CHANGES AND IMPACTS TO ABORIGINAL USES ON THE LANDSCAPE:
FOREST CHANGE AND THE LAKE BABINE NATION,
NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

by

Angela Sinclair

THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER
NATURAL

OF

in

SCIENCE

RESOURCE

MANAGEMENT

©Angela Sinclair, 1997
E UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

liBRARY

].].

ABSTRACT

CHANGES AND IMPACTS TO ABORIGINAL USES ON THE LANDSCAPE:
FOREST CHANGE AND THE LAKE BABINE NATION,
NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
by Angela Sinclair

This thesis examines aboriginal land uses and how they are
impacted by changes in landscape patterns. The research is
interdisciplinary in that it combines both social and natural
science methodologies. The geographic research area is located in
northern British Columbia in a sub-boreal spruce forested
environment.
Information on aboriginal land use was acquired through interviews
and mapping exercises with land users from the Lake Babine Nation.
Data collection focused on activities related to the hunting of
large mammals, the trapping of furbearers and the gathering of
wild foods. The interview data were combined with ecological
landscape information in order to associate the uses with
biological landscape criteria. Geographic Information Systems
(GIS) were used to create a digital hypothetical landscape called
"Resource Use Area I". Disturbances representing the spatial and
temporal patterns of conventional harvesting, natural fire and
fire-mimicked harvesting, were applied to the landscape with GIS
modelling. The model for fire-mimicked harvesting was based on
patterns
that approximated the spatial and ecological
characteristics of natural fire by matching the perimeter to area
ratio and by leaving island remnants of original forest within the
harvested area. A forest growth model was also applied in order to
examine change 120 years into the future. Available land for each
aboriginal land use was calculated in the modelling at 60 and 120
years into the future.
The research revealed significant variations in impact between the
disturbances. Each of the land uses was affected differently by
the disturbances. Examination of the results on the aboriginal use
landscape as a whole further showed the landscape-level change
caused by the various disturbances. The modelling showed that the
conventional harvesting pattern significantly fragmented the
landscape, especially in the long-term, and in turn, drastically
reduced availability for aboriginal uses. The fire-mimicked
harvest pattern, on the other hand, more closely approximated
natural landscape evolution and allowed for continued aboriginal
uses in the long term. These results are discussed and illustrated
by a series of accompanying maps.

l.l.l.

TABLE

OF

CONTENTS

ii

ABSTRACT
CHAPTER I
BACKGROUND

TO

THE

LAKE

BABINE

RESEARCH

Introduction to the Research
Project Scope of FRBC Joint Research Project
Thesis Objectives
. . . .
Steps in the Research Process
Academic Focus
. . . .
Geographic Focus
. . . .
Background on the Lake Babine Nation
Cultural Overview
Carrier Linguistic/Cultural Group
Clans and the Bah'lats
....
Historical Milestones
. . . . . .
European Contact - Hudson's Bay Company
Government and Church Influence
Growth of Resource-Based Industries
The Nation Today
. . . .

CHAPTER II
LAKE BABINE

ABORIGINAL

LAND

USE

Aboriginal Patterns of Land Use
Aboriginal Environmental Knowledge
Subsistence and a Way of Life
Historical Resource Use
Traplines as Resource Use Areas
Registered Trapline System
Resource Use Areas
Cultural Resources on the Landscape
Archeological & Cultural Sites
Research Landscape and Methodology
Research Landscape Defined
Data Collection Methodology
Land Use Interviews
Overlay Mapping
Geographic Information Systems {GIS)
Limitations of the Methodology
Lake Babine Aboriginal Land Use Information

1
1
1
2
3

4

5

8
8
8
8
10
10
11
13
13

16
16
16
17
19
20
21
21
23
24
25
26
26
27
28
29
29
31

lV

CHAPTER :I:I:I
LANDSCAPE CHANGE

.

.

.

.

.

Concepts in the Ecological Study of Landscape
Landscape Ecology
Disturbances .
The Changing Lake Babine Landscape
The Fragmented Landscape
Impacts and Change on the Aboriginal Use Landscape
Use of Geographic Information Systems (GIS)
What is GIS?
. . . .
GIS as Tools for First Nations
Representing Aboriginal Uses on the Landscape
Modelling Disturbance Impacts on Aboriginal Uses
Data Sources
. . . . . . . . . .
Development and Application of the Models
The Legacy Forest Dataset
Disturbance Models
Scenario One - Conventional Harvest
Scenario Two - Natural Fire
Scenario Three - Fire-Mimicked Harvest
Forest Growth Model
Land Use Availability Models
Hunting Areas
Furbearer Trapping Areas
Berry Picking Areas

CHAPTER
:IMPACTS

V
AND

:ISSUES

.

.

.

.

Results and their Interpretation
Available Land for Trapping Post-Disturbance
Available Land for Berries Post-Disturbance
Available Land for Hunting Post-Disturbance
Composite Available Land for Aboriginal Uses
Implications for Forest Management
Ecological Implications
Socio-Economic Implications
Implications for First Nations
Aboriginal Land Use in the Future
Recommendations for Further Study
Conclusion

34
34
35
35
37

38
40
43
43
44
47

48

49
51
51
55
55
56
56
61
61
62
64
65

67
67
69

74
78

89
94
94
95
96
96
97

98

Appendices

100

Selected Bibliography

103

v
LIST

OF

MAPS

&

FIGURES

... 7

1.1. Study Area Map.
4.1. GIS Hypothetical Digital Landscape
The Legacy Forest in Resource Use Area I .
4.2. GIS Disturbance Pattern for Conventional Harvesting.
4.3. GIS Disturbance Pattern for Natural Fire.
4.4. GIS Disturbance Pattern for Fire-Mimicked Harvesting.

54
58
59
60

5.1. Numeric Modelling Results for Land Availability
Post-Disturbance.
. . . .

68

Spatial Modelling Results:
5.2. Available Land for Furbearer Trapping after Conventional
Harvest Disturbance over 120 years. .
. . . .
5.3. Available Land for Furbearer Trapping after Natural Fire
Disturbance over 120 years. . . . . .
5.4. Available Land for Furbearer Trapping after Fire Mimic
Harvest Disturbance over 120 years. .

5.5. Available Land for Berry Picking after Conventional Harvest
Disturbance over 120 years. .
. . . . .
5.6. Available Land for Berry Picking after Natural Fire
Disturbance over 120 years. . . . . . . . .
5.7. Available Land for Berry Picking after Fire Mimic Harvest
Disturbance over 120 years. .
5.8. Available Land for Hunting Moose after Conventional Harvest
Disturbance over 120 years. . . . .
5.9. Available Land for Hunting Moose after Natural Fire
Disturbance over 120 years. . . . . . .
5.10.Available Land for Hunting Moose after Fire Mimic Harvest
Disturbance over 120 years.

.

.

5.11.Available Land for Hunting Bear after Conventional Harvest
Disturbance over 120 years . . .
5.12.Available Land for Hunting Bear after Natural Fire
Disturbance over 120 years . .
5.13.Available Land for Hunting Bear after Fire Mimic Harvest
Disturbance over 120 years . . .
5.14.Changes in Land Availability as Depicted in Chart Format
5.15.Composite Available Land for Aboriginal Uses after
Conventional Harvest Disturbance over 120 years . .
5.16 . Composite Available Land for Aboriginal Uses after Natural
Fire Disturbance over 120 years . . . .
5.17.Composite Available Land for Aboriginal Use after Fire
Mimic Harvest Disturbance over 120 years . . .
5.18.Comparison of the Available Land for Aboriginal Uses PostDisturbance at 120 years . . . . . . . .

71
72
73
75
76
77
81
82
B3

84
85
86
88
90
91
92
93

vi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The author wishes to express sincere appreciation to the members
of Lake Babine Nation for sharing their knowledge and traditions,
as well as for their guidance and kindness over the last two
years.

Thanks

is also due to Forest Renewal British Columbia

(FRBC) for the funding which made this research possible.

1
CHAPTER
BACKGROUND

INTRODUCTION

TO

THE

TO

THE

I

LAKE

BABINE

RESEARCH

RESEARCH

PROJECT SCOPE OF FRBC JOINT RESEARCH PROJECT.

"The Impacts of

Disturbance Regimes on Traditional Use and Cultural Practices of
the Lake Babine Nation" was a joint research project of UNBC and
the Lake Babine Nation , funded by Forest Renewal B.C.
project

examined

how

changes

in

the

patterns

(FRBC) . This
of

landscape

disturbance processes have affected land use and cultural ecology
of

the Lake Babine Nation in Northern British Columbia .

The

project research began in summer 1995 and the first phase was
completed in spring 1997.

Traditional

aboriginal

land use patterns

reviewing

existing

information and

community

elders,

hereditary

were

researched by

through discussions

chiefs,

trappers

and

with
other

individuals . The land use information focused on the location of
archaeological/cultural sites and fish camps and activities such
as hunting,

trapping,

and harvesting of edible and medicinal

plants within traditionally defined trapline areas. The trapline
areas were described and mapped using geographic
systems

information

(GIS) . These data were analyzed using GIS modelling to

examine change in patterns over time when impacted by natural and
human disturbances .

2

This was a program of joint research with the Lake Babine Nation.
The project also aimed at assisting the Nation in obtaining the
information it required and to pass on training and skills in the
areas of forestry and mapping. The maintenance of a strong working
relationship and the transfer of skills and information were
integral to the collaborative nature of the project . The Nation
was , and continues to be, consulted with regards to the release of
general research findings within and beyond the scope of the
project.

Prior approval also has been sought from the Treaty

Office regarding the use of specific project information . Overall
research within the Nation was guided by the Office of Hereditary
Chiefs with the late Mr. Gordon Joseph as primary overseer. Dayto-day research was guided by the Treaty Office and accomplished
with its assistance.

THESIS OBJECTIVES. The above project research also served as the
basis of this thesis towards the completion of the Masters of
Science

Program in Natural

Resource Management

at

UNBC.

The

objectives of this thesis are to:

•

Identify the major traditional aboriginal land uses of the
Lake Babine Nation within two resource use areas (traplines) .

•

Examine the effects of different disturbance patterns on an
aboriginal use landscape utilizing geographic information
systems (GIS) technology .

3

•

Draw conclusions
pat terns

on

the

(conventional

impacts

harvest,

of varying
natural

disturbance

fire

and

fire-

mimicked harvest) on aboriginal uses.
•

Link the results of the land use research to the community
through

the

examination of

the

implications

for

forest

management and aboriginal use.

STEPS IN THE RESEARCH PROCESS.
•

Reviewed

existing

land use

information

and completed a

literature review on pertinent topics.
•

Conducted two sets of land use interviews for two resource
use areas corresponding to native trapline territories.

•

Created mylar overlays during the land use interviews to show
various activities within the resource use area.

•

Created a hypothetical digital landscape called "Resource Use
Area I" with GIS, which was based on the interview and other
information.

•

Developed

landscape

criteria

linking

each

traditional

activity with appropriate ecological characteristics.
•

Utilized

basic

GIS

modelling

to

simulate

the

changing

landscape due to disturbance patterns at three different
points in time.
•

Calculated

the

resulting

amount

of

available

traditional activity.
•

Examined GIS findings and drew conclusions.

land

per

4

ACADEMIC FOCUS. This research crosses many disciplines including
Landscape Ecology, First Nations Studies, Forestry, Geography and
GIS. 1 The research combines
traditional

ecological

the use of both biophysical and

knowledge

in

the

data

collection and

applies them to a hypothetical digital landscape in GIS. GIS as a
tool allows

this manipulation of a hypothetical

landscape to

illustrate impacts and change. The resulting digital landscape was
based

on

interview

and

other

scientific

data

to

be

representational of an actual aboriginal use landscape.

The interdisciplinary nature of this research presented its own
set of challenges and rewards. The most obvious challenge was the
inherently political arena of both First Nations issues and the
Forest

Industry

in

British

Columbia.

By

using

GIS

on

a

hypothetical digital landscape, it is hoped that geographicallyspecific

political

issues

have

been

avoided

and

that

confidentiality has been maintained, thus meeting the needs of the
First Nation. The obvious reward of interdisciplinary research has
been the gaining of knowledge and insight from two very different
sources. Both have provided perceptions of the landscape and its
resources that combine to create a balanced view of the issues.

1 Geographic Information Systems (GIS) can be considered a discipline as
well as a tool due to the widespread offering of academic courses and programs
with GIS as their central focus.

5

The most significant contribution to knowledge surpasses

the

discipline-specific discoveries of the research and involves the
actual

nature

of

the

work

itself.

By

combining

research

methodologies from the social sciences and natural sciences
research

has

shown

that

it

is

possible

to

2,

this

accomplish

interdisciplinary work in the areas of Aboriginal Land Use and
Natural Resource and Landscape Change. This was facilitated by
using the landscape as the geographic unit of study and as the
central concept that linked disciplines.

GEOGRAPHIC FOCUS.

The general

geographic

study area was

the

traditional territory of the Lake Babine Nation, which lies in the
central interior plateau of Northern B.C.
Lake. Babine Lake,

and surrounds Babine

in the Upper Skeena watershed,

is the second

largest natural lake in B.C., over 150 km long and 490 km 2 in area.
The Morrison,

Fulton,

Pinkut and Sutherland watersheds comprise

the major sub-basins.

Surrounding mountains

metres above

surface.

the

lake

reach up to 1000

The Babine Lake watershed is

located in the sub-boreal spruce biogeoclimatic zone.

Forests

consist of white spruce and subalpine fir, with early seral stages
dominated

by

fire

dependent

stands

of

lodgepole

pine.

The

traditional territory of the Lake Babine Nation reaches beyond the
two northern arms of Lake Babine, around the Lake on both sides

2 Interview methods were taken from social science approaches while GIS
methodology and the analysis of results were rooted in natural science.

6
and down towards the town of Burns Lake in the south. Figure 1.1.
is a study area map showing the traditional territory of the Lake
Babine Nation and the resource use areas studied.

7

~--~
....., :· '·

~-

~Traditional Territory Boundaries

··· --·~\ of the Lake Babine Nation
<: ·· ~ :._,-;_<';'~
-..:. ~

...

\

------

\

l

\

\

'\
'

Jh: ~~-~-~~~~
.

(

I

. - /_I

Resource Use Area
for Data Collecti
_
,:7-==2§
_..;

----

~~

BRITISH COLUMBIA

Figure 'J. • 'J. •

Study Area Hap

8
BACKGROUND

ON

THE

CULTURAL OVERVIEW.

LAKE

BABINE

NATION

All research was collaboratively undertaken

with members of the Lake Babine Nation and was a mutual learning
experience for all involved. The cultural depth and dedication of
the Nation to the land as well as their rich cultural traditions
helped to illuminate the human side of the research. Much of the
ethnographic and general cultural information was acquired through
informal discussions with Nation members and hereditary chiefs as
well as from the review of secondary sources.

Carrier Linguistic/Cultural Group.

The Lake Babine Nation is a

Canadian First Nation of Carrier peoples. Carrier peoples speak
Northern Athapaskan

languages

and live

in

the north central

interior of British Columbia. Carrier peoples are grouped together
by linguistic and cultural similarities that distinguish them from
their neighbours:

the Chilcotin,

Sekani, Gitksan,

Haisla, Bella

Coola and Shuswap (Tobey 1980, 413). The Native language of the
Lake Babine Nation is Ned'u'ten, and is considered by Lake Babine

people to be a

Carrier dialect.

Certain linguistic research,

however, views Ned'u'ten and the neighbouring Wet'suwet'en dialect
as a distinct language from the more easterly located Carrier
dialects (Pedersen 1993, 4; McMillan 1988, 226).

Clans and the Bah'lats. Lake Babine people are born into one of
four matrilineal clans:
(Caribou Clan),

Likh C' ibu

Jiln Ts'e Yu

(Bear Clan),

(Frog Clan)

Gil

Lan Ten

and Likh Tsa Mis Yu

9
(Beaver Clan) . Clan membership entails certain privileges and
restrictions with respect to cultural practices and land use. Each
clan has a certain number of "titles" to natural resources and
land uses within the territory. Responsibility for the land lies
in

the

hands

of

the

heads

of

clans,

hereditary

chiefs

and

important trapline holders. Traditionally this may have entailed
overseeing the burning of berry patches, regulating harvesting and
granting land use permissions (Lake Babine Hereditary Chiefs 1996;
Mills 1994, 143).

The hereditary chiefs are significantly involved in resource and
other major decisions within the Nation. These people have gained
one

of

the

limited

number

of

hereditary

"names"

through

inheritance and affirmation by means of the traditional feast, the
bah'lats. Holding a name involves particular responsibilities and
privileges within a clan. A name also implies honour and respect
and is a protected and cherished entitlement.

Traditional law is enacted through the bah'lats (potlatch) which
directs the use and exchange of resources (Fiske and Patrick 1997;
Hackler 1958; Hudson 1972 ,

1983;

Jenness 1943;

Pedersen 1993;

Mills 1994; Lake Babine Hereditary Chiefs 1996). Bah'lats is the
Babine word for the institution of potlatch which regulates the
exchange

of

goods

and

titles

among

the

Nation's

clans

and

individuals. This institution traditionally formed the basis of
many North American aboriginal

societies along

the Northwest

10
Coast. A bah'lats is held to validate important socio-cultural
events, such as the gaining of a hereditary name, the settling of
a

dispute or a

funeral.

Bah'lats always

involve a

feast

and

distribution of goods and money. Under Wet'suwet'en traditional
law,

for example,

any transaction concerning the land,

such as

"selling" a trapline, is considered binding only if it takes place
in the context of bah'lats (Mills 1994, 144). Though outlawed by
European authorities from the late 1800s to the 1950s, when the
law was revoked, the institution of the bah'lats has survived and
enjoys considerable rebirth and influence in societies such as
Lake Babine today.

HISTORICAL MILESTONES. In the last two hundred years, the lives of
the Lake Babine people have undergone a drastic transformation.
Traditionally,
relationship

First Nations once had a direct and reciprocal
with

relationship has

the

land.

Since

European

contact,

this

been altered and diminished by detrimental

policies, practices and social influences. A number of significant
events in the recent past have brought the communities of the Lake
Babine Nation to where they are today.

European contact - Hudson's Bay Company. European contact with the
Carrier

to

the

south and east

first

occurred when Alexander

Mackenzie of the North West Company journeyed from Lake Athabasca
to the Pacific Ocean in 1792-93. At the turn of the nineteenth
century,

fur

trading between aboriginal peoples and Europeans

11
intensified and expanded.

Simon Fraser established the

first

trading post in what became known as New Caledonia in 1805 at Fort
McLeod. Soon after,

a number of posts were built in the Carrier

traditional territories. The New Caledonia fur trading district
headquartered its fur trading activities at the Stuart Lake post,
now known as Fort St. James, in the Carrier territory. After 1821
and the merger of the North West Company and the Hudson's Bay
Company,

fort building was renewed in the region.

Fort Kilmars

(Old Fort) was built in 1822 on Babine Lake, which created greater
trade with the Lake Babine people. The Hudson's Bay Company moved
the fort northward to Fort Babine in 1836 in an effort to secure a
monopoly in the lucrative salmon and fur trade of the Babine Lake
area (Morice 1906; Tobey 1980, 418).

Government and Church Influence. After the mid-1800s,

the influx

of prospectors and free traders reduced the Hudson's Bay Company's
control

over

the

resource

trade with aboriginal

people.

The

increased European settlement in the area also hastened the spread
of smallpox and other diseases,

to which aboriginal peoples had

little resistance. Increasing dependence on European foodstuffs,
hardware and clothing fortified links between the Babine people
and the company trading posts while eroding the strength of the
bah'lats and other traditional systems. The Roman Catholic church
worked hard to further transform Carrier culture and eliminate
traditional practices.

12
In 1884 the Federal government outlawed the institution of the
potlatch.

Federal Indian agencies were created in the area to

enforce this and other federal laws. Government presence severely
curtailed

resource

usage

within

the

Nation.

A s igni f ican t

historical change in resource usage resulted from the forcible
removal of traditional fishing weirs or "barricades" from the
Lake.

These were permanent enclosures

that allowed selective

catchment and release of salmon stocks. Along with the removal of
the barricades, the fisheries department enforced laws forbidding
the sale or barter of fresh water salmon.

This new regulation

obviously affected the aboriginal resource use dynamic in the
area.

The Indian Reserve Commission established most of the reserves in
British Columbia at the turn of the century in order to more
easily

"manage"

Formally,

the

the

Lake

aboriginal
Babine

populations

Band was

created

of

the

in

1957

country.
by

the

Department of Indian and Northern Affairs with the amalgamation of
the Fort Babine and Old Fort Bands. Many of the people of Lake
Babine had begun to move closer to the village of Burns Lake in
order for

the men to work in the sawmills of

amalgamation process

formally

relocated

these

the area.

The

people

an

to

unoccupied Indian Reserve adjacent to the village, which became
I.R.

#27 Woyenne

(Pedersen 1993,

39).

The relocation of Lake

Babine communities exacerbated the severance of strong links to
their traditional lands. The fur trade,

the reorganization into

13
bands by

the Department

separation,

and

the move

of

Indian Affairs,

amalgamation and

to Woyenne Reserve near Burns

Lake

encouraged alienation from their ancestral lands.

Growth of Resource-Based Industries. After 1860, with mining and
settlement in the region, New Caledonia was no longer isolated.
The completion of the Grand Trunk Pacific railroad in 1914 brought
widespread development pressure.

This was most apparent in the

forestry sector. The logging industry grew rapidly from the 1920s
to the 1940s. Logging of spruce and pine forests in the Babine
watershed began in 1950s. Forestry affected the economic lives of
local aboriginal peoples, who moved to gain limited employment in
the sawmills of the area {Hudson 1983, 132). Rapid development of
the forestry sector has led to widespread change in the pattern
and

intensity of

disturbance

events

within

the

Babine

Lake

watershed as well as drastically altering aboriginal access and
resource use.

THE NATION TODAY.

There are three main Lake Babine communities

located on the reserves of Woyenne, Tachet and Fort Babine. Fort
Babine is located at the northern tip of the Lake, and Tachet is
located approximately at mid-point,

near Granisle,

at Top ley

Landing. The largest community is Woyenne, which is adjacent to
the village of Burns Lake, approximately 220 km west of the city
of Prince George.

14
Administrative and government responsibilities are divided between
the elected Band Council and the Elders'

Council . The elected

Council comprises a Chief, Deputy Chief and nine councillors. The
councillors are elected to represent the various communities of
the Nation. Total band membership is currently 1760 people.

The state of First Nation communities in Canada is well known.
Many communities suffer from drastically high levels of suicide,
unemployment and a variety of health and social problems.

The

health gap that exists between aboriginals and non-aboriginals may
be attributed to the combination of poverty and social distress
that results in "lifestyle diseases." "For example, suicide rates
and motor vehicle fatalities are at least three times higher among
aboriginals than non-aboriginals in Canada;

alcohol and drug -

related birth defects affect as many as one in five aboriginal
children"

(Drost, Crowley, and Schwindt 1995, 1). The Lake Babine

Nation grapples with many of

these problems

and attempts

to

improve the conditions and community life with a variety of social
programs and through treaty negotiations.

The treaty process is one of the mechanisms being used by the
Nation today to improve its situation. The British Columbia Treaty
Process was created in 1990,

following the recommendations from

the British Columbia Claims Task Force. This process outlines the
steps to negotiating modern-day agreements between First Nations
and the

federal

and provincial governments on land and other

15

issues. The Lake Babine Nation initiated its involvement in the
process with a Letter of Intent in December 1993. As of May, 1997,
the Nation was nearing the end of stage three of the process,
which will culminate in the signing of its Framework Agreement
with federal and provincial governments. The next stages involve
negotiations

of

an

Agreement

in

Principle,

formal

treaty

negotiations and finally treaty implementation. The completion of
the six stages of the process may take several years. Land issues
are central to the treaty process in British Columbia. Research
concurrently carried out by the Treaty Office at Woyenne was often
quite complementary to this research, which resulted in a close
and cooperative working relationship between the Treaty staff and
the UNBC researcher.

The main natural resource concerns within the Nation involve the
environmental consequences of the Bell Mine (copper mine) closure
at Granisle,

the condition of salmon spawning channels and the

rate of logging within the territory. This research will provide
insight into forestry impacts on the landscape and hopefully will
be helpful in Lake Babine Nation's efforts to become more fully
involved in the management of the forest resources within their
territory.

16
CHAPTER
LAKE

ABORIGINAL

PATTERNS

BABINE

OF

II

ABORIGINAL

LAND

LAND

USE

USE

ABORIGINAL ENVIRONMENTAL KNOWLEDGE. Thousands of years of use on a
specific landscape results in a level of intimacy and familiarity
with the resources, patterns and systems that are· found on it. The
knowledge gained through aboriginal experience on the land is
often referred to as traditional ecological knowledge (Sadler and
Boothroyd, 1993). The best known kind of traditional knowledge is
the aboriginal local information of animals and land. Information
about

the

natural

history

of

animals

and

their

biophysical

environments is acquired through years of hunting and trapping.
Knowledge and use of the land and the wildlife that inhabit it is
integral to the lives of aboriginal peoples. Animals are used for
sustenance as food and clothing and also serve important spiritual
and cultural roles for the people.

Traditional knowledge is a cumulative body of knowledge that is
handed down through generations. This knowledge usually includes a
system of classification,

a set of empirical observations about

the local ecology and a system of self-management that governs
hunting, trapping and fishing (Dene Cultural Institute, 1993, 8).

Experience with the land is also influenced by land ethics and
value systems. A land ethic is the conceptualization of and value

17

placed upon the relationship with the land by an individual or
group. The land ethic of many of the aboriginal communities in
North America rests on a spiritual relationship with nature. "The
people see themselves as a small and very dependent part of a
larger web" (Bombay 1993, 15). The retention and use of aboriginal
knowledge

and

reinforcement

land
of

ethics

aboriginal

are

important

identity

and

as

they

are

a

can

assist

in

a

community's path to development (Sadler and Boothroyd, 1993, 1).

SUBSISTENCE AND A WAY OF LIFE. Subsistence hunting and fishing
continue to put food on the table in most Lake Babine households
while providing an important reaffirmation of aboriginal identity.
Traditional foods make up part of the diet of nearly all people of
the Lake Babine Nation.
travel

in wilderness

Trappers and individuals who live and

areas may consume

larger quantities

traditional foods in a wider variety and more frequently,

of

as a

result of convenience and necessity.

Salmon is consumed all year, after being smoked, dried, canned or
frozen in the late summer and early fall. Other fish,

including

char, trout, ling cod and whitefish, supplement the diet when they
are in season. Moose meat is slightly less plentiful than salmon,
but is consumed at most special gatherings and is considered a
welcome bonus to households that can procure it. Bear, beaver and
deer are consumed much less frequently. Hunting of moose, bear and
deer provides meat that is consumed and hides which are treated

18
and manufactured

into

clothing and handicrafts.

Trapping of

furbearers provides meat, furs for sale and handicrafts. Berries
that

are used on a

regular basis

include huckleberries

and

soapberries. Soapberries are whipped with sugar to create a common
local delicacy, which is also served at many bah'lats and special
occasions. Dependence on wild food sources is both direct through
production,

and indirect,

through sharing and exchange

(Hudson

1983, 10) .

The traditional foods provided through these activities serve a
vital role in the health of the people as well as in cultural
events such as bah'lats . Beaver meat, soapberries, dried fish and
other traditional foods are important gifts within the Babine
bah'lats. Traditional food sources such as wild plants,

fish and

game offer complete nutrition and have sustained many aboriginal
peoples over thousands of years

(Kuhnlein and Turner 1991,

Traditional foods are also often much healthier than

6).

marketed

foods, which are limited in variety and quality in the isolated
and low-income areas often inhabited by aboriginal peoples.

Usher

(1983,

2) discusses wildlife related values of aboriginal

people. Values include that of meats and pelts (consumption) ; the
wildlife experience (sensory); way of life; and option and bequest
values

(future use). All of these values need to be taken into

account when examining the importance of resource use within
aboriginal

life.

Traditional

aboriginal

activities

on

the

19
landscape are a component of life on the land and are essential to
cultural identity . Cultural identity, status values and even legal
status as aboriginal people are bound up with the use of fish and
wildlife for domestic and commercial purposes

(Usher 1983, 35).

First Nation issues relating to community health and stability,
cultural

identity,

spirituality and economic

closely

linked

the

to

condition of

their

sustenance

lands

are

and natural

resources . The renewal of aboriginal language and continuation of
activities such as dance,

song, ceremony, hunting,

trapping and

fishing is considered by many to be key to the cultural survival
of aboriginal peoples.

HISTORICAL RESOURCE USE. In pre-contact times, aboriginal people
in this area depended completely on the land for sustenance . In
addition

to

the

continues today,
consumed.

regular

consumption

of

fish

and meat

that

a wider range of plants and animals was also

The distribution of settlements at strategic fishing

places along lakes points to the predominance of salmon in the
historical economy of the region (Hudson 1983, 58). Historically,
the collection of plants for consumption and healing was also a
very important resource use (Hudson 1983, 65). Beaver was a more
dominant meat source prior to the widespread use of moose after
its arrival in the region in the early 1900s.

Trading with neighbouring aboriginal groups
foodstuffs

for a

variety of

and other materials was common practice.

A strong

20
native trade network existed prior to the involvement of the
europeans . Furs, prepared hides and salmon from the interior were
traded for such exotic coastal items as seaweed,

eulachon oil,

shellfish and mountain goat wool blankets. The "grease-trails",
named for the eulachon oil carried deep into the interior from the
coast, were the major arteries of trade and travel that dissected
the

region

(McMillan

1988,

228).

After

the

arrival

of

the

europeans, aboriginal land use was modified to engage fully in the
new fur trade. Beaver, marten, lynx and fox pelts became important
commodities

for

trade.

Hunting

techniques,

living

habits,

settlement patterns and resource allocation were modified to
accommodate fur post location and trade (Tobey 1980, 417).

We know that

some aboriginal peoples have traditionally used

prescribed fire,

possibly to control and/or to alleviate the

threat of large-scale fire disturbance or to maintain desired
habitat

types

(Lewis

19 82)

There

is very

limited anecdotal

evidence that this practice occurred in the Lake Babine region.
Other strategies used by aboriginal people to conserve and manage
the

resource

landscapes

around

them

included

selective

and

seasonal harvesting , habitat conservation and maintenance, and the
use of diverse resource bases (Kuhnlein and Turner 1991, 21).

TRAPLINES

AS

RESOURCE

USE

AREAS

The people of the Lake Babine Nation are active resource users

21
within their traditional territory. The territory is divided into
more

than

twenty

trapline

areas;

the

registered

trapline

boundaries closely correspond to traditionally defined resource
use areas for various clans, families and individuals (Dimitrov,
1986, 78; Hudson 1983, 135). The spatial areas represented by the
registered traplines are, however,
use areas.

smaller than the traditional

The smaller spatial dimension can be explained by

industrial development, government regulations and the trapline
registration process itself.

REGISTERED TRAPLINE
Columbia

enforced

SYSTEM.

the

In 1926,

registration

the Province of British
of

trap lines

within

the

province. The stated purpose of this system was to encourage the
responsible harvest of furbearers while eliminating the overharvest of any one species

(Harcombe 1984,

7). This regulatory

process conflicted with aboriginal patterns of use by establishing
strict boundaries between areas

and between individuals.

The

survey maps of the period were also only somewhat accurate, which
resulted

in

inaccuracies

in

trapline

registration.

Cultural

insensitivity and a lack of clear communication between government
officials and aboriginal people at that time exacerbated the
inaccurate representation of actual aboriginal land use within the
trapline system (Dimitrov 1986, 23).

RESOURCE USE AREAS. Traditional trapline areas used by aboriginal
people are based on a sophisticated adaptation to the region's

22
ecosystem. "This system of adaptation is based on a vast knowledge
of land, animal movements, climate variations, as well as hunting
and

trapping

skills"

(Dimitrov 1986,

77).

Trapping

is

often

perceived differently by aboriginal and non-aboriginal people. For
aboriginal

people,

trapping

is

often

just

one

of

the

many

activities that make up the complex of bush life; it is not simply
a distinct activity (Elias 1991, 142). The activity of aboriginal
"trapping" within a trapline necessarily takes advantage of the
other resources contained within its boundaries. Trappers will
often carry a gun in case a moose is spotted and set fish nets for
food and bait for traps. Trapping cabins are used as fishing and
hunting stations in the off-season. A trapline is where one hunts,
traps

and

fishes

and

the

right

to

use

the

resources

of

a

particular area often coincide with the possession of a trapline
(Hudson 1983, 158).

Due to the range of activities carried out within the trapline
area, the research landscape will be referred to as a resource use
area. Resource use area,

in this research,

refers to an area in

which harvesting takes place as well as to other areas that the
Lake Babine people consider culturally significant. By aboriginal
or 'traditional' use, this research refers to both the culturallybased aspects of pre-contact aboriginal life and the culturallymodified

contemporary

practices

by

which

people

identify

themselves as aboriginal peoples. "Aboriginals are not aboriginal
because they hanker after the traditional practices . What makes

23

them aboriginal

is

a

desire

to

be what

they believe being

aboriginal to mean and to explore the meaning and consequences of
that identity with others who share it"
Schwindt,

1995,

(Drost,

Crowley,

and

84). A reality of modern aboriginal life is a

certain degree of assimilation into the non-aboriginal culture and
a

sense of

culture is,

loss

of culture.

however,

A certain amount of

traditional

often retained in knowledge,

customs and

social structures. Culture is constantly evolving, and is affected
by the change around it.

'Traditional' activities in all societies

are perpetually reinvented in association with cultural change.

The role and importance of traplines in the support of family and
community life are significant. The value of trapping cannot be
assessed simply by the level of activity or by the volume of fur
sales. The claim to a certain area is every bit as important as
the actual use of the territory (Hackler 1958, 39). The right and
privilege of passing on a trapline to future generations is highly
valued.

Traplines

also provide

a

concrete

representation

of

traditional territory and a link to social history, as rights and
resource use were and are tied to social structure (Lake Babine
Hereditary Chiefs 1996; Hudson 1983, 7).

CULTURAL RESOURCES ON THE LANDSCAPE . From the salmon runs to the
pictographs on the water's edge,
people

is

based

in

the

the culture of the Lake Babine

land they

inhabit .

All

these

things

represent who the people of Lake Babine are. The natural landscape

24

holds an important role in the native definition of place and self
through its physical characteristics and uses.

Sacred sites and

traditional activities are important in the education of younger
generations;

oral history and tradition are passed on in the

continuation of cultural activities and in visits to physical
sites.

Archeological & Cultural Sites.

The archeological record shows

that the Lake Babine people inhabited this specific area for at
least 2000 years

(Mohs 1976, 15). Archeological remains offer a

concrete legacy of the past that help to document the history of
the Nation. They are a reminder of the roots of the culture, of
their ancestors and hence, of who they are.

A series of archaeological surveys were carried out in the 1970s,
providing limited information on lakeshore sites. Sites recorded
in these surveys tended to be found on knolls, escarpments on open
shorelines, sheltered bay areas,

small points of land and areas

adjacent to salmon spawning channels. Most sites recorded were
ground depressions indicating cache pits, historically used for
food storage. The existence of artifacts and pictographs was also
noted (Mohs 1976, 4).

While

knowledge

of

archeological

sites

depends

cultural remains and scientific method of enquiry

on

physical

(survey or

excavation), other types of sites are also of cultural importance.

25

Cultural sites support the living culture of the people through
their use and very existence. Traditional fishing places are some
of the most important cultural sites present on this landscape.
Some have been abandoned while others continue to be used actively
every summer for salmon fishing. The fishing camps strengthen clan
and community by bringing together extended families

to work

communally. They are an important arena for passing on traditional
knowledge and skills about the land and its resources. Plant and
berry gathering areas,
importance are

spiritual locales and sites of historic

further examples of cultural resources on the

landscape.

RESEARCH

LANDSCAPE

Landscapes

are

AND

METHODOLOGY

composed

of

both

terrestrial

and

aquatic

environments. The aquatic environment of Lake Babine itself and
the surrounding rivers and streams are obviously vital parts of
the landscape and influence the total land use of the Lake Babine
people .

This

research,

however,

focuses

terrestrial-based traditional activities

for

exclusively

on

several reasons:

biological complexity of the lake environment and its key species,
to avoid overlap with environmental studies being undertaken
within the Nation,

and because GIS mapping lends itself more

naturally to the mapping of terrestrial environments.

26

RESEARCH LANDSCAPE DEFINED. Two aboriginal traplines or resource
use areas were chosen for the examination of aboriginal land use
and change. The chosen areas are defined by registered trapline
boundaries and cover a variety of landscape characteristics and
traditional activities.

They are bounded by several bodies of

water and are actively used for hunting,

trapping and fishing

activities throughout the year by Lake Babine families.

Though interview information was collected for two actual resource
use areas, this information was used for generalization only. The
interview data on location and type of uses were supplemented with
other ecological and biological information and used to create a
hypothetical

digital

landscape

("Resource

Use

Area

I") .

The

interview data served as one source to assist in the selection of
common aboriginal uses

in this area and to develop landscape

criteria for these.

DATA COLLECTION METHODOLOGY. Preliminary land use information was
extrapolated from a number of video-taped interviews with elders
and trapline holders. Land use interviews and mapping exercises
were also carried out in the summer of 1996 to obtain geographic specific and more detailed information on the nature of activities
within sample resource use areas. Translation between Ned'u'ten
and English was provided by the following Lake Babine Nation
Treaty Office staff: Norbert Dennis (Ske leelh), Marilyn Alec (Akh
ghot),

Roger Patrick

MacDonald.

(Mas c'ibu),

Lily Ann Williams and Derek

27

Land Use Interviews. Land use interviews were conducted with two
trapline holders representing two distinct resource use areas.
Both of the participants are trapline holders within the Lake
Babine traditional territory whose resource use areas are actively
used by themselves and members of their families. All interviews
were voluntary and carried out with a Ned'u'ten translator trained
in research and interview methods.
prior

to

the

interviews,

Informed consent was sought

and confidentiality protocols

were

observed. The interviewees shall be referred to as Land User "A"
and Land User "B" for the purposes of this thesis. The identity of
the individuals shall remain confidential within this document.

Geographic information on specific traditional land use activities
such as trapping, hunting and the collection of various plants for
food and medicinal purposes was required in order to correlate
traditional activities to biophysical landscape criteria.

The

interviews and mapping exercises sought to uncover historical and
present traditional activities and their locations.
focused on type of activity,

Questions

duration and location within the

resource use area.

The specific information needs were discussed by the interviewers
prior to

the interviews.

The actual

interviews were however,

conducted without a formal interview guide,
culturally appropriate,

so as to maintain a

flexible and informal atmosphere.

The

preparation for interviews and mapping work was guided by Norbert

28

Dennis (Ske leelh). Mr. Dennis is a respected Hereditary Chief as
well

as

a

Treaty Researcher.

He

is

fluent

in

the Ned utI en
I

language and served as translator when required. Approval for the
conduct of interviews was received from the Office of Hereditary
Chiefs of the Lake Babine Nation and from the Ethics Committee of
UNBC . Copies of the Informed Consent form for Land Use interviews
and the UNBC Ethics Committee approval

are contained in the

appendices of this thesis.

Upon

completion

of

the

interviews 1

each was

translated and

transcribed. Confidential copies of the transcribed interview and
accompanying maps are kept at the Lake Babine Nation Treaty Office
in Woyenne for future use at their discretion.

Confidentiality

regarding specific sensitive geographical locations within the GIS
system and

on hard

copy maps

is

protected.

Exact

land use

locations within the resource use areas are not revealed in the
GIS modelling and analysis. The information gained was used to
generalize

aboriginal

uses

on

a

hypothetical

resource

use

landscape.

Overlay Mapping. Mylar overlays were created during the land use
interviews to show various activities within the resource use
area. The interviewees were encouraged in the mapping exercises to
take part in the drafting of the overlays with coloured markers to
indicate

the

specific

land use

areas

being discussed.

These

overlays were created at a 1:125 1 000 scale with topographic base

29

maps for each area. These were used to create confidential GIS
information layers for reference during the modelling process.

Geographic

Information

Systems

(GIS) .

After

the

land

use

interviews and mapping exercises were completed, the information
collected was moved into the digital arena with the use of GIS.
This computerized tool allowed us to view a number of sources of
information

as

layers

on

a

digital

map.

By

us1ng

digital

information, hypothetical scenarios could be applied to Resource
Area I. This also allowed the use of generalized information while
protecting the confidential and sensitive nature of the data. The
use of GIS and the technical methodology is explained in chapter
four.

Limitations of the Methodology. The informal interview style did
not work as well as expected for a range of reasons. The first
barrier was
Ned'u'ten

interviews

the

and

fact

that

the

translation

requiring

considerable time.

that

interviews
was

interpretation

required.

and

conducted 1n
Cross-cultural

translation

require

This amount of time is rarely available to

researchers on limited time projects.
timeframe available,

were

Second,

also due to the

the interviewers were unable to develop an

interview format based on experience. Third, it is likely that the
interviewers had differing views as to what information might be
most significant. These limitations resulted in the conversations
covering a wide range of topics that went beyond the immediate
data needs of this research.

30

A limiting factor in the cartographic representation of land uses
is

the difference

in spatial

cognition between cultures

and

generations. The topographic base maps used did not necessarily
represent the landscape in the same way that the interviewees
perceived it . The maps lacked native place names, and emphasis on
landscape

features

was

topographically-based

rather

than

culturally-based. Landmarks that guide the interviewees through
their landscapes were not always indicated on the government maps
and even if they were used,

the cartographic symbols and names

were unfamiliar to the participants. The topographic maps also are
necessarily

two

dimensional,

which

can

further

confuse

a

participant whose experience with the landscape has always been
immediate and fully dimensional.

The ability to read and understand cartographic devices such as
contour lines and to mentally reconstruct topography are skills
that take time to learn,

even for those who study and work in

geographical fields (Duerden and Johnson, 1993 , 728). In addition,
cartographic devices are culturally-specific. To expect any person
whose experience with the landscape is understood from a different
perspective, to interpret specific maps was a faulty assumption on
the part of this researcher. If time had permitted, extensive geereferencing on the ground could have improved the geographic
accuracy of the information.

31
Despite these limitations, valuable information was collected in
the

interviews,

resource

use

reaffirming

areas.

The

the

range

confidential

of

activities

overlay

maps

within
offered

supplemental geographical information that helped to create and
model aboriginal uses on the hypothetical GIS landscape.

LAKE

BABINE

ABORIGINAL

Data

collected

from

LAND

the

USE

two

INFORMATION

interviewees

discussions with land users within

and

the Nation

from

other

indicate

that

traditional uses continue today within the resource use areas.
Traditional land use information collected focused on location of
activities such as hunting, trapping, edible and medicinal plants,
fish

camps

and

archeological/cultural

sites.

Supplemental

information on aboriginal land use among a neighbouring Carrier
people was obtained from Douglas Hudson's work (1983).

Resource

usage

among

the

Lake

Babine

Nation

is

by

groups

of

extended families and follows the seasonal round of trapping,
hunting,

fishing and gathering. Access to and ownership of land

and resources are usually inherited through matrilineal succession
and affirmed in bah'lats. Territorial disputes between individual
families

or

clans

are

also

settled

via

the

bah' lats.

The

hereditary names linked to each trapline or resource use area have
historical ties to the management of that parcel of land. All
resource management was traditionally the responsibility of the

32
hereditary chiefs (Fiske and Patrick 1997, 234). Today, registered
trapline use

is

still

linked to

the

traditional

system.

The

authority of traditional laws, with respect to use and management
of trapline areas,

is still respected (Fiske and Patrick 1997,

239) .

Moose are hunted along the rivers and lakes, along the roads and
in clearings. Moose are hunted in late summer and fall when they
are rutting and more easily spotted. Hunting in general is quite
pragmatic; guns are usually carried in the bush and around the
fishing camps and even on the lake throughout this time in case a
moose is spotted (Land User 'A' 1996; Hudson 1983, 165). Bears are
hunted in areas that are known to have good berries in late summer
(Land

User

'B'

1996).

Deer

are

also

hunted

throughout

the

territory, but are not as favoured as moose.

Traps

and

furbearers

necessarily

snares

are

set

travel to water

focus

on

a

along

game

paths

and

(Hudson 1983,

158).

Trappers do not

single

species,

rather

the

routes

they opt

for

strategies to obtain a range of animals within each trapline.
Marten, beaver, mink,

fox,

lynx, muskrat, squirrel and wolverine

are common furbearers trapped in this area. Trapping cabins are
built at different points on a line to serve as places to rest and
eat. Today, due to landscape and economic changes,

few trappers

are active on their traplines. Those who are sell the furs and

33

prepare the edible meat, which they either consume themselves or
distribute within the community.

The

level

of

some

activities

lifestyle and interest.

has

declined

with

changes

in

The collection of medicinal and edible

plants, for example, is far less than in historical times. Though
of less importance for subsistence and healing today, these plants
and the knowledge about them remain meaningful to the culture of
the people of the Nation. Fishing for salmon and the hunting of
moose and bear remain significant activities for food consumption.
Methods of collection have changed drastically over the years with
the introduction and use of modern equipment and roads, but the
central purpose of the activities remains the same: the provision
of traditional foods and preservation of culture.

Interviews on trapping tended to gravitate towards the past and
present

location

destruction

that

of

trapping

cabins

and

has

occurred

to

sites.

the

the

vandalism
The

and

land users

expressed strong opinions about forest industry impacts on their
activities and repeatedly expressed a negative opinion of the
industry

and

its

practices.

The

repeated

refocusing

of

the

conversation on adverse logging impacts indicates this to be a
priority of the interviewees.

34
CHAPTER
LANDSCAPE

CONCEPTS

IN

THE

ECOLOGICAL

III
CHANGE

STUDY

OF

LANDSCAPE

The landscape is the central theme to this research and is the
entity and concept that links the various disciplines.

It is a

term that is often used in general conversation, but whose meaning
can vary depending on the context.

Landscape,

in this thesis,

refers both to the spatial and material parts of the terrestrial
reality. Svobodova (1990, 7) lists a number of characteristics of
landscapes: they must occupy a certain space,
visual

forms

systems,

and

and patterns,
they

must

they must be

have

passed

they must possess

functioning dynamic

through

a

sequence

of

situations (evolution). A landscape is also a heterogeneous land
area made up of repeated interactive and interconnected ecosystems
(Forman

and

Godron

1986,

11).

Landscapes

can

be

studied

vertically, focussing on their internal biological functions, or
horizontally/ecologically,

focussing

on

the

macro

spatial

relations.

By examining change at the ecological landscape level we are
afforded an integrated view of the complexity of the relationships
between process,
levels

of

a

land and people. At both the micro and macro

landscape,

processes

affect

each

other.

The

interconnectedness of processes on the landscape can be extended
to include human activities. Human interaction with the land can

35
be better understood if examined under a
Landscape ecology,

landscape framework.

which focuses on patterns and processes of

interaction and change at this level, is the conceptual basis for
this research.

LANDSCAPE ECOLOGY.

Landscape ecology is a

discipline

that

examines

landscape

(Forman 1995;

holistic scientific

the cause and effect patterns on a

Barton 1994; Vink 1983)

The term was

coined by German geographer, Carl Troll in 1939. The emergence and
more widespread availability of aerial photographs at the time,
demonstrated a landscape view of the land and apparently led to
Troll's use of the term in his studies (Forman 1995, 20). Troll's
study of the landscape merged geography and biology and required
an awareness of the interconnectedness and mutual dependencies
within a landscape. He defined the discipline as the study of the
physic-biological relationships that govern the different spatial
units of a region.

In landscape ecology,

characteristics

of

the

relationships) ,

function

landscape:

(the

structure

interactions

elements)

and change

over time)

(Forman and Godron 1986, 11).

DISTURBANCES.

the focus is on three
(the

spatial

between

spatial

(the alteration in structure and function

Disturbances are the natural and human-induced

agents that cause change on a landscape. These include windstorms,
fire, insect and disease outbreaks, forest harvesting and others.
Disturbances usually kill or remove significant biomass from a

36

plant or plant community and alter the pattern of variation in the
structure or function of a system (Forman 1995, 38). Disturbances
range from the large scale like fire, to the very small scale like
the burrowing of rodents in forest soils.

Disturbances may also interact more complexly with each other
across the larger landscape. For example, aging stands will become
susceptible to infestation by bark beetles,

but are also more

likely to burn, which in turn reduces pest infestation (Alverson,
Kuhlmann and Waller 1994,

47).

"Disturbance is so pervasive in

forest habitats that many tree species depend on the conditions
created

by

(Alverson,

them

to

initiate

or

complete

their

life

Kuhlmann and Waller 1994, 45). For example,

cycle"

seedling

establishment is enhanced by rotting logs, old stumps and coarse
woody debris left behind after disturbance. The trees and snags
remaining post-disturbance increase structural complexity as they
are

incorporated

into

the

subsequent

stand and are

used

1n

regeneration (Hansen et al. 1991, 383). Absence of disturbance can
result in reduced growth efficiency by increasing competition
among trees (Waring 1985, 212). Disturbances are a natural part of
the

evolution

functioning

of

of

landscapes

forest

and

ecosystems.

are

vital

to

By maintaining

the

proper

structural

complexity, disturbances also promote plant and animal diversity
(Hansen et al. 1991, 382).

Today,

natural

disturbance has

been

largely affected

and/ or

39
patterns. Patterns are connected spatially and temporally. They
are repeated over the landscape and determine its heterogeneity.
If the patterns on a landscape are disrupted so significantly that
they become fragmented, the ecological processes of the landscape
may be disrupted to a point that they can no longer function
together. The fragmentation of a landscape has ecological effects
on patch size and number,

connectivity and species movement

(Forman 1995, 413). Vegetation and forest structure are central to
wildlife habitat as they are related to food and shelter. These
aspects are also what we change the most in forestry and other
resource developments.

Wildlife have basic resource requirement "packages",

that is, a

group of specific resources found together on the landscape. The
basic package for most wildlife is composed of energy, nutrients,
water,

temporary shelter,

habitation,

anti-predator cover and

space. Natural succession after disturbance results in a certain
level

of

frequency

predictability

in

the

of

of

these

occurrence

pattern

of

availability and

packages

on

the

landscape

(Harcombe 1984, 114). Human-induced disturbance and the possible
accompanying fragmentation alter this pattern of availability and
hence

reduce

suitable

wildlife

habitat.

As

the

rate

of

fragmentation relates to the ability of a landscape to sustain
particular wildlife populations, it follows that it also relates
to the availability of land for aboriginal uses.
IMPACTS

AND

CHANGE

ON

THE

ABORIGINAL

USE

LANDSCAPE

40

Because of the interdependence between land, culture and society,
First Nations communities are especially vulnerable to changes on
the landscape. The impact of disturbances, forestry in particular,
on the viability and success of aboriginal resource activities is
a major concern of local communities.

The change in landscape

patterns can have severe impacts on furbearing species,
mammals and aquatic species.

The size,

large

location and health of

wildlife populations respond to these drastic landscape changes.
Aboriginal traditional uses have had to be adapted and continue to
diminish due to these ecological changes.

Furbearers.

Trappers

and

their

traplines

biophysically and socio-economically.

are

impacted both

Reductions

in

sui table

habitat for target species results in fewer and lesser quality
animals. Socio-economic impacts range from the loss of income to
the loss of ecological knowledge and skills associated with the
activity.

Changes resulting from industrial forestry are also

accompanied by vandalism by hunters
recreational

and other non-aboriginal

land users who have gained access

Logging activities

can also dissect

to

the area.

trails within

the bush,

disrupting trapping areas.

Current forestry policies call for consultation with aboriginal
trappers and the protection of registered trapline sites.

In

practice, however, the involvement of registered trappers in the
planning process has been limited. Trappers are often suspicious

41
of forestry company activities and are very guarded about the
release of specific trapline information. There is a definite lack
of trust between the forestry companies and the trappers, which is
rooted in a history of poor or non-existent communication.

The

past incidences of destruction and apparent disregard for

the

protection of

for

the

traplines do not

create an open arena

communication. Most aboriginal trappers are left with very little
recourse should their trapping rights be eliminated in favour of
an alternate use for lands on which they trap.

Large Mammals.

The riparian areas around Babine Lake and its

rivers and streams offer food and shelter for foraging ungulates
such as moose. The distribution, abundance and quality of foraging
species such as moose are strongly influenced by landscape change.
Changes in landscape-level availability and access to broad-leaved
plants and other forage biomass,

resulting from silvicultural

treatments, affect the quality of resulting habitat. Lake Babine
people perceive that there has been an adverse impact on moose
abundance within the traditional territory. They have also raised
questions regarding the health and meat quality of the animals.

Archeological Sites.

Resource development near Babine Lake has

adversely affected the archeological quality of the area. Large
tracts of land have been disturbed by forestry, mining and

recreation developments,

which have also carelessly wiped away

42

much of the archeological evidence.

Berries And Edible/Medicinal Plants.
involving the use of herbicides,

Silvicultural treatments

such as glyphosate,

can leave

residues on consumable plants and berries (Coxson 1994, 6.9). The
removal of "competing vegetation" in reforestation efforts may
also interfere with the growth and abundance of non-tree species
plants used by aboriginal people.

Both resource use areas examined in the interviews with Lake
Babine

land users

developments.
extensive

have been affected by

Logging

logging

has

access

roads

occurred

forestry and other

dissect

within

both

their

areas

and

boundaries .

A

provincial park within the boundary of one of the resource use
areas has resulted in increases of non-aboriginal recreational
land users.

The

growing popularity of

the

lake

as

a

prime

recreational fishing area has led to the growth of fishing lodges
and boat traffic on the Lake.

The

landscapes

in question

disturbance-based

change.

have
By

evidently been

modelling

impacted by

different

types

of

disturbance on the landscape, this research examines the changing
patterns and resulting available land for these activities in the
future. By using computerized mapping technology (GIS) we are able
to model this change on a landscape and visualize its impacts.

43
CHAPTER
MAPPJ:NG

USE

OF

GEOGRAPHJ:C

AND

J:V

MODELLJ:NG

J:NFORMATJ:ON

WJ:TH

SYSTEMS

GJ:S

( GJ:S)

WHAT IS GIS? GIS are computer-based systems that can visually
display, edit and analyze geographically referenced information. A
GIS goes beyond the use of hard copy maps and even computer-based
maps

by

its

technologies

ability
include

to

analyze

remote

information.

sensing

techniques

Associated
and

global

positioning systems (GPS). Both of these can provide data for the
computer-based analysis of GIS.

All of these technologies are

steadily becoming more accessible to communities and organizations
due to reductions in price and improvements in user-friendliness.

GIS play a central role in the coordination, visualization and
modelling of information collected by this research.
interdisciplinary tools

that

information

combination of

layers.

The

store and analyze
these

GIS are

a

variety of

data

generates

multidimensional and dynamic perspectives that promote effective
visualization of Lake Babine Nation lands,

impacts and future

changes in resource usage. Technical expertise was contracted to
assist in the development and execution of the GIS phase of the
project.

Pearson Farnsworth,

a student and GIS technician,

contracted to the project from October 1996 to April 1997.

was

44
GIS AS TOOLS FOR FIRST NATIONS.

The Assembly of First Nations

estimated that at least sixty aboriginal communities in Canada
were engaged in GIS work

in 1995

(Bird 1995,

23).

With

the

popularity of the technology, this number has most certainly grown
considerably in the last two years.

In B.C.,

where the treaty

process, land claims and forestry issues are at the forefront of
First Nations' agendas, GIS have acquired the reputation of being
indispensable tools. The Nisga'a (Naas Valley), Gitksan (Hazelton)
and Wet'suwet'en
Northern B.C.
Nation has

(Moricetown)

are but a

few of the Nations in

that have active GIS programs.

identified mapping

issues

and GIS

The Lake Babine
acquisition as

priorities. Involvement in this project with UNBC has brought many
land-based issues to the forefront and heightened interest in
exploring the potential applications of an in-house GIS.

Mapping

archaeological

sites

and

modelling

archaeological

potential are two avenues for the technology that are available to
aboriginal communities.

The location of sites is important 1n

cultural education and archaeological preservation efforts . By
combining traditional knowledge and technological methods,
identification and mapping of

sites

are

facilitated.

the

Remote

sensing further enhances the use of GIS in archaeology by allowing
the repeated study of a fieldwork area within its much larger
surroundings.

By supplementing or replacing the costly use of

aerial photos and intensive field digs, archaeological research is
brought within reach of more communities and into the hands of the
people concerned.

45

GIS

allow

for

the

incorporation

of

traditional

territory

boundaries into representations of the landscape. Place names in
the aboriginal language can be preserved on maps and even recorded
to audio on certain computer systems. The anthropological value of
place names is significant,

in that they may function as maps

themselves, pinpointing by recalling the features surrounding them
or the human uses they had (Ryden 1993, xi). Place name map layers
are an important educational tool in the First Nation curriculum.
The permanent record of these places in the aboriginal language
ensures the transfer of knowledge from one generation to the next.
GIS have also proven to be good educational tools for teaching
environmental interactions and change on the landscape. The visual
quality and the non-static interface encourages youths to explore
the environmental issues that are affecting their traditional
lands. This teaches and prepares the new generation of aboriginal
people to protect and responsibly manage the lands which they may
inherit.

Today, resource information comes from a wide variety of sources.
GIS allow for the integration of these different sources into a
compatible

format.

Forest

cover

information,

traplines,

traditional uses, waterways and wildlife habitat can be overlaid
on different map layers in GIS in order to facilitate integrated
resource management.

Short- and long-term resource development

plans can be easily displayed and updated with this technology.
This allows for more informed stewardship of the land base and

46

better

communication

with

various

resource

authorities

and

organizations also involved in the area. GIS can greatly enhance a
First Nation's ability to manage and steward the land. Maps that
illustrate the landscape from a variety of perspectives are useful
management tools.

This aspect of GIS complements

the current

situation of many First Nations who are attempting to balance both
traditional values and socio-economic realities in the management
of their lands. The maps and knowledge resulting from a Nation's
use of GIS also become vital tools in contemporary disputes over
land ownership, access and use rights. The presentation of maps
that clearly show boundaries of the claim area of a Nation and
possible scenarios on the landscape can assist

in land claim

negotiations.

The

wide

applicability

of

GIS

technology

for

many

groups,

including First Nations, has made it extremely popular. This may
be part of the reason why many systems are being purchased and not
used to their full capabilities. It was estimated at a recent GIS
industry conference that 80% of the GIS obtained by First Nations
groups are not being fully utilized (Poole 1995, 18). Any group
that is contemplating purchasing a GIS for some or all of the
above applications should weigh several factors first.
include such things as price, ease of training,

Factors

integration with

other applications, maintenance and support, system capabilities
and the specific needs of the organization. To keep the knowledge
that is gained in the community, adequate funding also has to be

47

put aside to train local people. Training community members not
only

strengthens

stewardship,

community

but also helps

sensitive data.

development

and

environmental

to ensure the confidentiality of

Additional measures such as controlled-access

software may also be required to safeguard sensitive information.

Traditional territory boundaries are defined by the naturally
occurring

features

of

the

landscape

combined with anecdotal

history of the area. Local aboriginal history records the legal
principles of land tenure, transfers and successions (Lake Babine
Hereditary Chiefs 1996). These histories define the aboriginal
terri tory.

These

stated

boundaries,

however,

often

do

not

correspond to other government-determined boundaries and hence are
not recorded on most maps.

The historical landscape can be preserved with applications in
archaeology,

education

and

historical

demarcation.

The

contemporary landscape is confronted with many issues such as land
claims and resource usage,

for which GIS are also applicable.

Overall, GIS technology is an area that can benefit many First
Nations in Canada and abroad.

REPRESENTING ABORIGINAL USES ON THE LANDSCAPE.

The information

collected in the land use interviews and mapping exercises with
Lake Babine users was studied in order to choose locally prevalent
aboriginal activities for inclusion in the GIS component of the

48

research . In order to protect confidentiality, simplify technical
requirements

and to

increase

the

scientific validity of

the

research , the interview information was used in conjunction with
forest attribute data and wildlife habitat information and applied
to a hypothetical digital landscape (Resource Use Area I).

The

challenges

of

mapping

aboriginal

uses

are

numerous.

Confidentiality issues, the gradual loss of traditional ecological
knowledge

and

differences

in

spatial

cognition

(landscape

interpretation and the reading of maps) all affect the quality of
information that can be collected and then represented on maps.
Historical remains of aboriginal maps show a different perception
of the landscape (Marozas 1995; Duerden and Johnson 1993; Brody
1988) . Information content on aboriginal maps historically focused
on function and cultural importance,

emphasizing features that

helped communicate the purpose of the area. Work has been carried
out

that

involves

aboriginal

alternate

landscape

(Brody,

spatial
1988;

representations

Aberley 1993;

of

the

Duerden and

Johnson 1993). The geographic component of the research carried
out for this thesis, however,

remains within the boundaries of

conventional spatial (that is, topographic) representations of the
landscape.

MODELLING

The

GIS

DISTURBANCE

models

spatially-based

IMPACTS

applied

in

supplemented

ON

this
by

ABORIGINAL

research
basic

USES

are

predominately

ecological

modelling

49
information. There is an unlimited level of complexity that can be
achieved in GIS modelling if the research,

time and resources

permit. Due to the spatial nature of this research and the fact
that GIS was only one of several methodological tools used,
decision was made to limit the models to manageable,

the

applicable

but basic spatial models. Models were designed by the project GIS
technician,

Pearson Farnsworth,

to represent the spatial impacts

of disturbances on the landscape and basic forest growth into the
future. They should not be mistaken for complex growth and yield,
harvest

simulation or fire

ecology models.

component

entailed the development

landscape

(legacy

patterns,

the

forest),

application of

the
a

of a

The GIS modelling

hypothetical digital

application
forest

of

disturbance

growth model,

and

the

calculation of land use availability for traditional activities as
determined by related landscape criteria.

DATA SOURCES. The sources of digital data included the Ministry of
Forests ' forest inventory data and digitized information from the
land use interviews. The digital data available from the Ministry
for the Lakes District allowed for the acquisition of an extremely
broad range of geographic information and allowed analysis for a
wide geographic area. These data were provided free of charge in
the spirit of cooperation between the Ministry and First Nations .
The use of existing digital data saved considerable time and
resources in the development of the map layers. The GIS lab at the
University of Northern B.C. provided the hardware,

software and

50

lab time required.

The forest cover inventory supplied by the

Ministry of Forests, Lakes District was delivered in PAMAP format.
Because of this,

all initial data maintenance and verification

were done using this software.

Modelling was accomplished by using both PAMAP and ARC/INFO GIS
software packages.

After PAMAP manipulation,

the dataset was

exported in a generic vector format with associated DBASE IV
attribute data tables. These exported files were then transferred
to the UNIX environment and loaded into ARC/INFO.

The spatial

disturbance models are natural disturbance (natural fire pattern),
conventional harvesting and fire-mimicked harvesting. Impacts were
applied throughout a 120 year timeframe and results interpreted at
years 0, 60 and 120.

Resource Use Area I was identified and split from the district
mapset. Once this area was captured in raster and vector format,
all subsequent and pertinent spatial and attribute data were
intersected with this polygon to form the different layers of
information. The landscape unit in this analysis is therefore the
resource use area which is composed of over 26,000 hectares of
forest and is intersected by a portion of lake.

Traditional

land use activities

from the interview maps were

digitized in ARC/INFO. The location of traplines, berry picking
areas, moose , deer and bear hunting points, as described by the

51
land users, were taken from these overlay maps. Archaeological and
fish camp sites were also digitized from these overlay maps. All
this information created a confidential information layer that was
used,

in conjunction with the other ecological information,

determine

sui table

criteria

for

the

land

use

to

availability

modelling. The information layers that are utilized for modelling
are

hypothetical

creations

ecological information.

based

on

actual

interview

and

The spatial dimensions of Resource Use

Area I relate to an actual trapline boundary in the traditional
territory. The scale of the landscape is quite small for the study
of certain biological landscape functions and patterns, however,
it was deemed to be sufficient for the purposes of this research
on aboriginal uses.

DEVELOPMENT AND APPLICATION OF THE MODELS
The Legacy Forest Dataset.

Since the Resource Area I

digital

landscape was created using current geographic and ecological
data,
reason

recent disturbances influenced its composition.
it

was

necessary

to

create

a

pre-logging

For this

landscape,

referred to as the "legacy forest" to represent a digital natural
landscape

prior

to

disturbance.

The

forest

cover

inventory

supplied by the Ministry of Forests provided reasonably up-to-date
(1995) forest cover information for the landscape and a basis for
creating

the

legacy forest.

The

age

class

structure

of

the

forested polygons and their spatial characteristics such as patch
size, numbers, perimeter to area ratios,

and juxtaposition (the

52

geographic locations in which they exist in the landscape) were
originated from this inventory. The creation of a digital legacy
forest landscape was vital to the modelling process, as it served
as a baseline upon which change could be measured.

The legacy forest was created with backward projections on the
spatial forest inventory. Concepts from Delong's recent work in
the area

(1997)

assisted in this process.

The process involved

looking for very old (over-mature) stands as well as stands that
were in the age class of 0 to 60 years of age. Stands older than
60 years of age were deemed to be naturally occurring (escaped
logging), while stands between 30 and 60 years were believed to
have been logged or affected by from some type of disturbance.
When analyzing these stands it was important to note their shape
and position relative to each other. In most cases these stands
were of similar shape

(square)

and quite close to one another,

indicating harvesting.

Stands that were determined to have been recently disturbed were
classified using primary and secondary species information, site
types and relative locations.

The stands were then "aged" and

their associated attribute tables

reconstructed to match the

characteristics of the older, closely-related stands. This process
generated a more spatially heterogeneous landscape matrix and was
felt to be a good representation of the forest prior to logging
and fire control . The mean age class structure of this landscape

53

increased dramatically from the age class structure of the 1995
inventory supplied by the Ministry of Forests. The legacy forest
dataset was overlaid on the spatial boundaries of Resource Use
Area I

and formed the baseline for the modelling.

shows Resource Use Area I

as a

legacy forest.

Figure 4.1.

The age class

structure of the legacy forest is defined by a colour legend. The
predominant age class in this undisturbed forest landscape falls
within the 81 to 120 year range .

54

N

~

Age Class Structu:
of the Legacy Fore
0-40 years
41-80 years

..

81-120 years
121-160 yean
161-200 yean
200+ years
Lakes

km

Figure 4.1.

GIS Hypothetical Digital Landscape
Legacy Forest in Resource Use Area I

55
Disturbance Models. Three separate scenarios were developed and
used

to

disturb

the

legacy

forest

landscape.

Spatial

representations of conventional harvest, natural fire and firemimicked harvest scenarios were created and used to disturb the
landscape. The time scale used in this modelling exercise was 120
years where availability of landscape resources for traditional
aboriginal activities was quantified at 60 years and 120 years
into the future after initial and subsequent disturbances were
applied.

All

three scenarios were developed with equal

total

areas.

Scenario One - Conventional Harvest
The conventional harvest scenario was developed in the context of
general

operational

environment

for

requirements

forest

and

harvesting

the

current

activities.

regulatory

Hypothetical

clearcuts that were created under this model were generally less
than

80

hectares

in

size

and were

aggregated

into

a

clump

arrangement as 1s done in conventional harvesting operational
plans. Once these polygons were created and arranged,

they were

applied to the landscape. The initial clearcuts were applied in
three rotations, at impact (year 0), at 35 years and at 75 years.
Clearcuts were digitized on-screen with Arcview 2.1 GIS desktop
software. Stands of late age classes and volumes were targeted and
used substantially as

in typical

forest management planning.

Figure 4.2. shows the applied disturbance on the landscape.

56

Scenario Two - Natural Fire
Natural fire modelling was accomplished using a raster modelling
approach.

Fuel loading,

proximity to water bodies,

slope and

crown closure were the main criteria for the natural burning of
the landscape. A random point on the landscape was chosen as the
ignition point

and

the

fire

spread

from

this

point.

It

is

important to note that this model was allowed to run without
intervention or

suppression by humans.

This

disturbance was

initiated at year 0 and no later natural fire disturbances were
created for the remainder of the 120 years. This area of B.C. is
known to have recurring large-scale natural fire disturbances
approximately every 140 years.

Figure 4.3.

shows

the spatial

pattern of the natural fire disturbance. Notice the irregular edge
and the island remnants within the perimeter of the disturbance
that escaped fire. These are vital to natural landscape evolution.

Scenario Three - Fire-Mimicked Harvest
This human-induced disturbance mimics natural fire disturbances in
that it matches the perimeter to area ratio that natural fire
creates. Since this is a harvest-based activity, the pattern was,
however,

applied in the most valuable stands containing mature

timber. The disturbance areas were digitized as two large areas
with many larger remnant islands within their boundaries.

The

perimeter to area ratio was much greater than the conventional
clearcut scenario in total, but did not reach the ratio that the
natural fire regime created. The disturbance pattern was applied

57
at impact

(year 0)

and second large cut applied at 75 years.

Figure 4.4. shows the spatial pattern of the applied disturbance.
Though not quite as irregular and infrequent as the natural fire
pattern,
from

the fire-mimicked harvest pattern drastically differs

the

conventional

temporally.

harvest

Notice how remnant

pattern

both

islands were

spatially

and

left within the

perimeter of both irregular large-scale cuts to mimic natural
disturbance.

Initial and subsequent disturbance patterns were applied to the
legacy forest landscape within Resource Area I as described above.
The landscapes were then updated with a simple forest growth model
in order
future.

to project

the post-disturbance

landscape

into

the

58

Resource Use Area I
N

+
Conventional Harvesting

Ill First Pass Rotation
Second Pass Rotation
-

Third Pass Rotation
Lakes

km

Figure 4.2.

GIS Disturbance Pattern for Conventional Harvesting

59

Resource Use Area I

-

Island Remnants

-

Natural Fire

-

Lakes

km

Figure 4.3.

GIS Disturbance Pattern for Natural Fire

60

Resource Use Area I

First Mimicked Harvest
-

Island Remnants

Ill Harvested Patch

Second Mimicked Harves·
Island Remnants
Harvested Patch
-

Lakes

km

Figure 4.4.

GIS Disturbance Pattern for Fire Mimicked
Harvesting

61

Forest Growth Model. A forest growth model was then applied to the
resulting

landscape.

This

model

grew

the

forest

within

the

landscape forward in time through the use of a simple stochastic
growth algorithm. The growth model projected the landscape to 60
years and 120 years post-disturbance so quantitative analysis
could be performed for land use availability. The growth model was
based on common forest succession knowledge for lodgepole pine as
it relates to understorey growth. A random variable was added to
the forest growth algorithm to improve the age class distributions
and

to

make

the

distribution

and variation

in

growth more

realistic. This random variable added a fire probability to stands
over 150 years of age, creating random fire-based regeneration in
the

growth model.

The

development

and

application

modelling approaches was accomplished by the GIS

of

these

technician,

Pearson Farnsworth.

Land Use Availability Models.
availability for

The

calculation

of

land

use

traditional activities was based on related

landscape criteria. The criteria were determined by conglomerating
the interview information,
ecological

forest

overlay maps,

information

archival information,

and biological

information

on

wildlife habitat. The combined information sources facilitated the
selection

of

representational

aboriginal

uses

and

the

determination of corresponding landscape criteria. The aboriginal
land uses in the modelling were based on moose habitat and black
bear

habitat

availability

(hunting),

pine

marten

habitat

62

availability

( furbearer

trapping) ,

and berry picking

sites.

Features or points relating to these uses as uncovered in the
interviews

and mapping exercises were

analyzed using

raster

modelling. Simple point-in-polygon approaches were also used to
determine the average set of landscape criteria,

including mean

forest cover type, associated with each activity within the legacy
forest.

Hunting Areas. Two models deal with the hunting aspects of the
research:

moose

and

black bear.

Both

of

these

species

are

significant to aboriginal land use in the area.

The model to determine land availability for moose took into
account the following points. All identified moose hunting points
were found to be very close to water bodies of significant size;
therefore presence of aquatic feeding areas was deemed important.
Adequate

forage

and

cover

for

the

species

were

the

other

fundamental habitat determinants chosen for this species (Demarchi
1983, 3). Criteria chosen for identifying appropriate moose areas
in the landscape therefore included aquatic feeding areas, early
seral

stage

adequate

stands

cover

(usually less

surrounding

these

than 25

years

feeding

of age)

areas.

and

Seasonal

variations in ungulate habitat suitability were not factored into
this model. Within the model, aquatic feeding areas were indicated
by buffering water bodies with a 300 metre edge. Another factor
considered in the model was perimeter to area ratio. This factored

63

into the selection of forage areas because of the edge required
for anti-predator cover. The substantial home range of the species
also needed to be accounted for in spatial configurations.

Technically, the moose habitat model was devised by visiting each
polygon of the landscape that was not a water body and choosing a
point within in. The distance to the closest water body and the
distance to the closest early seral stage was then determined for
each

point.

These

distances

were

recorded

for

subsequent

processing. A query function was used on the distance values to
determine if there were adequate resources

(aquatic feeding and

early seral vegetation) to form a travel corridor between them. It
was

important that

the animal did not have to eros s

a

large

opening to access these areas at any time since moose will not
venture more than a few hundred metres into open areas to get to
cover or food sources. Once these corridors were determined, the
sum of the corresponding and connecting suitable land base area
was taken.

The black bear model also involved travel corridors, but of upland
sites.

Dense cover of mixed wood in low lying areas and the

presence
criteria.

of

denning

The

scale

sites
of

for

winter

Resource

Use

were

the

Area

I

determining

was

somewhat

constrained by its size, with respect to bear modelling. The large
habitat range of bears usually calls for a larger scale regional
modelling base, that was not available in this research.

64

Technically, the bear model was first initiated by buffering all
areas of disturbance by 1000 metres and giving them a time of
impact attribute.

Suitable low-lying mixed wood stands on the

landscape were identified and flagged.

At 60 years areas where

logging had not occurred in the past

five years were deemed

temporally suitable for bear habitat. Low-lying mixed wood denning
sites within the acceptable temporal ranges were located. If there
were any forest openings

(disturbance)

aged between 5 and 30

years, these areas were identified as areas for potential foraging
for berries, grass and forbs. All these areas were intersected to
find land that would be suitable for black bears.

Furbearer Trapping Areas. The trapping model was based on land use
availability for pine marten habitat. Pine marten was selected as
the indicator species for trapping since it is commonly trapped in
the research area, as are lynx, fox, and beaver. Pine marten was
also identified by the interviewees as a species in perceived
decline and as one that caused much concern.

Marten are generally associated with climax coniferous forests and
their decline is often attributed to logging activities or fire
(Soutiere 1979,

850;

Stordeur 1986,

25). Marten tend to favour

uncut forest landscapes with significant cover. Cover and amount
of available forage for prey relates to habitat availability for
marten as they hunt for voles and other small animals

(Stordeur

1986, 17-18). Spatially, marten also require a home range size of

65

a minimum 3 km 2 for breeding. Contiguous tracts of habitat that
allow dispersion and interbreeding are therefore required for
suitable habitat.

The criteria used to
appropriate

crown

find sui table

closure,

age

land for marten

class

and

included

contiguous

area.

Specifically, potential habitat areas were required to be forest
stands of a coniferous canopy species,

usually lodgepole pine.

Furthermore, stands needed to be composed of late seral stages of
more than 140 years with crown closures of more than 80%.
accommodate

the

contiguous

home

range

required

for

To

sui table

habitat, all suitable polygons found were dissolved of their inner
boundaries

(aggregation of similar polygons)

and areas of less

than 3 km2 were then deleted.

Berry Picking Areas. Berry picking sites were identified based on
amount of clearing, site type and stage of succession. Suitable
sites were chosen as being less than 20 years of age with a sandy
soil or sandy/loam soil type. A simple logical query was applied
to identify the polygons matching these characteristics.

The calculation of available land for aboriginal use, based on the
criteria as

explained above,

disturbance digital
traditional

was performed on all

landscapes.

activity was

The available

calculated using a

land

the postfor

each

land use matrix

66

database

that

counted

pixels

with

appropriate

biological

characteristics remaining at each time point post disturbance.

67
CHAPTER
:IMPACTS

RESULTS

The

AND

THEIR

application

V
:ISSUES

AND

:INTERPRETATION

of

the

models

to

the

hypothetical

digital

landscape yielded a variety of results that merit discussion. Each
of the disturbance patterns affected the landscape in a different
manner.

The

landscape

affected

by

the

conventional

disturbance pattern became quite fragmented,

harvest

especially in the

long-term. The natural fire pattern significantly disturbed the
landscape in the short-term, but the landscape evolved to near its
original state over the 120 year period. The fire-mimicked harvest
pattern closely approximated natural landscape evolution with less
fragmentation

on

the

landscape

than conventional

harvesting.

Further to the overall impacts of the disturbances, the manner in
which the selected species and accompanying activities responded
to disturbance-based landscape change varied significantly.

Table 5.1 shows the percentage of available land per activity that
is calculated by dividing the amount of land remaining at each
time point by the total available land area of the legacy forest
(26,097 hectares). The modelling results for marten seemingly show
that,

compared

with

the

other

disturbances,

conventional

harvesting leads to the highest available percentage of land at
impact. By year 120, however, all disturbances are quite close in
their resulting percentages. The percentage results for berries

68

also show conventional harvesting to be preferable at impact with
over

99%

of

availability.

the

landscape

Again

all

meeting

three

the

results

criteria

taper

down

for

berry

to

nearly

identical levels by year 120. Moose results, however, show natural
fire as the preferred disturbance for this activity. Moose habitat
was drastically altered by conventional harvesting and nearly
extinguished by year 120 with only 0.2% available land remaining.
Bear results

also overwhelmingly showed natural

fire

as

the

preferred disturbance, with the landscape bouncing back to 100%
availability by year 60. For both moose and bear,

fire-mimicked

harvesting came close to approximating natural disturbance in
terms of future land availability.

Possible reasons for these

responses are discussed in the following section.

Table 5 .1.

Numeric Modelling Results for Land Availability
Post-Disturbance
Marten

Berries

Moose

Bear

Conventional Harvest (year 0)

11.0%

99.6%

10.2%

66.3%

Conventional Harvest (year 60)

22.9%

24.5%

13 . 1%

44 . 7%

Conventional Harvest (year 120)

27.0%

14.4%

0.2%

33.3%

Natural Fire (year 0)

4.9%

49.7%

31.0%

68.3%

Natural Fire (year 60)

14.6%

29.7%

26.4%

100%

Natural Fire (year 120)

22.9%

15.9%

16.6%

100%

Fire-Mimicked Harvest (year 0)

4.2%

55.6%

20.9%

76.0%

Fire-Mimicked Harvest (year 60)

19.6%

22.4%

15.6%

76.0%

Fire-Mimicked Harvest (year 120)

23.6%

15.0%

9.5%

82.6%

69

AVAILABLE LAND FOR TRAPPING POST-DISTURBANCE. Figures 5.2, 5.3 and
5.4 are the resulting GIS landscape maps showing available land
for trapping post-disturbance. As mentioned,

the trapping model

criteria were based on land use availability for pine marten
habitat. The maps show increasing availability over time for the
species

in all disturbance scenarios.

Though availability is

reduced in all scenarios at impact, the landscape seems to recover
at a similar rate regardless of disturbance type. These particular
results do show marginally higher availability with conventional
harvesting

(figure 5.2.).

This outcome,

however,

needs

to be

interpreted with care because of scale issues.

The landscape scale of the modelling may have been too large to
capture accurate results for this species. The marten's small home
range

(3 km 2 ) makes it more susceptible to fragmentation at a

smaller scale than the given digital landscape. The introduction
of a random variable in the forest growth model also affected the
results by not creating large unrealistic areas of older age
classes,

a preferred marten habitat.

A preliminary run of the

models achieved these types of results which were questioned and
re-assessed. The improved age-class representation in the growth
model improved the validity of the research and made it a truer
representation

of

a

real

forest .

In

addition,

the

digital

landscape used in the modelling process did not account for road

70

construction

and

silvicultural

practices

associated

with

harvesting that also impact trapping.

Analysis of these results led to the conclusion that marten are
affected by disturbance more temporally than spatially.
long

term,

disturbance

trapping

was

than by the

less
time

affected
required

by

for

the
the

In the

pattern

of

landscape

to

recover. In the context of the overall aboriginal use landscape,
this is a factor that needs to be considered in managing the rate
of change on the landscape.

71
@
l

m
p

a
c
t

11% available

+

60
yrs

22.9% available

+

120
yrs

27% available

Figure 5 . 2 .

Available Land for Furbearer Trappi n g* after
Conventional Harvest Disturbance over 120 years

~

Available for Aboriginal Land Use of Furbearer Trapp i ng

Disturbance applied to Legacy Forest at impact, 35 and 75 years.
Available Land for this use in Legacy Forest = 10.95%
GIS Mod el based on habitat suitable for pine marten.

72
@
l

m
p

a
c
t

4.9% available

+

60
yrs

14.6% available

+

120
yrs

22.9% available

Figure 5 .3.

Available Land for Furbearer Trapping* after
Natural Fire Disturbance over 120 years

~

Available for Aboriginal Land Use of Furbearer Trapping

Disturbance applied to Legacy Forest at impact only.
Available Land for this use in Legacy Forest = 10 . 95%
GIS Model based on habitat suitable for pine marten.

73
@
l

m
p

a
c
t

4. 2% available

+

60
yrs

19.6% available

+

120
yrs

23.6% available

Figure 5 . 4 .

Av ai l able Land for Furbearer Trapping* after
Fire Mimic Harvest Disturbance over 120 years

~

Available f o r Abo riginal Land Use of Furbearer Trapping

Disturbance applied to Legacy Forest at
impact and 75 years.
Avai l able Land for this use in Legacy Forest

= 10.95%

74

AVAILABLE LAND FOR BERRIES POST-DISTURBANCE. Figures 5.5, 5.6 and
5.7 are the resulting GIS landscape maps showing available land
for berries post disturbance. The maps at impact show high levels
of

availability

across

much

of

the

landscape

in

all

three

scenarios, especially in conventional harvest. A notable feature
on the maps is the different shape of the available land. In the
conventional harvest scenario {figure 5.5.), the available land at
120 years is in the form of small blocks across the landscapes.

This

differs

from

the

more

contiguous

irregular

pattern

of

availability resulting from the other scenarios. Overall these
maps simply show that berry availability changes over time. They
are most available immediately after a disturbance and are quite
abundant in the clearcut areas and in the fire patterned areas
{natural and mimicked)

in the short term. Their availability 1n

the future will likely continue to follow this trend regardless of
disturbance type.

75
@
l

m
p

a
c
t

99.56% available

+

60
yrs

24.5% available

+

120
yrs

14.4% available

Figure 5.5 .

Available Land for Berry Picking after
Conventional Harvest Disturbance over 120 years
Available for Aboriginal Land Use of Berry Picking

Disturbance applied to Legacy Forest at impact, 35 and 75 years .
Available Land for this use in Legacy Forest = 63.6%

76
@
l

m
p

a
c
t

49 . 7% available

+

60
yrs

29.7% available

+

120
yrs

15.9% available

Figure 5 . 6 .

Available Land for Berry Picking after
Natural Fire Disturbance over 120 years
Available for Aboriginal Land Use of

rr ~ Picking

Disturbance applied to Legacy Forest at impact only .
Available Land for this use in Legacy Forest= 63.6%

77
@
l

m
p

a
c
t

.

~ a aila l

+

60
yrs

22.4% available

+

120
yrs

15% available

Figure 5 . 7.

Available Land for Berry Picking after
Fire Mimic Harvest Disturbance over 120 years
Available for Aboriginal Land Use of Berry Picking

Disturbance applied to Legacy Forest
at impact and 75 years.
Available Land for this use in Legacy Forest

= 63.6%

78

AVAILABLE LAND FOR HUNTING POST-DISTURBANCE. Figures 5.8 to 5.13
inclusive, are the resulting GIS landscape maps showing available
land for hunting post-disturbance. As discussed,

the hunting of

large mammals such as moose and bear is an important activity for
the Lake Babine people both for sustenance and as a cultural
activity.

The

most

striking

results

regarding

illustrated by the maps in figure 5.8.
The

reduction

of

available

land

moose

availability

are

(conventional harvesting).

over

time

is

dramatically

illustrated with the final map showing less than 1% available at
120 years.

Overall,

all

three scenarios

show a

reduction in

available land over time, despite an initial rise in availability
at impact caused by the disturbances.

Disturbance in general

provides

in

preferred

habitat

for

moose

providing early seral stages of vegetation.

the

short-term by

Fire is the best

disturbance for creating seral shrub ranges and for expanding
grassland

environments,

creating modified

plant

communi ties

suitable for ungulate habitat (Demarchi 1983, 12).

Though disturbance,

including forest harvesting,

may provide

ecological patterns that support increased moose populations in
the short-term,

the number of moose available for aboriginal

harvest may still vary. The fragmentation of the landscape in the
long-term also severely interrupts travel corridors required by
moose and reduces suitable habitat over time. Moose populations

79

are also influenced by road access and increased hunting pressure
in the region by non-aboriginal hunters.

With respect to bear habitat availability,

the maps in figure

5.12. show how natural fire disturbance is the preferred scenario
for

continued

availability.

Figure

5.11.

shows

how

the

conventional harvest scenario goes against the trend of increasing
land availability over time. The main conclusion drawn from these
maps is that fragmentation resulting from the conventional harvest
pattern, adversely impacts availability for this activity. With
increased return intervals of conventional harvesting spread out
across

the

landscape,

black bear habitat

could become more

fragmented and possible travel corridors could be interrupted.

The fire mimic harvest disturbance pattern (figure 5.13.) closely
approximates

the patterns of natural

fire

(figure 5.12.)

and

results in landscapes that are quite supportive of bear habitat.
As mentioned, the scale of the modelling was somewhat constrained
in the case of bear due to their extensive habitat range that
expands far beyond the size of the chosen resource use landscape.
Though the modelling results shows a landscape to be suitable for
bear,

it does not imply that the landscape is covered with the

species, who may only occasionally cross a portion of it for food
or shelter .

A further

limitation of

the bear model

in this

research is the absence of other developments that affect its
habitat.

Increased occurrence of encounters with humans due to

80

road access

into a habitat disturbs bear populations

through

poaching, accidents and the disturbance of dens and feeding areas.

81
@
l

m
p

a
c
t

10.2% available

+

60
yrs

13.1% available

+

120
yrs

0.23% available

Figure 5 . 8 .

Available Land for Hunting Moose after
Conventi onal Harvest Disturbance over 120 years
Av ailab l e f o r Abo riginal Land Use of Moose Hunting

Dis turbance applied to Legacy Forest at impact, 35 and 75 years.
Available Land for this use in Legacy Forest = 5.3%

82
@
l

m
p

a
c
t

30 . 97% avai l able

+

60
yrs

26.4% available

+

·-:--------1' ......_

120
yrs

\

"·

·,

~

"··}\ ____

.

.' '
--.,.. __ ____
,

'

~
\_

li ··..,

,..)

11

0

..

,./

,•

j

!

16.6% available

Figure 5 . 9 .

Available Land for Hunting Moose after
Natural Fire Disturbance over 120 years
Av ailable for Aboriginal Land Use of Moose Hunting

Disturbance applied to Legacy Forest at impact only.
Available Land for this use in Legacy Forest = 5 . 3%

83
@
l

m
p

a
c
t

20.9% available

+

60
yrs

15.6% available

+

120
yrs

9.5% available

Figure 5 . 10 .

Available Land for Hunting Moose after
Fire Mimic Harvest Disturbance over 120 years
Available for Aboriginal Land Use of Moose Hunting

Disturbance applied to Legacy Forest
at impact and 75 years.
Available Land for this use in Legacy Forest

= 5.3%

84
@
l

m
p

a
c
t

66.3% available

+

60
yrs

44.7% available

+

120
yrs

33.3% available

Figure 5.11 .

Available Land for Hunting Bear after
Conventional Harvest Disturbance over 120 years
Available for Aboriginal Land Use of Bear Hun ting

Dis t urbance applied to Legacy Forest at impact , 35 and 75 years .
Av a i lable Land for this use in Legacy Forest = 1 00%

85
@
l

m
p

a
c
t

68.3% available

+

60
yrs

100% available

+

120
yrs

100% available

Figure 5 . 12 .

Available Land for Hunting Bear after
Natural Fire Disturbance over 120 years
Available for Aboriginal Land Use of Bear Hunting

Disturbance applied to Legacy Forest at impact only.
Available Land for this use in Legacy Forest = 100%

86
@
l

m

p

a
c
t

76% available

+

60
yrs

76% available

+

120
yrs

82.6% available

Figure 5 . 13 .

Available Land for Hunting Bear after
Fire Mimic Harvest Disturbance over 120 years
Available for Aboriginal Land Use of Bear Hunting

Disturbance applied to Legacy Forest at
impact and 75 years.
Available Land for this use in Legacy Forest

= 100%

87

Response to change can also be illustrated in the form of bar
charts. Figure 5.14. shows the changes in availability in this
format.
case.

The rate and direction of change is different in each

Some of the more notable features

of

these charts are

described below. The data relates to the numeric findings listed
in Table 5.1.

For marten,

the availability increases in the long-term in all

three disturbances . The closely matched bars in the chart show
that

all

three

achieve

approximately

the

same

level

of

availability at the 120 year time point. In the case of berries,
the chart shows a downward slope indicating reduced availability
in the long-term. The significant feature of this chart is the
extremely high level of availability with conventional harvesting
at impact. The moose chart shows a drastically shorter bar for
conventional harvesting at all three time points,

that can be

interpreted to represent an overall lesser quality landscape when
affected by this disturbance.

For bear,

the bar representing

changing availability with conventional harvesting is of interest,
as it goes against the natural trend of increased availability
over time.

88

Changes i n Land Availabil ity
for Marten

Changes in Land Availability
for Berries

100.0%
90.0%
80.0%

30.0%
25.0%

MIM

YEAR
120

YEAR
120

Changes in Land Availability
for Moose

Changes in Land Availability
for Bear

30.0%

100 .0%

25.0%

80.0%

20.0%

60.0%

15.0%

YEAR
120

YEAR
120

Figure 5 . 14. Changes in Land Av ailability as Dep icted in Chart Forma t

89

COMPOSITE AVAILABLE LAND FOR ABORIGINAL USES. Figures 5.15 to 5.18
inclusive are a series of composite maps that summarize all the
activities

together

on

the

landscape.

aboriginal use landscape as a whole,
disturbance-based

change

(conventional harvesting)

are

By viewing

the

total

the cumulative impacts of

illustrated.

Figure

5.15.

shows a drastically more fragmented

landscape with several unusable areas showing around small patches
of available land. Though all of the uses are still present on the
landscape,
Figure

the available areas are smaller and further apart.

5 .17.

(fire-mimicked

harvesting)

shows

a

series

of

landscapes that are closely related to a natural evolution as in
figure 5.16.

(natural fire).

Larger patches and adjoining uses

characterize these landscapes.

Figure 5.18. is a comparison of the available land for aboriginal
uses post-disturbance at 120 years. This gives a striking visual
summary of the possible landscapes of the future.
aboriginal

use

landscape

affected

by

The future

conventional

harvest

disturbance is very fragmented and less desirable for aboriginal
uses.

The centre map is a natural landscape of the future,

as

affected by natural fire. The fire-based landscape of the future
illustrates one possible version of natural change. The landscape
is, however, fully available for the entire spectrum of uses. The
fire-mimicked harvest landscape is an attempt to approximate this
pattern and

the map

shows

landscape available for use.

a

close match,

with most

of

the

90
@
l

rn

p

a
c
t

+

60
yrs

+

120
yrs

Legend

berry picking
hunting bear
hunting moose
trapping

Figure 5.15.

Composite Available Land for Aboriginal Uses after
Conventional Harvest Disturbance over 120 years

Disturbance applied to Legacy Forest at impact, 35 and 75 years

91
@
l

m
p

a
c
t

+

60

yrs

+

120
yrs

Legend

berry picking
hunting bear
hunting moose
trapping

Figure 5 . 16 .

Composite Available Land for Aboriginal Uses after
Natural Fire Disturbance over 120 years
Disturbance applied to Legacy Forest at impact only.

92
@
l

m
p

a
c
t

+

60
yrs

+

120
yrs

Legend
berry picking
hunting bear
hunting moose
trapping

Figure 5 . 1 7.

Composite Available Land for Aboriginal Uses after
Fire Mimic Harvest Disturbance over 120 years

Disturbance applied to Legacy Forest at
impact and 75 years.

.,

\

Scenario 1: the future aboriginal
use landscape in 120 years after
CONVENTIONAL HARVEST
result: fragmented landscape with
many areas unsuitable f o r use

Scenario 2 : the future aboriginal
use landscape in 120 years after
NATURAL FIRE
result: natural evolution and a
fully restored landscape

Scenario 3: the future aboriginal
use landscape in 120 years after
FIRE MIMICKED HARVEST
result: almost fully restored
landscape with many useable areas

Legend

berry picking
hunting bear
hunting moose

Figure 5.18 .

Comparison of the Available Land for Aboriginal Uses
Post-Disturbance at 120 years.

trapping
not useable

'-'>

w

94
IMPLICATIONS

This

FOR

FOREST

MANAGEMENT

research into disturbances,

the

landscape patterns

they

create and the impacts on aboriginal forest uses is relevant to
both ecological and socio-economic aspects of forest management.
Achieving balance between the various demands on a forest is the
key to effective forest management. The forest ecosystem and the
cultural values of the people both need to be protected.

ECOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS.
The GIS modelling in this research illustrates the landscape level
implications of various disturbance patterns. In order to maintain
a landscape that is ecologically functioning and available for
aboriginal use,

patterns of conventional harvesting should be

avoided. The landscape scale of this research allows for a good
visualization of the effects of fragmentation. The maps show that
natural

fire

landscape well

disturbance

leads

into the future.

to

a

completely

functioning

This,

of course,

makes sense

because this is how these forests have evolved for thousands of
years. The fire-mimicked patterns give results that approximate
this natural trend while allowing for economic growth in forestry.

Experiments in alternate harvesting patterns,

such as the fire-

mimicked patterns, are important contributions to the preservation
of forest health at the ecological landscape level (Franklin and
Forman 1987; Hansen et al. 1991; Delong 1997). It is possible to
mimic

the

irregular mosaic-like

spatial

patterns

of

natural

95

disturbance as well as leave behind snags and debris that mimic
the structural patterns of them. Disturbance-based patterns, such
as fire-mimicked harvesting, provide an alternate view and a way
to incorporate landscape level processes into forest management.

SOCIO-ECONOMIC

IMPLICATIONS.

The

socio-economic

implications

within forest management relate to both the public and political
pressures

for

responsible

forestry

and

the

protection

of

aboriginal uses. Increasingly, socio-economic concerns are being
incorporated into resource management decision-making.

Forests

need to be managed in order to provide for a number of uses,
including timber, recreation, wildlife and aboriginal uses. This
research provides a representation of alternative forest uses on a
landscape.

This

collected

can

information and

serve

as

an

the manner

example

research. Land use information,

of

in which it was

traditional

land

use

including aboriginal uses,

is.a

vital part of an effective resource management decision-making
process.

Meaningful involvement of First Nations in the industry is the
first step towards ecologically responsible forestry that supports
aboriginal uses now and in the future. A major challenge to the
forest industry has been the creation of management structures
that

provide

for

meaningful

participation

by

First

Nation

communities. One such mechanism under the Forest Practices Code of
B.C. is the protection of "cultural heritage resources." Cultural

96
heritage resources are defined as a practice, object or site that
is important to a group of people,

like a First Nation

(Forest

Service of B.C. 1996) . In theory, sites are to be recorded through
traditional use studies and incorporated into forest management
plans of companies working in the area. The Forest Service then,
in theory again, works with First Nations and forestry companies
to protect these sites. In practice, this level of cooperation and
openness is still a very distant reality. This research provides a
guide and an incentive to carry out and map cultural heritage
sites and other aboriginal uses on a landscape.

IMPLICATIONS

FOR

FIRST

NATIONS

ABORIGINAL LAND USE IN THE FUTURE.

The composite maps showing

aboriginal use availability on this landscape link the forest
management

issues

to

specific

First

Nation

issues.

An

understanding of the impacts on the landscape allows First Nations
an informed voice regarding the management of the resources within
their

traditional

territories.

Land use and landscape change

information acquired during this research can be used in long-term
resource

management

cultural

needs

of

that

satisfies

First Nations .

economic,

ecological

A society with a

and

profound

dependence on a set of resources for its future and present wellbeing has a strong self-interest in managing those resources in
the best way possible (Freeman and Carbyn 1988) .

97

Today, many First Nations, including the Lake Babine Nation , are
restoring their control of, and relationship with,
environments

and

the

resources

within

them.

their natural

This

recovered

responsibility is accompanied by tremendous economic and cultural
challenges. The forestry sector is particularly so , with resources
that have been mismanaged for decades and with complex political
and legal issues that surround land tenure. First Nations involved
in forestry must not

only navigate political

and industrial

standards ,

also

and

they must

define

successful

sustainable

management strategies that meet the economic, social and cultural
needs of their membership . This research and its findings will
hopefully also be a contribution to these efforts .

RECOMMENDATIONS

FOR

FURTHER

This project represents

the

STUDY

first

formal

attempt at mapping

traditional aboriginal uses by this Nation and a

significant

learning curve was faced by all involved. This project examined
landscape level processes and traditional land uses within two
constrained areas in the Lake Babine watershed. There is a strong
interest at all levels of the Nation to expand this research into
several other traplines in the traditional territory. More indepth interviews supplemented by gee-referencing activities are
suggested.

The research should strive to include archeological

sites and the cataloguing of food and medicinal plant use, which
were only briefly addressed in this research.

98

Due to its interdisciplinary nature, this thesis has touched upon
a number of areas that merit further investigation. Further work
on aboriginal

activities,

aboriginal

land use mapping,

GIS,

landscape level interactions in forestry, and alternative forest
harvesting methods and patterns, are all areas that could benefit
from more specific continued research. The information gained in
this research has, however, contributed to all of these fields and
to the combined interdisciplinary practice.

CONCLUSION

This research and GIS modelling have allowed the visualization of
a

typical

forest

and

the

accompanying

aboriginal

uses

at

a

landscape level. The results have clearly illustrated the level of
impacts associated with various disturbance patterns and their
compatibility with traditional aboriginal uses on this landscape.
They have shown that specific activities respond variably to
disturbance-based change on the landscape. They have also shown
that the aboriginal use landscape as a whole is further affected
by

disturbance-based

change

Conventional harvesting is

both

spatially

and

temporally.

shown to drastically fragment

the

landscape, especially in the long term, leaving a mosaic that is
much less favourable for aboriginal uses in the future.

Fire-

mimicked harvesting on the other hand, provides a future landscape
that is much closer to one created by natural disturbance and to
which adaptation by wildlife and plant species is facilitated.
This is turn, translates into possible continued aboriginal use.

99

The maintenance of an ecologically functioning forest landscape
that is able to support traditional aboriginal uses

I

timber

I

recreation and wildlife will benefit all stakeholders long into
the future.

Appendices

INFORMED CONSENT
Summer 1996

Land Use Interviews and Mapping

Impacts of Disturbance Regimes on Traditional Land Use and
Cultural Practices of the Lake Babine Nation
Joint Research Project of the Lake Babine Nation and University of Northern BC (UNBC)

I,
, have agreed to be in this research study on Impacts on
Traditional Uses within my trapline area. I understand that one UNBC student and a Treaty
Researcher will be present during my interview.
I understand that my participation is voluntary and that I will not be paid for interviews. I may
decline to answer any or all questions and may withdraw from the interview at any time without
any penalty. I consent to have the interview taped and a confidential copy of the transcribed
interview kept at the Treaty Research Office in Bums Lake.
Maps and other information resulting from these interviews will be used for the purposes of this
project only. Confidentiality regarding specific sensitive geographic locations will be protected on
both computer (digital-GIS) and hard copy maps. If I should have any questions about the research
I can contact the Treaty Research Office in Bums Lake.

Participant's Signature

Date

Interviewer - UNBC
Angela Sinclair

Date

Interviewer- Lake Babine Nation
Norbert Dennis, Hereditary Chief (Ske leelh)

Date

UNBC Research Ethics Committee
Certificate of Ethics Approval

Name of Researcher:
Title of Research ro~~~:

~~ ""'--

'' l

4 ~ fJ D ~~ ~~

~' -,~ G-.-/) ~ . . . "

I certify that this project was given ethics approval by the UNBC
Research Ethics Committee

Signed:

\ ,)(L

~~-~ Date: ""2.6 0., f ~

&an of Research and Graduate Studies

103
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