COMMUNITY WORK AND GOVERNMENT:
TERMS OF OPPOSITION?
by
Katarina E. Hertes
B.A., The University of Saskatchewan, 1985
B.S.W., The University ofRegina, 1988

PRACTICUM REPORT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK

© Katarina Hertes, 1997
THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
September, 1997

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All rights reserved. This work may not be
reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or
other means, without the permission of the author.

lll

ABSTRACT

This report provides an overview of theoretical knowledge, policy, and practice
implemented during my practicum placement with Saskatchewan Social Services. The
practicum placement occurred from April21 to August 8, 1997, at North Battleford,
Saskatchewan.
Throughout my practicum experience I utilized principles of community
organizing to establish an alternative measures program for young offenders.
Specifically, I successfully introduced the family group conference model to various
commtmities in Northwest Saskatchewan, including an urban center, small towns and
First Nations communities.
The family group conference model is one alternative to Western society's
traditional justice system, and is congruent with restorative justice principles. These
principles support the inclusion of victim, community, and offender in a process of
reparation. To promote change from a traditional criminal justice system to a restorative
justice approach was challenging: it required successful navigation of bureaucratic
systems, soliciting the support of judiciary, law enforcement, and community members,
while maintaining a critical approach to social work and community work. This report
summarizes theory and policy, while integrating practice issues.

IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Approval
Abstract

111

Table of Contents

IV

Acknowledgments

v

Chapter One

Chapter Two

Chapter Three

Chapter Four

Introduction

1

Learning Objectives

2

Review of the Literature

4

Community Organizing

5

Human Service Agencies as Bureaucratic Organizations

13

Retributive vs Restorative Justice

17

The Family Group Conference

21

The Practicurn Placement

28

Objective 1

28

Objective 2

32

Objective 3

34

Objective 4

35

Integrating Theory, Policy, and Practice

37
41

References
Appendix 1

Map of Saskatchewan

47

Appendix 2

A Conceptual Model

48

v

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Graduate school has proved to be a challenging and satisfying experience for me.
Many people have assisted me throughout the planning stages, to practicum completion,
and I am grateful for their encouragement and support.
My parents, Ben and Nena Byl, have been a constant source of support. They
have always encouraged me to follow my dreams, and have unfailingly been there for
advice, a hug, encouragement, or whatever the-need-of-the-day happens to be. They
believed in me when I doubted myself, and I appreciate their confidence.
I thank my partner, Rick Ruddell, who has filled the role of advisor, friend,
confidante, and mentor. .. I cannot thank him enough for the numerous phone calls of
support, the thousands of miles he traveled to visit, the listening ear at all hours of the day
or night, and his unwavering encouragement.
My son, Aaron Hertes, was a trooper through the whole 'vacation to the
mountains ' . His enthusiasm for starting kindergarten at the same time as I was starting
graduate school was contagious. Aaron's inquisitive nature reminded me of the
importance of lifelong learning.
The faculty and staff at the Health and Human Sciences program have been a
source of continual encouragement. I thank Dr. Tang for chairing my committee, and as
my advisor, for the numerous questions he answered for me. My other UNBC committee
member, Glen Schmidt, also provided invaluable assistance, and took the time to
supervise a directed readings course while he was studying full-time. Liz Weston, my
field supervisor, has contributed both her time and expertise during my practicum
placement, and I appreciate her practical guidance. Her limitless energy and commitment
to social justice is an inspiration.
The support staff at the University of Northern British Columbia and
Saskatchewan Social Services have proved invaluable in helping me navigate these
organizations, and I would also like to thank the library staff for their help in obtaining
materials. Appreciation is extended to my employer for their financial support and
granting required leaves.
The friendship of my fellow students has been rewarding; I have felt welcome
both at the University, and Prince George. Thank you to Berhani, Laurie, Rona, Connie
and Pat for the many coffee conversations and encouragement.
Finally, a special thanks to my friends Alister and Lucie Sutherland, Carla Dee
Bellanger, Lucille and Norman Mitzel, Rick and Grace Felix, Eric Owen, Rick Hertes,
and Peter and Donna Fuhr in the North Battleford area who provided temporary shelter
for Aaron and myself, as well as our belongings. Your support is appreciated!

1

CHAPTER ONE- INTRODUCTION

From April 21 to August 8, 1997 I completed the practicum requirement for the
Master of Social Work degree through The University of Northern British Columbia.
This sixteen week placement took place at Social Services in North Battleford,
Saskatchewan. During this time period, I had the opportunity to integrate practice, policy
and theory through my experience of implementing a community based restorative justice
program.

In the following report, I outline the theoretical premises that guided my

practice and skill development, the policies that impacted upon program development,
and practice issues that arose throughout my practicum placement.
The city ofNorth Battleford is the center for administration for the North West
region of Saskatchewan Social Services. The region encompasses numerous villages,
towns, and First Nations communities covering approximately 20,000 square kilometers.
Provincial government policy is established at Social Services' central office located in
Regina, and administered in semi-autonomous regions. Practicum supervision was
provided by Liz Weston, program manager, at the North Battleford office. This
practicum placement was not specifically associated with any one work unit; however, I
frequently worked with the alternative measures co-ordinator, Young Offenders program.
I was also in contact with numerous collateral agencies throughout the placement,
including the John Howard Society, Justice Advisory Committee members in several
communities, Royal Canadian Mounted Police, several First Nation child welfare
agencies, public school counselors, and other government departments.
Throughout my practicum experience, I worked in the area of alternative
measures for youth in conflict with the law. Alternative measures are supported by the

2

federal Young Offenders Act, and are designed to divert young offenders that are not high
risk from the court system by utilizing options available in the community, such as
restitution to the victim(s), personal service or community service work. Alternative
measures are one aspect of a restorative justice model, which incorporates the broader
relationship between victim, offender, and community (Bazemore & Umbreit, 1995).
The family group conference process is an alternative measure consistent with restorative
justice principles. This process includes not only victim and offender, but their support
groups from the community as well.
Although the Young Offenders Act is federally legislated, young offender
programs are administered provincially. In Saskatchewan the young offender program is
administered by Social Services, with "an attempt to preserve elements of a social work
approach to the needs ofyouth" (Family and Youth Services, 1995, p. 4). In other
provinces (British Columbia and Alberta), young offender programs are administered by
the Department of Justice or Attorney General. Consequently, the focus of these
programs tend to be more retributive, as they are based on an adult corrections model.
These concepts are expanded within the scope of this practicum report.

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

The goal of this practicum report is to provide the reader with a comprehensive
overview that links practice to theory and policy. Throughout my practicum experience I
utilized the principles of community organizing to establish an alternative measures

3

program for young offenders within the context of a restorative justice model and a return
to community ownership. My learning objectives were:

1. to increase my knowledge in community organizing
2. to practice appropriate community work skills and roles
3. to foster innovations in restorative justice for young offenders, particularly
aboriginal and metis youth in conflict with the law and their communities.
4. to determine if social workers employed by government can implement
successful community work strategies that are congruent with a critical social
work approach.

The practicum report is divided into four chapters. The introduction provides an
overview of learning objectives and a brief summary of the placement. Chapter Two
incorporates four sections of the literature review including: community organizing,
human service agencies as bureaucratic organizations, retributive vs. restorative justice,
and the family group conference. Chapter Three outlines the practicum placement in
relation to the previously noted learning objectives. In the final chapter I utilize a
conceptual model to integrate theory, policy and practice. In addition to a reference list,
two appendices are provided: Appendix 1 shows a map of Saskatchewan and Appendix 2
illustrates the conceptual model discussed in Chapter Four.

4

CHAPTER TWO -REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

In 1995, the Canadian federal government announced changes to the transfer of
federal funds to the provinces for health, education, and social services (Department of
Finance, 1995). These changes were implemented in April, 1996. Established Program
Financing and the Canada Assistance Plan were amalgamated into the new Canada
Health and Social Transfer, a single block fund for social services, health, and education
(Pulkingharn and Ternowetsky, 1996). These changes, combined with market
globalization and competitiveness have resulted in social polarization and increasing
inequality (Wiseman, 1996). These key issues and trends set the context for community
organizing in the mid-1990's.
Some authors infer that Canadians are experiencing a return to a residual welfare
state (Ecumenical Coalition for Economic Justice, 1993; Mullaly, 1993; Bach and Rioux,
1996; Pulkingham and Ternowetsky, 1996). This model of the welfare state is based on
the premise that only when the private market and the family are unable to meet an
individual's needs properly, institutions should temporarily intervene as a last resort
(Titmuss, 1974). Williams (1994) indicates this residual model of welfare represents
anti-collectivism with an emphasis on a market-based, rather than a needs-based society.
In this political climate of neo-liberalism (Teeple, 1996) and anti-collectivism,
there is a decrease in social spending and an increasing government impetus to return to a
residual model of social welfare. Consequently, there is a growing global interest in the
concept of community development by a wide variety of political actors (Craig, 1996).
Geographic communities, social service agencies, First Nations and other cultural groups
as well as governments have shown interest. A cynical perspective about government

5

interest in community participation is that "cuts in essential services are hidden behind a
rhetoric of voluntarism and community involvement: self-help can mean the route for
democratic participation in decision-making, as on the political left, but it can also mean
social services on the cheap" (Craig, 1996, p. 3). Craig maintains that community
development initiatives appear to satisfy a wide range of political agendas, thus resulting
in ideological confusion. In the midst of this ideological confusion, what then is
community and community development?

Community Organizing

Wharf (1992) defines community "as a network of individuals with common
needs and interests" (p. 16), indicating that the two essential ingredients are relationships
and needs. Wharf indicates there are two types of communities. Traditional communities
are "characterized by geographic boundaries, shared values, history, an economic base,
and a governing structure" (p. 16), for example, a village. Community can also refer to
large, diverse groups of people with a common existence of needs. Examples of the latter
type of communities are the First Nations community, or the homosexual community.
Community work, community development, and community organization appear
to be used interchangeably by some authors (Ife, 1995). Craig (1996) and Ife (1995)
maintain part of the ideological confusion results from an unclear use of these terms. Ife
states, "the terms community work, community development, community organization,
community action, community practice and community change are all commonly used,
often interchangeably, and although some would claim that there are important
differences between some or all of these terms, there is no agreement as to what these

6

differences are, and no clear consensus as to the different shades of meaning that each
implies" (p. 1, italics included).
Craig (1996) defines community development as "a way ofworking which
essentially starts with the needs and aspirations of groups of disadvantaged people in poor
localities and which struggles, first of all, to articulate and organize politically around
those needs and aspirations, placing them at the front rather than the end of the political
debate" (p. 12). Similarly, Ife (1995) defines community development "as the process of
establishing, or re-establishing, structures of human community within which new ways
of relating, organizing social life and meeting human need become possible" (p. 2).
Many authors (Cox and Derricourt, 1975; Muller, Walker, and Ng, 1990; Ife,
1995; Mayo and Craig, 1995; Craig, 1996) indicate that true community development
and empowerment may not be possible if government organizations are initiating the
changes as they often have underlying agendas. However, Mullaly (1993) and Camiol
(1995) also suggest that in social work there are ways to work within the government
systems to empower clients. Given that "social work is the one profession that is called
upon - indeed which calls upon itself- to work for beneficial social change" (Riches and
Temowetsky, 1990, p. 18) and that social work holds values that are congruent with
community development (Haynes and Mickelson, 1986) is it also possible to empower
communities from within government systems?
Depending on the approach utilized for initiating change, governments can either
help or hinder the change process. Rothman and Tropman (1987) identify three
important models of purposive community change: locality development, social
planning, and social action. Each of these models have distinct tasks and processes,

7

however some overlap in practice occurs, so they are not totally independent of one
another.
Locality development is more commonly described as community development
and is '"tentatively defined as a process designed to create conditions of economic and
social progress for the whole community with its active participation and the fullest
possible reliance on the community's initiative"' (United Nations as quoted in Rothman
and Tropman, 1987, p. 5). Therefore, locality development relies on consensus, the
capacity of the community to identify and solve their own problems, and participatory
action. Rothman and Tropman (1987) indicate that this approach is process-oriented.
The social planning "approach presupposes that change in a complex industrial
environment requires expert planners who, through the exercise of technical abilities,
including the ability to manipulate large bureaucratic organizations, can skillfully guide
complex change processes" (Rothman and Tropman, 1987, p. 6). Participatory action is
not central to this approach to community work as the goal is to target a specific target
group with a substantive social problem. Social Planning is task-oriented with the goal of
manipulating formal organizations to produce change (Rothman and Tropman, 1987).
Finally, social action "presupposes a disadvantaged segment of the population that
needs to be organized, perhaps in alliance with others, in order to make adequate
demands on the larger community for increased resources or treatment more in
accordance with social justice or democracy" (Rothman and Tropman, 1987, p. 6). This
approach includes both task and process-oriented goals with the desired outcome of
redistribution of power and resources (Rothman and Tropman, 1987).
Following from these approaches, it is useful to distinguish the differences
between directive and non-directive community work. Batten (1967) uses the term

8

community work "in the very broadest sense to include almost anything that anyone may
do to influence people's values, ideas, attitudes, relationships, or behavior for the better"
(p. 4). Batten recognizes the difficulty in defining "better" because it is a subjective
word. He indicates the directive approach "means that the agency which it itself decides,
more or less specifically, whatever it thinks people need or ought to value or ought to do
for their own good ... " and "these decisions become the agency's betterment goals for
people" (p. 5, italics included). On the other hand, in the non-directive approach the
people and community "decide for themselves what their needs are" thus encouraging a
"process of self-determination and self-help" (p. 11 ). Thus, while both of these
approaches fit Batten's definition of community work, there are distinct ideological and
practice differences.
Following from Batten's distinction between directive and non-directive
community work, is it possible then, to engage in community organizing using a directive
approach within a government agency while adhering to structural social work
principles? Batten (1967) notes how there are some advantages to using a directive
approach. He states that "the agencies which use it have achieved and are still achieving
a tremendous amount of good" (p. 7). Ife (1995) observes how community workers
employed in bureaucracies "can often negotiate or establish a degree of autonomy and
sometimes even official support which enables viable community development projects
to be established" (p. 251 ). This directive approach may be more consistent with
Rothman and Trepan's (1987) model of social planning rather than locality development
or social action.
Riches (1997) proposes a continuum of community work that conceptualizes both
the directive and non-directive approaches. He suggests that the term community

9

organizing is more closely linked to a directive approach, and that the term community
development may be associated with a non-directive approach. Despite these differences,
both approaches are in the realm of community work as there are commonalities in the
roles of the worker, and goals of the project.
Christiansen-Ruffman (1990) observes that working within communities and
government may be positive as "state-sponsored community participation, although
extremely difficult, is important for the increased involvement and better results of
community-based planning, and ultimately, for transformations within the state" (p. 102).
Hall, Land, Parker, and Webb (1975) identify general criteria for determining the priority
that government considers when an issue becomes forefront. These criteria are:
legitimacy, feasibility, and support. Therefore, if a community and community worker
have considered these components, government authorities may be more likely to
advance the project. Similarly, if the worker is employed within government, these
criteria may be easier to achieve.
It is noteworthy that social workers have struggled with maintaining social work

values while working in bureaucratic organizations. Abramovitz (1993) states "since its
origins at the turn of the century, social work has strived to maximize human
development, self-determination, and social justice .. .. at the same time, the profession
faced strong pressures to promote individual adjustment and to protect the status quo" (p.
6). In this statement, Abramovitz summarizes the ideological conflict that exists for
social workers, particularly for those working in bureaucratic organizations (Carniol,
1995). Rothman and Tropman (1987) indicate that "within the field of social work,
programs emphasizing substantive decision making typify this [social planning]
approach" (p. 6).

10

A key concept in both social work and community work is empowerment (Taylor,
1995). Empowerment is integral to practicing effective community organization. Taylor
states community work has attempted to empower people through a variety of
interventions in relation to the state. She maintains that community work is now "either
acting as its [government's] agent or seeking to find the cracks in the system through
which empowerment is drawn" (p. 109). Advocacy and consciousness raising are two
dynamics of empowerment (Moreau, 1989). Rappaport (1984) states empowerment "is a
process: the mechanism by which people, organizations, and communities gain mastery
over their lives" (p. 3). Swift (1984) maintains it is critical for target populations to
participate in the empowerment process "in any intervention affecting its welfare" (p.
xiv). By empowering target populations through their participation, the process "aims to
increase the power ofthe disadvantaged" (Ife, 1995, p. 56).
In addition to active participation, empowerment can be achieved through
consciousness raising, an educational role that "aims to help people locate their own
problems, dreams, aspirations, sufferings and disappointments within a broader and
political perspective" (Ife, 1995, p. 21 0). Ife (1995) indicates how consciousness raising
is "one of the most pervasive roles of a good community worker, as almost any situation
has consciousness raising potential" (p. 211 ).
Despite Moreau's (1989) assertion that consciousness raising and advocacy are
important aspects of empowerment, Ife (1995) indicates that advocacy "assumes that the
advocate is better able to represent the case than the person or people directly involved in
it" (p. 216). The role of advocate is therefore potentially disempowering for the
community, and the "goal of a community worker must be to enable people to represent

11

their own interests, rather than to feel that they need someone else to do it for them" (Ife,
1995, p. 216).
Ife (1995) identifies that advocacy is only one aspect of the community worker's
representational role. He provides a comprehensive overview of four community work
roles including: facilitative, educational, representational, and technical roles. The
following is a summary of the characteristics of each role:

a. facilitative roles - social animation, mediation and negotiation, support,
building consensus, group facilitation, utilization of skills and
resources, and organizing
b. educational roles - consciousness raising, informing, confronting, and training
c. representational roles- obtaining resources, advocacy, using the media, public
relations, networking and sharing knowledge and experience
d. technical roles - data collection and analysis, using computers, verbal and
written presentation, management, and financial control.

These four roles, as defined above, suggest that a community worker must have the
knowledge, skills and abilities of a generalist to ensure that specialization does not
interfere with effective practice (Ife, 1995). Generalist practice is a concept familiar to
social work, which suggests that an integrated approach and combination of methods are
applied to resolve complex problems and situations (Johnson, 1986). The worker may
therefore borrow "from a spectrum of conceptual materials and social science disciplines
in order to move toward a solution" (Collier, 1984, p. 65), by combining case work,
group work and community work.

12

Burghardt (1982) indicates tactics are an integral part of community work
strategy, and distinguishes between two types : process-oriented and task-oriented tactics.
Process-oriented tactics include dialogue, information sharing, communication, and the
process of getting tasks completed. Task-oriented tactics on the other hand "are
concerned with concrete issues, action, and results" (p. 22). Burghardt maintains these
tactics are not separate entities, but are inter-related. He suggests it is useful for the
worker to determine if he/she is process or task-oriented to best utilize his/her strengths.
In regard to the skills required for effective community work, Ife (1995) observes
how there are manuals, books and resource kits available providing instructions about
"'how to do it', by using a cook book approach" (p. 227). Ife (1995) argues these cook
books may provide some usefulness in terms of ideas, however, he warns there are
limitations to using these approaches. First, he indicates community work is a chaotic
process and does not progress in a linear manner, which is what many of the cook books
assume. Second, communities are not generalizable, and solutions must be found within
the context of each community's culture, politics, geography, religion and economy.
Third, each community worker has different styles that may not conform with the cook
book's style. Finally, he states, "the cook book approach tends to treat skills in
isolation .... to discuss them in isolation from values and knowledge is to make an artificial
separation" (p. 228).
Ife (1995) does, however identify core competencies required for effective
community work which integrate theory, reflection and practice. He states that the
community worker "must be constantly reflecting on the nature of her/his practice to gain
a deeper understanding of the community, society and social change, and to be evaluating
theory in terms of practice and practice in terms of theory" (p. 230). The worker

13

therefore, develops skills in a unique way, dependent on their reflection of practice in
relation to theory. The competencies evolving from this perspective include: analysis of
what is happening, awareness of self and community, experience by participation,
learning from others through observation, and intuition - by relying on values,
experience, and feelings .
The literature supports the notion that community work is a holistic, integrated
approach to empowerment of disadvantaged groups. Workers embarking on a project
whether or not employed by government must therefore concurrently assess and evaluate
numerous aspects on a continuous basis: structural inequalities and distribution of power,
organizational agendas, community needs in the context of culture and geographical
location, group dynamics and recognition of potential leaders within groups, as well as
their personal theoretical view ofthe world. Nozick (1992) summarizes these aspects
appropriately when she states, "what we can do is a three step process - self-awareness,
community action, and linking with others outside the community" (p. 212). Thus,
community work occurs at three levels: micro (individual and small group), meso
(community), and macro (society).

Human Service Agencies as Bureaucratic Organizations

As indicated in the previous section, the social planning approach to community
work requires the ability to manipulate large bureaucratic organizations (Rothman and
Tropman, 1987). Hasenfeld (1983) indicates human service organizations are those
bureaucracies "whose principal function is to protect, maintain, or enhance the personal
well-being of individuals by defining, shaping, or altering their personal attributes" (p. 1).

14

He adds that human service organizations differ from other bureaucracies in two ways:
1) they work directly with clients, and 2) they function under mandates, which justify
their existence. Saskatchewan Social Services is an example of a bureaucratic human
service organization.
Hasenfeld (1983) states there are numerous reasons for the welfare state evolving
into a bureaucratic system. These reasons include fair and equitable access of services on
a large scale basis for individuals, efficient division of labor requiring specialized
knowledge, and socialization and/or social control of individuals whose families could no
longer control the individual's behavior. Gummer (1990) observes how we live in an
organizational society which "is becoming even more so [organized] as the scope and
influence of bureaucratic organizations expand" (p. 3). This phenomenon has influenced
the study of social welfare to include organizational behavior as well as policy analysis
and the evaluation of professional practice (Gummer, 1990).
A bureaucracy is a system based on "rational organizational principles" (Hodge
and Anthony, 1991, p. 696). Max Weber is acknowledged for his work defining
bureaucratic processes. To summarize Weber's definition of the formation of
bureaucracy, Lee (1993) states:
To Weber, the process of bureaucratization is a shift from organizational
management based on the interests and personalities of specific individuals, to
one based on explicit rules and procedures. These rules and procedures are
identified with the roles in the organization rather than individual people. [Italics
included] Bureaucratic organizations thus take on an impersonal, mechanical
character. (p. 320)
Hasenfeld summarizes Weber's interpretation of how bureaucratic organizations are an
efficient method to mobilize resources and power in an industrial market economy.

15

Therefore, de-personalization through rules, roles and procedures ideally avoid
preferential treatment of clients by individuals within the organization. It is
interesting to note how "Weber foresaw the possibility that the very efficiency of a
bureaucracy would lead to the concentration of immense power in the hands of
bureaucrats and managerial elites, power that would be buttressed by their control over a
highly complex technology" (Hasenfeld, 1983, p. 17).
Many authors (Hasenfeld, 1983; Carniol, 1995; and Leflaive, 1996) identify that
power relationships within organizations are a reconstruction of power relationships at
the societal level. According to Leflaive (1996), the power within hierarchical
organizations is intended to empower individuals along hierarchical lines. This
hierarchically-based mode of empowerment has questionable utility if we revisit the
definition of empowerment from a community organizing perspective. The Marxist
theory of bureaucracy suggests that power is "in the class division of industrial and
industrializing societies, and in the function of bureaucracy in directly controlling the
extraction of a surplus product, and regulating class conflict; to analyze this requires a
political economy of class, rather than a political sociology of organization" (Beetham,
1996, p. 83 ). Beetham ( 1996) proposes that bureaucratic power stems from a
combination of modem organization and class, and is therefore not monocausal but is
multidimensional.
Since the inception of social work, the profession has been characterized by a
disjunction between philosophy and practice. This disjunction is based on the two
opposing themes of social action and individual interest (Franklin, 1990). These two
contradictory aspects of social work have evolved into two major competing views of

16

society: the conventional view and the progressive/critical view. The conventional view
suggests "that social problems do exist, but defines them in terms of personal difficulties
that require social work intervention either to help people cope or adjust to existing
institutions or to modify existing policies in a similar fashion" (Mullaly, 1993, p. 32).
This approach supports the status quo of the existing social, economic and political
structures in society by focusing on individual pathology. On the other hand, Mullaly
( 1993) maintains that the critical view adheres to the belief that existing institutions are
unable to meet the needs of people in society. As a result, interventions are aimed at
changing societal institutions and the distribution of wealth and resources. Critical social
work is based on values of equality, freedom and collectivism through democratic
participation and humanism.
Carniol (1995) observes how the public sector is the largest employer of social
workers, yet government institutions exist as part of the social order that supports
inequality in the welfare state. Collier ( 1984) argues social work "developed as a service
to the industrial state and exists in order to tend the casualties of the system" (p. 23). This
has the effect of camouflaging the growing disparity between rich and poor (Carniol,
1995). Christenson (1996) draws parallels between the welfare state and bureaucratic
institutions where "remaining 'in business' does not depend on satisfying clients but
satisfying budgetary and policy requirements ... " (p. 144). Given that social workers are
largely employed by institutions that support the existing status quo, we may be
compelled to ask, whose side are we on? The uneasy relationship between conventional
and critical practice within human service work, including community work, continues to
challenge workers in the field.

17

Change within large organizations is often a slow and laborious process, occurring
from the top, down hierarchical lines (Hasenfeld, 1983). However, the post-modern
perspective is that clients possess knowledge that is important in effective service
delivery (Greenwood & Lachman, 1996). Clients are becoming "co-producers ofthe
service they seek, partaking with the professionals in the production processes"
(Greenwood & Lachman, 1996, p. 565). Hasenfeld (1983) indicates an acceptable
balance between increased service efficiency and public input is a major challenge for
human service agencies today. Restorative justice initiatives, which are discussed in the
next section, seek to find the common ground between these competing demands.

Retributive versus Restorative Justice

Traditional criminology has its basis in 18th and 19th century philosophy and
theology (Fattah, 1993). The relationships in this traditional approach are adversarial in
nature and place the actual victim of the crime in a passive position by focusing on the
state as victim (Umbreit, 1989). In the traditional court system, offenders and victims are
represented, and are therefore rendered into a conflict not between the actual parties
involved, but between representatives ofthe legal system. Fattah (1993) argues that the
victim is in fact "so thoroughly represented that she or he for the most part of the
proceedings is pushed completely out of the arena, reduced to the trigger-off of the whole
thing" (p. 788), thus becoming doubly victimized by the offender and the system.
Kennedy ( 1990) states Western society defines crime "strictly as behavior that
breaks the law and is liable to public prosecution and punishment" (p. 1). Consequently,
crime is treated as a phenomenon isolated from contributing social factors. This Western

18

model of justice is retributive in nature by having court systems impose punishment on
the offender to prevent future crime (Umbreit, 1989).
There are numerous theories in criminology. Mainstream criminology is
characterized by "a strong correctional bias, a pathological interest in criminals and a
weak reformist interest" (Williams, 1991, p. 287). Williams (1991) argues that radical
and conflict criminologists focus on the meaning of crime rather than individual
pathology. Conflict theorists maintain that the roots of crime are manifested in conflict
between opposing groups in society with differing needs (Kennedy, 1990; Williams,
1991). Kennedy (1990) indicates that "conflict may provide an integrative function,
defining clearly the rules or laws that need to be applied in controlling behavior" (p. 12).
It has been argued that the actions of the police, courts and corrections serve the needs of

the powerful in society, resulting in social control (Marshall, 1988; Harris, 1991;
Williams, 1991 ). Conflict theorists suggest "that the behaviors of the powerless in any
society are more likely to be criminalized, and this same group is more likely to be
arrested, convicted and harshly sentenced" (Williams, 1991, p. 301). Conflict theory is
not to be confused with the individual who is in conflict with the law, but occurs as a
societal level of conflict between opposing power groups. A Canadian example is the
disproportionate numbers of arrest and detention of First Nations people that come into
contact with the justice system. Statistics show that aboriginal people are
over-represented in the welfare system (Satzewich & Wotherspoon, 1993;
Monture-Angus, 1995; Durst, 1990). When First Nations people do come into contact
with the system, Frideres (1993) states "they have tended to become virtually permanent
clients, as evidenced by recurrent patterns of detention and arrest. .. " (p. 275).

19

Monture-Angus (1995) indicates the child welfare system is on a continuum with the
criminal justice system because "the child welfare system feeds the youth and
correctional systems. Both institutions remove citizens from their communities, which
has a devastating effect on the cultural and spiritual growth ofthe individual" (p. 194).
Radical criminologists, influenced by conflict theorists, also identify disparity
between groups as a root cause of crime. Williams ( 1991) summarizes the work of
Chambliss by stating, "He argued that acts are only defined as criminal to protect the
ruling economic class ... " and "crime reduces surplus labor by providing jobs in such areas
as law enforcement and welfare" (p. 304). Radical criminologists have highlighted the
perpetuation of problems in a conflict oriented society (Williams, 1991 ). Zehr (1990)
however, warns that framing all crime in terms of conflict may lead to blaming the victim
(e.g. situations of domestic violence). He indicates that crime is not simply an escalation
of conflict, and it is therefore misleading to equate violence with conflict because of other
factors. These other factors may include relationships, power, and social impacts.
Zehr (1990) indicates crime results in harm through four dimensions: 1) the
victim, 2) interpersonal relationships, 3) the offender, and 4) the community. He
indicates that the retributive model of criminal justice focuses on the community, but in
an impersonal and abstract manner. Zehr (1990) states that "Retributive justice defines
the state as victim, defines wrongful behavior as violation of rules, and sees the
relationship between victim and offender as irrelevant" (p. 184). A restorative approach
by contrast, incorporates all four dimensions ofharm. Zehr (1990) indicates:
A restorative lens identifies people as victims and recognizes the centrality of the
interpersonal dimensions. Offenses are defined as personal harms and
interpersonal relationships. Crime is a violation of people and relationships. (p.
184)

20

Restorative justice requires a shift from a traditional paradigm to an emerging
paradigm that is more inclusive. Saskatchewan Justice ( 1996) identifies the main
differences between the paradigms as follows :
Traditional approach

Restorative approach

- defines crime as a violation
of state
- focuses on establishing blame
- ignores the needs of the
victim and community
- stigmatizes and alienates
the offender

- defines crime as a violation of
one person by another
- focuses on problem-solving
- involves the victim and the
community, and responds to their
needs
- forgives the offender and
reintegrates the offender with the
community. (p. 1)

Wright (1991) indicates the restorative model attempts to restore the situation
through reparation which involves process, as well as outcomes. He states, "the model is
not based on meeting offenders' needs (though that can be part of it) nor punishing their
deeds; rather it builds on their good qualities by requiring them to make amends ...the
ultimate objective is spoken of in terms not of deterrence and coercion but of healing and
reconciliation" (p. 113). The goals ofhealing and forgiveness would ideally replace
punitive judicial consequences for all but the most serious offenses, allowing the justice
system to "focus its resources on the high-risk, violent offenders who pose a significant
threat to the public" (Saskatchewan Justice, 1996, p. 1).
Numerous interest groups can benefit from a restorative justice approach. Victims
of crime will have more involvement, offenders will have an opportunity to make
meaningful amends while learning how their actions have affected other, and

21

communities may experience less crime. The benefits to governments, and ultimately the
taxpayer, will mean less money being poured into the existing criminal justice system.
One negative aspect in some people's opinion may be a decrease of jobs for lawyers,
judges and criminal justice employees. However, the decrease in tax dollars spent on
incarcerating offenders could possibly result in job creation in other areas.
The family group conference is one alternative to Western society' s traditional
justice system. The rationale, process and theoretical basis of this reparative approach are
examined in the following section.

The Family Group Conference

The family group conference (also known as community accountability
conference, community justice forum, and family-group decision making) originated in
New Zealand by the Maori people, although similar problem-solving processes have been
used around the world by indigenous groups (McDonald, Moore, O'Connell, &
Thorsborne, 1995) and by First Nations people in Canada for centuries (Aboriginal
Justice Learning Network, 1997). The family group conference process is congruent with
restorative justice principles in that it works "toward two interwoven goals: 1) repair the
damage and minimize further harm caused by offending behavior and 2) maximize the
social justice achieved for victims, offenders and other members of the community
affected by that offending behavior" (McDonald, et al., 1995, p. 2).
In New Zealand, the Children, Young Persons and Their Families Act passed in
1989 emphasizes the following issues, in order to deal effectively with youth in conflict
with the law:

22
1. the rights of families and young people to participate in any decisions made
about what will happen to a young person who has offended
2. it sets out the processes by which victims can be involved in the process of
deciding what should happen
3. the importance of protecting young people's rights and enhancing their
well-being
4. the importance of maintaining and strengthening the links that young people
have with their families, communities and culture (Maxwell & Morris, 1994,
p. 1)

In 1990, the positive outcomes of the New Zealand model of family group
conferencing were observed by an Australian police officer. The process was modified
and implemented by city police in Wagga Wagga, Australia and by educators in
Queensland, Australia (McDonald, et al., 1995). The Wagga Wagga model was brought
to the United States in 1994 and later introduced in Canada. Family group conferencing
has been used in Sparwood, B.C. for approximately two years (Royal Canadian Mounted
Police, 1997) and in Regina, Saskatchewan since 1996 (Losie, 1996).
Reintegrative shaming is the basis of the family group conference. John
Braithwaite (1989) provides an explanation of why reintegrative shaming is effective.
Braithwaite distinguishes between stigmatizing shaming and reintegrative shaming. He

indicates that stigmatization leads "to outcasting, to confirmation of a deviant master
status ... .stigmatization pushes offenders toward criminal subcultures" (p. 12-13).
Conversely, reintegrative shaming "shames while maintaining bonds of respect or
love .. .instead of amplifying deviance by progressively casting the deviant out" (p. 12-13).
The emphasis is on the distinction between the youth as an individual and his/her
behavior; the criminal act is separated from deciding whether the youth is a good or bad
person (McDonald, et al., 1995).
In the family group conference, McDonald et al. (1995) indicate how "shame is

23

experienced when a person recognizes damage to their emotional bonds with others" (p.
8). The effects of reintegrative shaming are such that "people will go through great
lengths to avoid it" (Nathanson, 1992, p. 15). Thus, a youth's experience of reintegrative
shaming through social disapproval becomes internalized, resulting in conscience
building that acts as a mechanism to control future deviant behavior (McDonald, et al.,
1995).
Saskatchewan Justice (1997) has listed several criteria in their young offender
diversion policy to assess the suitability of a case for family group conferencing. Some
of these criteria include:

1. victim participation (or surrogate)
2. the youth must acknowledge responsibility for his/her behavior
3. the youth must voluntarily participate
4. there must be sufficient evidence to support a criminal charge

Numerous other criteria, such as offenses to be excluded are also outlined in the policy.
The following stages of the family group conference process are summarized from
the Real Justice training manual (McDonald, et al., 1995) and the Aboriginal Justice
Learning Network (1997) symposium:

1. Preparation

Preparation involves obtaining offender agreement and victim (or
surrogate) agreement. Participants should include the offender and his/her parents

24

or guardians, family members and others significant in the young person's life, the
victim, his/her parents or guardians (if a youth) and family, and/or significant
support person(s). Each participant should be informed of the process. A map of
the seating arrangement should be completed, using principles of group dynamics.

2. The family group conference

a. Introduction
The conference begins with an introduction of participants, and
their reason for attending the conference (roles). A cultural ceremony
to open the conference may be appropriate (i.e. a sweetgrass ceremony).
The offender is advised of his/her right to leave the conference, but that if
he/she does chose to leave, the matter will be dealt with through the court
system.

b. Offender tells the story
The offender is asked to present what happened, what he/she was
thinking at the time, and how his/her actions may have affected others.

c. Victim tells the story
The victim is asked how the incident has affected them, and the
consequences ofthe offender's behavior.

25

d. Supporters' reactions
First the victim's supporters are asked to speak, in turn, about how
they have been affected by the incident. Next, the offender's supporters
are asked to indicate how the offender's behavior has affected them.

e. Plan action/future
The victim and his/her supporters are asked what they would like
to see happen out of the conference in terms of reparation. This might
include restitution, personal service work, community service work, a
formal apology , or any other alternatives that they feel are appropriate .
The offender and his/her supporters are also asked to have input into what
they think is a fair agreement.

f. Closure
When agreement is reached, the conference is formally closed, and
the agreement is prepared for signing.

g. Reintegration
This informal aspect is symbolic of reintegration into the
community. Refreshments are served, and the group shares food and drink
together. It is appropriate for this to take place while the conference
facilitator is preparing the agreement.

26

3. Follow-up

Checking to ensure that the agreement conditions have been met by the
dates indicated is important. During the conference, participants decide who will
complete the follow-up, and who will report it to the facilitator.

McDonald, et al. (1995) suggest some important aspects should be observed in the
conference. The use of open-ended questions is imperative to obtain full information,
and silences and pauses must be allowed. They indicate that if the offender does not
admit responsibility for his/her actions, that the conference be stopped. Additionally,
they indicate it is crucial to remind participants that the focus is on the incident and that
criticism is not on the youth, but on the youth's behavior.
Research on the effectiveness of the family group conference outcomes was
conducted by Maxwell and Morris (1994) in New Zealand between August 1990 and
May 1991. They found that a) a larger number ofyoung people were being made more
accountable than before the process had been initiated, b) the number of appearances in
youth court dramatically decreased, and c) 95% of conferences were able to reach
agreement. In terms of the Sparwood project, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (1997)
indicate that the program has shown impressive results. They note that out of the sixty
five youth who have participated in the program, all have completed the conference
agreement, and "on average the time from the date ofthe offense to the conclusion of the
resolution has been 74 days compared to 5 months to one year through the court system"
(p. 1).

27

While the family group conference process is not a miracle cure for criminal
behavior, it is an alternative to the traditional court system. Workers involved in
organizing conferences must be attentive to community work skills, strategies, and
practice to be effective. While the focus is on the individual's behavior, the process is
inclusive of family and community members' opinions and input. This process teaches
problem-solving techniques that members can transfer to other situations. Given the
positive outcomes indicated, this process may be an effective way to involve the
community, victim, and offender in an appropriate reintegrative approach to justice.

28

CHAPTER 3 -THE PRACTICUM PLACEMENT

My practicum placement occurred over sixteen weeks, from April 21 to August 8,
1997. The work did not proceed in a neat chronologically ordered package because I was
working with various communities which were at different levels of readiness for social
planning. I will therefore describe the practicum placement within the context of the
learning objectives, which were outlined in the introduction.
The first part of the practicum placement was orientation. This process was
moderated somewhat by the fact that I had previously worked in this office. Upon
arriving at the Social Services office, I was introduced to staff I had not previously met,
and arrangements were made concerning the practical aspects of placement such as where
I would be sitting, phone procedures, calling cards, et cetera. Liz Weston, my practicum
field supervisor and I discussed how I would begin the placement. The first step was to
determine the goals and objectives, and time lines for these goals. I completed a work
plan for myself, setting tentative goals within the larger objectives of the practicum
placement. For example, how would I go about meeting objective 1? How would I
practice community work skills and roles? Once this workplan was devised, my
practicum supervisor provided useful suggestions on where I could access resources.

Objective 1: To increase knowledge in community organizing.

Initially, I concentrated on obtaining information from the social services
community development unit in Saskatoon, to determine what projects were already in
place, how these projects had been implemented (locality development, social action or

29

social planning), and what initiatives were taking place in justice oriented programs.
Several people within Social Services were very knowledgeable about current initiatives,
but the information was piecemeal and there was no comprehensive overview of
community programs taking place provincially. My knowledge continued to develop as
the practicum evolved, and further contacts were made with others working within Social
Services.
In terms of community organizing, most of the people I spoke with that were
working with communities did not appear to operate from a specific theoretical base, but
appeared to draw most of their knowledge from common sense. Government employees
tended to operate from a social planning model of community work encompassing a
fairly broad target group, while First Nations people employed by the band were more
inclined toward locality development (the geographic community being the focus of
change).
In order to increase my own knowledge about community organizing, for this
practicum I needed to increase knowledge about the family group conference model that
our region was intending to implement. Information regarding this model was scarce,
and I was required to contact numerous people both internal and external to Social
Services to access resources. I had difficulty obtaining resources from some internal
bureaucrats, but found Royal Canadian Mounted Police members very helpful in sharing
sources of information. Subsequently, I ordered materials from Pennsylvania which
proved very useful in providing background information for the conference process.
Although most of the planning for my project occurred for the city ofNorth
Battleford, I also made contacts and was invited to give presentations in other
communities (refer to Appendix 1, Map of Saskatchewan). These included the Onion

30

Lake First Nations community (population approximately 3000, 50 kilometers north of
Lloydminster), the town of Spiritwood (population approximately 1000, located 125
kilometers northeast ofNorth Battleford), and the northern community of La Loche
(population approximately 2400, located 500 kilometers north ofNorth Battleford). Each
of these communities are at various stages of development in terms of their organizing for
community justice initiatives.
The Onion Lake band has a Justice Committee comprised of local members
currently in place, with a justice co-ordinator who is an employee of the band. This
locality was eager to implement the family group conference program, and saw it as an
adjunct to the alternative measures/mediation program that is already in operation. Upon
the completion of my practicum, service providers to facilitate the conference process
were already approved, a protocol for referrals and follow-up established (that
interestingly enough by-passes the Crown Prosecutor, which is actually a requirement for
alternative measures), and facilitator training requested.
In the town of Spiritwood, no justice committee exists, but the interagency group
consisting of school personnel, health employees and ICFS (Indian Child and Family
Services) requested a presentation after the assistant director for the school division
became aware of the process. Although the feedback from the participants following my
presentation was positive, there has been no further contact with this interagency group.
Perhaps at a later date, the agency group may revisit this process and develop it at their
own pace.
I was also invited to facilitate a presentation of the family group conference
process in La Loche for interagency members from the Northern towns of La Loche and
Buffalo Narrows. Participants included RCMP members, community development

31

corporation employees (funded jointly by SaskJustice and Social Services), Social
Services staff, and employees of the Buffalo Narrows Friendship Center. Both of these
communities have rampant social problems including high rates of crime, unemployment,
teenage pregnancy and alcohol/substance abuse. This group of people was challenging,
possibly because there is a sense of hopelessness about changing the existing status quo
in these communities.
Each of these communities was at different stages of readiness for becoming
involved in the development of restorative justice initiatives. Onion Lake, perhaps
because of its' size (3000 people) and progressive administration, is ready for program
implementation. La Loche, Buffalo Narrows, and Spiritwood will require local interest to
be developed, and the support of local agencies. North Battleford, with its numerous
bureaucratic institutions Gudges, RCMP, crown prosecutors, Social Services, and legal
aid) proved to be challenging in order to obtain legitimacy, feasibility and support from
all the agencies involved.
Although the educational and facilitative roles were the primary focus of my
practicum, the practical development of protocols, referral forms, workplans, and
budgetary requirements were essential aspects of obtaining legitimacy for the program.
Presenting a feasible plan that fit with community needs and differences encouraged the
support of community agencies.
It is noteworthy that in each of these communities, participants requested

information of a parallel process for family services cases. With the help of
Kanaweyimik Indian Child and Family Services staff in Battleford, and drawing on
writings by Burford and Pennell (1994), I developed a preliminary draft for a parallel
process for child welfare concerns.

32

Objective 2: To practice appropriate community work skills and roles.

The skills component of this objective was closely related to the roles I was
fulfilling in my practicum. Skills that were required depended on the role I undertook;
for example, communication skills were important in delivering educational
presentations. As indicated in the community organizing section of Chapter Two, Ife
(1995) identifies four main roles for community work including facilitative, educational,
representational, and technical roles.
My role as facilitator developed in two areas: a) I facilitated group discussion with
collateral agencies to determine appropriate resources, and b) in the family group
conference I co-ordinated. First I discuss my facilitative role with collateral agencies.
Social animation and enthusiasm for this project came naturally, as I believe in
restorative justice principles and view the family group conference as an appropriate
mechanism to achieve restorative justice. Developing negotiation skills was imperative
for working co-operatively with other agencies, particularly to obtain resources. Both
monetary support (although I did not have the authority as a student to approve costs) and
support for new ideas and methods of implementation, particularly for Onion Lake were
also required. In terms ofthe family group conference, the role of facilitator on a micro
level required all aspects ofthe facilitative role: I organized the conference, provided
support to conference participants, encouraged consensus, and assisted in the negotiation
process.
As indicated in the section under Objective 1, I completed presentations in North
Battleford, Spiritwood, and La Loche. At many of the meetings I attended, I provided a
theoretical and practice overview of the family group conference process. Working as a

33
group facilitator at the front-line level, clients were also advised and informed of the
process. Consciousness raising occurred at the client and agency level. I was able to
achieve this by giving presentations about restorative justice and how it might be
achieved at micro and meso levels.
The family group conference I facilitated was an excellent opportunity to practice
facilitation at a micro level, and I gained insight into the effectiveness of the process. In
this case, a youth in one of Social Services' group homes had broken a window during an
outburst where he had been influenced by another youth. No RCMP involvement had
occurred, and the group home staff were willing to participate in the family group
conference process to divert the youth from the court process. The youth and his mother
agreed to participate. The conference was held, an agreement was reached, and follow-up
showed the youth had completed the requirements of the agreement.
I found representational roles difficult to undertake given my status as a student.
At collateral agency meetings that required decision-making ability or authority, other
Social Service representatives were asked to attend with me. Similarly, although I had
knowledge and input about where financial and personnel resources could be obtained, I
did not have the power or authority to approve or access resources. Networking was a
crucial component of the practicum. The RCMP community-oriented policing has also
been supporting the family group conference process for adults as well as youth. I was
fortunate to be able to attend their facilitator training in Meadow Lake, and made several
contacts at this three day session. Representatives from other agencies (corrections,
RCMP and half-way houses) also requested I share academic information with them, to
assist them in implementing similar programs. The media was not used during this
practicum.

34

The technical roles I incorporated throughout my practicum included accessing
literature and information on the internet, and utilizing word processing systems to
develop material for presentations. At the beginning of the practicum, Liz Weston made
arrangements for me to attend Lotus Notes training (the department's e-mail system) in
order that I could communicate internally with department employees throughout the
provmce.
These roles combined both process-oriented and task-oriented tactics.
Educational and representational roles may be more closely aligned with process-oriented
·tactics because of their networking and informing orientation. Facilitative and technical
roles were more concrete, with a specific outcomes identified (e.g. an agreement or
contract). Reflecting on my practice, I found task-oriented tactics to be more conducive
to my personal style. As I become more comfortable with process-oriented tactics I will
gain confidence in their use.

Objective 3: To foster innovations in restorative justice for young offenders,
particularly aboriginal and metis youth in conflict with the law, and their
communities.

While the family group conference is not a new concept, the use of this
mechanism in the implementation of justice is a new idea. Sentencing circles have been
adopted from First Nations communities in many areas of Canada, and used in lieu of the
traditional court system. However, there is a fundamental difference between a
sentencing circle and family group conference. The judge in the sentencing circle still
maintains a mantle of power, while in the family group conference, the participants all

35

have equal power. Mediation processes also have a long history of use for conflict
resolution, however they involve only the offender and the victim and exclude their
support groups.
Traditional First Nations culture relies on cooperation, and problem-solving with
extended family . One example of this principle is the use of healing circles. The family
group conference also relies on cooperation and problem-solving with extended family
and/or support groups. I found that the First Nations people that I worked with during
this practicum were very receptive to the idea, and eager to implement this strategy in
their communities.
The development of protocols for use of family group conferencing with the
Onion Lake community and a flow chart outlining the implementation process to suit the
community's needs was exciting. Their enthusiasm for the project was encouraging,
particularly given that I was an outsider coming in to their community.

Objective 4: To determine if social workers employed by government can
implement successful community work strategies that are congruent with a critical
social work approach.

As indicated in the community organizing section of chapter two, there are several
models of community work. Although non-directive, participatory action models such as
locality development are most congruent with a critical or structural approach to social
work, state-sponsorship may increase involvement and result in effective planning, with
the possibility of state transformation (Christiansen-Ruffman, 1990). Some might argue
that the state is giving up responsibility for youth crime by putting it in the hands of a

36

community or restorative approach to justice. Yet offending youth are part of that
community, and communities must be encouraged to deal with issues that impact upon it.
A community-based, restorative approach encourages participation of community
members. I do not believe that facilitators should be requested to co-ordinate conferences
on a voluntary basis, but should be paid for their efforts. In this region, arrangements
were made to contract the facilitators on a fee-for-service basis.
It is interesting to note that as a student, I did not have a role within the
bureaucratic system. I experienced more difficulties obtaining information, making
contacts, and soliciting support from within my own bureaucratic system rather than from
associated agencies such as the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. On several occasions,
my practicum supervisor and the alternative measures co-ordinator were able to
circumvent the bureaucrats holding information, and access the information I required
from other resources.

37

CHAPTER FOUR- INTEGRATING THEORY, POLICY, AND PRACTICE

A conceptual model of how theory, policy and practice might be integrated is
illustrated in Appendix 2. In this model, the individual is linked to community through a
series of concentric and overlapping circles. It is important to note that the individual is
not viewed as isolated from community, but that intervention with the youth can and may
occur at other levels as well.
At the center of the model is the youth. The youth has four components of being:
emotional, spiritual, physical, and mental. Each of these components interact to develop
a holistic approach to the individual. The perforated lines in the model indicate that the
flow of information, influence, and impact is possible in a non-directive manner.
The next circle symbolizes those people who might have the most impact or
influence on the youth. This includes the youth's immediate family, extended family,
peer associations (keeping in mind the developmental stage of the youth where peer
associations are often more influential than family), cultural influences taught by the
family, and significant others, such as a coach, teacher, or employer that might have had
an influential relationship with the youth.
The community circle includes those aspects of the youth's associations that are
present in the youth's life, but may not be as influential as the family circle. These
include neighborhood members, organizations/institutions such as school or church, and
the larger context of culture. At any given time, these influences may be transposed to a
closer proximity to the youth.
The circles outlying but overlapping the community circle represent the larger
institutions. While these institutions may not necessarily be viewed as part of the

38

immediate community, their presence influences the lives of people within the
community. These institutions often have more impact on our lives than we may
acknowledge.
A youth who commits an offense would find that law enforcement, justice system,
federal and provincial legislation might quickly become transposed closer to the center,
given the youth's offending behavior. The youth may find that their family has been
moved toward the outer circles, as they may no longer have control over the decisions
that are made for the youth, but that provincial and federal legislation overrides their
wants/needs.
Practice, from a community organizing perspective, requires that the worker be
able to successfully navigate these elements of the model. While the worker may or may
not have contact with an individual youth, contact with families comprising the
community is essential for community members to have input into an alternative process.
Ideally, the worker would empower community members to influence policy from the
inner circles, outward.
While the family group conference model incorporates community and adheres to
restorative justice principles, existing legislative policy already allows for the
implementation of alternative measures. The challenge lies in convincing resistant
bureaucrats, families and youth, community members and agencies to allow alternatives
to occur. In the current climate of'get tough' attitudes, individualism, and difficulties
adjusting to change, we have to show leadership to take risks with these youth.
This practicum allowed me the opportunity to explore existing policies, increase
knowledge and skills in community organizing, involve communities in restorative
justice initiatives, and implement critical social work strategies in the hope of changing

39

how institutions influence our communities. This work has implications for future
research in terms of both quantitative and qualitative study. Does family group
conferencing make a difference in recidivism rates? How will communities view
alternative measures? How will alternative measures impact on incarceration rates? Will
alternative measures result in cuts in government spending, and if so, how? Will
communities become responsible for the administration of justice? These questions will
need to be examined to assess the impact of restorative justice initiatives, and their future.
Depending on the outcomes of restorative justice, policies and legislation might
be adjusted to encourage further use of alternative measures, not only in terms of
offending behavior, but in the way we administer social programs and child welfare. As
practitioners in the human service field, a critical view of the existing structures in our
society must be taken if we are to work with clients and communities towards a vision of
social justice. Partnerships between governments, communities, and societal institutions
must be encouraged for the development of effective interventions.
Craig and Mayo (1995) state, "national, regional and local government authorities
must be required to develop corporate approaches to economic and social development
planning and implementation, to provide the overall framework within which
anti-poverty strategies and community development strategies can be promoted, working
toward the wider goal of strategies to promote social justice ... " (p. 108). If this goal is a
vision for changes in social policy, and knowing that policy, theory and practice are
intrinsically related, how will we as workers conduct our practice? Will we support the
status quo by conforming to approaches condoned by existing institutions? Or, will we
choose a critical approach to address the blatant and hidden inequalities in our political,
social and economic systems? Labonte (1990) states "we are now living in a period of

40

fairly fundamental social transformation which has characteristics of both revolution and
reform. Our challenge, personally and professionally, is to ensure that this transformation
moves us towards greater equity in power within and between natons [sic] and to a time
when our obsession with power and empowerment no longer dominates our social
discourse" {p. 74).
It is necessary to critically examine and reflect on our personal and professional

values, our theoretical base, our commitment to social justice, and our approach to
practice. Only through this process will we be able to determine if we are supporting the
status quo, or if we are making structural changes through critical practice.

41

REFERENCES
Aboriginal Justice Learning Network (1997, January). Family group
conferencing. Crown prosecutors constituency meeting at Winnipeg, Manitoba.
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APPENDIX 1 - MAP OF SASKATCHEWAN

0

•-

Nortnent Region

It

48

APPENDIX 2 -A CONCEPTUAL MODEL