COMMUNITY VULNERABILITY TO CHANGING MOUNTAIN SNOWPACKS IN
THE ROBSON VALLEY, BRITISH COLUMBIA, CANADA
By
Mackenzie Ostberg
B.A., University of Northern British Columbia, 2023

THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
IN
NATURAL RESOURCES AND ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES

UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
April 2025
© Mackenzie Ostberg, 2025

Abstract
COMMUNITY VULNERABILITY TO CHANGING SNOWPACKS AND WATER
SYSTEMS IN A MOUNTAIN REGION
Mackenzie Ostberg
UNBC, 2025

Advisor: Dr. Tristan Pearce
Committee Members: Dr. Joseph Shea
Dr. Jennifer Wigglesworth

Mountain regions are experiencing climate change with severe consequences for
ecosystems and the human communities that depend on them, necessitating place-based
adaptation. This thesis examines community vulnerability to changing mountain snowpack
through a mixed-methods case study of McBride and Dunster in the upper Robson Valley,
British Columbia, Canada. This thesis is distinct from other mountain climate change studies in
that it explores the interactions among multiple environmental and societal forces that influence
sensitivity to environmental changes and the capacity to adapt. Local lived experiences were
gathered through one focus group and 32 semi-structured interviews with a total of 37 residents
and analyzed alongside community documents and plans, local news, and quantitative data on
snowpack and streamflow. Latent content analysis revealed that residents are sensitive to
decreases in mountain snowpack due to their reliance on melt run-off for freshwater. Low water
availability has impacted food security, wildfire suppression, and human health and well-being.
Local capacity to adapt has been undermined by the centralization of government services and
resulting exodus of residents, and their knowledge and skills. Despite a long history of coping
with fluctuations in weather, recent changes, including low precipitation years related to the
Southern El Niño Oscillation and heat waves, are considered by many residents to be outside
tolerable ranges. Supporting adaptation is rooted in increasing local social capital and cohesion
by re-directing financial and human resources, and decision-making power back to northern
communities.
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Table of Contents
Abstract ..................................................................................................................................... ii
Table of Contents ...................................................................................................................... iii
List of Tables ............................................................................................................................ vi
List of Figures .......................................................................................................................... vii
Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................. viii
Chapter 1: Introduction ...............................................................................................................1
1.1 Research Rationale ............................................................................................................1
1.2 Thesis Organization ...........................................................................................................3
Chapter 2: Literature Review.......................................................................................................4
2.1 Biophysical Changes in Mountain Regions ........................................................................4
2.2 Vulnerability and Adaptation .............................................................................................6
2.2.1 Approaches to Adaptation and Vulnerability Assessments ..........................................7
2.2.2 Adaptive Capacity .................................................................................................... 10
2.3 Human Dimensions of Climate Change in Mountain Regions .......................................... 11
2.3.1 Water Security .............................................................................................................. 13
2.4 Local Knowledge and Environmental Change .................................................................. 17
2.5.1 Knowledge Co-Production ........................................................................................ 18
2.5 Participatory Mapping ..................................................................................................... 23
2.5.1 Implementation of Participatory Mapping ................................................................. 24
2.5.2 Risk and Resilience Mapping .................................................................................... 25
2.6 Knowledge Gaps and Research Opportunities .................................................................. 27
Chapter 3: Robson Valley Case Study ....................................................................................... 29
Chapter 4: Methodology............................................................................................................ 35
4.1 Research Approach .......................................................................................................... 35
4.2 Ethics............................................................................................................................... 36
4.3 Data Collection ............................................................................................................ 37
4.3.1 Sampling and Recruitment ........................................................................................ 38
4.3.2 Semi-Structured Interviews ....................................................................................... 38
4.3.3 Focus Groups............................................................................................................ 40
4.3.4 Participatory Mapping .............................................................................................. 41
4.3.5 Secondary Sources .................................................................................................... 42
4.3.6 Community Observation and Field Notes.................................................................. 43
4.4 Research Dissemination ................................................................................................... 43
4.5 Data Analysis and Storage ............................................................................................... 44
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4.6 Researcher Positionality ................................................................................................... 45
4.7 Methodological Trustworthiness ...................................................................................... 47
4.7.2 Reliability ................................................................................................................. 47
4.7.3 Validity..................................................................................................................... 47
4.7.4 Rigour ...................................................................................................................... 47
Chapter 5: Results ..................................................................................................................... 49
5.1 McBride and Dunster Water Systems ............................................................................... 49
5.2 Changing Environmental Conditions................................................................................ 52
5.3 Societal Change ............................................................................................................... 56
5.3.1 Centralization ........................................................................................................... 56
5.3.2 Zombie Farms........................................................................................................... 57
5.4 Exposure-Sensitivities...................................................................................................... 58
5.4.1 Agriculture ............................................................................................................... 58
5.4.2 Gardens and Foraging ............................................................................................... 60
5.4.3 Fire Suppression ....................................................................................................... 62
5.4.5 Human Health and Well-Being ................................................................................. 63
5.5 Current Adaptive Strategies ............................................................................................. 66
5.5.1 Water Conservation .................................................................................................. 66
5.5.2 Water Storage ........................................................................................................... 67
5.5.3 Retention Ponds and Dug-Outs ................................................................................. 68
5.5.4 Well Drilling............................................................................................................. 69
5.5.5 Water Licenses ......................................................................................................... 69
5.5.6 Social Cohesion ........................................................................................................ 70
5.6 Barriers to Adaptation ...................................................................................................... 72
5.6.1 Governance............................................................................................................... 72
5.6.2 Financial Barriers ..................................................................................................... 73
5.6.3 Location ................................................................................................................... 74
5.7 Adaptation Planning ........................................................................................................ 75
Chapter 6: Discussion ............................................................................................................... 77
6.1 Changing Mountain Snowpack and Water Availability .................................................... 77
6.2 Social and Political Pressures ........................................................................................... 79
6.3 Resiliency and Adaptability ............................................................................................. 84
Chapter 7: Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 86
7.1 Practical Contributions..................................................................................................... 88
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7.2 Scholarly Contributions ................................................................................................... 89
7.3 Future Research Opportunities ......................................................................................... 89
References ................................................................................................................................ 91
Appendix 1: Interview Guide .................................................................................................. 111
Appendix 2: Focus Group Guide ............................................................................................. 114
Appendix 3: List of Interviewees............................................................................................. 115
Appendix 4: Information Letter and Consent Form ................................................................. 117
Appendix 5: Timeline ............................................................................................................. 123
Appendix 6: Budget ................................................................................................................ 125
Appendix 7: Ethics Approval Form ......................................................................................... 126
Appendix 8: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans ................................................ 127

v

List of Tables
Table 4.1 Demographic Characteristics of Participants .............................................................. 38
Table 4.2 Interview Guide Example Interview Questions .......................................................... 40
Table 5.1 Observed Environmental Changes ............................................................................. 54

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List of Figures
Figure 2.1: Analytical framework for vulnerability assessment ....................................................7
Figure 2.2: Hazards of place model. ............................................................................................8
Figure 3.1: Location of study communities in the Robson Valley, B.C, Canada ......................... 30
Figure 3.2: Aerial view of the Robson Valley ............................................................................ 34
Figure 5.1: Map demonstrating where residents receive water (water rights licences) surrounding
the Village of McBride .............................................................................................................. 51
Figure 5.2: Map demonstrating where residents receive water (water rights licenses) surrounding
the Dunster area ........................................................................................................................ 51

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Acknowledgements
This thesis is dedicated to Dave Marsh, Archie McLean, and Andy Keim, three residents
who truly shared with me the beauty and history of the Robson Valley through their experiences.
I was instantly in awe of their wisdom of the mountain ranges and the stories of their lives in the
Valley. In my first week in the Robson Valley, Dave shared with pride that it is the locals that
pull together in the face of hazards, sharing the roles that their knowledge plays in protecting the
community. Andy shared with me his love for the outdoors and told me stories of the most
remarkable weather events that he had experienced and the changes he had observed with
incredible detail. Archie shared his love for the community of Dunster, and expressed his
devotion to protecting the land, the environment, and the people who depend on it. The stories
shared by Dave, Andy, and Archie shaped what the research came to be, and highlighted the
importance of community, knowledge, and resilience in rural places.
Thank you to Dr. Tristan Pearce for your unwavering mentorship and support throughout
this journey. Thank you for continuing to push me out of my comfort zone, and for your
encouragement when the process proved challenging. I am grateful for your dedication to the
project and for creating an environment that allowed me to learn all that I could. Thank you to
Dr. Joseph Shea for introducing me to the beauty behind mountain science, and for encouraging
me to pursue grad school. Thank you to Dr. Jennifer Wigglesworth for ensuring I was grounded
in the research process, and for all of the kind words and encouragement.
This research project is made possible by the wonderful residents of McBride and
Dunster. I am eternally grateful for your kindness, and for taking a chance on me to learn from
you, share your stories, and advocate for you. If nothing else, this thesis is a testament to the
incredible knowledge, strength, and experience of the McBride and Dunster people. You became

viii

a home away from home, and I will carry your stories, hope, and encouragement with me
always. I want to especially thank Nancy and Larry for taking me in, feeding me, and giving me
a safe place to rest. I would also like to thank Dave Hruby for being a constant support and
teacher, it has been a pleasure to learn from you. Thank you to Bridget for guiding me early in
the research, sitting and sharing ideas with me, and for providing me with the grace to learn from
this process.
I want to thank the Geography Department at UNBC for their devotion to my education
over the last several years, and for helping me pursue my passion for research, the environment,
and the well-being of people. I would like to thank the ECRG research group; Annie, James,
Yan, Steph, Lenworth, Madeleine, Rubi, and Hal for all of their support, laughs, and guidance. I
would also like to thank Jessica for being my greatest cheerleader when I was down on
confidence, for being my greatest critic, and for always answering the phone when I needed you.
I will cherish our late nights discussing methodologies and our shared love for rural
communities. I am forever grateful to have had you by my side throughout grad school.
Thank you to the Ostbergs and Kellers for always being my pillars to lean on, and for
your unwavering support and belief in me. To my parents, Katy and Darrin, thank you for
fostering my curiosity about the world and sense of adventure since I was little, and for
providing a home that was always full of love, inspiration, kindness, and joy. Lastly, thank you
to my twin brother Jake for always pushing me to do my very best and to be true to my work.
Your love and passion for research and the integrity of which you do all things is something I
aspire to everyday. I am grateful to have done my master’s alongside you.

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Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 Research Rationale
Mountain regions globally are experiencing climate change with severe consequences for
ecosystems and the human communities who depend on them for their lives and livelihoods.
(McDowell et al., 2021). Biophysical changes including changing seasonal weather patterns,
rising temperatures, loss of glacier mass, increasing natural hazards, and changes in snowpacks
have been recorded, and are expected to accelerate in the future (Campbell & Ryan, 2021;
Pomeroy et al., 2012; Shea et al., 2021). These changes have affected access to drinking water,
damaged infrastructure, and transportation networks, and economic sectors like forestry,
farming, and tourism (Hock et al., 2019). Adaptation is unavoidable and necessary to mitigate
negative impacts and take advantage of potential new opportunities.
Water is an essential resource, sustaining life for both humans and ecosystems, yet
approximately 80% of the world’s population is under high risk of water insecurity (Beniston &
Stoffel, 2014; Wang et al., 2023). In mountain regions, water availability is often derived from
snowpacks that melt continuously in the spring, summer, and fall, then replenish in the winter as
part of the hydrological cycle. With rising global temperatures, some mountain regions have
experienced ‘dry’ years when snowpacks are unable to sustain sufficient snow for the melt runoff with implications for ecosystems and human communities (e.g. Beniston & Stoffel, 2014;
Campbell & Ryan, 2021).
To date, however, most climate change research in mountain regions has focused on
measuring, monitoring, and/or modelling biophysical changes, such as glacier melt, with less
attention on how these changes affect peoples’ livelihoods and their capacity to adapt to new
conditions. Other research in mountain regions has focused on modelling future climate change
1

and potential impacts (Hock et al., 2019) including snowpack depletions (Huss et al., 2017).
Measuring biophysical changes in mountain regions has advanced our understanding of broad
risks associated with dynamic mountain environments, as well as what types of hazards may
threaten people living in mountain spaces but is limited in advancing adaptation.
While much climate change research focuses on changes in mountain regions at a large
scale, human impacts and responses are highly localized and shaped by factors like local
geography and pre-existing societal structures, including economic systems, government
practices and policies, and past experiences and knowledge of change (Duerden, 2004;
McDowell et al., 2023). To initiate adaptation actions, decision makers need to know the nature
of vulnerability, in terms of who and what are vulnerable, to what stresses, and in what way, and
also what is the capacity of the community to adapt to changing conditions (Smit and Wandel,
2006). Furthermore, it is now widely accepted that adaptation initiatives are most effective when
they are integrated, or mainstreamed, into other resource management, disaster preparedness,
and/or community planning programmes and institutions (Adger, 2022). This integration requires
knowledge of local governance structures, institutions, and policies, as well as the forces that
influence vulnerability and the factors that facilitate or constrain adaptation (Adger, 2006).
Adapting to climate change thus requires integrated, culturally relevant approaches that consider
the social mechanisms behind traditional and local practices, and mutual dependencies between
people and the environment (Fraser, 2003).
This research responds to these knowledge gaps and examines community vulnerability
and adaptation to changing snowpacks in mountain regions through a case study of the
communities of McBride and Dunster, located in the upper Robson Valley area of British
Columbia, Canada. The aim is achieved through four objectives:

2

1) describe the local water system and its ecological and social components;
2) document the ways in which changing snowpack, in the context of other climatic and
non-climatic stressors, is affecting the local water system;
3) characterize the adaptive strategies employed to manage and cope with these conditions;
and
4) describe factors that aid or constrain adaptation.
This research is novel in that it (i) assesses vulnerability at the local scale and does so in the
context of multiple climate and non-climatic stressors; (ii) considers the role that human agency
plays in how people experience and respond to climate change; and (iii) focuses on a
geographically remote region in Northern B.C.
1.2 Thesis Organization
This thesis is organized into seven chapters, starting with chapter one, the Introduction.
Chapter two, Literature Review, provides a summary of relevant literature to situate this research
within relevant bodies of scholarship, as well as highlights knowledge gaps. Case Study is
Chapter three, which provides the local and regional context for the research. Chapter four,
Research Methodology, establishes the research design and approach, as well as describes which
methods were employed, as well as data analysis and storage methods. Chapter five is the
Results, which shares the findings from the data collection process, and is organized into seven
sections to categorize the results. Chapter six, Discussion, highlights the significance of the
research findings as well as connects the findings to the greater bodies of scholarship. Chapter
seven, Conclusion, closes the thesis, providing a summary of the key findings, a section on
practical and scholarly contributions, and future research opportunities.

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Chapter 2: Literature Review
This research engages with climate change impacts and adaptation in mountain regions ,
the concepts and operationalization of vulnerability and adaptation, the role of local knowledge
in climate change research, and participatory mapping. These bodies of scholarships are
reviewed and critiqued to identify knowledge gaps and opportunities for future research.
2.1 Biophysical Changes in Mountain Regions
Mountain regions are at the forefront of climate change, where warming rates are higher
than the global average and contribute to multiple stressors in mountain ecosystems
(Chakraborty, 2021; McDowell et al., 2021). Climate change in mountain environments is
manifested through various negative impacts that include glacier loss, slope instability,
snowpack depletion, flooding, drought, landslides, rockslides, and mudslides (Beniston, 2003;
IPCC, 2023; McDowell et al., 2021; Stoffel & Huggel, 2012). These physical responses to
climate change present as natural hazards to humans and mountain communities, impacting
water security, resource extractive industries, tourism, and recreation, and even causing loss of
life and property (McDowell et al., 2021; Hock et al., 2019).
Climate change impacts in mountain environments are often sudden and substantial
(Hock et al., 2019, McDowell et al., 2023). The initial concern of physical changes in mountain
environments is that of temperature and heavy precipitation events such as heavy rainfall or
storms (Stoffel & Huggel, 2012). Changes in precipitation and temperature have various
secondary effects, including the extent of glaciers (Beniston, 2003), alpine permafrost (Stoffel &
Huggel, 2012), and the distribution and replenishment of snowpacks (Campbell & Ryan, 2021).
Increased glacial melt may also lead to glacial lake formation and growth which can result in
large outburst floods (Hock et al., 2019; Shea et al., 2021; Stoffel & Huggel, 2012).

4

Additionally, a decrease in glacier mass, and even the complete depletion of glaciers, will result
in decreased biodiversity to glacier-fed rivers and lakes. These changes in biogeochemistry of
rivers and proglacial lakes will have significant impacts on aquatic habitat, biotic communities,
and water quality for both ecosystems and humans who depend on the hydrological system (Huss
et al., 2017).
Snowpacks in mountain basins are a vital part of water resources and mountain
environments, where winter snowpacks are the dominant component of stream flows in the
warmer seasons (Campbell & Ryan, 2021; Huss et al., 2017; Shea et al., 2021). For many
lowland areas, snowpack melt in the summertime supplies reservoirs that are imperative for
supplying ecosystem and human demands (Campbell & Ryan, 2021; Huss et al., 2017; Pomeroy
et al., 2012; Shea et al., 2021; Stewart, 2008). Snowpacks are the cumulative effects of snow
ablation and accumulation, with snow cover serving as a control on summer soil-water storage
and on the global heat budget (Huss et al., 2017; Stewart, 2008). Furthermore, mountainous
seasonal snow cover plays an important role in the hydroclimatic system due to its large spatial
extent, latitudinal variation, and seasonal breadth (Stewart, 2008). Similar to glacier melt as
discussed above, precipitation as rain, coupled with warmer temperatures quickly diminishes
snowpacks, causing the initial spring freshet and runoff to begin earlier in the season, and
reducing the amount of fall and summer water flows (Campbell & Ryan, 2021; Huss et al., 2017;
Pomeroy et al., 2012; Shea et al., 2021; Stewart, 2008; Stoffel & Huggel, 2012).
Snowpack replenishment and density is also related to snow water equivalent (SWE), a
useful method to measure the amount of liquid that is stored in the snowpack. SWE essentially
indicates how much water would be in the water column, that would result in theory, from the
instantaneous melt of a snowpack (Stewart, 2008). The changing climate impacts the SWE, and

5

consequently, impacts the water supply that is derived from snowpack run-off (Huss et al., 2017;
Stewart, 2008). However, elevation plays a crucial role in snowpack accumulation and depletion,
SWE, and mountain streamflow responses to climate change (Shea et al., 2021). It is important
to understand the physical processes of snow, to understand how to monitor snowpack and
environmental changes, and adapt to them.
2.2 Vulnerability and Adaptation
Vulnerability, in the context of climate change can be broadly defined as the potential for
loss (Cutter, 1996). However, the meanings and discrepancies behind the term vulnerability arise
from various epistemologies, such as human ecology, physical sciences, political ecology,
technology, and hazards, creating confusion for the application of the theory (Cutter, 1996). With
regards to clarity and this project, vulnerability can be largely categorized by its parameters as
the exposure of a system to stress, its degree of sensitivity to said stress, and the adaptive
capacity of that system (Adger, 2006; Adger, 2003; Adger & Kelly, 1999; Berkes, 2007; Watts
& Bohle, 1993). Additionally, this definition also includes understanding the nature of
vulnerability with the inclusion of a social response (both individual and collective) to
vulnerability, vulnerabilities of space and place, and vulnerability as an exposure (Cutter, 1996;
Smit & Wandel, 2006; Watts & Bohle, 1993). The most functional and overarching definition of
vulnerability in this context is the “state of susceptibility to harm from exposure to stresses
associated with environmental and social change and from the absence of capacity to adapt”
(Adger, p. 268, 2006), thus creating space for the consideration of the environmental and social
relationship of vulnerability, and its relationship to resilience and adaptation development
(Adger, 2006; Adger & Kelly, 1999; Berkes et al., 1998; Watts & Bohle, 1993).

6

2.2.1 Approaches to Adaptation and Vulnerability Assessments
There are numerous assessment models that can be used to determine the vulnerability of
a system. The first research framework for vulnerability analysis I describe here is outlined by
Ford and Smit (2004). This framework begins by first assessing the current vulnerability of a
community by detailing the exposures to the system, and the current adaptive strategies (Figure
2.1). The second stage assesses the future vulnerability through the estimation, rather than
assumption, of directional changes regarding the exposure, and uses that to predict the adaptive
capacity in the future, based on the knowledge of past behavior (Ford & Smit, 2004).

Figure 2.1: Analytical framework for vulnerability assessment (Ford and Smit 2004).

This method is therefore used to assess the vulnerability of a community empirically, while
taking into consideration future constraints to adaptive measures (Burton et al., 2002; Ford &

7

Smit, 2004). The vulnerability approach is useful in assessing the conditions that affect the
system.
The vulnerability assessment does not include place-based considerations in the model.
Therefore, Cutter’s (1996) hazards of place model was also employed to gain further
understanding of vulnerability as it relates to locality (Figure 2.2). The combination of the two
assessment models as well as employing a case study framework allowed the research to be
conducted in a bottom-up, place-based way. The vulnerability assessment in a place-specific
context has been done successfully by others (e.g. McCubbin et al., 2015; Pearce et al., 2018;
Pearce et al., 2010) to reveal and address underlying impacts of politics, social change,
economics, health, and how these factors consequently shape the communities’ understanding,
vulnerability, and adaptive capacity to the onset of climate change and natural hazards.

Figure 2.2: Hazards of place model (Cutter, 1996).

The Pressure and release model (PAR), developed by Blaikie et al., (2014), is an
organizing framework that outlines a down-stream effect of causal incidents, that together create
the sum of the pre-conditions for a disaster (Blaikie et al., 2014). This model also considers that
8

in order for the “release” aspect of the model to work, the chain of causation needs to be
addressed back to the root causes, rather than just the hazard or circumstances of vulnerability.
However, this model contains gaps regarding its fixed nature, and therefore does not contain an
analysis of where and when the hazards begin to unfold. For example, this model does not
account for socio-political or marginalized groups at the point of disaster, thus unable to truly
assess fitting adaptation strategies (Blaikie et al., 2014; Burton et al., 2002).
The PAR model differs from the vulnerability approach in that the focus of the PAR
model is how a disaster might impact a system, and the vulnerability model focuses on preexisting conditions prior to disaster. Both models, while hold their own implementation gaps
respectively, are also able to complement each other when considered synergistically. PAR does
not consider socio-political factors prior to a disaster, therefore on its own is unable to accurately
measure adaptive strategies. However, the vulnerability method focuses on the potential capacity
of the system, and any elements that may impact the system and its ability to cope, beyond one
specific instance.
Blaikie et al., (2014), also introduces the Access model, an expanded analysis of the
principles in the PAR model, designed to understand the complexities and varied arrays of
environmental and social events, as well as the long-term processes that may be associated with a
disaster at the micro-level. The Access model takes a more detailed approach to understanding
how conditions need to change to reduce human vulnerability and exposure to physical hazards
while still guided by PAR principles (Blaikie et al., 2014). Arguably, the Access model is the
application of vulnerability assessment after the PAR model, where the site of disaster and the
socio-cultural-political facets are considered in the capacity for a community to cope (Blaikie et
al., 2014).

9

A third consideration for vulnerability assessments is what Fraser et al., (2003) describes
as mutual vulnerability and mutual dependence. The idea of mutual vulnerability and
dependence is that due to the reflexive nature of society and the environment, factors such as
human-induced climate change are cause for concern, but the environment has and will always
continue to be a powerful constraint and shaper of human society (Fraser et al., 2003).
Additionally, environmental response to change may go unfelt and unseen for many years, and a
population that caused environmental degradation may not be the same population that is
affected by the change (Fraser et al., 2003).
A fourth consideration for vulnerability assessments is that adaptive strategies must go
beyond cause-and-consequence because the human-environmental relationship is more
complicated. Therefore, composing a human-environment analytical equation to better
understand policy-making and resource availability too often misses the dynamics of such issues.
Instead, addressing vulnerability as a balance is more comprehensive (Adger & Kelly, 1999;
Berkes & Folke, 1998; Fraser et al., 2003).
2.2.2 Adaptive Capacity
Adaptation is the actions or strategies that a system enacts to be able to address change
successfully and identify possible opportunities within the change. Adaptive capacity, however,
refers to the potential that the system has to be able to enact adaptive strategies. Weaving
vulnerability and adaptive capacity together, the latter is situated within a community’s ‘state’ of
vulnerability. For example, Ford and Smit outline vulnerability as a “pre-existing” condition,
shaped by social, economic, and political structures (Ford & Smit, 2004). However, these same
pre-existing conditions define the capacity of a community to cope with hazardous conditions,
and recover from the effects (Adger & Kelly, 1999; Cutter, 2020; Smit & Wandel, 2006).

10

Therefore, adaptation initiatives are manifestations of the conceived adaptive capacity of the
system (Adger & Kelly, 1999; Smit & Wandel, 2006).
Understanding adaptive capacity is context and location specific. For example, the scales
of adaptive capacity are reflective on each other: the capacity of a community to respond is
dependent on the governmental structure and processes of a region and the resources allotted,
and the capacity of a family to adapt can be influenced by the drive of the community (Adger &
Kelly, 1999; Smit & Wandel, 2006). However, woven through these considerations are
determinants or drivers of adaptive capacity (Adger, 2003; Smit & Wandel, 2006; Watts &
Bohle, 1993). These determinants include technology, access to financial and informative
resources, infrastructure, managerial and governmental systems, kinship networks, and political
influence (Smit & Wandel, 2006).
Much literature discusses the idea of a coping range when discussing adaptive capacity.
The coping range of a system refers to the time specificity and response to changes and
conditions. For example, current political structure, populations size, economic condition, and
resource depletion may decrease adaptive capacity at a certain period, while improvements in
other sectors may facilitate an increase in adaptive capacity (Adger & Kelly, 1999; Smit &
Wandel, 2006). Additionally, cumulative impacts of changes or increased frequency of events
can also result in a narrower coping range and may even result in the complete eradication of a
system to cope or adapt at all (Smit & Wandel, 2006).
2.3 Human Dimensions of Climate Change in Mountain Regions
Mountain regions are responsible for sustaining and supporting over 1 billion people,
both directly and indirectly through water systems, resources, tourism, and ecosystem services
(Beniston, 2003; McDowell et al., 2021). Furthermore, mountains are home to endangered

11

species, are hotspots for biodiversity, and spaces for energy, forestry, and agricultural industries
(Beniston, 2003; Chakraborty, 2021; McDowell et al., 2023). Mountain environments are highly
ecologically sensitive and are relied on to support large populations, further portraying the
urgency of addressing climate change and natural hazards in the mountains. The first concern
with mountain climate change is the immediate risk to human life. Natural hazards, geohazards,
or mountain hazards consist of the physical processes that are discussed in the biophysical
section. What makes a natural hazard a ‘hazard,’ is the risk to humans that share the mountain
space. Landslides, rockslides, mudslides, avalanches, floods, and droughts claim lives across the
globe every year. Furthermore, natural hazards hold severe impacts to lives and livelihoods that
can persist with long-lasting effects (Halofsky et al., 2017; Hock et al., 2019; McDowell et al.,
2021). These impacts include destruction to economic industries such as farming, agriculture,
forestry, tourism, and recreation. Additionally, natural hazards in mountain regions impact
communication and transportation networks, cultural practices, health and resource accessibility,
and water security.
Understanding the impacts of natural hazards on communities can be established by
categorizing the incidence of a hazard, and the distribution of damage to communities thereafter
(Hewitt, 1992). The initial disaster of a hazard, such as a rockslide, landslide, or flood can have
grave impacts to human life, property, and infrastructure (Halofsky et al., 2017; Hock et al.,
2019; McDowell et al., 2021). Additionally, small and rural mountain communities are often
isolated, decreasing the effectiveness of emergency responses and allocation of resources
(Hewitt, 1992; Klein et al., 2019). The lasting impacts to natural hazards include being cut-off
from power grids, damage to agriculture and industrial infrastructure, health impacts from lack

12

of sanitation and damage to water systems, and the cost allocated to ‘regrouping’ a community
after a catastrophic event (Klein et al., 2019).
The degree of negative impact from mountain hazards to communities is intersectional,
with initial change or damage from hazards causing long-lasting impacts to economy,
livelihoods, and sense of place. The primary focus for this literature review is water security in
mountain regions. Snow is a vital component of mountain hydrological systems; any changes in
the timing, amount, and extent of the snowpack can have far reaching effects (Beniston, 2012).
The change in snowpacks will cause earlier melt, causing earlier stream run-off and decreased
summer stream flows, altering timing and thus shortage of surface water in communities where
the summer water demand is high (Beniston, 2012; Halofsky et al., 2017). Additionally, extreme
weather events and higher rain precipitation may increase run-off from agricultural fields and
roads, leaching fertilizers, pesticides, and other contaminants into fresh-water systems (Halofsky
et al., 2017; ICIMOD, 2023).
2.3.1 Water Security
Drought is a large water security concern for mountain and lowland communities that
rely on snowpack melt for fresh water, particularly for agriculture (Adhikari, 2018; Beniston &
Stoffel, 2014). Drought in agriculture-based regions has cascading impacts to food production
and food security, crop success, and soil moisture (Adhikari, 2018; Beniston and Stoffel, 2014;
Briner et al., 2012; Fuhrer et al., 2014; Vivrioli et al., 2011). Impacts on agriculture from
drought also hold severe socioeconomic impacts. The uncertainty of food production can cause
push factors, and thus the outmigration of residents, and social conflict with regards to water use
(Adhikari, 2018; Beniston & Stoffel, 2014; ICIMOD, 2023). Drought in mountain regions is an

13

urgent issue that has potential detrimental impacts to other industries, security of communities,
and future implications to hydrological systems, and their ability to replenish.
Water security does not just impact agriculture as an industry but also affects the ability
for flexibility and change in land-use planning (Beniston, 2012). For example, a community
seeking to implement forestry, mining, and other extractive industries as a part of the economy
will be hard-pressed with risk of erosion and seasonal water demands (Beniston, 2012).
Furthermore, changing social patterns, changing economic industries and incentives, and
constant efforts to maintain irrigation systems and develop new ones have shaped land-use
planning to incur more risk to geohazards, and excessive consumption of depleting water
resources (Aggarwal et al., 2021; Beniston, 2012). Additionally, it is not just the high or midmountain communities that are facing increased water security risk due to changes in mountain
snowpacks. Downstream communities are facing increased vulnerability as communities in
higher elevations redirect water sources for resource extraction or agriculture and as water
insecurity accelerates across mountain ranges (Aggarwal et al., 2021; McDowell et al., 2013;
Vivrioli et al., 2020). As lowland areas become increasingly more dependent on run-off from
mountain water systems and as higher communities construct reservoirs and redirect irrigation
systems, water scarcity grows more severe and the options to adapt to more sustainable methods
of water consumption decrease (Aggarwal et al., 2021; Vivrioli et al., 2020).
One example of addressing and characterizing vulnerability to water security is the
investigation of water security issues in the Elqui Valley, Chile, and the community’s adaptive
capacity to these water stressors (Young et al., 2010). In this article, Young et al. (2010) identify
that adaptation usually represents modifications of existing resource management, sustainable
development initiatives, and risk management approaches, which are often used to address

14

immediate vulnerabilities (Young et al., 2010). The Elqui Valley is comprised of extremely steep
slopes with dry, sandy soils. All water availability is derived from snow and ice accumulation in
the high mountains which feeds the basin’s rivers (Young et al., 2010). Additionally, the stress
of water insecurity is exacerbated by economic and institutional conditions, and large changes in
the agriculture industry (Young et al., 2010). Lastly, water rights are often granted under a
market-oriented structure, which comes with issues of large, monocrop farms purchasing water
rights instead of small, local farms (Young et al., 2010). The example of Elqui Valley shows
how water insecurity in mountain regions is not only related to water availability, but is also tied
to debris flow and flooding, drought, socio-economic exposure sensitivities, and barriers to
adapting to future risk (Young et al., 2010). Future temperature changes are expected to cause
hydrological changes in the Elqui Valley, with projections that water availability for potable,
agricultural, and economic water will be unable to meet the needs of the Valley (Young et al.,
2010).
Similarly to the Elqui Valley, McDowell et al., (2013) discuss the case study
investigation of the Khumbu region in Nepal, a unique geographic region that contains several
communities who depend on the Indian monsoon season, and the redistribution effects of glacier
and snowpack melt. Like numerous other mountain communities, Khumbu livelihoods are
primarily based on agriculture, pastoralism, and more recently, tourism (McDowell et al., 2013).
The study states that respondents indicated being sensitive to changing hydrological systems.
Similarly to the Robson Valley, the residents receive their water from small surface water creeks
that flow near the communities that they use for household purposes. However, respondents also
identified feeling impacts to hydro-electricity production, agricultural yields, and decreased
water availability to meet the needs of tourists (McDowell et al., 2013). Both Khumbu and the

15

Elqui Valley demonstrate how biophysical changes in mountain regions shape human
vulnerability.
In recent years, tourism has become an opportunity to supplement economic diversity in
isolated mountain regions, where economic diversification can be otherwise difficult to
implement. Mountain tourism is among the most sensitive forms of tourism, as weather can be
both productive for, and limiting to tourism, leisure, and recreational activities (Steiger et al.,
2022). Changing climate and weather conditions may increase the unpredictability of an already
unpredictable landscape, thus impacting recreationists/tourist satisfaction, safety, and destination
suitability for specific activities (Duerden, 2004; ICIMOD, 2023; K C and Thapa Parajuli, 2015;
Steiger et al., 2022).
Mountain tourism in both summer and winter visiting seasons is already affected by
increasing risk of mountain geohazards, with rockslides, landslides, and glacial lake outbursts
floods carrying drastic consequences to mountain tourism industries (K C & Thapa Parajuli,
2015; Steiger et al., 2022; Wilhelmi et al., 2008). Rock climbing, mountaineering, and
backcountry activities are undertaken at an increased risk, and significant tourism infrastructure
such as access roads and hiking trails are at risk of being damaged or destroyed (ICIMOD, 2023;
Steiger et al., 2022). Water security poses a large risk to mountain tourism industries under the
weight of climate change. Aside from the potential risk to infrastructure from natural hazards,
basic tourism operations place tremendous pressure on existing and already stressed water
systems in mountain regions (Steiger et al., 2022; Wilhelmi et al., 2008). The largest stressor to
water systems is consumption by tourists (hotels, drinking, showers, pools, etc.). In addition, the
limited water availability and water-use conflict is exacerbated by snowmaking, which many
mountain tourism industries are becoming dependent on to maintain tourism numbers in ski

16

destinations (Steiger et al., 2022). It is important to note that research found that placing a ‘cap’
on water-use in tourism industries showed an up to 60% decrease in tourism-based visits and
stays (Steiger et al., 2022). As shifts in the economy, mountain landscapes, climate, weather
systems, and in society persist, there are increased pressures to both the natural environment and
communities that reside in the mountains.
Mountains are remarkable landscapes, housing a wide range of species, varying
ecosystems, and different cultures, customs, and communities. Mountains are also highly fragile
environments, being exceedingly susceptible to climate change and shifts in ecosystems.
Humans are widely dependent on mountains across the globe for agriculture and hunting, water,
natural resources, livelihoods, tourism, and recreation, and as homes. Unfortunately, increased
natural hazards, snowpack depletion, environmental degradation, and increased need for
resources jeopardize the integrity of mountain environments to support mountain communities
and ecosystems. Therefore, there is a need for creative and sustainable methods of adaptation to
a changing world.
2.4 Local Knowledge and Environmental Change
Knowledge can be explained as skills and information we gain through experience and
education known as scientific knowledge. In western education systems, this is predominantly
how knowledge is viewed. However, knowledge is also the awareness or familiarity acquired
through an accumulation of experience from a situation, further known as local knowledge,
traditional ecological knowledge, or Indigenous knowledge (Mercer, 2010; Wenzel, 1999). Both
of the described ways of knowing house their own dynamics of human and power relationships,
intertwined with political, social, and economical elements (Berkes, 2009; Mercer, 2010). Since
the 1970s, there has been increased implementation and literature on the theory of knowledge co-

17

production, which is the creation of knowledge through a shared research process that involves
people from different backgrounds, knowledge systems, and skill sets (Berkes, 2009; Mercer,
2010; Usher, 2000; Wenzel, 1999). Scientific knowledge systems have been the predominant
knowledge that is sought for policy-making, governing decisions, and for problem solving.
Unfortunately, the lack of validation and recognition for alternative knowledge systems, and the
power of ‘institutional knowledge’ has resulted in the suppression of key perspectives, and
exclusion of pertinent and important knowledge.
In the context of a changing environment, traditional knowledge is a dynamic process of
knowledge accumulation, shaped and changed over time with the changing of ecological
systems, migration of species, and with environmental stressors (Berkes, 2009). Traditional
knowledge is accustomed to acknowledging and adapting to environmental changes. However,
the rate of climate change, frequency of natural hazards, and contestation of resource
management has proven unprecedented in adaptability. Therefore, the idea of knowledge coproduction between traditional knowledge systems and scientific knowledge systems is the best
option to navigate adaptation to hazards and disasters, and equitable and adequate environmental
governance. There needs to be an integration between scientific ‘western’ knowledge and
Indigenous/traditional/local knowledge, necessitating mutual understanding and recognition of
strengths from each knowledge system while also offering respect to cultural, epistemological,
and dynamics of each (Berkes, 2009; Mercer, 2010; Usher, 2000; Wenzel, 1999).
2.5.1 Knowledge Co-Production
The occurrence of natural disasters and the risk of hazards is on the rise, especially in
locations with limited governmental support, aid relief, or resources to respond to such grave
environmental impacts. Furthermore, national and international aid is often provided to

18

communities’ post-disaster, yet only after the population themselves have ensured their survival
immediately after the disaster. Residents and/or Indigenous populations may also know what is
critical for livelihood security post-disaster (Lejano et al., 2021). Communities come together in
the absence of government, which is where local, traditional, and Indigenous knowledge informs
the immediate response to a crisis that protects a community. But as climate change, decreased
traditional knowledge transmission, increased hazards, and human-interrelated factors further
drive vulnerability, communities lose capacity to address destructive crisis, nor should they bear
full responsibility to react (Lejano et al., 2021; Mercer, 2010; Flailing et al, 2007).
Natural hazard vulnerability is comprised of societal, economic, cultural, and humaninterrelated factors that shape a community’s capacity and ability to adapt to the changing global
context (Flailing et al., 2007). People’s behaviour within a space, experiences of place, and
value-based knowledge claims shape community perceptions of hazards as they manifest within
their environment. (Flailing et al., 2007). In contrast, government policies in response to hazards
are claims of fact-based knowledge (Flailing et al., 2007; Mercer, 2010). Fact-based scientific
knowledge has shown to not be adequate in responding to place-specific hazards in isolation;
however, local knowledge in risk reduction is able to reduce potential environmental hazards as
it is attributed to a location, not as a category, allowing for place-based initiatives coupled with
scientific data and knowledge.
The key consideration for facilitating knowledge co-production in Disaster Risk
Reduction (DRR) is not to identify new knowledge, but to enhance knowledge as a tool that can
be implemented by Indigenous and/or rural communities to reduce vulnerability to
environmental hazards (Mercer, 2010). Disaster risk reduction is aimed at mitigating new and
reducing disaster risk, as well as managing residual risk (Lejano et al., 2021; Mercer, 2010;

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Furthermore, knowledge co-production should not just be viewed as a method to identify levels
of capacity and vulnerability within a community, but as a solution-seeking process that engages
residents, researchers, local governments, and stakeholders (Berkes, 2009; Mercer, 2010). In the
context of integrated strategy, knowledge for the benefit of knowledge’s sake is not an actionoriented method of knowledge co-production and can be considered a harmful waste of time by
the community that seeks to address environmental disasters (Mercer, 2010).
After the framework for knowledge co-production is established, the project must
collectively address and understand the role of extrinsic factors such as globalization, and how
they shape intrinsic impacts such as farming, harm to native soil, and property development in
unsafe locations with respect to hazards (Mercer, 2010) and address priorities to contribute to
adaptive methods. Flexible and bottom-up as environment and contexts change, what used to
work as an adaptive measure to natural hazards in one community may not work or may clash
with cultural perspectives in another.
As the world scrambles to address changing environment systems, the demand for
resources and instances of destructive natural hazards increases, and national and international
governments develop blanket policies to mitigate the impacts (Ingty, 2017; Lejano et al., 2021).
However, there is not enough support for local, adaptive measures to address the same issues,
leaving the bulk of responsibility to communities to adapt to unprecedented changes. Indigenous
and rural communities have been continuously adapting to natural stressors and environmental
changes for generations, with many adaptive strategies and practice being passed orally down
generations (Ingty, 2017; Lejano et al., 2021; Makondo & Thomas, 2018; Stevenson, 1996).
With an already limited understanding of vulnerability to communities from climate change, the
implementation of local, traditional ecological knowledge, and Indigenous knowledge into place-

20

based adaptation policies may serve as a solution (Corburn, 2003; Ingty, 2017; Makondo &
Thomas, 2018; Lejano et al., 2021).
Rural communities, particularly mountain or rural coastal communities, are reliant on
environmental services and biodiversity for livelihoods (Ingty, 2017; Makondo & Thomas,
2018). However, they are also often located in ecologically sensitive areas and are at the greatest
risk to quickly changing environments (Ingty, 2017; Makondo & Thomas, 2018). Adaptation
strategies that are co-designed from different knowledge systems are proven to be beneficial. For
example, using science to forecast upcoming weather changes can provide the community with
time to implement decreased water usage, ration certain resources to revive population numbers,
change irrigation practices, or move herds to different areas (Berkes et al., 2000; Ingty, 2017).
Due to the rapid onset of environmental changes, many adaptive strategies require institutional
funding, governance structures, and changes in economic systems, which is often done in a topdown way (Ingty, 2017). Therefore, co-production of knowledge and solution seeking projects
require collaboration among different knowledge systems at the community, governmental, and
institutional level.
Well-informed government arrangements are required to enable adequate mobilization of
policies, strategies, and environmental management (Van der Molen, 2018). However, the
knowledge required to develop environmental decision-making capacity must be done in
conjunction with both scientific knowledge, and local/traditional knowledge. In order to develop
governing strategies and systems under climate change, it is imperative that there are
considerations for diverging perspectives, dynamic environments, power relations and skill sets,
and that governance arrangements are adaptive to ensure effectiveness (Taylor & de Loë, 2012;
Van der Molen, 2018; Usher, 2000).

21

Adaptive governance is learning as a multi-actor process, where the government structure
has the integrative capacity to gain insight in different knowledge systems, and normative, social
perspectives (Van der Molen, 2018). Having an adaptive governance structure in a centralised
position allows for immediate responses to environmental management issues, that has resources
to support the concern. For example, Van der Molen (2018) described the mussel fishing
industry as a way to build and apply regulatory capacity. The government collaborated with local
fishers and residents to reach a shared sustainability goal based on ecological knowledge that the
local people had on the species. The government then developed a legal permit system to ensure
the regulation of the species (Van der Molen, 2018).
Natural resource governance and projects, such as the mussel project, can be designed
based on knowledge that is incomplete, primarily when they fail to draw on local ecological
knowledge, monitoring, and local stewardship (Ballard et al., 2008; Stevenson, 1996). However,
co-production of knowledge for governance does not mean that various knowledge systems are
simply providing insight and data to inform other knowledge holders, but are equally involved,
or are lead researchers in collective decision-making surrounding environmental governance,
including local knowledge holders, Indigenous knowledge holders, and traditional ecological
knowledge holders (Ballard, et al, 2008; Latulippe & Klenk, 2020; Stevenson, 1996; Taylor & de
Loë, 2012; Usher, 2000). Maintaining the co-production knowledge system as collaborative and
not extractive ensures considerations across governing bodies and local communities that are
grounding, applicable, and more likely to be supported and accepted by the public (Taylor & de
Loë, 2012).
It is imperative that communities, research institutions, and governments work to develop
adaptive strategies and sufficient DRR strategies in the wake of cumulative environmental

22

impacts, societal changes, and global pressures. However, it is far more conducive to the success
of environmental management and community health if knowledge for implementation is
produced collaboratively. While there are still discrepancies and power-relations that hinder the
successful implementation of co-produced knowledge at the global scale, understanding the
importance of diversity of perspectives, experiences, and skillsets can best equip communities
for change.
2.5 Participatory Mapping
Participatory mapping is a qualitative research method that uses community knowledge
and understandings of space and place through cartographic practices (Cope & Elwood, 2009).
The result is a map that reflects the perspectives, knowledge and/or concerns of the community
within their known and lived environment. In the field of climate change adaptation research,
participatory mapping creates a visual that is useful for both communities, decision-makers, and
emergency response teams to spatially and socially understand the environment, and how to
address changes within it. In order to develop participatory mapping methods, it is important to
first understand mapping and geographical information systems (GIS). GIS is a computer system
designed to analyze, edit, manage, store, and visualize geographic-based information (Crampton,
2010). GIS is a tool rooted in geography, traditionally quantitative and science-based, that
integrates different types of data to visualize layers of information based on location using maps
or three-dimensional (3D) scenes (Crampton, 2010). Maps are then used to share information,
communicate, and work to solve complex spatial problems. However, GIS can fail to include
perceptions of space, borders, boundaries, and locations; it is a tool that reflects social norms, so
it can be used in a way that marginalizes certain demographics or leaves out key voices.
Therefore, it is critical to inquire how to communicate information of a physical space, while

23

also ensuring that diverse perspectives, groups, and knowledge are adequately involved in the
process.
Responding to critiques of a positivist epistemology to the mapping of space in the mid1990s, GIS and mapping has grown from being designed as a tool to share information about a
location, to being used to communicate the relationship between people and the environment.
Often containing cultural/spiritual/traditional perceptions of space, participatory mapping, or
participatory GIS (PGIS), is thus a tool used to incorporate differing knowledge systems,
quantitative data, and illustrate community-based research epistemologies (Cope & Elwood,
2009; Reichel & Frömming, 2014). In the context of this research project, participatory mapping
was used to understand perceptions of natural hazard risk from members of mountain
communities.
2.5.1 Implementation of Participatory Mapping
To engage in participatory mapping is to integrate mixed research methods that display
multiple forms of knowledge, findings, techniques, and truths, all situated within the region
where the research is taking place (Cope & Elwood, 2009). Participatory mapping is not only
done through traditional mapping methods, but also through mixed-media representation.
Therefore, GIS-based maps are woven together with 3D models, paintings, sketch maps,
photographs, and sticky notes (Cadag & Gaillard, 2012; Cope & Elwood, 2009). These different
representations of space are decided and created through an integrated process, where research
participants explain, communicate, share knowledge, examine, debate, and describe experiences
within their environment to share with researchers (Cadag & Gaillard, 2012; Cope & Elwood,
2009).

24

Coupling participants’ perceptions and experiences of their environment with scientific
data and information allows for the integration of differences, contestations, significant regions,
and multiple ways of knowing into a tangible map (Cope & Elwood, 2009). The integration of
multiple forms of spatial knowledge and data then generates greater insights that can be used to
solve social, political, environmental, institutional, and economic problems and inform decisionmakers. Furthermore, and arguably most importantly, participatory mapping engages decisionmakers to legitimize and validate local knowledge into policy-making that influences responses
to community aspects such as natural hazards and spatial planning initiatives (Cope & Elwood,
2009; McCall & Dunn, 2012). However, maps hold incredible power in shaping borders,
segregating spaces, influencing our understandings of regions and who resides in them, and
transforming representations of reality. It is not necessarily ethical or applicable to maintain
traditional methods of boundary making when facilitating participatory mapping. Therefore,
recognizing one’s own position in the participatory process and remembering that maps are
selective representations, is imperative to developing a truly beneficial map (Cruikshank, 2007;
Heesen et al., 2014; Lowan-Trudeau, 2021; Reichel & Frömming, 2014).
2.5.2 Risk and Resilience Mapping
Participatory mapping has proven successful in planning farming plots and activities,
resolving territorial disputes, implementing social initiatives and activities, and managing natural
resources (Cadag & Gaillard, 2012). However, there has been limited use of participatory
mapping for community-based disaster risk reduction (DRR). Recognizing that local knowledge
is an incredible value to understanding a changing environment, it is also important to recognize
that the same local knowledge holders are also the first to respond or be impacted by a natural
hazard. Therefore, participatory mapping can be implemented to delineate regions or areas that

25

are perceived by community-members as hazardous or prone to vulnerability (Cadag & Gaillard,
2012; Klonner et al., 2021; Smith et al., 2000; Yen et al., 2019).
In the context of natural hazards and climate change, governments will often respond to
disastrous hazard events (i.e. flooding, storms, forest fires) as being solely attributed to climate
change. However, it is imperative in DRR to look at potential cumulative impacts or causes that
exacerbate hazards and vulnerability within a community (Cadag & Gaillard, 2012; Smith et al.,
2000; Yen et al., 2011). A method to demonstrate both scientific and local knowledge in a DRR
assessment is to overlay the local knowledge over top of the hazard map designed by scientific
knowledge (Cadag & Gaillard, 2012; Klonner, 2021). This allows residents to critically assess
disaster risk and/or possible improvements within their immediate spaces, including developing
evacuation and warning systems as well as preparedness initiatives (Cadag & Gaillard, 2012;
Klonner et al., 2021; Yen et al., 2019). Additionally, participatory mapping in DRR provides an
opportunity to consider underrecognized concerns such as the risk of disease epidemics due to a
hazard, potential border closures, impacts to agriculture and livestock, and restricted mobility
(Smith et al., 2000).
After residents, stakeholders, and researchers have developed a participatory map to
understand risk within an environment, the produced map can be used to develop adaptation and
resilience methods against hazards and risk. Participatory mapping creates knowledge that
enhances perceptions and understandings of complex issues at local and global scales (Rawat et
al., 2021). With regards to environmental issues, the development of co-produced participatory
maps creates usable data in a timely manner, allowing for adequate resources to address dynamic
issues. Imperative in the discussion of adaptation and resilience to a changing environment is the
changes to experiential or traditional knowledge (Reichel & Frömming, 2014). A quickly

26

changing space means that strategies shared over generations to cope may no longer be
applicable, therefore, the coalition of different ways of knowing can create new adaptation
initiatives (Klonner et al., 2021; Rawat et al., 2021; Reichel & Frömming, 2014). For example,
implementing more sustainable methods of forestry on steep hillslopes instead of commonly
used practices can prevent the ground from sloughing, protecting both land from landslides and
the maintenance of biodiversity and traditional harvesting practices (Rawat et al., 2021; Reichel
& Frömming, 2014). Additionally, implementing spiritual beliefs such as forest or mountain
spirits into participatory mapping aids in understanding why/how residents avoid areas of risk,
ultimately protecting farmland, property and life (Cruikshank, 2007; Reichel & Frömming,
2014).
Participatory mapping is being increasingly used to address DRR and develop adaptive
and resilience methods to changing environments. The implementation of cultural, spiritual and
local knowledge allows for an increased understanding of the depth of risk and how communities
perceive and respond to environmental risk. Furthermore, the co-production of knowledge with
residents, stakeholders, and researchers allows for tangible, implementable knowledge that can
be shared and stored in various ways, including outside of academic institutions. Therefore,
adaptation and vulnerability can be assessed with imperative input from the community, and
enacted in a way that truly benefits the community.
2.6 Knowledge Gaps and Research Opportunities
Several knowledge gaps in our understanding of climate change impacts, vulnerability
and adaptation in mountain region are evident in the reviewed scholarship. First, climate change
impacts in mountain regions is highly localized with impacts being felt uniquely in differing
geographical locations, with most research having been conducted at broad scales where human

27

adaptation and vulnerability is based on assumption rather than empirical evidence. Second,
most research in Canadian mountain environments is focused on measuring biophysical changes
including glacier melt (Beniston, 2003), natural hazards (Hock et al., 2019), and snowpack
depletion (Huss et al., 2017) with less attention given to the cascading impacts on human lives,
and how to adapt (McDowell & Hanly, 2022). Third, the amount of water contained within a
snowpack is also difficult to accurately measure due to factors including the large spatial
variations in mountain landscapes, and the use of multiple measuring techniques including
remoting sensing, ground observations, and regional climate models (Shea et al., 2023).
Therefore, estimating SWE in a snowpack may not accurately provide a clear picture of the
amount of water available from snow run-off that a community is dependent on.
Themes in vulnerability research showcase that while a system can be ecological, social,
and structural, the functions of determining vulnerability are similar – how does the system
respond to changes, what capacity do they have to adapt, and how does the system recover and
mitigate further effects. Addressing vulnerability is then a function of adaptation, and what
considerations, behaviour, resources, and power systems are in place that shape adaptive
capacity. While we know how to investigate determinants of adaptive capacity and conduct
vulnerability assessments in a theoretical sense based on scenario-based approaches, how to
implement these frameworks in a place-based scenario calls for more deliberation. For example,
understanding past hazards in the Robson Valley, the recent and past changes in the
environment, the current dominant industries, and the resources of the local government allows
us to determine the adaptive capacity of the community, and how susceptible they are to climate
change (Adger & Kelly, 1999; Adger, 2003). Currently, information on vulnerability and
adaptive initiatives in the Robson Valley are derived from theoretical, general models that are

28

based on future climate projections. However, these models provide little information on impacts
to place-specific economic situations, and do not consider the strength within community and
neighbour relationships. This research sought to address the above knowledge gaps by
employing a bottom-up, community-based approach to identify and characterize how climate and
non-climate risks and changes are being experienced and responded to in the Robson Valley.
Chapter 3: Robson Valley Case Study
The Robson Valley is located in east-central British Columbia, stretching roughly 230
kilometres between The B.C. Alberta border in the east and Dome Creek in the west. The
Robson Valley occupies the northern portion of the Rocky Mountain Trench and is set between
the Canadian Rocky Mountains to the north-east and the Cariboo Mountains to the south-west
(Figure 3.1), with the Valley bottom divided by the Fraser River (Wheeler, 2008). Historically,
the area has been inhabited by the Simpcw First Nation, and Lheidli T’enneh First Nation, who
still hold invaluable knowledge, spiritual, and physical connections to the Valley. The Fraser
River was used for travelling, the Yellowhead Pass used for trading, and the abundance of
wildlife adequate for hunting and trapping practices (Wheeler, 2008). The relatively recent
arrival of settlers to the Valley began with the construction of the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway
and the Canadian Northern Railways, which radically changed the Robson Valley (Bradley,
2003; Wheeler, 2008). The Robson Valley developed through extensive forestry practices,
railway and development settlements, and a bit later, a successful agriculture region (Wheeler,
2008).
Today the Yellowhead Highway, also known as Highway 16, runs through the Valley
where it connects to Kamloops by Highway 5 heading south, and connects to Prince George
heading west. The two largest communities in the Robson Valley are Valemount with a
29

population of 1052 residents, and McBride with 588 (Government of Canada, 2021). There are
smaller settlements throughout the Valley, including Tête Jaune Cache, Dome Creek, Crescent
Spur, and Dunster, making the total population of the Valley 1589 residents spread over 15,000
km2 (Government of Canada, 2021). The Village councils of McBride and Valemount politically
represent the Valley, and the region as a whole is governed by the Fraser-Fort George Regional
District Electoral District H (Robson Valley-Canoe) (RDFFG, n.d.). Since the 2021 Census,
McBride has seen a population decrease of 4.5%. The average population age is 45.5 years, with
the average total income per year in McBride being $39,600 (Government of Canada, 2021).

Figure 3.1: Location of study communities in the Robson Valley, B.C, Canada

The Robson Valley has a history of mountain geohazards that have impacted the
communities. Since the early 1900s, there have been numerous landslides/mudslides, which have

30

wiped out the railway, destroyed homes, and resulted in deaths (Wheeler, 2008). Wildfires have
also been common in the Valley; many started by various industry and the railway during dry
seasons, or many that continued burning under the snow in the winter, only to erupt again in the
spring (Wheeler, 2008). Avalanches and floods from rapid snowpack melt throughout the
mountain regions have also threatened the community throughout the last century, resulting in
significant damages and expenses (Wheeler, 2008). Currently, these hazards still remain a risk to
the communities within the Robson Valley. Recently, the Valley has experienced mass
movement events that include the evacuation of properties along Mountainview road in July
2020 due to a debris flow, the Swift Creek landslide of July 2021, and continuous mudslides on
the East Canoe Forest Service Road (RDFFG, n.d.). Now with increased rapidity of snowmelt
and lack of snowfall in the winters, drought has joined the list of hazards in the Valley.
The community of McBride fluctuated between a level four and level five drought,
classified as having adverse impacts to socio-economic or ecosystem values where an emergency
response is likely/needed, from September 2023 to May 2024 ([Village of McBride] Personal
Communication, October 12th, 2023). McBride receives the majority of their water from
Dominion Creek, located on Lucille Mountain and accessible by the Lucille Mountain Forest
Service Road. The waters from Dominion Creek provide drinking water, sanitary service, and
fire protection ([Village of McBride] Personal Communication, October 12 th, 2023). Other
avenues for water accessibility are limited due to the soil composition of McBride, which is
primarily comprised of clay. Clay-based soils allow for changing water table depths, making it
difficult to find a sustainable underground aquifer ([Village of McBride] Personal
Communication, October 12th, 2023). Lastly, the community of McBride has a history of water

31

boil advisories that last up to two weeks at a time, increasing water insecurity ([Village of
McBride] Personal Communication, October 12th, 2023).
The Official Community Plan and the Water Bylaw of McBride discuss the potential for
hazards and water insecurity throughout their region. However, the issues are introduced but not
discussed and no resolutions are provided. McBride also has an emergency plan that was most
recently amended in 2021. This emergency plan contains plans of evacuation, stages of
evacuation, and outlines the requirements of when it is safe to return to the community. This plan
also states that Robson Valley often experiences long power outages (Village of McBride, 2019).
The emergency plan states that wildfires rank as one of the highest concerns for the Village of
McBride, facing serious threat from May to October each year (Village of McBride, 2019). The
Village of McBride also states in their emergency plan that the community is susceptible to
extreme weather and storms, including, blizzards, drought, fog-reduced visibility, hail, heavy
snowfall, heavy precipitation, high winds, ice storms, extreme temperatures, and thunder and
lightning storms. The plan also lists earthquakes and cascading hazards such as landslides,
flooding, and dangers to public health. Additionally, each hazard or emergency is listed with the
possible effects, policies, and responses to these hazards (Village of McBride, 2019).
Rural and small towns across Canada have experienced significant economic
restructuring since the late 1990s which has impacted the availability of local services including
government, social, education, and health services (Halseth & Ryser, 2006; Halseth et al., 2019).
Access to service provisions provide communities with a higher quality of life, economic base,
and activities for community members (Halseth & Ryser, 2006; Halseth et al., 2019). Access to
local services in rural areas also provide a foundation for social capital and cohesion (Halseth &
Ryser, 2006). In Northern B.C., including the Robson Valley, this economic restructuring has

32

impacted rural communities’ ability to rely on these services, and in turn has changed volunteer
networks, has caused the out-migration of young professionals and youth, impacted local
economies and industries, and has left many rural communities with limited resources that are
necessary to maintain a certain quality of life (Halseth & Ryser, 2006). Residents of McBride
and Dunster discussed their experience with these changes, including the change in local industry
when the sawmills closed, the difficulty in retaining work-age families, and the struggle to keep
rural services and amenities. The Robson Valley’s experience with centralization and policy
changes is telling of a greater Northern B.C. story.
The Robson Valley, specifically McBride and Dunster, provides a unique case study to
investigate the impacts of drought and water security to the communities, as well as community
vulnerability and adaptation to multiple stressors due to the nature of drought impacting this
community, and how they are able to respond to other changes, and other global pressures such
as climate change, changing markets, and wildfires (see Figure 3.2). This project has many
moving parts and is dedicated to the co-collaboration and knowledge co-production with
residents, local knowledge holders, and local governance. It employs a case study approach in
order to combine social perceptions of mountain hazards, community knowledge on the
environment, and quantitative data and work toward developing place-based solutions that are
both relevant and implementable for the community.

33

Figure 3.2: Aerial view of the Robson Valley

34

Chapter 4: Methodology
4.1 Research Approach
The research was undertaken with community members in McBride and Dunster using a
community-based, bottom-up approach to study climate change impacts, vulnerability and
adaptation described by Ford and Smit (2004) (Figure 2.1) and consistent with Cutter (1996)
(Figure 2.2). The approach is distinct from other climate change assessments in that it starts by
having community members identify conditions, societal and environmental, that are relevant
and important to them, beyond those readily captured in climate models (e.g. temperature,
precipitation). Here, climatic exposures are considered in the context of multiple climatic and
non-climatic stressors, which influence how people experience and respond to risk.
Information on vulnerabilities was obtained primarily from semi-structured interviews
and a focus group with residents, participant observation, and analysis of secondary sources. The
inclusion of community members in vulnerability assessments has proven to deliver in-depth
accounts and real-life areas of concern from a grassroots approach (McDowell et al., 2013;
Pearce et al., 2018). To accomplish this, the research was guided by key considerations for
conducting community-based participatory research (CBPR) described by Eriksen (2021) and
Halseth et al. (2016). This involves (1) community relationship building; (2) building and
maintaining community-academic partnerships; (3) empowerment of communities to address
topics of importance to them in a culturally relevant way; (4) trust and reciprocity; (5) long-term
processes and commitments of sustainability; and (6) the mutual benefit and co-learning of all
partners (Eriksen, 2021, p. 1223). I adhered to cultural and social norms within the Village of
McBride and Dunster and aimed to remain as consistent as possible within the community,
maintaining open communication, transparency, and availability.

35

This research was initiated by representatives from the Robson Valley who approached
the university in May 2021 about conducting research to learn more about climate change
impacts, vulnerabilities, and adaptations in the region. The first research activities focused on
community vulnerability to wildfire risk in the upper (Whitehead, 2023) and lower (Canosa et
al., 2024) Robson Valley. This research identified gaps in our understanding of changes in
mountain snowpack and geohazards, which became the focus of the next phase of research.
I first met with community partners in McBride and Dunster in September 2023 when I
visited in the Valley together with other research team members to discuss the next phase of the
research. We held an information session in the McBride Museum where people could come and
discuss resident’s viewpoints on what research is needed to better understand changes in
snowpack and geohazards. It was decided that some members of the team would focus on
specific locations of high concern for geohazard risks and changes in snowpack, and that I would
work with residents to document their knowledge and experience of living with these risks.
I returned to McBride again in October 2023 and February 2024 to discuss research
priorities with community members. From these discussions, water security emerged as a
significant concern to the community. These visits helped shape the research approach and
methods and determine the timing of data collection.
4.2 Ethics
There are numerous approaches of ethical accountability within the research process.
Catungal and Dowling (2021), discuss that qualitative research often involves observing people
and asking personal questions, and therefore includes knowledge that is not readily available to
the public. Another important step to maintaining ethics is informed and on-going consent from
participants. This project ensured on-going and informed consent to allow the participant to be

36

able to retract consent at anytime up until publication, ensuring comfortability and autonomy in
the process (Catungal & Dowling, 2021; Halseth et al., 2016).
In order to ensure ethical rigour throughout the research, I obtained my certificate of the
‘Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans’ training. All
research activities were in accordance with UNBC’s Research Ethics Board requirements
(6009506). Additionally, confidentiality and privacy of the participants was safeguarded with the
utmost vigilance to prevent unwanted participant exposure. Ensuring ethical considerations
contributed to overall trustworthiness of this research project through the building of
relationships and trust within the Robson Valley. Additionally, ethical considerations mitigate
any inadvertent harm or discomfort to the community while also ensuring that the communities
needs are addressed safely, comfortably, and with their best interest in mind. Contacts for
counselling were made available in case any discomfort were to occur in the interview process.
Additionally, if participants expressed discomfort during the interview, they were reminded that
the interview can stop at anytime, breaks could be taken, or we could move onto a different
question.
4.3 Data Collection
This research adopted a mixed-methods approach that included semi-structured
interviews, a focus group interview, participatory mapping, secondary sources, and community
observation and field notes from 10 weeks spent in the Robson Valley. I conducted 25 semistructured interviews with 32 participants. Eighteen of these were one-to-one conversations
between me and a participant, and seven with two participants at once at their request. I also
conducted one focus group with seven participants, two of whom had participated in the semistructured interviews, bringing the total number of study participants to 37 (Table 4.1).

37

Table 4.1: Demographic Characteristics of Participants

Age

Male

Female

18-34
35-54
55-74
75+
ND
Total

1
4
8
10

0
3
4
5

No
Data

Total

2
23

12

37

From May to October 2024, I spent a total of 10 weeks conducting interviews and fieldwork in
McBride and Dunster, and participated in the social life of the Robson Valley.
4.3.1 Sampling and Recruitment
Using a purposive sampling approach, I sought to speak with those experiencing water
changes who would like to discuss their experiences. Additionally, I sought participants who
have lived in the Robson Valley for at least one year, and every season of the year, so that
changing conditions could be quantified and described over a one-year time period. Equal
representation of men and women above the age of consent (16 years of age) was aimed for.
Participants were recruited primarily through posters that I placed in the local grocery stores,
train museum, and library. Connections between the local government, the PICS project, and
local research partners and stakeholders also aided in participant recruitment. Participants were
also recruited using a snowball method, in which existing participants identified potential
candidates who were then provided with my contact information so that they could reach out to
me if interested (Longhurst, 2010; Scott, 2021).
4.3.2 Semi-Structured Interviews
Semi-structured interviews are common in vulnerability and adaptation research in the
38

environmental change and geography disciplines because of their inherent flexibility and space
for agency of the participants (Longhurst, 2010; Pearce et al., 2018; Pearce et al., 2010).
Additionally, this method allows for the interviewer and interviewee to pick-up on non-verbal
cues and possibly press for more information or use follow-up questions that may not be initially
included in the base-line questionnaire (Longhurst, 2010). Semi-structured interviews also allow
the researcher to see what is relevant to the interviewee, possibly changing the course of
conversation and knowledge sharing (Dunn, 2021). I established rapport with interviewees
through preliminary relationship building and work in the community, as well as ‘warm-up’
periods such as light conversation prior to the interview process which increased the level of
understanding between the interviewee(s) and I (Dunn, 2021).
Semi-structured interviews with residents were used to document community
perspectives and experiences with snowpack and water system change in mountain environments
and identify potential avenues for adaptation. I used participatory mapping as part of the semistructured interviews to gain an understanding of participants’ perception of water insecurity,
where they think other water resources may or may not be accessible, other potential hazards or
spaces of importance, and how they have been impacted. Interviews ranged from 25 minutes to
an hour in length, with an average length of 45 minutes, and were held when and where
participants chose (Halseth et al., 2016).
Interviews focused on participant concerns, perceptions, and personal experiences with
drought and snowpack change. Each interview was both audio-recorded verbatim and
transcribed, with the exception of seven interviews which were recorded by hand in a notebook
and typed up on a computer in accordance with participants preferences. All interviews were
facilitated by an interview guide (see example questions Table 4.2), which was used to identify

39

common and key themes through open-ended questions.
To ensure rigour and participant comfortability, all interviewees had access to their
transcript at any time and were able to withdraw consent up until the publication process.
Additionally, participants were given the option to review their transcripts as part of the memberchecking process to ensure that it was accurate. Two of the 32 interview participants requested to
review their transcripts, and the remainder of the interview and focus group participants
requested an overview of the preliminary findings in general, or did not wish to member check at
all. Participants were also able to see the interview question guide in advance, if they so chose,
which two participants requested.
Table 4.2: Interview Guide Example Interview Questions

Themes
Background Information

Environmental Observations

Barriers to coping with snowpack and water
change
Adaptation responses
Concluding Questions

Example Questions
How long have you lived in the Robson
Valley?
Where do you receive water from?
Do you have concerns about your water
supply? What is your biggest concern?
Have you observed changes in the snowpack?
Do you have any concern about your ability
to access water?
What makes it difficult to access water? What
makes it easier to access water?
Have you dealt with these issues in the past,
and if so, how?
Is there anything else you would like to add to
this discussion?

4.3.3 Focus Groups
Similar to semi-structured interviews, focus groups are conversation-based activities
between six to 12 people that allow for open responses and discussions of a topic set by the
researcher (Dunn, 2021). The moderator or researcher of the focus group will ensure that the
group remains on topic. However, focus group discussions are non-directive in nature, which
40

fosters different perspectives and angles of discussion (Dunn, 2021; Longhurst, 2010).
A focus group with farmers was employed to address the issue of water security as well
as other topics regarding snowpack change and consequent impacts. The focus group differed
from the semi-structured interviews in that it specifically sought out the agricultural sector.
Focus group participants were all members of the McBride Farmer’s Institute, an institution
established in 1915 to address the needs of local farmers, increase agricultural knowledge, and
professional development opportunities, who were experiencing impacts from drought and
snowpack, and expressed concern about their agricultural-based livelihoods moving into the
future. A focus group was conducted in June and followed up with a discussion with the same
participants in October. Focus group discussions centred on community perceptions of drought,
how it has or has not impacted their respective industry and community, as well as avenues on
community adaptation and capacity building. The questions in the focus groups were the same as
those in the semi-structured interviews but were adjusted to the specifics of farming.
Additionally, the focus groups discussed other mountain hazard topics, including avalanches and
landslides, as well as social issues/changes in their communities and how it has or has not
impacted their industry. Prompts and follow-up questions were asked based on the flow of
conversation.
4.3.4 Participatory Mapping
During semi-structured interviews, a topographic map (scale of 1:250 000) of the Robson
Valley from McBride to Dunster was shown to residents, where they were able to annotate or
‘mark-up’ the map to show where they think there are areas that are ‘high hazard’ from the
melting snowpacks, and how these hazards are, have, or may impact the community, specifically
with regards to water availability in the Valley. However, within the first few interviews,

41

participants expressed that they were uncomfortable with displaying on the map where they
received water due to either themselves not having water licenses on the source, having multiple
water licenses on the source, or knowing neighbours that did not have water licenses on the
source.
To ensure privacy and comfortability, the participatory mapping activity pivoted to
focusing on areas that the participants shared were important to them, such as changing glaciers,
snowmobiling areas, landslide areas, flood regions, and favourite recreational spots. While this
data was not part of the formal analysis process, it increased my own understanding of the region
and community perceptions of their mountain space.
4.3.5 Secondary Sources
Historical documents including newspapers, articles, and books were reviewed to
understand the historical context of both biophysical changes and socio-economic-political
information in the Robson Valley. Additionally, current local, municipal, and federal
government documents, procedures, and policies regarding drought, natural hazards, and
emergency planning that impacts the ability of the communities to adapt or respond to
biophysical mountain changes were included. Some of the secondary sources I used include the
Village of McBride’s Emergency Plan (Village of McBride, 2019), the local newspaper the
Rocky Mountain Goat, and the public library for archived newspapers and reports. Other
research projects that have taken place in the Robson Valley regarding natural hazards, changing
snowpacks, or important industry information were also reviewed. Lenworth Reckford, a
research associate to the project, and I reviewed archival newspaper starting in 1972 up until the
early 2000s, recording information that was related to snowpack and water change, water quality,
wildfire, and mountain geohazards.

42

4.3.6 Community Observation and Field Notes
Used in a multitude of disciplines for its simplicity, participant observation is a way of
engaging with, participating in, and understanding the environment around the researcher
(Laurier, 2010). While in the Robson Valley, I participated in the social life of the community,
building rapport and trust with community members (Watson, 2021).
My observations informed my approach, aiding me in knowing who, how, when and
where to engage with residents. Data was recorded through journals and field notes written in a
field notebook. I took care to ensure that my field notes were rich in detail to accurately capture
my experiences (Jackson, 1990). I described the setting, the observed behaviour of the
participant, how I was feeling during the process, and any other relevant details. Journals and
fieldnotes were done as subtlety as possible as to mitigate residents feeling uncomfortable
(Watson, 2021).
4.4 Research Dissemination
In the last week of June 2024, fellow PICS members Dr. Tristan Pearce, Dr. Joe Shea,
Sami Sofizada, Lenworth Reckford, and I visited the Robson Valley. We presented to the Village
council about a weather station installation on Lucille Mountain, hiked up Mount Lucille to
conduct a drone survey of potential installation locations for the weather station, and hosted a
community engagement event at the Dunster schoolhouse where we discussed the progress of the
PICS research projects, discussed mountain geohazards and water insecurity, snowpack changes,
land-use issues, and rural living issues. This event was also an opportunity to build further
relationships with residents and find opportunities to reach out to other professors and projects at
UNBC about addressing these additional concerns.

43

This research project is committed to disseminating results of the researcher in a timely
manner to the community. The preliminary findings were presented to McBride and Dunster in
the fall of 2024 through community meetings, a follow-up discussion with the focus group, and
in the member checking process. The final presentation of findings will be done in a manner that
is most digestible and desirable for the community (visuals and verbal discussion) and will be
open to all members of the community such as at a townhall meeting. A physical copy of the
report will also be made available online and shared to community leaders to disperse as they see
fit. The thesis will also be made available in the McBride Public Library and the Dunster
museum for community accessibility.
4.5 Data Analysis and Storage
Notes and transcriptions from audio recordings of interviews and focus groups were
analyzed using latent content analysis, which involves searching the data for underlying
meanings as a form of coding (Dunn, 2021). Latent content analysis provokes a deeper analysis
to the meanings of words or statements as well as what was explicitly stated. This method of
analysis fit with the research objectives because it highlights the lived experiences of residents
and bridges common experiences to determine the most prevalent issues.
All data was analyzed using the computer-aided qualitative data analysis software
NVivo. Using a combination of inductive and deductive reasoning, I initially sorted data into
predetermined themes identified from my research question before additional themes emerged
during the coding process. My analysis was done over multiple rounds, during which data was
reorganised and sorted as new themes were identified (Bingham & Witkowksy, 2022). After the
initial analysis using my themes and sub-themes, the code list was amended based on what
information was present in the data through inductive coding and which data needed to be

44

combined with other themes and deleted. In the next round of coding, I split into two groups;
data that discussed water on the McBride Village water system, and data that discussed
individual water licenses, due to the nature of responses from participants and differing answers
and experiences. Throughout this process, additional sub-themes were created to address nuances
throughout the data. The themes were ranked following the dominance demonstrated in the data,
which was not only according to prevalence, but also perceived significance.
To ensure comfortability, trust, and rigour in the protection process, all data from
interviews was encrypted and uploaded onto an external hard drive and uploaded onto encrypted
online storage (Microsoft Onedrive). All participants were assigned a number in place of their
name to protect those who chose to remain anonymous. All participant names and participant
numbers were stored in a participant masters list which is kept in encrypted online storage. All
data will be kept until after the publication period, where afterwards it will be destroyed to
ensure anonymity among the community. All hand-written notes are stored in a binder and
locked in an office at UNBC until after the publication process, where they will then be
destroyed.
4.6 Researcher Positionality
Researcher positionality inherently contains politics, biases, and power imbalances (Rose,
1997). However, reflexivity and trustworthiness urge us as researchers to acknowledge these
biases and our embedded ways of knowing rather than aiming to achieve objectivity. As feminist
scholars Rose (1997) and Haraway (1988) identify, knowledge is shaped by specific experiences,
environments, and circumstances; therefore, knowledge is situated and partial in perspective. It
was imperative to do my best to understand my knowledge and introspectively reflect on its role
among the large world setting.

45

I am a Canadian woman from Northern BC, who is of Swiss and Nordic descent. I have
experience with the rural and northern context, as well as formal schooling, both of which form
my knowledge system. I grew up on a small farm in rural Prince George and I was raised by a
family that has always worked in resource extractive industries, so I do share many of the same
perceptions of the northern context as well as lived northern experiences with the Robson Valley.
Even with this commonality, it is important to remember that I remained an outsider among the
research process. Addressing reflexivity and positionality as an outside researcher helps to
situate knowledge (Rose, 1997). As a researcher it is important to take into account how my past
experiences, education, and current situation shaped how I perceived responses to interview
questions, while also accounting for the same process with research participants and how they
perceive myself and the interview questions (Rose, 1997). Therefore, remaining transparent with
residents that I am a student in the midst of learning, and also do not share the same fears or
impacts from drought, helped to alleviate misinterpretations. Addressing my reflexivity also
aided in understanding potential power imbalances, and the historical issues of institutional
extractive research (Rose, 1997). Pulling from my experiences with horses, hay quality,
backcountry hiking, and from growing up in an area that was under the jurisdiction of the
RDFFG, I believe opened many doors in the research process. I was invited to go on multiple
excursions due to my previous experiences. This included a trail ride up Lucille Mountain where
casual conversation revealed concerns about changing landscapes and extractive practices, a flyin helicopter trail maintenance trip on the Goat River Historic Trail where discussions of aging
and concerns about passing responsibility and knowledge on to younger generations took place,
and circle dancing evenings where locals shared intimate experiences, feelings of grief, and open
arms.

46

4.7 Methodological Trustworthiness
4.7.2 Reliability
Reliability refers to the ability of a project to be replicable, the ability of a project to
produce consistent results over time, and to what extent the findings are true. Reliability refers to
the stability of the researcher’s claim within an always-changing research context (Guion et al,
2011). While replicability is difficult to obtain in this qualitative, case study-based research,
transparency was implemented to increase reliability. Transparency was achieved through
comprehensive documentation of the data collection, analysis, and fieldwork process (Yin, 2009;
Guion et al., 2011). Additionally, participants checked their interviews and verified initial
findings to increase the reliability of the research data (Stratford & Bradshaw, 2011).
4.7.3 Validity
Validity refers to whether the research measured what it was designed to and if the means
of such measurement were precise (Golafshani, 2003; Guion et al., 2011). Overall, Golafshani
(2003) describes validity to be conceptualized by trustworthiness, rigour, and quality in the
qualitative paradigm, and that achieving validity is affected from the researchers’ perspective of
aiming to eliminate bias. In this qualitative study, I (the researcher) was the primary data
collector and analyzer, and therefore validity was a consistent conversation throughout the
research process. Participant checking and data reviews by my supervisor and committee aided
in enhancing validity in this research.
4.7.4 Rigour
As a qualitative researcher, there is great responsibility that comes with the interpretation
of shared knowledge in a way that allows for the research to be evaluated, and that the research
has been conducted reliably (Stratford & Bradshaw, 2021). Therefore, the first step in ensuring

47

rigour means establishing trustworthiness in the research (Stratford & Bradshaw, 2021).
Stratford and Bradshaw (2021) outline numerous examples of establishing trustworthiness of a
research process. First, documenting each stage of research is necessary so that it can be
adequately checked by the community that is involved in the research process, and that
participant or member checking, where the researcher returns their findings, transcripts, and
other research outputs to the community so that they can validate the information, is evident in
every-step of the process. When I returned to the community in September to October 2024, I
summarized my initial findings in several community meetings as well as met with participants
who wanted to review and revise their transcripts to ensure the data reflected what they wanted
to share. Second, triangulation was implemented to enhance trustworthiness. Third, reflexivity,
which is the critical self-review of one’s researcher positionality and ethics, was utilized to
ensure rigour. Member checking throughout the project, as well as writing in my personal journal
how I felt and how I may have perceived information or conversations with participants, aided in
establishing rigour. Additionally, writing into my field note journal about how I was taking in the
information, the setting of the conversation, and critically reflecting on my own experiences
when conducting research was another tool to ensure rigour

48

Chapter 5: Results
In both McBride and Dunster, shifts in weather and socio-economic conditions are
impacting the lives of residents. The presentation of results in this chapter is structured by the
vulnerability approach outlined by Ford and Smit (2004) and the Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change (IPCC) (2017). First, the water system in the study area is described as a linked
social-ecological system, after which factors affecting the water system are discussed, first
environmental and then societal. The next section discusses how changes in the water system are
impacting residents’ lives and livelihoods. Lastly, what residents are doing to cope with, and in
some instances, adapt to these changes are outlined, including a discussion of opportunities and
barriers to adaptation.
5.1 McBride and Dunster Water Systems
While roughly 35 km apart, the municipal Village of McBride, surrounding properties
outside of McBride, and Dunster are all dependent on a similar water system of predominantly
gravity-fed water derived from snowpack melt in the high-alpine of the Cariboo and Rocky
Mountains. Freshwater availability for the residents of McBride and Dunster comes from surface
water (rivers and creeks with intakes) and groundwater (wells); however, surface water is more
accessible as it does not require well-drilling, and the Robson Valley experiences fluctuating
water table depths. The Fraser River contains freshwater, which is used for wildfire fighting, in
some cases drinking water for livestock and irrigation, and even domestic use for some license
holders for withdrawal, given its convenient location in the center of the Valley. However, it is
seldom used for drinking water due to its turbidity and unreliability. The majority of private
residents are dependent on surface water (i.e. creeks, rivers, streams) for their freshwater supply.
These surface water sources in most cases are used for households (e.g. hygiene, drinking,

49

cooking), agriculture (e.g. livestock, crops, farms), fire protection, and garden/local growing
purposes. Some private residents, who are located closer to the Valley bottom and along the
Fraser River, are dependent on wells for their water source, or use a mix of both surface water
and wells to meet their needs. The Village of McBride, including residential, commercial (e.g.
restaurants, hotels), and Village infrastructure (e.g. fire department, museum, library), and
activities get their freshwater from nearby Dominion Creek located at the Valley bottom near the
Village. The Village of McBride is thus responsible for the storage, purification, and distribution
of the water from Dominion Creek to multiple dwellings. Those who are supplied by what locals
describe as “side creeks” hold water licenses on a creek, which grants them legal permission to
take a certain supply of water (see Figures 5.1 and 5.2). The most common way to transport
water from a side creek to a dwelling or property is through an intake that is often installed by
the license holder and is diverted to a cistern or other storage tank on their property. License
holders are responsible for maintaining their intake system and for identifying alternative sources
of water if their supply is compromised, unlike residents who live within the McBride Village
boundaries, where the Village is responsible for the water supply. In addition to the consumption
of water in the residential, commercial, and Village sectors, the B.C. Wildfire service also draws
on local water sources for wildfire suppression.

50

Figure 5.1: Map demonstrating where residents receive water (water rights licences) surrounding the Village of McBride.
Retrieved from the Government of B.C. (2025). B.C. Water Resource Atlas. https://maps.gov.bc.ca/ess/hm/wrbc/

Figure 5.2: Map demonstrating where residents receive water (water rights licenses) surrounding the Dunster area. Retrieved
from the Government of B.C. (2025). B.C. Water Resource Atlas. https://maps.gov.bc.ca/ess/hm/wrbc/

Much of the freshwater resources in the Robson Valley are fed by melting snowpack in
the spring and summer. A ‘healthy’ snowpack is described by residents as a snowpack that can
continue to provide a reliable water source for both ecosystems and humans, as well as reduce
51

wildfire risk, and support recreation. Snowpack not only insulates creeks and streams to prevent
them from freezing, but snow also protects the ground, crops, gardens, and trees from freeze and
frost damage. A ‘healthy’ snowpack also keeps the ground moist, mitigating severe wildfire
conditions. Many residents also rely on the snowpack for recreational well-being and livelihoods,
including snowmobiling tourism, skiing (i.e. downhill and cross-country), snowshoeing, and
trapping.
5.2 Changing Environmental Conditions
During interviews and informal conversations, several participants shared that the fall
freeze or “first killing frost” arrives much later in the fall over the past five years, and that the
ground now remains frozen later into the spring. Other observed changes include a trend towards
less precipitation, hotter temperatures in the summer months, and less snowfall throughout the
winter season. Descriptions of these conditions over the past year correspond with the recent El
Niño Oscillation of 2023-2024, contributing to the drought conditions throughout B.C. Some
participants who are active hikers, trappers, and gardeners noted the disappearance of
“permanent snowbanks” or “snow pillows” in the surrounding mountains. Majority of
participants, namely farmers, noted an overall increase in the occurrence and severity of extreme
weather events (see Table 5.1) like:
“the worst thing that happened here was the heat dome of 2021. I think that started our
apple trees on the steep decline. And two years ago, it rained into December and then got
into 25 below right away and the trees split” (Archie Mclean, Dunster).
Residents are acutely exposed to drought as their water system is derived from snowpack
melt in the Cariboo and Rocky Mountains. The Province of B.C. has been in a province wide
drought since the Spring/Summer of 2022. In 2023, more than 80% of B.C.’s water basins were
in drought level 4 or 5, including the Upper Fraser East Water Basin where the Robson Valley is

52

located. Additionally, the Upper Fraser East Water Basin at its lowest in May was only at 47% of
its normal snowpack (Government of B.C., 2024). In addition to the limited snowpack in the
alpine, a few participants identified overall changes in the amount of precipitation. The Robson
Valley is characteristically a wet environment due to its close proximity to the inland temperate
rainforest; however, in the last two years (2022-2024) there has not only been decreased snowfall
and rainfall, which is likely a result of the El Niño Oscillation, but also what participants
described as ‘dry snow,’ where the snow itself holds little moisture.
Observations of decreased snowpack began as early as the heat dome event of 2021,
where rapid melting of mountain snowpacks caused flooding throughout the Valley and rerouted
existing water channels. The summer of 2023 is when the water insecurity issues across the
Robson Valley became prevalent for many individuals, and when the Village of McBride began
enforcing restrictions on water use in the community. As one interviewee stated,
“We didn't notice until the restrictions came on. I mean, we turn on the taps, there's
always water and there was no reduction. There was no unavailability in certain
periods, it was just all of a sudden one day that we got this news that it was a
problem, which was not surprising, but it was well, it was surprising. It was
surprising because again, we figured this would be one of the last places where this
kind of thing would occur. But no, we didn't have any warning personally until the
Village placed the restrictions.” (Al Birnie, McBride)
The Village of McBride spent a total of 8 months in a state of local emergency, fluctuating
between level 4 and 5 of drought conditions. May 17th of 2024 is when the water-use restrictions
were lifted.
The onset of drought is characteristically a slow hazard, with dry conditions being
experienced over several months if not years; but there are times of the year when the impacts of
drought are more pronounced than others. Most participants noted that prior to the drought,
access to fresh water was often a concern moving into September: the snowpack had been

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melting throughout the summer, less precipitation limits snow accumulation in the mountains,
and snowfall had not yet started. Participants noted that this period of the year when water was
more scarce has been further exacerbated by drought conditions. Another time of the year when
the availability of freshwater is stressed is during the cold months of January and February when
it can be difficult to maintain the water system if something goes wrong, and there is a greater
risk of creeks with decreased winter flow to freeze. Most recently, water availability was stressed
during July and August of 2024 as the hot temperatures coupled with the decreased snowpack
from the winter caused decreased streamflow throughout the summer.
Table 5.1: Observed Environmental Changes

Conditions

Description of Observed Change

Supporting Quote

Later Killing Frost

• Ability to grow gardens later into the
fall – the first frost of the year arriving
later in the year
• Warmer August and September
months

“it's early October or something, and we
still hadn’t had a killing frost last year. So,
I mean, that's unusual. We used to have a
killing frost in August” (Nancy Taylor,
Dunster).

Decreased and
inconsistent snowfall
amounts

•

Decreased snow in the Valley
throughout the winter over the last
two years, which is likely due to the
cyclical Southern El Niño Oscillation.
Later snowfall in the mountains

“We generally get about two meters of
snowfall, and the exception was last year,
and the year before. Even when we got
more snowfall, it was dry snow, it did not
have any moisture in it. Sometimes it
comes at varying times of the year, so the
one thing that is noticeable in this
geography is that its very inconsistent. We
get lots of change” (Ray Thiessen,
McBride).

•

Unpredictability of
Climate

•

Indicators of when to harvest no
longer reliable

“If it is dry this time of year [May], usually
it means look out for flooding, if creeks
stop running you better start, but not now”
(Dave Marsh, McBride).

Drier Conditions

•
•
•

Drier ground
Drier forest
Less precipitation throughout the year
and longer periods without rain, which

“Another thing that I really noticed is it's
so dry in the bush, and there's so much
deadfall. We live in the rainforest, but it
doesn't seem like a rainforest anymore”
(Nancy Taylor, Dunster).

54

•

may be due to the Southern El Niño
Oscillation
Hotter temperatures

Increased
Temperatures

•
•

Hotter summers and winters.
Longer periods of increased
temperatures

“You get some periods of 35 below. For
more extended periods, but I think it was
35 below here for a couple of days, but the
severe low temperatures abated quite
significantly and the overall temperature in
the winter is higher, you know, 10 or 15
below is as cold as its going to get most of
the time” (Al Birnie, McBride).

Weather Extremes

•
•

Heat dome events
Several days or weeks without
precipitation during the Southern El
Niño Oscillation
Intense snow or ice storms in the
wintertime
Longer ‘cold snaps’ in the wintertime
Unpredictability in the climate

“One thing I've noticed is that the weather
patterns seem to get stuck in one way for a
long time. And then it will switch to
another extreme and stay that way for a
while. It used to be every few days, the
weather kind of changed. So, if you had
really cold weather, it would only last for a
few days, and then it would mild up and
that would only last for a few days, you
know. Now, like last winter it stayed mild
forever just about. We had one week of
cold weather. And in May it was cloudy
pretty much all the time” (Larry Stamm,
Dunster).

Low mountainside creeks and streams
Decreased availability of water on
individual licensed intakes
Fraser river is lower than normal
Streams, creeks, and rivers did not rise
with the typical spring freshet period

“This is the lowest I've ever seen it [creek].
I've been up a couple of times. And it was
kind of scary before we had this week of
rain. I thought, are we going to make it
through the summer? And we've never had
that issue before.” (Bob Thompson,
Dunster).

Snowpacks that usually remain all
year in the mountains have melted in
the summer
Mountain snowpacks do not last as
long into the summer as they used to,
and do not start accumulating until
later
Smaller snowpacks in the summer and
winter

“You can't really see glaciers from my
place, but you can see permanent snow
banks. And some of those have certainly
changed. And in fact, last year [June,
2023], on what is known as Big Belle
[mountain in the Cariboo range], there
wasn't even a sign of what we thought was
a permanent snowbank. It was always
there.” (Bryan Munroe, McBride).

•
•
•

Decreased
Streamflow

•
•
•
•

Receding Mountain
Snowpacks

•

•

•

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5.3 Societal Change
Residents are experiencing changes in society that are disrupting lives and livelihoods
including, in some instances, the capacity to cope with environmental changes affecting the
water system. Some societal changes are not unique to the Robson Valley, but are common
struggles experienced by many rural communities in Northern B.C.— e.g. the centralization of
many services, the turbulent nature of the natural resources industry, healthcare shortages, and
land-use issues (Halseth et al., 2014).
5.3.1 Centralization
Participants shared in the last 20 years the dynamic of the community has completely
changed. In 2003, the Robson Valley experienced shifts in forestry harvesting policies to process
logs outside of the region in which they were harvested. As a result of these decisions, sawmills
in McBride and Dunster closed, the Ministry of Forests moved out of the Valley and with it,
government employees and their families, with impacts on schools, local businesses, and
community dynamics.
“...up until 2003, logs that were cut in the area had to be processed in that area. We
lost all local mills and everything, just with a change of government, another stroke
of the pen. We had 28 people working for the ministry of highways, and 40 in
forestry. We had 400 kids in 1994 in the schools, dwindled to 100 after shutting
down those ministries and the centralization of forestry. It really devastated the
local population and economy. We had more entertainment and restaurants, the
Elks club was strong. Shutting down those ministries affects everything; it changed
the whole dynamic [of McBride].” (Darrell Roth, McBride)
Recent acts of centralization include the closure of the Scotiabank branch in McBride, the
Village’s only financial institution that also served the surrounding communities of Dome Creek,
Crescent Spur, and Dunster. Participants also described the impacts of recent changes to the B.C.
Vegetable Marketing Commission (BCVMC), the sole provincial instance regulator for the
vegetable market: proposed that there must be an agent representing northern markets for anyone
56

who produces over 1 tonne/$5000 worth of produce, restricting the ability of northern growers to
sell their produce. Participants described this as yet another example of how government
bureaucracy is hindering their ability to make a living. The spring of 2024 brought more policy
change to McBride when the Ministry of Forests made the decision to close the only access to
the Renshaw, a popular snowmobiling area that is used by local recreationists and also attracts
tourism in the winter. Many residents are concerned about the impact this closure will have on
the tourism sector, especially with regards to job losses and decreased tourism revenue. The lack
of snowpack the last two snowmobiling seasons has already impacted the local tourism industry,
with snowmobiling pass sales dropping by 70%, ([Mark Froese] Personal Communication, June
6th, 2024) and the closing of the Renshaw is yet another blow to a struggling winter tourism
sector.
5.3.2 Zombie Farms
Several farms that are located in the Agricultural Land Reserve (ALR) in Dunster and
McBride have been sold far above asking price to absentee landowner(s), who many participants
stated are left to sit empty. Approximately 25 farms in the area, many along the Fraser River,
have been purchased and coined as “zombie farms” by locals due to the absence of any residents
and minimal agricultural activity. Many of these properties were purchased before the land was
listed on the public market, blocking any opportunities for locals to buy the farms, or for new
and/or younger families to move into the Valley and begin farming. Majority of the participants
in Dunster as well as other Dunster residents stated that the “zombie farms” have caused the
erosion of the social fabric of the community. Participants described the feeling of isolation due
to no longer having neighbours to rely on, especially as the population ages, and while coping
with drought and other environmental pressures:

57

“The biggest problem is they're buying lots of land, which is limiting up land that
people could use and they haven't done much. They haven't done anything to interact
with the community like being a positive influence. They haven't interacted at all.
Matter of fact, they've been quite the opposite. The community would like people to
own the land or be there so they could interact and bring something positive to the
community. I don't think you can do anything legally, but they're looking at it. And
there's some that are quite irate, quite angry.” (Roy Howard, Dunster)
Residents are faced with limited options to legally address the commodification of farmland and
expressed frustration with the number of livable homes that remain empty and unmaintained.
Societal changes compound to make it difficult, if not impossible, for young people to make a
living in the Valley:
“We're all aging and this whole issue around land use that we've talked about, and
about how young people can't settle here because there's nowhere for them to live.
There's no land for them to buy that they can afford. If they get a mortgage, there's
very few jobs they can work, to have steady work and secure employment so they
can pay off a mortgage. I mean, it used to be that there were jobs in forestry that paid
well. And there used to be jobs everywhere, in education and healthcare in the
Valley, but the population has decreased. And so, we've lost a lot of those jobs. And
it's just harder for young people to make it here. Most of the young farmers in
Dunster, there's a handful of young families that are farming, they inherited their
places, or they have been supported by elders that want to give them a chance, but to
go and buy a farm for $700,000 or $800,000 and get a mortgage, like forget it. Not
going to happen. It's too hard. It's too hard.” (Nancy Taylor, Dunster)
5.4 Exposure-Sensitivities
This section discusses how environmental changes affecting the water system are
impacting resident’s lives and livelihoods. I describe what aspects of the human system are
sensitive to decreased snowpack, drought, and reduced availability of freshwater.
5.4.1 Agriculture
Agriculture has been a steady and predominant industry in the Robson Valley for over
100 years (Wheeler, 2008). Agriculture in this region is dependent on snowmelt runoff or
aquifers and springs, which are also dependent on snowmelt. The two-year drought period has
caused multiple impacts to this sector. The decreased snowpack and consequently decreased
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water availability increases the susceptibility of freezing creeks. When the creeks were running
low, especially in the mid-winter months, there was not enough snow to insulate the creeks and
prevent freezing during cold-snaps. When the creeks begin to develop ice, it diverts water out of
its channel, where it will spread across the surface of the ground and will freeze, as a farmer
shared, “I was worried the past year about finding money for alternative water supply. The water
is frozen to the creek bed; with the low flow it’s too easy to freeze up. We had very low water
and we were worried it wouldn’t sustain us” (Chris Roberts, McBride Farmer).
The decrease in water availability as well as lack of snow cover also negatively impacted
the crops farmers were growing. Majority of the focus group participants stated that they were
unable to practice irrigation techniques due to the lack of supply to battle the dry ground
conditions. Additionally, the lack of spring moisture from precipitation and spring snowmelt also
meant that the 2023 grow season was very dry. Several hay farmers specifically mentioned
experiencing a poor crop that did not grow an adequate amount for both their own farm, and for
selling. The dry ground also makes it difficult to plow fields, as the plow is unable to penetrate
the ground adequately. The dry ground also results in large cracks in the field, and farmers are
forced to use fertilizers and chemicals to ensure their crops survive. The lack of snow cover also
damaged perennial crops and fruit trees due to the lack of insulation to mitigate damage from
severe cold snaps, causing many farmers to either lose certain plants entirely, or have a poor
harvest the following year, as expressed by a local farmer,
“I used to sell a lot of hay in a year, but last year didn’t sell, and this year I am not going
to sell. But expenses are going up and I’m getting less hay. For as many acres as we have,
we should have had a surplus of pasture, but it’s too dry. We did not recover from the
initial graze, so we were cutting into the winter feed in September instead of November”
(Interviewee #29).

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Two of the seven focus group participants own farms that are on the Dominion Creek
water system, meaning that any restrictions put in place by the Village also applied to their
farms, increasing the stress of water use. Several farmers experienced forced downsizing of their
farms, as they were unable to grow the hay to feed their livestock. Therefore, several people
resorted to selling some of their sheep and cows. The financial stress of agriculture due to
drought is another experience of majority of the participants. Several participants are hesitant to
plant seeds after spending thousands of dollars on them, because they are not sure there will be
enough water to support the crop. Therefore, local farmers shared that many farmers in the
Robson Valley are not planting their usual crops, and not generating their usual income.
Lastly, participants reported that they felt the effects of unpredictability in local weather
patterns. Historically, many farmers, particularly hay farmers, plant seeds in the fall, they survive
the winter due to snow cover, then are ready to grow come spring due to all the moisture from
melt. Peak precipitation in the Robson Valley is in the middle of June, and a local farmer
identified that “June 21st is when hay is at premium for food value” (Harold Edwards, McBride
Farmer). However, drought conditions change typical harvesting times and patterns. One
participant stated that unpredictability in weather and moisture is impacting their ability to teach
‘newcomers’ how to farm,
“With the climate changing it is harder to predict the weather, harder to know when to cut
hay. I am trying to pass on pieces of my land to young new farmers to work the land, but
it is harder to pass on knowledge of how to do it when the environment is changing and
no longer consistent” (Terri Jensen, McBride Farmer).
5.4.2 Gardens and Foraging
It is common for residents in both McBride and Dunster to grow their own gardens and
harvest wild foods such as blueberries, huckleberries, thimbleberries, high bush cranberries, and
various mushrooms. Private water license holders experienced significant impacts due to
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snowpack changes and drought conditions in their area. Similar to what the farmers reported,
freezing of surface water creeks and intake pipes also occurred, causing several participants to
not have running water for several months. Consequently, this caused repairing the water intake
to be quite labour intensive in the winter months to either dig out the channel, constantly move
the water intake up the mountain to increase the flow rate, divert creeks, or haul freshwater. One
participant described their experience with low-flow freeze, and its relation to snowpack,
“This year the creek was so low in the winter it froze straight to the bottom and blew out
the banks. The flow is still there even though the ice formed on the bottom and formed on
the sides, constricted it, and then the water pushes on top of the ice and then does
whatever it wants. So there is the potential if the water level is low, it could freeze to the
bottom, especially on a year that we did not have much snow, which was the case this
year. We had both low water and no snow cover to insulate the creek.” (Rob Mercereau,
Dunster and McBride).
A decrease in water availability in the growing season and snowpack protection was also
a stressor that many participants faced. Majority of participants referred to the decrease in water
availability and snowpack as a matter of food security. With the increased costs of groceries and
the nature of rural living, many people depend on their own subsistence gardens to feed
themselves, their families, and their neighbours – especially participants who live in Dunster, and
do not have an easily accessible grocery store. However, participants on the Village of McBride
water system also expressed their concern of food security. When the drought restrictions were
placed in 2023, one of those restrictions included ceasing the watering of gardens. Many
residents felt that this was an issue of food security, and felt frustrated by the Village’s decision
to do so as expressed by the following participants,
“Do not tell a farming community that they can’t grow food.” (Interviewee ID# 25)
“They basically said that there’s no watering your garden at all. To not have that, it
severely limits the food security potential of the Valley, and particularly the Village of
McBride, and it just doesn’t feel right to me.” (Rob Mercereau, McBride and Dunster).

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Wild foods were also impacted by the drought conditions. Locals identified a decrease in
huckleberry and blueberry patches in the summer of 2023, especially in areas that have been
reliable to have a sufficient harvest every year due to the hot and dry conditions. Participants also
noted that beyond the impact to food security, barriers to growing food also impact the wellbeing of residents. Growing and sharing food is a way that residents care for each other, for
instance, through having community harvest celebrations in Dunster, sharing food at the farmers’
markets, and simply having neighbours over for dinner and trading different items if someone
grew too much. The act of growing food is not only part of the health of the community but is a
part of many participants’ identity, as shared by one interviewee,
“I garden but it’s not my hobby. It is what I do. I try and grow as much as I can, so
snowpack is important to me. Because if I can’t grow my food than what do I have?”
(Stephi Mclean, Dunster)
5.4.3 Fire Suppression
Both B.C. wildfire and residential fire services are dependent on local water sources to
combat fires. The Village of McBride Fire Department uses water from the Dominion Creek
water system to fight local fires; therefore, the drought impacted the amount of water they could
allocate to a fire. The Fire Department and the Public Works Manager were required throughout
the drought period and during restrictions to communicate and ensure that there was an adequate
supply of water to fight a fire. However, the Public Works Manager and The Fire Department
discussed the process of acceptable losses, where in some cases the focus is on protecting nearby
structures rather than to put out a fire to ensure the efficacy of water use. This is dependent on
the severity of the fire, as shared by an interviewee,
“The Fire Chief and I work hand in hand. If there is a fire, his dispatch phones me
immediately and we know exactly what we have for water. We know exactly when we’re
going to start running short. So, we communicate back and forth, but it’s status quo until

62

I tell them no, there’s not enough water” (Brian Taphorn, Public Works Manager, Village
of McBride)
Outside of the Village water system, many residents have small water holding ponds near
their houses that they rely on for emergency fire protection, primarily in Dunster where there is
no fire brigade. Residents experienced many of these ponds drying up with the decrease in
stream flow of nearby water sources, and they did not have the water capacity to place water
pumps in the nearby streams. The B.C. wildfire service also had trouble the past two fire seasons,
as they were unable to obtain water with water bombers within the closest proximity to a
wildfire. Instead, helicopters and trucks would need to travel farther to the Fraser River, or other
large rivers ([Dave Hruby] Personal Communication, September 21st, 2023). Additionally, many
participants found that the FireSmart sprinkler program that was implemented in 2023 by the
RDFFG to mitigate fire stress has been greatly impacted by water availability. Many residents
feel that they do not have enough water to operate the sprinklers, even with the looming threat of
wildfires. The representative for FireSmart in the Robson Valley discussed the difficulty in
implementing the sprinklers currently,
“I know through my FireSmart that I’ve been doing, there’s a lot of people that have
sprinklers that haven’t been able to set them up because they don’t have the water supply
to run them. They’re still in a box in the garage or in the house. In the last couple of
years, it’s been so dry, and I was giving residents trouble because they are no good to you
in the box. They said they could set them up, but there is not water to run them so it’s just
a waste of time.” (Dave Hruby, McBride).
Water availability exacerbated the stress of other environmental hazards and has impacted the
ability of residents to implement existing mitigation strategies.
5.4.5 Human Health and Well-Being
Drought and snowpack changes have also caused significant emotional stress to residents.
Throughout the interviews, a few participants mentioned feelings of uncertainty, vulnerability,

63

and concern for future generations. Additionally, many participants have been struggling with
the inability to engage in recreational activities that they normally would throughout the winter
including snowmobiling, skiing, and snowshoeing. Many participants identified that getting
outside and being active is important for their mental health, but the increased weather extremes
and lack of snow has made it more difficult. For community seniors who still hope to enjoy
recreation outdoors, it is imperative that the conditions are safe, such as a sturdy snowpack for
skiing, roads free from black ice, and even walkways free from ice. However, with more rain-onsnow (ROS) events in the winter and consequent freezing, many elders stated that getting around
in the winter is becoming more hazardous.
Many residents noted feelings of uncertainty for the future, not knowing what the longterm effects will be on their farms and their ability to continue to engage with the environment
the same way. Other participants mentioned feeling helpless, that they feel compelled to do
something about the changes they are witnessing but are unsure how. Additionally, other
participants who work in hydropower and forestry feel vulnerable due to the uncertainty of their
future industries. For instance, one interviewee spoke about which decisions to make now to
ensure the health and longevity of the industry and environment in the future,
“We’ve been talking about this because the community watershed has had a lot less
volume than it has in the past. They almost ran out of water last winter, which has never
happened before. So there has been lots of talk about things like if you clear cut, how
does that affect snowpack and snowmelt? If you partial cut, how does that affect it? Or, if
it’s a big solid forest where the snow never reaches the ground, how does that affect it?
How should the community forest try to help, and not mess things up completely and hurt
it, or make it worse? (Craig Pryor, McBride Community Forest General Manager)
Because majority of the water that participants depend on is surface water, water quality
is of concern. Residents identified several indicators of ‘good’ quality water: if the water is clean
from bacteria and pollutants; if the water is clean from silt and turbidity; and if the water does

64

not have a strong mineral taste. However, several other participants identified that even though
the chlorination system helps keep their water clean, that they do not prefer the taste of chlorine
in their water. The Village of McBride has a history of contending with water quality mostly due
to bacteria, E. coli, and turbidity. Many participants recalled several water boil advisories
throughout their lifetimes, or being told to go to a community center to pick up potable water in
the form of water jugs or plastic water bottles. However, the Village of McBride has
continuously updated their water system and now uses a chlorination system to ensure the water
is sanitary. The majority of study participants who are not on the Dominion Creek water system
and rely on surface water creeks from their own water licenses do not have concerns for bacteria,
silt, or minerals in their water. Many people do not filter or sanitize their water at all and claim
that they have ‘perfect’ alpine water that they hold in very high regard. However, several
participants expressed water quality concerns due to fire retardant over the years, as well as the
lack of response from government officials, and lack of transparency from the companies that
manufacture it. Some participants reported instances of their water ‘fizzing’ for a few weeks
after fire retardant was sprayed above or near their water source, which sparked alarm
throughout the community of whether it is safe to drink, cook with, or water their gardens with,
which was shared by the following interviewees,
“I had the most amazing water that I relied on everyday, and then after the retardant it
was like I was holding poison. I understand why fire retardant is used, that might be what
saved my house from burning, but I think it’s important to understand what is in it, and
what the effects are. I wanted to get my water tested, to ensure it was safe to drink. I
called the fire retardant company, Perimeter Solutions, and he said “we told you what the
primary ingredients are” and I said I need all ingredients because they will only test for
the chemicals that I list, and he said “well, I can’t give you that, they won’t let me give
you that” (Participant #25)
“A lot of fire retardants have been used in the Valley, and there is no transparency about
that. I’ve called them about that, and they say that the company has proprietary
65

knowledge with their chemical formula that they’re utilizing. But in the context of
people’s water systems, I think it is a real travesty that the information is not made
public” (Rob Mercereau, McBride and Dunster)
5.5 Current Adaptive Strategies
Residents of the Robson Valley are not strangers to dry weather, heat events, wildfires,
and drought stretches, according to many elders and stories from generational farmers. Many
elders stated that strategies they were taught as children in the 40s, 50s, and 60s, to conserve and
collect water such as rain barrels, ‘toughing through it,’ and only watering in the morning and
night are the same strategies that they practice living in the Village of McBride today. However,
the frequency and intensity of the dry periods, many participants stated, is different than what
they have previously endured. Several residents and participants stated that the Fraser River was
the lowest they had ever seen, and even drilling and digging for new wells is proving insufficient
due to the inconsistent water table. There are a number of adaptive strategies that members of
Dunster and McBride are currently undertaking for agriculture, subsistence, and well-being.
5.5.1 Water Conservation
Water conservation is the first strategy that many participants discussed to cope with
drought and limited snowpack. The Village of McBride required residents on the Dominion
Creek system to restrict water use, which entailed no watering of lawns, no washing vehicles, no
filling pools/hot tubs, no washing driveways, no lawn and gardening sprinkling, no outdoor hand
watering, and no drip irrigation. While there was no enforcement of the water restrictions, many
of the participants abided by them as well as they could. Other participants on the Village system
said they took additional measures to conserve water, including not running the tap while
brushing their teeth, changed how they washed dishes, laundry, and took showers.

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Participants outside of the Village water system, especially farmers, also practiced water
conservation with many of the same strategies. Many farmers practiced soaking irrigation or drip
irrigation (a hose with holes in it) to water but limit the amount of water being used. Other
subsistence food growers described having reducers on water barrels to limit the amount of water
being allotted into the water system at a given time. Another strategy that coincides with water
conservation is using mulch, a type of ground cover such as straw, glass clippings, or straw to
place around plants to hold moisture after they have been watered.
5.5.2 Water Storage
When water availability decreases, especially in the growing season, or water has high
turbidity from spring melt runoff, participants reported finding alternatives for storing water. The
most common, which many people had prior to the drought, is rain barrels. Many people fasten
taps at the bottom of the barrels and set them below their eavestroughs to catch rainwater. This
water is commonly used for watering gardens and is not potable for drinking. For potable water,
many participants have water jugs that they fill with potable water and will store in/near their
homes. Filling and hauling water jugs are quite labour intensive and requires several trips a
week, and depending on the household and property needs, water hauling may be required every
day. Large water totes of approximately 1000L are also commonly used for water storage, and
some homes have two or three to store water. They cost approximately $150-$300 per tote and
can be purchased to be ‘food grade.’ Several participants depend on the water totes for watering
gardens, but many also use them for back-up domestic water use, including cooking, hygiene,
and drinking. To fill these totes, many participants get water from friends or family throughout
the Valley who are willing to share extra water they may have. However, many participants also
pay to fill their totes. The costs range from $50-$150 to fill a large tote, and around $100-$250

67

for 3600 gallons. McBride local and owner of Robson Valley Septic and Water Hauling, Darrell
Roth (a McBride participant), noticed a gap in the ability of locals to obtain water for gardening
and other services after the Village of McBride water restrictions began. Darrell obtained a water
license for the Fraser River, which cost approximately $1000. With his already existing
equipment to haul water, and in conjunction with Home Hardware and a water tank company
from Edmonton, Robson Valley Septic and Water Hauling then filled people’s water totes with
non-potable Fraser River water for their crops.
5.5.3 Retention Ponds and Dug-Outs
In addition to water tanks and rain barrels, other participants, namely in the agricultural
sector, also rely on lined retention ponds for watering gardens, as well as dug-outs for livestock.
Several participants began digging dug-outs, which are usually large and sometimes narrow
ponds that collect water from which livestock can drink. Sometimes the water from dug-outs can
be pumped out for larger crops. Many participants required the use of machinery to dig large
dug-outs or make existing dug-outs deeper, and with less debris. Other participants who had not
physically dug for increased water retention stated that they were considering it.
The Village of McBride Fire Department also had concerns with water availability. To
cope with the limited volume of water in Dominion Creek, the Village purchased a 20,000-gallon
tank to hold extra water in case Dominion Creek is unable to supply enough water to fight fires.
The now retired Fire Chief, Dave Hruby, stated that in his 43 years as Fire Chief in McBride, he
has never worried about water supply until the recent drought. Now, the Fire Department is
focused on the diversification of water sources, as they cannot drain the Dominion Creek source
beyond a certain level otherwise the system may become waterlogged, and the pressure in the
tank may stop it from working.

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5.5.4 Well Drilling
Drilling wells is a coping strategy that both the Village of McBride and other properties,
mostly in the ALR, are employing to find more water. In February of 2024, the Village of
McBride drilled two test wells to try and find water, which unfortunately came up empty (Brian
Taphorn, Village of McBride). Other participants are resorting to well drilling either due to no
longer having a reliable surface water source, or due to having concerns about the longevity of
their surface water source. There has been a range of well depths from 300 feet to over 500 feet,
which is costly, and water is not guaranteed because “McBride and Dunster area are clay based
from approximately 900 meters elevation and down” (Craig Pryor, McBride Community Forest
General Manager), allowing for changing water table depths.
5.5.5 Water Licenses
Legally, all people require water licenses to be able to have rights to take water from
stream and groundwater. A water license allows people to be able to legally divert, store and use
water for their specific needs, and to ensure that the water is being used efficiently and equitably
(Government of B.C., 2024). Additionally, a few participants said the motivation to obtain a
water license is because of the protection of the water source it can offer. When asked about the
cost and maintenance of a water source and license, a participant stated,
“it is worth whatever we have to pay for it because then we can have a say on what
happens on our water system. So if they’re logging we can say to them “this is our water
source” so they will look after it” (Archie Mclean, Dunster).
Other participants stated that having a water license on a source, especially in areas with high
natural resource extraction, can make you a stakeholder in decisions that happen in the
surrounding area. Additionally, some participants stated that they are looking into other licenses

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including placer licenses to have as much say over what happens around their water source as
possible.
5.5.6 Social Cohesion
Many participants described relying on relationships and sharing networks to cope with
environmental changes and with drought. This includes sharing water, even though almost
everyone struggled with supply, sharing farming equipment and skills, helping neighbours
evacuate during the 2023 and 2024 wildfires and offering evacuees places to stay, sharing food,
and emotional support for fears about the future with regards to weather extremes. One
interviewee provides insight into the support system in the Robson Valley,
“Every property around here has some crops that do better than others. And there is a lot
of bartering that goes on. Neighbours will come over sometimes and pick raspberries, we
will have more raspberries than we can eat. So, they will come over and help themselves
to that and they will bring over some kind of plants or vegetables that we didn’t get this
year. Some years you don’t have onions, but your neighbor has a ton, and we have a ton
of garlic so we will share. It is very much like a family, like a real old-fashioned
community. That’s just the way of it. If we ran out of water and our neighbors had some,
they would give us some.” (Bob Thompson, Dunster)
Seniors in the community discussed that over the years, social capital and working together as a
community has been what protects people in the Robson Valley. Social capital is creating social
assets, which include levels of trust and the ability to organize for collective action (Markey et
al., 2008). Several participants shared multiple stories about working with other residents to help
clear a road after a landslide, help protect homes in a flood, help fight wildfires, and help harvest
hay when conditions allow. According to one interviewee,
“I have a relationship with the Mennonites. So, I worked their land with their equipment
when it was time to harvest hay and they needed help, and in exchange they gave me hay.
Because with the drought I was unable to supply enough for my farm. Without that
relationship I would have had to downsize” (Drazen Bucan, Dunster Farmer).

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When asked about strengths within their community, participants from both Dunster and
McBride described the relationships amongst each other as being the biggest community
strength. Almost every participant identified how the community can pull together in times of
crisis, even if in between crises there is community divergence in many facets. Another prevalent
strength is the plethora of local knowledge within the mountain environment. Many residents of
McBride and Dunster are second or third generation farmers and have experience with natural
hazards such as flooding, avalanches, landslides, and wildfires. Additionally, there are many
skills such as being able to operate heavy machinery and owning heavy equipment and farm
equipment that are applicable to living in this mountain environment. Livelihood activities and
hobbies, as well as needing to maintain their own water systems cause many residents to have a
certain intimacy with the snowpack, water systems, and mountains, as expressed by the
following interviewee,
“It all depends on snow, really. And for us, it's very direct. We know exactly where the
water comes from. But it's a different thing for people who live in the city. They don't
look up at their water source on a daily basis, it just comes” (Stefi McLean, Dunster).
Many of the female participants spoke about passing on knowledge about farming, food,
and water systems to other young women who were new to the Valley. Many of these same
participants said that these skills and networks between women is what helped maintain
community cohesion and are skills that are used today to navigate the changing environment and
drought conditions. In Dunster, many women speak to the back-to-the-land movement in the
1960s and 1970s, where many families moved to the Valley, especially Dunster, yet were
missing the knowledge on how to survive there. They called this the lives of the Dunster women,
where other women taught newcomers how to milk cows, what food to grow, and how to harvest
food.

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5.6 Barriers to Adaptation
There are several barriers identified that make it more difficult to cope with and adapt to
changes in the environment. The primary barriers that participants described are government
policies, finances, location on a water system, and preference of water. The following section
identifies not only barriers to coping with snowpack and water system changes, but also factors
that either do, or could, make it easier to navigate them.
5.6.1 Governance
Majority of participants described that with the changes in government and the
centralization of services, it has become increasingly difficult to find support from government,
and that there is a lack of transparency and lack of consultation before decision-making at the
provincial, regional, and community level that profoundly impacts rural industries and
livelihoods in the Valley. Participants described that with the decrease in water availability, it is
incredibly difficult to obtain a new or additional water license for a different water source,
impacting water security. Many residents have resorted to taking water from friends and family,
and there have been instances where residents obtain water from other sources without a license.
Participants also discussed that due to centralization, there are no longer government
officials in the community that have a context or understanding of the way of life in the Valley,
and how to navigate the surrounding environment. Locals expressed frustration that they will be
given instructions or answers that are not conducive to fixing their water system, and that no one
ever comes to the Valley to look at people’s water systems before telling them what to do. Many
solutions are prescriptive without consultation, falling short of meeting the needs of locals.
Additionally, many participants spoke about tight regulations, making it difficult or impossible to
repair or change one’s own water system in a timely manner. A few participants stated that many

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environmental regulations are too severe, and limit the ability of farmers, especially, to sustain
themselves, as expressed by an interviewee,
“They [provincial decision-makers] just complicate things. It’s the people that are trying
to officiate it [snow and water] that don’t know what they are doing, that don’t have an
understanding or even compassion for the people that are trying to look after it and
manage it. They turn their tap on in the city and figure everybody’s water is that easy to
get, but it doesn’t work that way out here…They all have a job, but what about the rest of
us that need to make a living? They’re not taking that into consideration, the bigger
centers don’t. A lot of those people don’t realize that if we don’t work out here and
supply them with wood and with beef and with grain and with vegetables, two days in the
cities and no trucks coming in, there’s no food on the shelves there.” (Ron Weslon,
McBride Farmer)
Many participants stated that federal and/or provincial government support would make it easier
to deal with drought, but that government support needs to be done in a way where they are
consistently interacting with residents and listening and responding to their needs instead of
prescribing solutions from a different point of understanding.
5.6.2 Financial Barriers
The cost of a water license application is a minimum of $250, with an annual payment
that ranges from $50-$150 depending on the amount of water that license holder requires, and
often more for agricultural or hydroelectric use. According to the Government of B.C., B.C.
owns all water in the province on behalf of its residents (Government of B.C., 2024). In addition
to the primary water license costs, many participants required a secondary water source to meet
their needs, which was often storing water in tanks. However, participants described that many
residents face economic constraints to cope with drought. Many participants stated that after
purchasing the tank, it costs them approximately $150 per fill for a 200-gallon tank on top of
already paying their regular water licenses, and that it is still non-potable Fraser River water.
While storing water in tanks is a coping strategy that almost every participant is doing, many
participants also emphasized the difficulty in sanitizing water jugs, and that it is often not73

preferred water that they resort to using. Additionally, if participants would like to store water
for fire protection or to anticipate dry weather, they have to purchase a water pump which can be
expensive and requires skills to use. Some residents that were unable to obtain sufficient water
volume from surface water sources resorted to well-drilling. The cost of well-drilling across
participants and the Village ranged from $40,000 to $60,000 not including ground water licenses.
Additionally, some participants discussed that they would like to have efficient grey water
systems, better fire protection, or other back-up water systems but are unable to due to financial
restriction.
5.6.3 Location
The location of a resident on a water system can impact their ability to cope with drought
and snowpack change. Water insecurity is often heightened for participants who are the ‘last’ on
the creek towards the middle of the valley. This is because the higher up the mountain a stream
or creek is, the steeper it is and thus the channel is more defined, and the rate of flow is
increased. Additionally, certain amounts of surface water will naturally leach into the ground.
Once the surface water runs to the last ‘user’ on the water system, especially if there are several
farms or large gardens who are using it, there is often decreased availability. These factors in
combination with low-flow freezing, lack of precipitation, and fire protection stress have caused
many participants at the bottom of a stream to lose water, shared by an interviewee,
“It is a combination of everything, one being the last person on the list, and then two
being the furthest away from the source because the ground absorbs a certain amount of
the water. The loss into the ground isn’t a big deal when we have regular flow levels, but
when there is a low flow then that loss is a big deal. That’s why there is water up there
[other water users farther up the same creek] but none down here, because it is another
300 yards to get here, and then there is the regular leaching loss” (Drazen Bucan, Dunster
Farmer).

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It is not only the location on a specific water source that can increase vulnerability to change.
Many participants identified that while having a water license on an independent water source
from the Village increases the freedom to use the water in a way that meets their own needs, and
not having restrictions, maintaining an independent source is a lot of work. Many of the residents
in rural McBride and Dunster are aging, and as discussed above, there are not enough young
people moving into the Valley with skills to maintain water systems, operate equipment, or to
help the aging rural population. Several participants identified that while lack of water is difficult
for everybody, it is especially tolling on the seniors in the community.
5.7 Adaptation Planning
There are several adaptation initiatives that the Village of McBride, and surrounding
residents have been instating. In addition to trying to drill for wells, the Village of McBride and
the McBride Community Forest are in the process of expanding the size of the current water
reservoir to store more water in case of a drought emergency. The plan is to increase the storage
by 10 times, so that there will be enough water to provide the Village for 5 days of regular usage,
if Dominion Creek were to run dry. The Village of McBride will then purchase and truck water
from Valemount until they find an alternative source. However, the Village is still waiting on the
provincial government to grant permission to begin construction on expanding the reservoir.
Additionally, the Village of McBride received $146,000 in provincial funding for an alternate
water source feasibility study on October 2nd, 2024. The funding comes from a Disaster Risk
Reduction-Climate Adaptation stream of the Community Emergency Preparedness Fund, a grant
funded by B.C.
Some participants that work in the agricultural sector spoke about transitioning to drought
resistant crops, and growing blend crops that grow with minimal water. Additionally, one

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participant mentioned that the transition from growing hay to growing a specific cover crop
blend has helped to retain moisture in the soil. Lastly, bale grazing is another practice that many
farmers have adapted to, where hay bales are set in a grid pattern. The cows eat, move, and
defecate around the bale(s), then the pattern moves throughout the fields, never having the cows
eat in the same spot. It is a cost-effective method of fertilizing the fields and decreasing
dependency on chemical fertilizer.

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Chapter 6: Discussion
The general scientific consensus is that since the 1950s mountain snowpacks in North
America have significantly declined and these changes can affect water security for downstream
communities and ecosystems (Beniston & Stoffel, 2014; Environment and Climate Change
Canada, n.d.; Hock et al., 2019; Wang et al., 2023). As the Earth’s climate continues to warm
due to human-caused climate change, these changes are expected to continue and even
exacerbate in the future (Beniston & Stoffel, 2014; Hock et al., 2019; Wang et al., 2023). The
findings of this research support this broad understanding and give new insights into the human
consequences of changing mountain snowpack through the lived experiences of people living in
the Robson Valley, B.C. At the onset of this research in 2023, we knew that the Village of
McBride was experiencing drought conditions from a decreased mountain snowpack and quickly
learned that the situation was not unique to McBride but extended throughout the upper Valley.
The findings showed that not only were water sources compromised for human use by snowpack
changes, which is commonly represented in the literature, but other stresses including
centralization, policy changes, and ‘zombie farms’ in conjunction with these environmental
changes are drastically impacting the well-being and adaptive capacity of Dunster and McBride.
This project is unique from the dominant literature in B.C. mountain spaces due to the focus on
the lived experiences of Robson Valley residents.
6.1 Changing Mountain Snowpack and Water Availability
The Robson Valley has recently experienced rapid shifts in local weather, including
unpredictability of the climate, overall drier conditions, a later killing frost, increased weather
extremes, increased temperatures, decreased precipitation, drought, and decreased snowpack, and
these shifts are not surprising given recorded climate change trends and timing of the El Niño

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Southern Oscillation (ENSO) (Meyn et al., 2010; Young et al., 2010). Historical data shows that
the Valley has experienced drought and decreased snowpack in previous El Niño seasons. The
Robson Valley Courier reported the winter of 1982-1983 to be noteworthy as the Robson Valley
experienced near-record mild temperatures, as well as other parts of western Canada (What
Happened to our Winter?, 1983). While seasonal weather in the Valley is known to be variable
(e.g. Yusa et al., 2015), the severity and duration of the changes being experienced today are
outside the normal operating environment for most residents. Recent instrumental measurements
confirm that the low stream flows and decreased precipitation are unique to the last 100 years of
record keeping, permanent snowbanks have disappeared for the first time, and the fastest spring
snowpack melt on record was in May 2022 (Government of British Columbia, n.d.).
It was to be expected that decreased water availability would affect human activities in
the Valley, including agriculture and animal husbandry. Much has been written about the effects
of changing mountain snowpacks on human and environmental health including food security,
agricultural industry, and sanitation (Huss et al., 2017; Shea et al., 2021; Stewart, 2008).
However, this research showed that there are many nuanced impacts of climate change in the
Robson Valley, such as impacts from lack of snow cover on crops and wild foods, and freezing
of low-flow water sources. Farmers in the Valley have depended on reliable environmental
indicators to grow and harvest food crops and hay in what is normally considered a ‘wet’ region
due to high precipitation and substantial mountain snowpack. The changes being experienced
today are challenging conventional farming knowledge and practices, raising the question of “if
and how farmers will adapt to longer-term changes?” Questions of knowledge transmission
were apparent among farmers, who were concerned that younger generations would not learn
how to farm due to repeated poor growing seasons, and thought that their knowledge might not

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be applicable to new climatic conditions. Similar concerns have been documented elsewhere in
the context of climate change impacts and subsistence harvesting (Pearce et al., 2010; Pearce et
al., 2018; Willox et al., 2012).
Decreased water availability has implications for wildfire suppression in the Valley, not
only with regards to increasingly dry conditions ecologically, but also the quantity of water
available for fire suppression. Other research has discussed the relationship between drought and
wildfire, mostly from an ecological perspective (Hessl et al., 2004; Littell et al., 2016; Riley et
al., 2013) with less attention given to wildfire suppression capabilities. While wildfire
suppression is not the focus of this research, it is a future research question that should be
investigated to uncover the connection between snowpack change, water availability, and
wildfire risk.
6.2 Social and Political Pressures
The capacity to adapt to changes in water availability were hindered by politically driven
socio-economic policies and procedures. The centralization of government and industry in
Northern B.C. has eroded local capacities and resources (Halseth & Booth, 2003; Halseth et al.,
2014; Markey et al., 2008). Additionally, residents spoke about the exodus of knowledge and
skills due to the centralization of services and decision-making. Due to this relocation of power,
decisions are made without consultation of Northern B.C. communities. These changes have
manifested through the Robson Valley as proposed changes in the BCVMC, ‘zombie farms,’ and
the lack of local accessibility to branches of government.
The closure of local sawmills and government offices, and the centralization of health care
services led to the exodus of many skilled individuals and their families, according to residents.
The exodus of these families and skills have impacted local capacity to cope with changes in

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water availability, for example, the loss of government officials in the community causing a loss
of contextual understanding about water security issues in the Robson Valley. Additionally,
many individuals who worked for the Ministry of Forests, or who worked for local sawmills and
had heavy equipment operating skills left the Robson Valley, decreasing the amount of people to
not only aid in repairing water systems, but also in hazard response. The region also saw the loss
of fire-fighting equipment with the closure of the Ministry of Forests office in McBride,
shrinking the local capacity to fight wildfire.
The Robson Valley is known as an agricultural region, but provincial government policies
are making it difficult, if not impossible, for some farmers to get their produce to market. The
BC Vegetable Marketing Commission (BCVMC) has proposed a policy that requires an agent to
represent northern markets for anyone who produces over 1 tonne/$5000 worth of produce.
However, this policy does not meet the needs or fit the model of produce production in the north.
This policy impacts agricultural activities in the region that have already been impacted by
decreased water availability. While factors such as inflation, rural living, and low-income have
been shown to impact food security in Canada, B.C. has experienced increased food insecurity
due to provincial level social policy changes before (Li et al., 2016; Tarasuk et al., 2019).
As of the Fall of 2024, the BCVMC has opted to delay the implementation of the agent
expansion until January 1st of 2026, as well as increase consultation during that time (Popple,
2024). It is unfortunate that the consultation process did not take place prior to push-back and
concerns from the community. However, this provides an opportunity for northern growers to
establish a northern marketing agency to continue to keep the cost of licensing at an affordable
rate, as well as create space for conversations surrounding food security, climate change, and
policies in Northern B.C. There have been connections made between the Robson Valley and

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other Northern communities around Prince George. This research demonstrates the urgent need
for increased consultation by the provincial government in rural regions, increased competency
of rural regions by larger urban centers to mitigate harmful policy integration, and a mitigation of
unhelpful responses by government officials when rural communities are faced with climate
challenges exacerbated by sweeping provincial-wide policies.
The rise of absentee land ownership, or ‘zombie farms’ are an additional cause for concern,
as they alter community and agricultural dynamics. Residents stated that absentee land
ownership is impacting the social fabric of the community and contributing to feelings of
isolation due to no longer having close-by neighbours in the face of snowpack and water
changes. There is limited literature on absentee land ownership. In the literature on
Saskatchewan farmland, however, several scholars discuss similar experiences to that of the
farmers in the Robson Valley, including complicated legal options, degradation of local trust,
impacts to local food security and sovereignty, and disintegration of community values (Cotula,
2012; Desmarais et al., 2017; Edelman, 2013). The experience of feeling isolated and without
neighbours in a usually close community is a significant result because it shapes community
capacity to adapt to environmental changes, due to the decreased ability to depend on neighbours
in crisis. This finding is not reflected in the literature, demonstrating a gap in our understanding
of how the increase of absentee land ownership will impact climate change adaptability in the
future.
The absent land owner(s) literature predominantly focuses on the relationship between rural
poverty, food price volatility, and overall, placing the power of land sovereignty in the hands of
financial actors at the expense of local farmers and rural communities (Desmarais et al., 2017;
Gunnoe, 2014). The Robson Valley is unique as the communities’ concerns are not centered on

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the use of farmland, rather the potential for loss of local connection and community health.
However, residents shared that it is difficult to pursue legal action. Therefore, the
implementation of a ‘land sovereignty’ framework outlined by Borras and Franco (2012) into
progressive land politics discourse to aid in informing local resistance to land grabbing may be a
tangible approach. This framework is defined as “the right of working peoples to have effective
access to, use of, and control over land and the benefits of its use and occupation, where land is
understood as a resource, territory, and landscape” (Borras & Franco, 2012. P. 6). This
framework highlights values that the several residents of the western portion of the Robson
Valley identified, including the deeply intimate connection between livelihoods, identity, and
nature. Residents shared that the loss of social cohesion directly impacts their capacity to
respond to changing conditions in the environment. For example, residents rely on their
neighbours for water if their source becomes compromised, but with the exodus of many families
from the Valley leaving farmland sitting empty, there are less people to rely on, and less
available water sources.
It is unsurprising that financial constraints and being located at the bottom of a water system
presents barriers to adaptation, as experienced in other mountain regions (Archie, 2013). It is
also unsurprising that changes in governance and centralization of services in Northern B.C. pose
as one of the largest constraints to adaptation, as noted by residents and participants. Residents
are constrained in their ability to obtain a water license on additional water sources if their own
were to become compromised, due to the restrictive and untimely nature of water license
applications. Centralization has caused many residents to speak to decision-makers no longer
having a baseline understanding of water systems work in the Robson Valley, or the history of
self-determination and resiliency to changes. Instead, residents are obliged to follow the long

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bureaucratic process of obtaining permission to alter their water source, when facing an issue
that instead requires immediate action. Barriers presented by governance in drought adaptation
have been presented widely in the United States, however, this issue is novel with regards to
drought and snowpack changes in B.C. (Sullivan et al., 2019).
In addition to difficulty in obtaining information or water licenses, residents discuss
lasting impacts from changes in industry, which are often done with lack of consultation
beforehand, and lack of support after. This result is unsurprising, and while not directly related to
water, has been reported on extensively (Halseth & Booth, 2003; Halseth et al., 2014; Markey et
al., 2008). Many residents also found that environmental regulations are too severe and are
designed with limited knowledge of the Robson Valley. The BCVMC, ’zombie farms’, and the
centralization of services, while all different, they all can be attributed to changes in policy that
directly impacts not only adaptive efforts, but resiliency as well.
Similar issues of government interference are evident in the literature, providing examples of
policies that undermine long-term resilience, and restrict the ability of rural communities to
innovate and change within the system as it exists (Adger et al., 2011; Sidle et al., 2013). In the
Robson Valley, these instances of policies inhibiting the adaptive capacity of communities are
evident in the industrial changes, pressures on the food and water systems, and pressures on
tourism. For example, the Renshaw snowmobiling area was closed in January 2024 without
community consultation when the access bridges were decommissioned by the Ministry of
Forests. The Renshaw snowmobile area brings significant income into the McBride area, and
with the decrease in forestry and lack of other industries in the area, provided an economic base
in tourism. The closure now forces the community to face another sudden change in economic
reliability without consultation on how best to cope with the change. The impacts that decreased

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snowpack has on snowmobiling tourism in mountain areas is not included in the literature, as
most studies explore the impacts of climate change on resort skiing (Steiger et al., 2022).
Therefore, this issue requires further research with respect to how both policy changes and
climate change impact snowmobiling tourism in mountain regions.
6.3 Resiliency and Adaptability
The above issues impact residents on an individual scale. Similar feelings of uncertainty for
the future of agriculture, local industry, and community health and feelings of helplessness have
been found across multiple regions facing climate change (Clayton, 2020; Pearce et al., 2009).
Residents are adapting to changes in water availability by drilling wells, digging retention ponds,
obtaining new water licenses, and increasing water storage. The ability to adapt is often
underpinned by social networks, including sharing food and water with neighbours, sharing
farming equipment and skills, and providing places to stay in the face of a wildfire evacuation.
Residents have also demonstrated adaptability to these factors through social strengths,
ingenuity, and knowledge gained through working in this region. Many of the adaptive initiatives
by residents and the Village of McBride were centered around increasing water storage both in
tanks and through dug-outs, as well as drilling wells. These methods appear in the literature and
are practiced globally to help cope with water insecurity (Young et al., 2010).
Social cohesion and local knowledge are imperative community strengths that aided McBride
and Dunster in their adaptation initiatives. Sharing networks and strong social cohesion is
common in communities coping with environmental changes (Skinner et al., 2014), especially
given the remote location and isolated nature of the Robson Valley. Social capital and
volunteerism are part of the Robson Valley’s social cohesion, a common characteristic of rural

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communities as they are often dependent on services being volunteer based to be able to meet the
needs of the community (Halseth & Ryser, 2007; Joseph & Skinner, 2012; Skinner et al., 2014).
Having local knowledge that is specific to the region is another unsurprising adaptive tool on
which the Robson Valley depends. According to literature, local knowledge not only helps
provide a baseline for understanding environmental changes, but also provides skills to help with
mountain geohazards, and other climate-related disasters (Berkes et al., 2000; Berkes, 2009;
Sidle et al., 2013; Taylor & de Loe, 2012; Van der Molen, 2018). Many locals shared not only
stories of their experiences helping the community in the face of landslides, avalanches, and
wildfire, but also how their local perceptions differed from the provincial or governmental
responders. This is a significant finding because it shows the need to provide more consultation,
and collaborative work with rural mountain communities in B.C. where geohazards are part of
their lived experience. While this strategy is being seen more in wildfire suppression and
response (Whitehead, 2023), more work is needed to understand how to best support a mountain
community facing these changes by working with their integral and intimate place-based
knowledge, rather than a prescriptive response. However, it is not just knowledge on how to
endure natural hazard events that is passed down through generations, but skills on how to grow
food, store water, catch water and use it appropriately for agriculture, and how to care for
livestock. Additionally, the passing of knowledge through generations is not only imperative for
one’s individual health and success in mountain environments, but is also an important part of
community health, relationships amongst women, and social cohesion, which is unsurprising and
seen both in the Robson Valley and across the literature (Adger, 2003; Berkes, 2009; Taylor &
de Loe, 2012; Townshend et al., 2014; Van der Molen, 2018).

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Chapter 7: Conclusion
The aim of this thesis was to characterize the vulnerability of a mountain community’s
water system to changing snowpack and other climatic and non-climatic stressors through a case
study of the Robson Valley, B.C. This involved: 1) understanding elements of the local water
system as a social-ecological system; 2) documenting the ways in which changing snowpack and
other climatic and non-climatic stressors affect the water system and security; 3) documenting
current adaptive strategies employed to cope with or manage stressors affecting the water
system; 4) identifying barriers and opportunities to enhancing adaptive capacity and reducing
vulnerabilities in the water system. This was accomplished through discussions and interviews
with residents in McBride and Dunster and the surrounding area who are dependent on municipal
water services and individual water licenses for their freshwater needs. This thesis showcases
how physical changes in the environment affect human lives and livelihoods, and the forces
which condition who is sensitive, in which ways and how, and their capacity to adapt. It does so
by drawing upon the lived experiences of some people living in the Valley and who are
representative of the broader population.
Changes in mountain snowpack in the Robson Valley have negatively impacted
freshwater availability with a range of impacts on the lives and livelihoods of residents.
Observed declines in mountain snowpack volume over the last 75 years (Environment and
Climate Change Canada, n.d.; Hock et al., 2019) and in particular in the last three years have
resulted in low water flow levels in the spring and subsequently less water in the municipal
reservoir and area streams. These changes have resulted in increased forest fire risk, drier ground
conditions, and decreased plant health, and less fresh water for residents, with a host of impacts
on human health and well-being and the local economy.

86

Social capital and cohesion are central to the capacity of residents to adapt to changing
mountain snowpack and water systems. Rural communities in Northern B.C. are reliant on social
capital and cohesion to cope with limited services and to support general well-being. Many
residents also identified that these same networks are needed in the face of mountain hazards,
including drought, because local knowledge, skills, and social networks are the only reliable
sources of adaptation. Additionally, many residents who have extensive experience in forestry,
logging, and trapping hold unique knowledge about the mountain environments, and often have
access to capital resources such as heavy machinery, water pumps, and hoses, that are needed to
suppress wildfires. Climate change adaptation initiatives must go beyond addressing direct
climate change impacts to include fostering efforts to strengthen social capital and cohesion,
which inadvertently enhances the capacity of the community to deal with current and potential
future climate risks.
Government policies of centralization have led to outmigration of local skills, knowledge,
and services from the Robson Valley and other northern communities, which are critical sources
of adaptive capacity. For example, residents must speak to representatives from the Government
of B.C. or commute to Prince George to apply for a water license, leaving many residents feeling
that decision makers do not have a local understanding of the area, and therefore are unable to
provide adequate support when struggling with water issues. The lack of consultation before
changing policies (the BCVMC, closure of Scotiabank branch) have also proven to be frustrating
for residents of the Valley, depleting place-based services and undermining local food security.
Overall, the results showed how sweeping provincial policies have hindered the abilities of
northern and rural residents, and in the Robson Valley, these policies have altered the ability of
locals to adapt to snowpack and water changes.

87

The results show that research on vulnerability and adaptive strategies to changing
snowpack and water systems revealed more than stresses from lack of precipitation. This
research highlighted the interconnected relationship between a farming community and water,
the incredible, resilient nature of mountain communities dependent on snowmelt, and the
intimate knowledge and skills acquired through generations of farming, logging, trapping, and
backcountry activities. This research also highlights the complicated relationship between rural
communities in a province that has undergone sweeping centralization that has shaped the
vulnerability of the Valley today. The Robson Valley provides a local story of the greater global
issue of climate change, and the lived experiences of the residents of McBride and Dunster
provide valuable knowledge to address and adapt to changing mountain environments.
7.1 Practical Contributions
There are several practical contributions that can be derived from this research. First, the
research shares the importance of a bottom-up approach to vulnerability assessments in order to
identify and support adaptation initiatives at the community level. Second, this research can be
included in community, regional, and provincial decision-making with regards to climate change
policies and hazard risk, as well as understanding how policies created in urban centers impact
rural communities. Third, this research can be used by industries including wildfire suppression
and agriculture to better understand climate change impacts and vulnerabilities, and potential
sources of adaptation. Finally, residents of the Robson Valley can use the findings to bring
attention to the urgency of changing mountain snowpacks and freshwater availability. In doing
so, residents can reinforce to government, the consequences that centralization have had on the
capacity of the communities to manage climate change and lobby for a greater role in climate
change planning.

88

7.2 Scholarly Contributions
The findings of this research expand the current scholarly narrative of climate change
impacts, vulnerability, and adaptation in the Robson Valley, and in mountain areas elsewhere, to
include the role of human agency in the face of change. This is the first research to be conducted
on vulnerability to changing snowpack and water availability in the Robson Valley and in a rural
mountain community in B.C. The research also contributes to our understanding of the role of
multiple stressors in climate change adaptation research and points to the importance of
addressing non-climatic factors in enhancing capacity to deal with climate change.
7.3 Future Research Opportunities
The research raises some important questions: how have drought conditions affected
wildfire suppression efforts? How has decreased spring run-off affected hydroelectric power
generation? What are the short-term and long-term effects of fire retardant on environment and
human health? How is food security impacted by changing climatic conditions? How can we
better support ageing rural populations? How can we retain adequate healthcare and education
in communities in transition? After the 2024 wildfire season, it became apparent that more
research is needed to understand how wildfire risk in the Robson Valley will change in the
future, given projections of decreased winter precipitation and increased temperatures, and how
decreased water availability could affect fire suppression. Some residents mentioned being
concerned about water availability to source private hydropower projects that the provincial
government sources from in the Robson Valley. While hydropower was out of the scope of this
research project, future research opportunities investigating projected impacts could benefit the
entire Province of British Columbia, as it is heavily dependent on hydropower for energy. The
Robson Valley would also benefit from research that focuses specifically on agriculture and food
89

security in a changing climate. Several residents expressed concern for growing ability, drought
conditions, and damage to crops from lack of snow cover. A more focused project that assesses
vulnerability and adaptive capacity as well as identifying nature-based solutions to adapt to
changing environmental conditions with regards to agriculture would be beneficial. Lastly,
residents expressed concerns about the use of fire retardant on surrounding forests, and the
implications of these chemicals to water security, vegetation health, and river run-off. The Valley
would benefit from research on these uses and impacts, as well as transparency of use.

90

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Appendix 1: Interview Guide
Community Vulnerability to Changing Snowpacks and Water Systems in the Robson
Valley, British Columbia, Canada
The following is a set of questions about perceived water security and changes to the water
system in the Spring/Summer of 2024. Because it is a semi-structured interview, the responses
are expected to be open-ended, and we may ask additional but related questions as part of
probing or following up on what our respondents may say. The interview should take about an
hour.
This part of the interview generates some basic information about individual and household
economics and income, dependents, and other relevant information.
Sociodemographic Questions for Both Interviews and Focus Groups
1.

ID#
Interview #

2.

Gender

3.

Age

4.

Education

5.

Occupation

6.

Marital Status

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7.

# Children

8.

# Children at home

9.

Do you own property?

10.

How long have you lived in The

(Y/N)

Robson Valley
11.

Do you engage in any
hobbies/livelihood activities in the
Robson Valley?

Semi-Structured Interview Guide
1. Where do you get your water from? Can you show me on this map? Do others in your
area also receive water from this source?
2. Do you have concerns about your water supply? What is your biggest concern affecting
your water supply?
3. Have you seen changes in the snowpack? What do you think is causing these changes to
your water system?
4. What do you consider to be good water?
5. Do you have any concerns about your ability to access water? If so, what is affecting
your ability to access water?
6. How long have you dealt with water issues?

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7. Is the water issue always a problem or are there certain times of the year when it is a
larger problem? Can you tell me more about that?
8. Have you dealt with these issues in the past? And if so, how?
Snowball Sampling: If there is anyone else you think I should talk to, please give them my
contact information and tell them to reach out at anytime if they would like to chat.

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Appendix 2: Focus Group Guide
Activity
1. Participatory Mapping – place a map of the Valley, including local water systems, to
identify water insecurity and/or other hazard risks.
Questions
1. Where do you get your water from? Can you show me on this map? Do others in your
area also receive water from this source?
2. What is your biggest concern affecting your water supply?
3. Have you seen changes in the snowpack? What do you think is causing these changes to
your water system?
4. What do you consider to be good water?
5. If so, what is affecting your ability to access water?
6. How long have you dealt with water issues?
7. Is the water issue always a problem or are there certain times of the year when it is a
larger problem? Can you tell me more about that?
8. Have you dealt with these issues in the past? And if so, how?
Snowball Sampling: If there is anyone else you think I should talk to, please give them my
contact information and tell them to reach out at anytime if they would like to chat.

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Appendix 3: List of Interviewees
List of Interviewees in the Robson Valley
Interviewee #
1
2
3
4
5
6

7
8
9
10
11

12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29

Name
Andy Keim
Dave Marsh
Ray Thiessen
Bob Thompson
Glenda Thompson
Dave Hruby
(Focus Group and
Interview)
Bryan Monroe
Mark Froese
(Focus Group)
Aeron Williamson
(Focus Group)
Ron Weslon
(Focus Group)
Jackie Edwards
(Focus Group and
Interview)
Chris Roberts
(Focus Group)
Aaron Ford
(Focus Group)
Richard Chambers
Petra Herstikova
Nancy Taylor
Larry Stamm
Pete Amyooney
Harold Edwards
Archie Mclean
Stefi Mclean
Jill Howard
Roy Howard
Al Birnie
Anonymous
Anonymous
Rob Mercereau
Ingrid Heise
Anonymous

Gender (M/F)

Age Category

M
M
M
M
F
M

Senior (75+)
Senior (75+)
Senior (55-74)
Senior (55-74)
Senior (55-74)
Senior (75+)

Residing
Community
McBride
McBride
McBride
Dunster
Dunster
McBride

M
M

Senior (55-74)
N/D

McBride
McBride

F

Adult (35-54)

McBride

M

Adult (35-54)

McBride

F

Senior (55-74)

McBride

M

N/D

McBride

M

Adult (35-54)

McBride

M
F
F
M
M
M
M
F
F
M
M
F
F
M
F
M

Senior (75+)
Adult (35-54)
Senior (75+)
Senior (55-74)
Senior (75+)
Senior (75+)
Senior (75+)
Senior (75+)
Senior (75+)
Senior (75+)
Senior (75+)
Senior (55-74)
Senior (75+)
Adult (35-54)
Senior (55-74)
Young Adult (1834)

Dunster
Dunster
Dunster
Dunster
Dunster
McBride
Dunster
Dunster
Dunster
Dunster
McBride
McBride
McBride
McBride/Dunster
McBride
McBride

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30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37

Terri Jensen
John Wheeler
Brian Taphorn
Craig Pryor
Drazen Bucan
Barbera Jackson
Michael Jackson
Darrell Roth

F
M
M
M
M
F
M
M

Adult (35-54)
Senior (55-74)
Senior (55-74)
Adult (35-54)
Senior (55-74)
Senior (75+)
Senior (75+)
Senior (55-74)

McBride
Grand Forks
McBride
McBride
Dunster
McBride
McBride
McBride

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Appendix 4: Information Letter and Consent Form

Information Letter / Consent Form
Community Vulnerability to Changing Snowpacks and Water Systems in the Robson
Valley, British Columbia, Canada

Who is Conducting the Study?
Mackenzie Ostberg
MA Student in Natural Resources and Environmental Studies, UNBC
University of Northern British Columbia
Prince George, BC V2N 4Z9
Ostberg@unbc.ca
250-981-4113
Supervisor: Dr. Tristan Pearce
250-960-5766
Tristan.Pearce@unbc.ca
Project Sponsor
This research project is funded by the Pacific Institute for Climate Solutions (PICS) as part of the
PICS Opportunity Grant that seeks to address Community Resilience and Adaptation to
Changing Mountain Snowpacks and Geohazards in the Robson Valley, British Columbia.
https://pics.uvic.ca/

Purpose of Project
This research project is for a Master of Arts thesis, that aims to understand how the Robson
Valley is vulnerable to changing snowpack and water systems, specifically drought and how the
community understands this hazard. The goal of the research is to understand both current and
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future vulnerabilities to hazards, while also investigating avenues for adaptive potential and
resilience building. The research question is to characterize the vulnerability of a mountain
community’s water system to changing snowpack and other climatic and non-climatic stressors
through a case study of the village of McBride, Robson Valley, BC, Canada.
Invitation Statement
We invite you to participate in this research study. Anyone over the age of 16 who has lived in
the Robson Valley for at least one year and is proficient in communicating in English is invited
to participate. Your contact information was either sourced from the Regional District or the
Village of McBride, or, from contact with Mackenzie directly. You are being asked to participate
due to your experience living in the Robson Valley, this project is appreciative of your time and
commitment to this study.

What Will Happen During the Project?
The interview will be conducted by Mackenzie Ostberg, and will include a participatory mapping
activity where research participants are able to show on a map their areas of concern in their
environment. The interview will consist of a series of questions that focus on the following
themes;
- role in the community and involvement in planning for drought and subsequent hazards
- your perceptions of drought risk to yourself and your community
- in what ways drought would affect you personally and your community.
- Your role in drought management
- Your opinions for what can or should be done to enhance resilience at the community level.
Your opinions for what can or should be done to enhance resilience at the community level.
The interview will be conducted in English in person at the McBride Museum. Mackenzie will
take notes throughout the interview, and if your consent is given, will also use an audio recording
device to for data collection. The interview includes a participatory mapping activity, where the
participant is asked to draw on a map of the local area where they get their water from as well as
other regions of significance to the participant. All researchers will have signed a confidentiality
agreement to ensure that your information is kept confidential unless you give permission to

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share it. You have the right to withdraw consent and request anonymity at any point before,
during and after the interview, up until the point of publication
Depending on the first interview, you may be re-contacted for a follow up interview to clarify
any information from the first interview. The follow-up interview should not take longer than 30
minutes. The maximum amount of time the interview will take is 60 minutes. This study also
requests participants to validate their transcripts and the interview data which will take a
maximum of 60 minutes. The total amount of time required to participate in this study is 3 hours,
and the last point in the year you will be contacted from the interviewer is the Fall of 2024.
Risks to Participating in the Project
While answering some of the questions during the interview you may be asked to envision and
discuss a potentially traumatic scenario (i.e stress from drought or other catastrophic natural
hazards), which may bring up strong emotions. This is more likely if you have been exposed to
similar events in the past. You can stop the interview, skip a question, or withdraw your
participation at any time without giving a reason or any consequences.
In the unlikely case of data privacy being breached or released, there may be risk that other in the
community may disagree with your opinions on certain questions. To avoid this risk, it is best to
share only what you would feel comfortable sharing in a public setting.
If you require support after the interview, please reach out to the following services;
Robson Valley Community Services
250-569-2266
https://robsonvalleycommunityservices.org/
For Immediate Help in Northern BC Through Northern Health
Mental Health Support at 310-6789
For Feelings of Distress or Despair;
1-800-784-2433
McBride and District Hospital and Health Centre
250-569-2251
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www.northernhealth.ca

Benefits to Participating in the Project
Your contribution to this study will help generate information to guide community adaptation to
drought and natural mountain hazards in the Robson Valley and potentially other rural
communities in BC. Some of your ideas and suggestions may be highlighted (with attribution if
requested) in outputs from this research including community presentations and academic
literature.

Confidentiality and Anonymity
If you choose to keep your identity confidential, all personal identifiers (your name, for example)
will be removed from the data and replaced with a code (random letters and numbers). This will
connect to a master list that will be stored separately from the information you provide in the
interview. All data, including confidential information in the master list, will only be accessed by
the research team members (Mackenzie Ostberg and Tristan Pearce).
The research team will keep your identity confidential and will not connect it to anything you
say unless you give permission to do so. Your identity will remain confidential to the extent
allowed by law. The researcher has a duty to report to authorities any information about a child
at risk of abuse under Child Protection laws in British Columbia. The researcher may be required
by subpoena (required by government or a court as evidence) to release information gathered
during this project.

Data Management
During the project, the master list of confidential personal identifiers will be stored on the
research teams’ encrypted computers and external hard-drives. At the end of the project the
confidential list linking your information to your personal identifiers will be deleted. All data
(voice recordings or interview transcripts, and personal identifiers you don’t want kept
confidential) will be stored on the research teams’ encrypted laptop computers, encrypted
external hard-drives and encrypted cloud storage until the end of the project, and on Mackenzie
Ostberg’s encrypted external hard drive for up to 5 years. These computers and external hard120

drives are locked and encrypted to make sure that all data remains secure. Finally, because of the
size of your community, if the interview is taking place at your workplace or other public
location there is a chance that others in the community may know that you have participated or
are connected to this study.
Study Results
Research findings will be shared in the community through a plain-language summary report and
community presentation. If there are other study result dissemination methods that you would
prefer, please let Mackenzie know during the interview process. The findings will also be
prepared as a manuscript and submitted to a peer-reviewed journal. Aggregate data (overall key
themes and findings) will be reported in research findings. However, some direct quotations may
also be used to highlight key points. Your own direct quotations will only be used if you give
permission to use them. If one of your direct quotations is used, names or other information that
may identify you will only be included if you give consent to use your name in connection with
the information you provide.
Questions, Concerns or Complaints about the project
If you have any questions about what we are asking of you, you are free to contact Dr. Tristan
Pearce or Mackenzie Ostberg at the phone number(s) and/or email(s) listed above. If you have
any concerns or complaints about your rights as a research participant and/or your experiences
while participating in this study, contact the UNBC Office of Research at 250-960-6735 or by email at reb@unbc.ca.
Participant Consent and Withdrawal
You have the right to refuse to participate in this study. If you decide to take part, you may
choose to pull out of the study at any time up until the project report is completed without giving
a reason and without any negative impact to you. If you choose to withdraw from the study your
information will be withdrawn and securely destroyed.

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Consent:
I have read or been described the information presented in the information letter about the
project and I have been given a copy of this form.
YES

NO

I have had the opportunity to ask questions about my involvement in this project and to receive
additional details I requested.
YES

NO

I understand that if I agree to participate in this project, I may withdraw from the project at any
time up until the publication process, without giving a reason and with no consequences.
YES

NO

I agree to be recorded.
YES

NO

I agree that my name can be used in association with this project.
YES

NO

I give permission for direct quotations that I give to be used in publications/research findings.
YES

NO

As a part of this study, the research team may seek to re-contact and/or re-visit you in order to
review and clarify your responses. The research team will also return to the community at some
point to go through interpretations of the responses, and the research findings.
Do you give your permission to be re-contacted and/or re-visited by the research team in order to
review and clarify your interview data, and to go over the results of the study?
YES

NO

Signature: ________________________________

Date: ________________

NAME (please print): ______________________________

122

Appendix 5: Timeline
Date
April 2024

-

May to July 2024

-

July – September 2024

-

October 2024

-

November 2024

-

December 2024-March 2025

-

Activities
Preparing for fieldwork and
coordinating with McBride for my
arrival
Finalizing fieldwork safety plan
Finalizing interview questions,
fieldwork protocol, and consent forms
Fieldwork in the Robson Valley from
May 4th to June 15th
Work on establishing relationships
with the community
Complete fieldwork notes, journal
entries, and safely store any audio
recordings
Conduct both semi-structured and
focus group interviews
Begin analyzing data from interviews
and fieldnotes
Begin utilizing NVivo for latent
content analysis
Return end of August/early September
to conduct more interviews if needed,
present progress, and request any
follow-up questions or address any
gaps in data
Share preliminary findings with the
Robson Valley Communities
Conduct member checking interviews
to ensure research is reflective of the
communities needs and desires
Begin knowledge transfer process
Formal dissemination of findings
Include any additional input from
community into the results section of
the thesis
Write-up of final discussion and
conclusion
Revise any other sections of the thesis
123

-

May 2025
May 2025 - Onwards

-

Return to the community periodically
to visit or participate in any
community activities
Defend research to UNBC
Submit Dissertation
Prepare Manuscripts

124

Appendix 6: Budget
Expense
Fuel

Estimated Cost
$500

Accommodation

$2500

Food

$1000

Miscellaneous Interview
Costs

$70

Total

$4000

Details
Estimation for driving to and
from the Robson Valley at
beginning, middle, and end of
the field season. As well as
travel to farms and other
regions in the Valley.
Cost of accommodation for
$60/night for 6 weeks.
Estimated cost of
groceries/eating locally for 6
weeks.
Estimated cost of coffee,
snacks, etc. for focus group
interviews.

125

Appendix 7: Ethics Approval Form

126

Appendix 8: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans

127