note however that this did not prevent the men interviewed from
accessing mental health services at times. In two cases, this was likely due to them attaching
higher importance to other objects in their lives. Lee Ward reported that he placed heavy
emphasis on the importance of honesty and that led him to disclose his past mental health history
during his PAL application (personal communication, 2024). Billy Barnes noted that he
eventually sought out services after he felt that his family was being impacted by his mental
health (personal communication, 2024). In these cases, the subjective value attached to the
objects of honesty and family were higher than the importance attached to the firearms. The SI
perspective suggests that both the consensual creation of reality amongst firearm owners and the
meaning attached to firearms contribute to hesitancy to access treatment.
Implications for Research and Practice
Firearm owning men’s experience in seeking out mental health treatment is a relatively
unexplored area. Minimal research about this topic was located in my research review and prior
to this study none directly spoke with firearm owners themselves about their experiences. The
findings of this research suggests that firearm related hesitancy may be a significant barrier faced
by men living in Northern British Columbia. However, this study was quite small in scope and
can not establish prevalence or significance, but it may have relevance to other locations. A
larger Canada-wide study that aims to establish prevalence and evaluate how much of an impact
firearm related hesitancy has when compared to other barriers would be highly beneficial.
Further, research aimed at women may also be beneficial to see if this is a gendered issue
or more related to firearm ownership. Other research which compares firearm owning men’s
hesitancy to that of the general male population could also be explored. This may help determine
how significant a barrier firearm ownership is versus other concepts such as masculinity.

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As was previously suggested in some literature, practitioners in high ownership areas
should consider taking the firearms licencing course or researching firearm ownership. This
would be in order to gain an understanding of what the formal processes for ownership are and to
gain insight into why someone may wish to own firearms. This is complicated by the fact that
there is no public data on prevalence of firearm ownership rates in Canada but it is assumed that
more rural areas have greater ownership rates (Government of Canada, 2022; Joslyn, 2020). As
such, it would likely be beneficial for rural practitioners especially to consider some form of
firearm training or education.
Practitioners who work with individuals who own firearms may also benefit from
considering the importance of the protector/provider mindset when working with men who own
firearms. Working with men, the chief goal may be to attempt to help them benefit their own
wellbeing. Reframing this to demonstrate how by helping themselves they also assist those
closest to them could work by aligning better with their held beliefs. It is important to note that
this does not mean disregarding how men feel and solely asking them to engage for their
families. It instead ties into held beliefs around their own positive masculine notions and works
within them to establish the importance of treatment. Simultaneously, practitioners working with
firearm owning men should be especially cautious when working with men who do not have
close family connections. During these periods, it may be of benefit to work with men to explore
options such as LMS or increase the use of risk assessments.
Many participants were distrustful of government involvement. This does complicate
matters somewhat; practitioners in government positions may be subject to increased hesitancy
and even those that are not will still be bound by reporting requirements. If a firearm owner does
reach out to engage it may be beneficial to have a frank conversation about what the limits of

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confidentiality are, alternatives to legal involvement such as LMS, and some self-disclosure that
shows the practitioner has some understanding of the importance of firearms to the owner. This
may allow for the potential client to retain some control, avoid the possibility of them feeling
surprised by interventions, and help further build a counselling relationship.
Federal legislation, specifically section 5.2b of the Firearms Act (1995), around removal
has vague language and is unclear in scope. Its language is broad and does not provide clear
indicators for practitioners. This is consistent with Canadian legislative and judicial practices
(Department of Justice Canada, 2015). However, in this case this vagueness and breadth is likely
confusing for both practitioners and potential clients. The sweeping use of language seen in the
legislation around what can constitute a mental illness that is “associated with violence or
threatened or attempted violence” (Firearms Act, 1995, s. 5.2b) gives practitioners very little
direction. Further, the legal process of removal is not clearly lain out. Even the “2022
Commissioner of Firearms Report” (RCMP, 2022) suffered from this; broad terms without clear
delineation made it difficult to determine exactly how many firearm removals in 2022 were
directly related to mental health issues.
I was unable to locate any publications on what the exact steps around removal might be.
Legislation should be re-written to include more specific language and direction for practitioners.
Exact processes should be communicated to owners so they are more aware of what exactly the
process involves. This could involve a publication from a federal organization around what the
legal process for removals entail in plain language. It could be published for reference by both
practitioners and firearm owners themselves. The vague language and unclear practice standards
around firearm removal are issues for both professionals and firearm owners themselves.

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Limitations
This study was limited to only to the geographical area of Northern British Columbia. It
is possible that my professional and educational background discouraged some potential
participants from engaging in this study. This is quite understandable as men who are hesitant to
speak with a mental health professional are unlikely to speak to one about that hesitancy. I
received some emails during the recruitment phase of this study that support this view; several
emails directly indicated that potential participants did not wish to speak with me due to my
academic and professional connections. All of the men who I spoke with had some form of
previous contact with mental health services which likely contributed to their willingness to
speak with me.

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Chapter Six: Conclusion
Mental health treatment, especially when it is early and voluntary, can be a life saving
measure. Even in less extreme circumstances it can help people struggling with life altering
issues to restore aspects of their general wellbeing. Firearms are dangerous and firearms
ownership with severe mental health issues is dangerous as well. This is widely acknowledged
by all my research participants, and by myself as an owner, as a fact not in dispute. However,
they are more than just tools to inflict violence and are connected with aspects of self-concept,
joy, and heritage for the men who use them. Gun owners appear to weigh the value of their
firearms and as such avoid seeking treatment to maintain their lifestyle. Having mental health
issues should not necessarily result in the loss of firearms.
In my discussions with firearm owning men, it became apparent just how hesitant some
of them were to engage with me due to my professional practice in mental health. The men often
reported a sort of cognitive dissonance around wanting to seek out help but not wanting to risk
the loss of their firearms. I could relate to this feeling. I value my own firearms and the activities
they allow me to do. Having to risk the potential loss of these activities, which I find to be
beneficial for my own mental health, in order to seek out help is I difficult task to consider. The
further revelation that the men were far more willing to engage with a provider who has some
form of firearm knowledge was also impactful to me. In my future practice when working with
men, I may use more clinical judgement around disclosing my own ownership of firearms if I
believe that it could help foster a therapeutic relationship.
Firearm ownership is not the only consideration around accessing mental health
treatment. Access to supports are almost always complicated by some sort of barrier and firearm
ownership is only one of many. A goal of researcher, practitioners, and legislator should be to

90

reduce barriers in all their forms. Current methods of removal suffer from lack of information
and do not always focus on treating underlying mental health issues. An effective way of
increasing firearm owning men’s access to mental health services would be to provide services
that they willingly access. Previously, this issue had not been discussed with those it impacted
the most: men who own firearms. This study is beneficial in that regard as it heard from them
what they viewed as the most important issues to consider.
This area is still relatively unstudied in Canada. This study is hardly definitive and only
scratched the surface of this important issue. Further studies, as well as some of the practical
approaches discussed above, could go a long way in increasing engagement and potentially
saving lives.

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Appendix A: NDAs for Use with Supervisory Committee
Confidentiality and Non-Disclosure Agreement
This study, tentatively titled Exploring Northern British Columbian Firearm Owning Men’s Experiences
Around Accessing Mental Health Treatment is being undertaken by John Munt at the University of
Northern British Columbia (“UNBC”). The study has 3 objectives:
1. To explore what barriers may exist that limit men who own firearms access to mental health
treatment.
2. To develop suggestions for policy and practice approaches to address the issue of said hesitancy.
3. To expand the literature base on what men who own firearms in Canada experience when
considering seeking help, and open avenues for further research.
Participants will be given key codes in order to protect privacy, and no personal identifier will ever be
shared. These will be deleted once data analysis is completed. The data will be stored on a password
protected computer in an encrypted folder and on One Drive or SYNC software in a password protected
encrypted file. It may be stored on a device such as a USB or SSD for short-term transport but will be
deleted immediately afterwards.
I,
agree as follows:
1. To keep all the research information shared with me confidential by not discussing or sharing the
research information in any form or format (e.g., disks, tapes, transcripts) with anyone other than
the Principal Investigator(s).
2. To keep all research information in any form or format secure while it is in my possession.
3. I will not use the research information for any purpose other than
(Intentionally
left blank, to be filled in as required)
4. To return all research information in any form or format to the Principal Investigator(s) when I
have completed the research tasks.
5. After consulting with the Principal Investigator(s), erase or destroy all research information in any
form or format regarding this research project that is not returnable to the Principal Investigator(s)
(e.g., information stored on computer hard drive).
Recipient
(Print name)

(Signature)

(Date)

Principal Investigator:
John Munt
(Print name)

(Signature)

(Date)

If you have any questions or concerns about this study, please contact: Lisa Kyle, lisa.kyle@unbc.ca

110

Appendix B: Information/Consent Form

Information Letter / Consent Form
November 9, 2023

Exploring Canadian Firearm Owning Men’s Hesitancy Around Accessing Mental Health
Treatment
I. STUDY TEAM
Who is conducting the study?
Faculty Supervisor:
Dr. Lisa Kyle, PhD, Assistant Professor of Social Work
UNBC School of Social Work
University of Northern British Columbia
lisa.kyle@unbc.ca
Student Researcher
John Duncan Steell Munt, MSW Candidate
UNBC School of Social Work
University of Northern British Columbia
Prince George, BC V2N 4Z9
jmunt@unbc.ca
This research is conducted as part of John Munt’s graduate studies and will contribute to the development of
a thesis for the partial fulfilment of the requirements of a master’s degree of Social Work. The completed
thesis will be a public document and will contain data from the study conducted. The thesis will not contain
any personal identifiers, such as names, but may contain statements made to the researcher. Participants will
be given key codes in order to protect privacy, and no personal identifier will ever be shared. These will be
deleted once data analysis is completed. The data will be stored on UNBC One Drive servers and on SYNC
software. It may be stored on a device such as an encrypted and password protected USB or SSD for shortterm transport but will be deleted immediately afterwards.
II. SPONSOR
Who is funding this study?
The funding for the Tim Horton’s gift certificates (see section VIII) will come from John Munt’s Graduate
Entrance Research Scholarship (GERS).
This study has no other funding.
III. INVITATION AND STUDY PURPOSE
Why are we doing this study?
You are being invited to participate in this research study because you are a Canadian man who currently
possesses a valid purchase and acquisitions licence (PAL) and own firearms. We are conducting this study to
explore what male firearm owning men in Northern BC experience when considering mental health
treatment. Participation in this study is entirely voluntary and you are under no obligation in any way to
participate. If you do agree to participate, you may any time withdraw from the study and refuse to answer
anymore questions. Consent will be ongoing, meaning that at any time prior to John Munt’s thesis defence
you will be able to withdraw from the study without any repercussion. You will be asked to give written
consent to participate via this document, verbal consent prior to your interview, and may be asked during any
other interactions you have with the researcher. You will not be able to withdraw from the study after John

111
Munt’s thesis defence, or after the study is published as a thesis. If you accept agree to be in this study, you
may also refuse to answer any questions for any reason.
IV. STUDY PROCEDURES
What happens if I say “Yes, I want to be in the study”?
If you agree to participate in this study, you will be asked to engage in a one-hour interview with the student
researcher. You are under no obligation to answer any question you do not want to. Aside from answering
questions, there are no other requirements from you for this study. The interviews will be recorded digitally
by audio and video. These recordings will not be shared with anyone but the primary researcher and his
supervisor, John Munt and Dr. Kyle. John will have sole access to the recordings. They will be stored on his
personal password protected computer in an encrypted file and in an encrypted folder on SYNC. After a
period of five years, all the recordings will be destroyed. There are no plans to use these recordings for any
other purpose than this study.
How much time would be required?
The researcher would like to speak with you once for approximately one hour. This can occur either in person
or over Zoom at your preference.
You will also be contacted by the researcher via email for the purpose of “member checking”. Member
checking is a process in which the researcher will reach out to you to share their interpretations of your
statements to ensure that they reflect exactly what you meant by them, to ensure that quotes used in the
thesis maintain your confidentiality, and to enhance the validity of the final thesis.
Where will the study be conducted?
The study will be conducted in one of two places that you choose. The interviews could take place over Zoom,
or the interviews could take place in a private room at the UNBC campus organized by the student researcher.
V. POTENTIAL RISKS OF THE STUDY
Is there anyway participating in this study could harm you?
This study may include questions around mental health treatment and general wellbeing. Some of these
questions may be upsetting to you. If at any point you feel that the questions are causing you undue
emotional or psychological distress, you may reach out the researcher and they will assist you in finding
mental health supports. The researcher will have a list of such support crisis intervention services that will be
provided to you. If you believe that less acute services may be beneficial to you, please reach out to your local
community health centre or a mental health professional in your area. We wish to remind you that you have
the right to refuse to answer any question you do not feel comfortable with, and to end you participation with
the study at any time without any repercussions.
VI. POTENTIAL BENEFITS OF THE STUDY
We do not think the study will help you directly in anyway. However, in the future, you and others like you
may benefit by having policy and/or practice around mental health and firearms enhanced. We would like to
use this study to suggest better, less barrier ridden means of helping Canadian firearm owning men access
mental health supports without fear of consequences.
VII. ANONYMITY AND CONFIDENTIALITY
How will your identity be protected?
For the purpose of this study, name, email, ethnicity, gender, nationality, possession of a PAL, and geographic
location will be collected by the primary researcher from the research participants. All of this information will
be stored on a master code list which will be stored on John Munts personal password protected computer in
an encrypted file, on an encrypted folder using SYNC or on UNBC One Drive Software.
Participant names will never be disclosed to anyone but the primary researcher and his supervisor. All
research participants will be given pseudonyms chosen at random via a name generator. This will be assigned

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to a master code list, and the code list will be stored on John Munt’s personal computer in an encrypted file.
All other research documents will contain on the participants pseudonym only and will never contain
participants names. Participants will not be identified by name at any point in the study documents, excepting
the master code list and audio-video recordings. Further, the final study will not contain any participants
names.
Participant emails will never be disclosed to anyone but the primary researcher. They will also never be used
for any purpose other than to email the research participant concerning information pertinent to the study
itself.
Ethnicity will only be disclosed in generalized terms. Research participants exact descriptions of their ethnic
background will not be disclosed. This information will only appear on the master code list.
Participants gender will be disclosed as part of this study, as this study is to be conducted only individuals who
identify as men.
Participants nationality will be disclosed, as this study is to be conducted on individuals who self-identify as a
Canadian.
Participants possession of a PAL and ownership of firearms will be disclosed in the study, as this study is on
individuals who own firearms. No other information around the PAL such as PAL number or picture of PAL will
be kept by the researcher.
Participants exact locations will never be disclosed. This information will only appear on the master code list.
Participants will only ever have their locations disclosed in vague terms such as “rural”, “urban”, or
“Northern”.
If you have any concerns about collecting of your information, you are not under any obligation to share
specifics.
Zoom meetings will be conducted using John Munt’s UNBC Zoom account. The meeting invitations will be
sent to the participants emails only. These meetings will be recorded, but the data will never be shared. All
data will be stored on John Munt’s personal password protected computer in an encrypted file, on an
encrypted folder using SYNC or on UNBC One Drive Software.
In person meetings will be conducted in a private, booked meeting room at UNBC. John Munt will be the only
individual, aside from the participant, present for these interviews.
Who has access to the study data?
Only John Munt and his immediate supervisor Dr. Lisa Kyle will have access to the study data. Only John Munt
will have access to participants specific demographics. John Munt’s supervisory committee may have access
to the data, but none of the personal identifiers such as name, location, email, etc.
When might you breach confidentiality?
Confidentiality will be breached under John Munt’s Duty to Report under BCCSW regulations or under the
Child, Family, and Community Services Act (RSBC 1996) if in the interested of public safety. If at any time
during the study you disclose neglect or abuse of a child, or if you make threats of violence towards yourself
or others, the researcher will be legally bound to report this to the appropriate authorities. At no other time
will your identity be disclosed to anyone.
VIII. COMPENSATION (If applicable)
Do I get paid for this?
We will not pay you for your time in the survey. However, after the completion of the interview we will be
pleased to offer you a 40$ gift certificate to the great Canadian culinary institution Tim Hortons.
IX. STUDY RESULTS
Where will this study be published?

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This study will be reported in a graduate thesis and may be published in academic journal articles or books. If
you would like a copy of the completed thesis, please inform John Munt and he will supply you with either a
mailed copy to your home address or an electronic copy to your email address.
X. CONTACT FOR INFORMATION ABOUT THE STUDY
Questions, Concerns or Complaints about the project
If you have any questions, concerns, or complaints about any area of the study, please reach out to either
John Munt at jmunt@unbc.ca or Dr. Lisa Kyle at lisa.kyle@unbc.ca
XI. CONTACT FOR CONCERNS OR COMPLAINTS
If you have any concerns or complaints about your rights as a research participant and/or your experiences
while participating in this study, contact the UNBC Office of Research at 250-960-6735 or by e-mail at
reb@unbc.ca.
XII. PARTICIPANT CONSENT AND SIGNATURE PAGE
Taking part in this study is entirely up to you. You have the right to refuse to participate in this study. If you
decide to take part, you may choose to pull out of the study at any time without giving a reason and without
any negative impact on your life.
• Your signature below indicates that you have received a copy of this consent form for your own records.
• Your signature indicates that you consent to participate in this study.
I have read or been described the information presented in the information letter about the project:
YES
NO
I have had the opportunity to ask questions about my involvement in this project and to receive additional
details I requested.
YES
NO

I give permission for any quotes made by myself in the interviews to be published in the
final thesis document.
YES
NO
I understand that if I agree to participate in this project, I may withdraw from the project at any time up until
the report completion, with no consequences of any kind.
YES
NO
I agree to be recorded for the express purpose of this study only.
YES
NO
I have been given a copy of this form.
YES
NO
__________________________________________
Participant Signature
(Or Parent or Guardian Signature)
_________________________________________
Printed Name of the Participant (or Parent or Guardian) signing above.

________________________
Date

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Appendix C: Organization Recruitment Letter

To whom it may concern,
This email is a request for your organizations assistance with a project I am conducting as a part
of master’s degree in social work from the University of Northern British Columbia, under the
supervision of Dr. Lisa Kyle. The title of my research project is “Exploring Canadian Firearm
Owning Men’s Hesitancy Around Accessing Mental Health Treatment” The purpose of this study
is to determine what Canadian men with guns experience when considering accessing mental
health services. It is our hope that the knowledge and information gathered from this study may
help to influence mental health policy. The goal would be to utilize this research to make men
feel more comfortable accessing mental health treatment without fear of repercussion.
I would like your assistance in reaching out to the many men who participate in your
organization’s activities. I firmly believe that these people have unique conceptions and
experiences relating to mental health and their ownership of firearms. During this study, I will be
conducting interviews with firearm owning men regarding how they feel about accessing mental
health services. They will not be asked whether they have or are accessing mental health
services. At the end of this study, the publication of my thesis will share this knowledge with
academics, researchers, mental health professionals, and members of the public.
I would like your assistance is distributing electronic flyers to people involved with your
organization. Contact information for me and my supervisor will be included.
Participation in this study is strictly voluntary. Everyone will make their own decision on
whether or not to participate. All participants will be informed and reminded of their rights to
participate or withdraw before any interview, or at any time in the study prior to John Munt’s
final thesis defence. Participants will receive an information letter including detailed information
about this study, as well as a consent form.
To support the findings of this study, quotations and excerpts from the stories will be labelled
with pseudonyms to protect the identity of the participants. Names of participants will not appear
in the thesis or reports resulting from this study. Personal identifiers will not be used.
If you wish the identity of your organization to remain confidential, a pseudonym will be given
to the organization.
If you have any questions regarding this study or would like additional information to assist you
in reaching a decision about participation, please contact me by email at jmunt@unbc.ca or Dr.
Lisa Kyle at lisa.kyle@unbc.ca
I hope that the results of my study will be beneficial to your organization, to gun owners and
their families, as well as the broader research community. I very much look forward to speaking
with you and thank you in advance for your assistance with this project.
Yours sincerely,
John Munt
Master’s Candidate
Department of Social Work
University of Northern British Columbia
Dr. Lisa Kyle, PhD.

115

Assistant Professor
Department of Social Work
University of Northern British Columbia
Organization Permission Form
We have read the information presented in the information letter about a study being conducted
by John Munt in partial fulfilment of the requirements for a master’s degree in social work from
the University of Northern British Columbia, under the supervision of Dr. Lisa Kyle. We have
had the opportunity to ask any questions related to this study, to receive satisfactory answers to
our questions, and any additional details we wanted.
We are aware that the name of our organization will only be used in the thesis or any
publications that comes from the research with our permission.
We were informed that this organization may withdraw from assistance with the project at any
time. We were informed that study participants may withdraw from participation at any time
without penalty by advising the researcher prior to the final thesis defence date.
We have been informed this project has been reviewed by, and received ethics clearance through
a University of Northern BC’s Research Ethics Board and that questions we have about the study
may be directed to John Munt at jmunt@unbc.ca or Dr. Lisa Kyle at lisa.kyle@unbc.ca
John Munt
Master’s Candidate
Department of Social Work
University of Northern British Columbia
Dr. Lisa Kyle, PhD.
Assistant Professor
Department of Social Work
University of Northern British Columbia
We agree to help the researchers recruit participants for this study from among the families who
are users of the program and services of the [name of organization].
□ YES □ NO
We agree to the use of the name of the [name of organization] in any thesis or publication that
comes of this research.
□ YES □ NO
If NO, a pseudonym will be used to protect the identity of the organization.
Director Name: __________________________________ (Please print)
Director Signature: _______________________________
Board of Directors Representative Name: __________________________________ (Please
print)
Board of Directors Representative Signature: ______________________________
Witness Name: ____________________________________ (Please print)
Witness Signature: ________________________________
Date: __________________________________

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Appendix D: Participant Recruitment Letter

Hello,
My name is John Munt, and I am a Masters of Social Work student working under Dr. Lisa Kyle
of the Social Work department at the University of Northern British Columbia. I am contacting
you in regard to an upcoming study I am conducting for the partial fulfillment of my graduate
level thesis. The reason that you have received this email is that we are studying Canadian
firearm owning men’s experiences when considering accessing mental health treatment. If you
are a Canadian man living in Northern BC who has a valid Purchase and Acquisitions license
(PAL) and owns firearms, you are eligible for this study. We are currently inviting people to
participate in this study.
In this study, you would be asked to speak with the student researcher, John Munt, once for about
one hour. These sessions will be video and audio recorded. John would like to ask you a number
of questions about how you may feel concerning mental health treatment, counselling, or therapy
of any kind. You will not be asked if you have accessed or are currently accessing mental health
services. You could choose to meet with John Munt in person at the University of Northern
British Columbia if you are located in or nearby Prince George or you would join a Zoom
meeting with him. Participation in this study is strictly voluntary. You would have the right to
refuse to answer any questions, and to withdraw from the study at any time without repercussion.
In appreciation of your time commitment, upon completion of your interview you will receive a
$40 gift card for the great Canadian culinary icon Tim Hortons.
This study has been reviewed and approved by UNBC’s Research Ethics Board.
If you are interested in participating, please contact me at jmunt@unbc.ca and list your top three
choices for when you would like to participate. I will send a confirmation email informing you
that you have been appointed one of your chosen time slots. If you have any questions about this
study, please feel free to reach out to my email as well.
Sincerely,
John Munt.

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Appendix E: Interview Questions List
Preliminary Script:
Before we get started, I would like to share a little information with you about the study and myself just
so you have enough information about what were doing here. This study is looking at male firearm
owning men who live in Northern BC, and their experiences around considering or accessing mental
health treatment. I am going to ask you a few set questions, and then some follow-up questions that
depend on the direction the conversation goes. I may ask for clarification about some things as well. I am
hoping that this study can help us better understand what gun owners think about the mental health
process in Canada, and that this could be used to further our understanding of how to better adapt the
process to meet their needs. The only known risk of this study is that you may be asked to speak about
some topics that may make you feel uncomfortable. This interview does concern mental health topics, and
I’ll be sending you a list of resources you could access if you feel the need to. You have the right to refuse
to answer any questions for any cause, and to withdraw from this study at any time without repercussion.
Concerning confidentiality, your name, location, or any personal identifiable information will not be
published anywhere. The only information that may be published will be de-identified statements you
may make, the fact that you own guns, and that you are a Canadian man living in Northern BC. Your
personal information won’t be shared with anyone other myself, and you’ll only be referred to by a code
name in all documents except one that will be kept by myself in an encrypted, password protected file.
The only time that I may have to breach confidentiality is if I am legally obligated to so. If you threated to
harm anyone or yourself, I would have a duty to report it.
A little background about me, I’m currently a student in the MSW programme at UNBC. I also work at
the PG hospital as an acute social worker- some of my work at the hospital does surround mental health. I
also own restricted and non-restricted firearms, mostly for hunting purposes and because I really enjoy the
historical aspects of firearm development.
Do you have any questions before we begin?
Opening question:
Can you tell me a little bit about yourself?
Main questions:
What does being a gun owner mean to you?
What is main reason you own firearms?
What do you think about mental health services and agencies?
When might it be important for someone to seek out mental health treatment?
Do you see any barriers for accessing mental health services as a firearm owner?
Do you have any hesitancy around accessing mental health treatment because you own firearms?
What would be your concerns about accessing mental health treatment?
Would you seek out help if you thought you needed it? Why or why not?
Summarizing Points:
Summarize participants statements and ensure that I am correctly understanding them.
Is there anything else you’d like to tell me about this topic?
Is there anyone else I should speak to?
Are there any other questions I should be asking?
Thank you for taking the time to meet with me today. I want to remind you again that no personal
identifiers will be shared with anyone outside of this interview. I’m going to send you an email with my
contact information on it as well as a link to an e-gift card for Timmies. It will also have a list of mental
resources in case you need them. I might email you in the future to check some of your statements with
you to make sure I am accurately understanding your perceptions.

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Appendix F: Mental Health Resource List for BC

24/7 Mental Health Resource List For BC
Organization:
Provincial Crisis Line
Suicide Hotline

Contact Info:
1-800-784-2433

310Mental Health Support

310-6789

Talk Suicide Canada

1-833-456-4566

Local emergency services

911

Information:
Available anywhere in the
province 24/7. For urgent
assistance with suicidal
thought.
Available anywhere in the
province 24/7. Emotional
support and resource
information.
Available anywhere in the
province 24/7. For urgent
assistance with suicidal
thought
Contact for immediate
assistance if worried for the
safety of yourself or others.

Important Note: These resources are for crises only and may not be suitable for less acute
situations. If you are not in crisis, but still believe you require some help, please reach out to
your local community health team or a mental health professional in your community.

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Appendix G: Recruitment Flyer

120

Appendix H: TCPS 2