CONNECTIONS BETWEEN LAND AND WELLBEING: PERSPECTIVES OF
FIRST NATIONS YOUTH IN THE COMMUNITY OF SAIK’UZ

by

Lindsay Nicole Beck
BSc., University o f Alberta, 2008

THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF SCIENCES
IN
HEALTH SCIENCES

UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
November 2013

© Lindsay Beck, 2013

UMI Number: 1525690

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ABSTRACT
Guided by decolonizing methodologies and ecosystem approaches to health, this thesis
explores Saik’uz First Nation (SFN) youth perspectives about the connections between land,
health and well-being. The project engaged a small group o f youth (ages 14-27) in a modified
Photovoice project, embedded within a qualitative study. Their experience and photos were
discussed through the Indigenous method o f sharing circles, guided by two Elders, followed
by semi-structured interviews. The research process was developed with a community
research advisor designated by the Chief and Council. Qualitative data was analyzed using
thematic analysis. Four themes emerged that represented how these SFN youth saw the land,
health and well-being as connected and relational. Additionally, the youth described two
main drivers o f change that were impacting these relationships. The youth and Elders’
insights have provided fertile ground for ideas about how to progress ecohealth and First
Nations health throughout the Northern BC landscape.

Table of Contents
ABSTRACT........................................................................................................................................ i
LIST OF TABLES............................................................................................................................vi
LIST OF FIGURES........................................................................................................................ vii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.............................................................................................................ix
DEDICATION................................................................................................................................... x
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION.....................................................................................................1
1.1 Study Objectives and Rationale..................................................................................................1
1.2 Locating Myself as a Learner and a Researcher.......................................................................6
1.3 Outline o f Chapters....................................................................................................................11
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ....................................................................................... 13
2.1 Health and Well-Being o f First Nations and their Y outh...................................................... 15
2.1.1 The Social Determinants of H ealth............................................................................. 18
2.1.2 Efforts at Linkages: Health, and Socioecological Systems.......................................22
2.2 Expanding on the Land: Broad Considerations for First Nations in B .C ............................ 28
2.2.1 ‘Land’ meanings........................................................................................................... 28
2.2.2 Colonization and the Land in British Columbia.........................................................31
2.2.3 From Global to Local: Contemporary Land Considerations.....................................36
2.3 Conclusion.................................................................................................................................39
CHAPTER 3: STUDY CONTEXT...............................................................................................40
3.1 Dakelh Land and Culture......................................................................................................... 40
3.2 The Saik’uz First Nation, British Columbia...........................................................................45
3.2.1 Drivers of Change and Opportunity..........................................................................47
3.3 Conclusion.................................................................................................................................55
CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY AND METHODS................................................................. 56

4.1 Research Approach................................................................................................................... 57
4.1.1 Decolonizing the Research Process............................................................................. 58
4.1.2 Ecosystem Approaches to Health (Ecohealth)...........................................................63
4.2 Methods.......................................................................................................................................71
4.2.1 Photovoice......................................................................................................................71
4.2.2 Research Stages............................................................................................................. 72
4.2.3 Data Collection.............................................................................................................. 90
4.2.4 Data A nalysis................................................................................................................ 91
4.2.5 Ethical Considerations.................................................................................................. 94
4.2.6 Approaches to Research Validity and Q uality...........................................................97
4.3 Conclusion................................................................................................................................. 99
CHAPTER 5: FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION........................................................................ 101
5.1 Elders Voices and Experiences: “New things we learn from the old” ............................... 101
5.2 Youth V oices...................................................................

106

5.2.1 Relationships Among Land, Health and Well-being................................................107
5.2.2 Drivers of Change to the Relationships among Land, Health and W ell-being

127

5.2.3 The Relationships Among Land, Health and Well-Being and the Drivers of
Change....................................................................................................................................139
5.3 Modified Photovoice in the Saik’uz First Nation Context................................................... 140
5.3.1 Reflections on the Saik’uz Youth Photovoice Project............................................ 140
5.3.2 Representation and the Politics o f Creation and Circulation o f Knowledge

144

5.3.3 Considerations for Intergenerational Interactions.................................................... 146
5.3.4 Considerations for Youth Engagement.....................................................................148

5.3.5 Modifications to Photovoice....................................................................................150
5.4 Reflections on the Overall Research Process........................................................................ 151
5.4.1 Collaboration with the Community Research Advisor (C R A )...............................151
5.4.2 Study Limitations........................................................................................................ 153
5.5 Conclusion............................................................................................................................... 157
CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION AND REFLECTIONS..............................................................158
6.1 Land and Health as Interconnected........................................................................................ 159
6.2 Pathways for (Re) Connecting, Fostering and Improving Youth Connections to the
Land for Health and Well-Being...................................................................................................162
6.2.1 Canada and beyond.....................................................................................................163
6.2.2 Provincial/Regional (British Columbia and Northern BC)..................................... 165
6.2.3 Local (Saik’uz First Nation)....................................................................................... 166
6.3 Conclusion............................................................................................................................... 168
REFERENCES.............................................................................................................................. 170
Appendix I - Saik’uz First Nation Letter of Support................................................................ 202
Appendix II - Ethics Approval Certificate................................................................................. 203
Appendix III - Information Sheets and Consent Form s............................................................ 204
Appendix IV- Photovoice G uide................................................................................................. 225
Appendix V - Protocol for Workshop.........................................................................................229
Appendix VI - Protocol for Sharing Circles............................................................................... 231
Appendix VII - Youth Participant Semi-Structured Interview Guide......................................233
Appendix VIII - Post Project Follow-up A ctivities.................................................................. 234

v

LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. Description, Dates & Types o f Data Produced in the Project.....................................77
Table 2. Data Sources and Participant Breakdown.....................................................................91
Table 3. Summary o f themes........................................................................................................107

vi

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Map o f First Nations Traditional Territories o f British Columbia.............................41
Figure 2. Location of Saik’uz First Nation, British Columbia................................................... 47
Figure 3. Sharing Circle #1 with youth and Elder participants .................................................87
Figure 4. A Sunny Day (Elijah).................................................................................................108
Figure 5. (Jasmine)....................................................................................................................... 108
Figure 6.......................................................................................................................................... 109
Figure 7. (Jasmine)....................................................................................................................... 110
Figure 8. In-flight view o f the Saik’uz Community (Adam)................................................... I l l
Figure 9. (Jasmine)....................................................................................................................... 111
Figure 10. (Jasmine)..................................................................................................................... 116
Figure 11. This is a hard working child learning how to tan deer hide (G abriel).................. 116
Figure 12. These are our teachers... Listen and learn (Gabriel)...............................................118
Figure 13. Collecting Medicines (Elijah)..................................................................................122
Figure 14. (Jasmine).................................................................................................................... 122
Figure 15. Soap Berry Patch (Adam), Meat Smoking in the Smokehouse (Gabriel), Catching
Fish (Adam).......................................................................................................................... 123
Figure 16. Flowers at Tatuk (Elijah).......................................................................................... 128
Figure 17. The Stoney Creek (Adam)......................................................................................... 128
Figure 18. We have to protect what’s left o f our lands (Gabriel)............................................129
Figure 19. These creeks are our earth’s veins, keep them clean (Gabriel).............................129
Figure 2 0 .1 took this picture to remind those how beautiful our environment is and to keep it
that way (Gabriel).................................................................................................................129
Figure 21. This represents the glimmer o f hope for the environment (Gabriel)..................... 129
Figure 22. This is a crisp summer night, hopefully more people get to see this (Gabriel).... 129
Figure 23. (Jasmine).....................................................................................................................131

Figure 24. Rocky Hill (Elijah)....................................................................................................132
Figure 25. Connections among Land, Health and Well-Being for SFN Youth Participants..
............................................................................................................................................... 140

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The research and writing o f this thesis was not done in isolation; I was surrounded by strong
support networks of mentors, friends, family, colleagues and peers at every step. An
amazing group o f people helped to make this thesis what it is, or were there to support,
encourage me and make me smile along the way.
My sincerest thanks to the Saik’uz First Nation Band and the community o f Saik’uz for
supporting and believing in this project and this work. Mussi to Jasmine Thomas, for our
many laughs, tears and good times in the back of pick-ups. Your calm energy and your
strength. I couldn’t have asked for a better partner. And to the youth and Elder participants,
Adam, Gabriel, Elijah, Marlene, SQ Jasmine, thank you for embarking on this adventure with
me and for sharing a small glimpse into your lives, your stories.
My incredible supervisor Dr. Margot Parkes (University o f Northern BC). You truly enabled
an incredible learning journey with grace, patience, dedication, commitment, and humour.
You enhanced and expanded my intellectual capacities in ways that I couldn’t have
imagined, I have grown as person, researcher, and writer; deep gratitude.
I would also like to sincerely thank my committee members Dr. Sarah de Leeuw (UNBC)
and Dr. Scott Green (UNBC) and my external examiner Dr. Ross Hoffman. You were a
source o f inspiration as academics and as individuals and you opened my eyes and enriched
this project with a diversity o f perspectives and positions.
There have been many friends who have brightened this process, and cheered me on through
this long journey, you know who you are!
To Justin, thank you for listening to my ramblings, reminding me to relax and exercise! But
mostly for being a warm sense of love and calm in my life. And finally to my mom and dad,
thank you for your continuous support for learning and growing.
Financial support for this research was provided by the University of Northern British
Columbia’s Research Project Award (Spring 2013 Competition). This thesis work was
supported by Kloshe Tillicum CIHR-IAPH Aboriginal Health Research Award, University o f
Northern British Columbia Graduate Scholarship (2012, 2013), CAW Local 2304, Sunlife
Financial Rural and Remote Health Award (2012, 2013) and the McLean Foundation (2013).
No funding agency directed any part o f this research or had any input on the research design,
data-gathering methods, data analysis, project outcomes, or the final presentation o f results.
No funders have ownership of any part of the research presented in this thesis.

DEDICATION
I dedicate this thesis to Jasmine, Elijah, Gabriel, Adam, SQ and Marlene and the Saik’uz
First Nation.

x

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
This thesis documents a community-based project called the Saik’uz Photovoice
Project, embedded within a qualitative study about the connections among land, health and
well-being for First Nations' youth. The research process was informed by decolonizing
methodologies and ecosystem approaches to health (ecohealth), which guided the use of
Photo voice and sharing circle methods.

1.1 Study Objectives and Rationale
The health status of Indigenous people in Canada has improved considerably in the
last several decades, nevertheless, health disparities persist; Indigenous people consistently
experience poorer health than non-Indigenous people in Canada for multiple reasons and
these issues are especially pronounced for youth and children (NCCAH, 2012). Working to
find solutions, policy-makers, practitioners and researchers are often confronted with a
complex web o f interwoven and inextricably linked factors which together have far reaching
implications for the health o f Indigenous youth and their communities. Thus, the health and

1A note on language: I am predisposed to using the term ‘First Nation(s)’ as a term to represent one of the
three groups of Aboriginal peoples recognized by the Canadian constitution (Indians, Metis and Inuit) with
which I was working through the course of this project. According to the Aboriginal Affairs and Northern
Development Canada, (2012) First Nations is “a term that came into common usage in the 1970s to replace the
word "Indian", which some people found offensive. Although the term First Nation is widely used, no legal
definition of it exists. Among its uses, the term "First Nations peoples" refers to the Indian peoples in Canada,
both Status and non-Status”. The term can also replace the word “band” in the name of a First Nations
community. However, in order to preserve the integrity of citations I will maintain whatever terminology is
used therein; e.g. Aboriginal, Native, or Indigenous. When referring directly to the participants in this project, 1
may also use the terminology “Saik’uz First Nation” (SFN) or Saik’uz youth in order to acknowledge their
distinct, place-based identity. Indigenous will also sometimes be used as an umbrella term in order to represent
groups that have a “historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their
territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors o f the societies now prevailing on those territories, or
parts of them” (UN Commission on Human Rights, 1988). However, the usage of this term is not meant to panIndigenize or erase or disregard the great diversity between Indigenous groups.

1

well-being challenges faced by Indigenous children and youth in Canada calls for a holistic2
understanding, an awareness and recognition o f these as serious complex problems, and a
commitment to the rectification o f inequities through innovative and culturally appropriate
means (Greenwood & de Leeuw, 2012).
Among the many complex factors influencing Indigenous youth3 health, an emerging
body o f literature is recognizing the important role o f the “land”, “nature” or “ecosystems” as
they relate to health and well-being at physical, mental, social, spiritual, political, and
economic levels. As Simpson (2002) argues “our spiritualties, identities, languages, and
systems of governance come from the land. The sustenance o f our wisdom, worldviews,
philosophies, and values comes from the land. The source o f our knowledge and our teachers
themselves come from the land and the spirit-world it encompasses” (p. 15). These
considerations demand recognition o f the environment beyond being a source o f hazards
(Parkes, 2011). Connections among land, health and well-being have been underexplored in
the literature, especially for Indigenous youth, and this represents a missed opportunity in
terms o f ways to improve Indigenous youth health, social equity and ecosystem
sustainability.

2

According to The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (2000), holistic is defined as
“incorporating or identifying with the principles of holism”. According to Sunde (2008) “in Western
philosophy, holism is understood as the process of whole-making; the emphasis is on the dynamics of the whole
and the interconnections between things as constitutive participants of a whole that is more that the sum of its
parts” (p.354).
3Youth: There is much indecision on the part of governing bodies about the role of youth in society. This
indecision is reflected in the differing definitions and nuances of the term ‘youth’ in legal, economic, political
and socio-cultural realms, within and between countries, as well as between genders (UNICEF, 2011). For the
purposes of this thesis, ‘youth’ was community-defined as those persons between the ages of 13 and 30 years.

2

Alongside the increasing realization that ecosystems are “indispensable to the
wellbeing of all people, everywhere in the world” (MEA, 2005, p.l), ecosystems are also
facing unprecedented pressure worldwide. According to the UN’s Millennium Ecosystem
Assessment (2005):
Human activity is putting such a strain on the natural functions o f Earth that the
ability of the planet’s ecosystems to sustain future generations can no longer be taken
for granted... Nearly two thirds of the services provided by nature to humankind are
found to be in decline worldwide (p. 5).

Informed by global attention to ecosystem change, Howard (2006) also highlights the
importance of the environment for the health of younger generations: “for many of us, the
environment is something abstract or far away, whereas for our children, its disintegration
will be the single greatest determinant of their health” (p. 215). These ideas are echoed in
key international sustainable development processes such as the United Nations Earth
Summit Agenda 21 (1992) which accepts that, ultimately, the younger generations inherit the
responsibility for taking care of our world and each other, and the decisions made today will
greatly impact their lives into the future.
However, despite their key role and what is at stake, young people are frequently
overlooked when it comes to research, policy development and health and environment
agendas (Blanchet-Cohen et al., 2011; Harper, MacDonald, & Cunsolo Willox, 2010). In the
context of these health challenges, rapidly changing landscapes, societies and communities,
and given the fact that half the Indigenous population in Canada is under 25, the need to
understand and support youth perspectives is becoming more and more urgent (BlanchetCohen et al., 2011). Undertaking initiatives, actions and decision-making in ways that value

3

Indigenous youth and affirm their role as determiners of their own health and well-being can
help to support their influence in shaping the future o f Indigenous health in Canada. The
involvement of youth and their positive contributions merit even more attention with the
imminent establishment of the BC First Nations Health Authority (FNHA) (see also Chapter
3 for more on the FNHA). The establishment of the FNHA involves the delegation of healthrelated decision-making powers to communities, where First Nations will participate directly
in the governance, management, and delivery of First Nations health services (BlanchetCohen etal.,2011).
As one step to addressing these challenges and responding to a notable gap in the
literature, the objectives of the research presented in this thesis were to:

I.

Explore and identify strengths and gaps in the literature in relation to First Nations
youth, health, well-being and the land.

II.

Undertake engaged, empirical work with Saik’uz First Nation (SFN) youth to
discover and explore perspectives on the connections among land, health and well­
being at a community-level, guided by the following research questions:
•

How do Saik’uz youth view their relationship with the land and its influence
on individual and community well-being?

•

What pathways and opportunities exist for SFN youth to heal, foster and
improve connections to the land?

4

III.

Synthesize insights garnered from Objective I and II to identify strategies for bridging
land, health and well-being at multiple levels (community, provincial, national and
international).

This study was made possible through a timely connection between two people with
common concerns, supported by the institutional contexts o f the University o f Northern BC
(UNBC) and the Saik’uz Chief and Council. In August 20111 was connected with Jasmine
Thomas, a member of the Saik’uz First Nation and former UNBC student. Jasmine was
eager to find opportunities for Saik’uz youth to participate in environmental stewardship4
activities and activism as well as to connect to the land5. She felt that it was imperative for
youth to gain skills, capacity and knowledge in order to meet community challenges head on.
She also wished for change at the level o f health systems, programs and policy, where land is
often absent or not seen as an important component o f health and well-being, despite its
central role (J. Thomas, personal communication, August 16, 2011). Our first meetings
informed the development of this research and laid the groundwork for an agreement to
undertake partnered work and to co-design a Photovoice project with Saik’uz youth that
explored the connections between land and health, that would serve as a catalyst for future
4 Environmental stewardship: “a societal response to the decline of natural systems” (Wolf, Blahna, Brinkley,
& Romolini, 2011, p. 14).
5 Land: The preference of the term ‘land’ (instead of words like environment, nature, wilderness) is
strategically chosen for this thesis. For Indigenous people in Canada, the word ‘land’ is used differently with
various meanings. However, this thesis will lean on the RCAP’s all-encompassing biophysical definition of
land for Indigenous peoples: “land is - not just the surface of the land, but the subsurface, as well as the rivers,
lakes (and in winter, ice), shorelines, the marine environment and the air” (RCAP, 1996, p. 439), while
recognizing that Canadian Indigenous peoples’ conceptualization of the land usually includes ecological and
socio-cultural aspects. Additionally, terms like “nature” and “wilderness” have often been used in problematic
ways by settlers and Western science, contributing to marginalization of Indigenous people from their lands.

5

projects planned in the community. As the project unfolded, Jasmine adopted a dual role. In
addition to being designated as an advisor on the project by Chief and Council, as a youth
herself, it was agreed that Jasmine would also participate in the iterative process o f this
research along with a small group of youth and Elders (these dynamics will be described in
more detail in Chapter 4 and discussed in later chapters).
This thesis therefore brings together perspectives from a range of authors and
literatures; from a UNBC graduate student; and from a small group of Saik’uz youth who, in
combination, informed the development o f the Saik’uz Youth Photovoice Project. This
project was designed to explore the relationship of Saik’uz youth and the land, and how they
see the connection or loss of connection to the land relating to their health and well-being.
To achieve the research objectives, the study combined insights from the literature with the
use o f an innovative method (Photovoice) for engaging First Nations youth in the complex
and cross cutting themes of youth, land, health and well-being. In addition, the research
process was informed by my own background and orientation to learning and research, which
is introduced in the next section.

1.2 Locating Myself as a Learner and a Researcher
Although meeting Jasmine and the opportunities and experiences that arose through
that partnership were in some ways governed by chance, we found that we did share a
common ground that was significantly influenced by our own very distinct values and life
experiences: “we carry with us the memory o f many fabrics, a self soaked in our history, our
culture; a memory, sometimes scattered, sometimes sharp and clear, of the streets o f our

6

childhood” (Freire & Freire, 2004, p.23). In research with Indigenous peoples, it is important
to be explicit about those “many fabrics” because it allows for greater transparency in the
research process. One way to do so is by “locating” yourself; explaining who you are, where
you come from, your intentions and why you are investing in the research, as well as
“relationships to the land, language, spiritual, cosmological, political, economical,
environmental and social elements in one’s life” (Absolon & Willett, 2005, p. 98). For these
reasons, the following introductory text is provided in an effort to “locate m yself’ and
provide context to the learning and research presented in this thesis.
I am a Caucasian woman, 28 years old, raised in a middle class family and I come
from humble beginnings. My life began in a yellow single-wide trailer in a sub-arctic and
somewhat isolated community, Yellowknife, Northwest Territories. My childhood was
vibrant and rich. I have always appreciated the beauty and wonder o f the natural world and
its healing capabilities. My backyard, which I called “the mountain”, was more like an
expansive protruding rock rich with forest life and history. Most o f my early life seemed to
be spent up there. From age 12,1 had the privilege o f spending all o f my spare time at my
best friends’ cabin on Prosperous Lake. Summer or winter we would be on our dingy or
snowmobile exploring the crevices o f the lake. Coming from a northern, resource-driven
town, situated in a vast and beautiful land, I have often reflected on the complexity o f such a
setting and its effect on the social, economic, cultural, and political worlds. I feel that because
of my early experiences and origins, I have a clear sense o f and orientation towards
understanding the ways in which we as human beings are connected to the land, mentally,

7

physically, spiritually and emotionally as well as the vulnerability o f that connection in a
changing world.
Immediately after high school, I began a biology degree at the University o f Alberta.
Becoming quickly disenchanted with the biological sciences, I decided to tweak my schedule
to include as many arts-based courses as possible, which allowed me to begin to appreciate
multiple disciplines. I took courses that allowed me to explore the wonders o f the ecosystem,
like parasitology and entomology but I also yearned to learn about our place in it, through the
sociology of equality, and the sociology of social and economic development. It was through
the latter course that I was paired with Ainembabazi through a community-service learning
program. This Uganda-based health and education project took me under their wing, and
soon, I was flying to Kampala as their first Canadian intern. Working with a small village, I
learned about holistic approaches to health and education, the value o f participatory
approaches, and the rewarding experience o f working with youth.
I returned home with a new perspective, and immediately relocated to the Arctic.
There, I coordinated a community-based nutrition and chronic disease prevention program in
Inuvik and Tuktoyaktuk, in the Beaufort Delta Region o f the Northwest Territories. The
promotion of brand-name sugar-free drinks owned by multi-nationals, bananas from the
tropics and country foods, some threatened by climate change - lead to many discussions
about the broader implications of health programming with members of the community and
our program team. I came to realize that missing from the program was a more explicit
awareness o f the socioecological system and the importance o f considering how the decisions
o f a health program can affect the ecosystem and the land, which in turn largely supports the

8

identities, cultures, livelihoods and ultimately health of those we were ‘targeting,’ as well as
future generations. Karen Houle’s opening remarks at a 2009 Waterloo Institute for
Complexity and Innovation seminar entitled: “Is our Concept o f Moral Responsibility
Newtonian?” sum up the challenges I was witnessing at the time. Houle (2009) asserts,
“many disease control programs are no longer effective. In fact, one could argue that health
promotion and disease treatments are causing disease”. Houle goes on to observe that
everything is connected and that there are linkages across scales: “some o f the old tools work
at one level or at one scale, to produce one desired outcome for one original complaint but
these positive outcomes can exacerbate another linked problem at a different scale producing
long-term negative outcomes and collateral damage”.
Throughout the course o f my work in the Arctic, I asked myself: surely there are
approaches out there dealing with such complexity? After speaking with several colleagues I
was nudged towards the field o f ecohealth, which I felt provided a platform for grappling
with the many questions, challenges, and contradictions with which I was being faced.
Finding ecohealth was a turning point for me. After connecting with Dr. Margot Parkes (my
current supervisor) I decided to move to Prince George, BC to undertake a M aster’s degree in
Community Health Sciences at the UNBC and endeavored to find ways to build on lessons
from my experience in the Arctic using the ecohealth lens. Early exposure to courses and
readings in ecohealth continued to shape my thinking as I was introduced to 10 CarrierSekani First Nations communities in the central interior o f BC, as a research assistant for
Carrier Sekani Family Services (CSFS). CSFS was conducting a study that aimed to explore
patterns of food and nutrient intake in 11 communities. The impetus of the CSFS study was

9

that a number o f communities had raised concerns about environmental deterioration (the
contamination o f traditional6 food sources) as well as the loss of traditional lifestyles and
eating patterns in their communities, related to the ongoing environmental, economic, and
sociocultural changes (Holyk, 2009). The experience of the CSFS study reinforced for me
that (re)connection to the land through traditional foods is one o f the most direct pathways
for promoting links between the environment and health o f Indigenous peoples. However,
fostering the connection requires approaches that account for the interconnectedness,
interdependencies and reciprocal relationships that exist between people and their
environments and the broader society (Parkes & Horwitz, 2009).
At the beginning o f my Master’s program I contributed to a discussion document for
the National Collaborating Centre for Aboriginal Health (NCCAH), which explored the
connections between Aboriginal health, land, children and identity. This experience
ultimately shaped my thesis project by opening up new spaces o f intellectual inquiry,
highlighting the many intersections between environment and youth health and well-being,
the dearth o f studies on the issue (especially for Indigenous youth), and the many
opportunities for theoretical considerations as well as community-based, action-oriented
research. Although food remained an interest of mine, I wanted to explore the linkages more

6 Traditional: In this thesis, the use of the term ‘traditional’ (i.e. traditional cultures, practices), although
problematic and contested, is crucial to understanding the current and past interconnections between land,
health, and Indigenous youth. Too often the concept o f ‘traditional’ has been used to relegate Indigenous
peoples to non-forward looking static places from which they cannot progress (Greenwood, Tagalik, & de
Leeuw, 2005). In this proposal, traditional will be used to indicate dynamic, changing strategies, rooted in pre­
contact times, that belong to Indigenous people as opposed to colonial/settler societies (Greenwood et al., 2005).

10

broadly, knowing that food would likely emerge as a key component in the web o f
connections between land and health.
Locating myself in relation to my background provides an important introduction to
the research process and lessons described in this thesis. Ultimately, this context has
impacted and informed every aspect o f this work, most notably my approach to research,
why I have chosen the objectives and research questions in this study and how I have
addressed them, throughout the forthcoming chapters.

1.3 Outline of Chapters
The project presented in this thesis, informed by the literature and my background,
was made possible through the support and collaboration with members o f the SFN,
alongside guidance from the UNBC community. The research process that addressed the
objectives and research questions is described in this thesis through the following structure:
Chapter two provides an overview of the literature and draws from a variety o f fields
and disciplines to discuss areas of knowledge and concepts related to the health and well­
being o f First Nations youth in relation to the land. Chapter three, study context, includes an
introduction to the Dakelh people and their territory as well as the Saik’uz First Nation itself,
including various key historical events and contemporary drivers o f change that have
ongoing effects in the region. Chapter four explores the methodological foundations o f my
research including decolonizing methodologies and ecohealth. This chapter also introduces
the main method employed for the study - modified Photovoice, and presents in detail
various stages undertaken in this research, including the sources and types o f data collected

11

in the research process. Chapter five presents the results o f the main data from the sharing
circles, captions and interviews and includes many examples o f the youth’s photographs to
support the themes. Discussion o f the study findings in relation to the literature is woven
throughout this chapter. Chapter five also includes reflections and lessons learned from the
research process, including study limitations. Chapter 6 brings the thesis to a close with a
synthesis o f the findings as well as some key pathways forward that consider the
interconnections, interrelationships and reciprocities among land, health and well-being and
how these may inform our approaches to addressing the health disparities facing First
Nations youth in Canada.

12

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
Objective I o f this study was to explore and identify gaps in the literature in relation
to First Nations youth, health, well-being and the land. In this chapter I present a review o f
the literature that informed and provided the scholarly background to both asking and
responding to the research questions presented in Chapter 1. The review presents
overlapping areas o f knowledge and concepts in relation to the overarching themes o f youth,
health and well-being and the land. The aim o f this chapter is to introduce key terms used
throughout the research as well as to provide a critical reflection on the literature that
explores these themes and why it was necessary to bring these bodies of literature together in
the context o f this study. The nexus o f First Nations youth, health and well-being and the
land requires an engagement with notions that aim to disrupt the prevalent binary approach to
understanding the world in terms of biophysical or social considerations, and demands
exploration of what Jones and Demerritt (2009) describe as “complex interplays, or
entanglements, between all manner of processes and elements - bio-physical, economic,
cultural, technological, human and non-human” (p.294). By seeing ecosystems and society as
intimately interconnected, an exciting conceptual landscape emerges which involves
relational ways for thinking about the land, nature, society and culture.
This literature review provides background on First Nations youth health and well­
being and the extent to which land-culture-identity considerations are explicitly addressed.
This is followed by an exploration o f emerging efforts and innovations that are seeking to
explore the interrelationships o f land and ecosystems with health and well-being. The next
section explores broad considerations o f the land for First Nations in BC, as well as land

13

meanings, colonization and the land in BC, and ends with a discussion of contemporary land
considerations. Literature that relates more specifically to methodology and methods is
outlined in Chapter 4. In Chapter 5 and 6, this literature will be examined, discussed and
further explored in relation to the study findings.
Because o f the iterative nature of qualitative research, it has been suggested that
writing the literature review should be an ongoing process, as opposed to a one-time effort.
Doing so can be a valuable approach - not least because it allows for “a creative interplay
among the processes of data collection, literature review, and researcher introspection”
(Patton, 1990, p.226). To capture this interplay, some o f the literature review was written
prior to beginning the project, but I also remained open to other areas of knowledge that were
inspired by involvement in the project. This approach to the literature review continued until
December 2012 (see below).
In order to gather the literature that informs this review, electronic databases were
employed including MEDLINE, CINAHL and Google Scholar. Search terms were tailored
for each database to ensure a comprehensive and inclusive search. The literature referenced
includes articles and books located by searching variations on the terms ‘land’,
‘environment’, or ‘nature’, plus ‘health’ or ‘well-being’, plus ‘First Nations’ or ‘Aboriginal’
or ‘Indigenous’, plus ‘youth’ in multiple databases as well as my personal archives.
Additional search methods such as reference list searching within relevant articles and
Internet searching were also employed. The studies selected for this literature review
included both reports o f original research and syntheses o f existing research. Grey literature
was included because o f the scarcity o f peer-reviewed journals that examine the linkages

14

described above. There were no limits placed on publication date, but most publications
ranged from 1983 to December 2012. Although other areas of knowledge informed the
project as it evolved, I attempted to limit the inclusion o f literature in this review to those
published up to December 2012. With a few exceptions (BCTC, 2013; Brazzoni, 2013; Idle
no More, 2013; McMichael, 2013; Peters & Anderson, 2013), literature identified as relevant
from 2013 was considered as points o f reference for Chapter 5 and 6 rather than included in
the review o f the literature.

2.1 Health and Well-Being of First Nations and their Youth
There are multiple conceptualizations o f Indigenous health and healing and each
nation has their own process. Over the last forty years, a process of re-emergence and re­
claiming o f philosophies and healing paradigms has been occurring among Indigenous
people throughout Canada and around the world, with goals of improving health and
wellbeing (Brazzoni, 2013). Progress has been made to characterize individual First Nationspecific conceptualizations of health and well-being in the literature, see for example
Hoffman (2010) and (Adelson, 1998). A recent study determined that ‘wellness’ for BC First
Nations encompassed “a person feeling well emotionally, physically and spiritually and
leading a healthy lifestyle, which involved connection to the land and one’s culture and
beliefs” (FNHC, 2010, p.37). The BC Tripartite First Nations Health Plan (2007), which set
out a series of principles to guide implementation/development o f health services related to
the First Nations Health Authority (expanded in Chapter 3), also recognizes that addressing
health and wellness from a holistic perspective encompasses the “physical, spiritual, mental,

15

economical, emotional, environmental, social and cultural wellness of the individual, family
and community” while addressing “root causes and structural issues” (p. 4). Dakelh-specific
conceptualizations of health are not readily available in the public domain, but I was able to
find two sources. In her study with Dakelh healers and knowledge holders, Brazzoni (2013)
found that the research participant’s worldview o f wellness was based on “the self, body,
mind, and spirit as being interdependent” and the participants held a philosophy that “they
live interdependently with their community, the environment, and the spirit world” (p. 194).
According to Carrier Sekani Family Services, the Dakelh concept o f illness “is closely
related to spiritual beliefs. Illness exists within a holistic framework in which both spiritual
and physical ailment must be treated.. .Various plants are used to cure physical illness and
healers are used to deal with spiritual aspects of wellness” (CSFS, n.d., p.8).
Traditional medicine, which refers to health practices, approaches, knowledge and
beliefs that incorporate plant, animal and mineral-based medicines, spiritual therapies,
manual techniques and exercises (FNHC, 2010), is considered to be “a vital dimension of
Indigenous knowledge, and is also central to cultural continuity and connectedness to the
land” (Pilgrim, Samson, & Pretty, 2010, p.240). Traditional healers themselves embody
traditional models o f healing and are strongly connected with the land, which forms the basis
of their practice (FNHC, 2010).
When considering Indigenous youth in particular, it should be noted that this
population suffers a greater burden o f health inequities when compared with all other youth
across Canada (UNICEF, 2009). The colonial legacy, notably residential schools, exclusion
and government control, has sown the seeds o f intergenerational hardships, which still

16

greatly affect the health and well-being of Indigenous youth in Canada. Blanchet-Cohen,
McMillan, & Greenwood (2011) observe that “colonization and modernity have displaced
indigenous children and youth, and some have lost their role and place in society” (p.91).
The community’s role in youth socialization has also changed considerably (Kirmayer,
Simpson, & Cargo, 2003). As a result, Indigenous youth in Canada are experiencing obvious
gaps and inequities in health.
The health status indicators and determinants of health and wellbeing for Indigenous
children fall greatly below the national averages for non-Indigenous Canadian children
(UNICEF, 2009), indicating that the current system, despite several improvements, is still
failing them. For example, socio-economic and environmental factors are leading to poorer
diets, which are linked to chronic, non-communicable diseases such as diabetes (Willows,
Hanley, & Delormier, 2012). While there are wide variations in rates o f youth suicide
between First Nations bands/communities, in 1999 First Nations youth lost 3-7 times more
years o f potential life compared to Canadians overall (Cutcliffe, 2005; UNICEF, 2009).
Among First Nations communities in British Columbia, suicide rates from 1993 to 2000
varied from zero to 120/100,000, where 12% cent of communities accounted for 90 per cent
of all First Nations suicides (Kirmayer, Simpson, & Cargo, 2003). Sexually transmitted
diseases are 5-10 times the national average, and there is also an indication of the rise in HIV
and AIDS among First Nations youth (UNICEF, 2009). However, despite this grim
statistical portrait, Nigel Fisher, the President and CEO o f UNICEF Canada argues that “we
are truly on the cusp of a social renaissance in this country as Aboriginal peoples gather
renewed strength” (UNICEF, 2009, p.ii).

17

2.1.1 The Social Determinants o f Health
The ‘social determinants o f health approach’ (SDOH), which espouses a more holistic
understanding of health and well-being (compared to the dominant reductionist biomedical
approach), is gaining prominence and showing promise as a way to address the greater
burden of ill health that Indigenous youth experience compared to other youth in Canada
(Greenwood & de Leeuw, 2012). A strength of the SDOH approach is that in addition to its
upstream focus, the SDOH have also been conceptualized in Indigenous-specific ways,
forming the basis for more culturally appropriate solutions to health issues (Loppie-Reading
& Wien, 2009).
The need to address the SDOH for improved health outcomes is rooted in the
Constitution of the World Health Organization, which states:
Health is a state o f complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely
the absence o f disease or infirmity, and that the enjoyment o f the highest attainable
standard of health is one o f the fundamental rights o f every human being without
distinction o f race, religion, political belief, economic or social condition (WHO,
1946).
In 2008, the WHO defined the SDOH as “the conditions in which people are bom, grow,
live, work and age - conditions that together provide the freedom people need to live lives
they value” (p.26). Approaches informed by the SDOH recognize that there are structural,
non-biomedical and non-behavioural factors that impact health. These are now widely
recognized as having a strong influence on the health o f individuals and populations
(Raphael, 2006). Greenwood & de Leeuw (2012) describe that the SDOH approach takes
into account the “causes of the causes of disparities and the causes that underlie the causes of
the causes” (p.381). The SDOH approach was sealed into Canadian health policy in the late

18

1990s, and the prominent WHO publication ‘Commission on the Social Determinants of
Health Final Report’ (2008) further solidified the SDOH concept among policy-makers,
health researchers and professionals worldwide (Manzano & Raphael, 2010; Richmond &
Ross, 2009).
To make the SDOH more manageable, agencies such as Health Canada, the WHO
and health researchers have identified what constitutes ‘key’ health determinants that deserve
special attention (Dyck, 2008); sometimes these are also lined up to match governmental
policy areas or the existing government organizational structures (ministries and
departments) (Raphael, Bryant, & Curry-Stevens, 2004). In many ways the SDOH revisit
what was outlined in the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion (1986): “peace, income,
shelter, education, food, a stable ecosystem, sustainable resources, and social justice and
equity” as key determinants o f health. Other organizations have since expanded the lists o f
key health determinants in the Canadian context, many are still key components of the
dominant discourse (e.g. Evans, Barer, & Marmor, 1994; Raphael, 2004).
Through the growth o f the SDOH approach, several researchers and policy-makers
have advocated the need for Indigenous-specific determinants, given the difference in
cultural health perceptions and aspirations as well as enduring health inequities between
Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples (Beavon, White, Wingert, & Maxim, 2007;
Czyzewski, 2011; Dyck, 2008; Greenwood & de Leeuw, 2012; Mowbray, 2007). In the
Canadian Indigenous context, models o f the determinants o f Aboriginal health that represent
holistic ways o f conceptualizing health such as the “Web o f being: Social Determinants and
Aboriginal Peoples’ Well-Being” (see Greenwood & de Leeuw, 2012, p.382) highlight the

19

interwoven and inextricably linked factors which together, have far reaching implications for
the health o f Indigenous youth and their communities. Loppie-Reading & Wien (2009) also
outline the SDOH across the life course and links SDOH at proximal, intermediate and distal
levels to health inequalities.
Blanchet-Cohen et al., (2011) highlight the far-reaching and important connections
between land, culture7, identity, health and well-being for Indigenous youth: “youth consider
culture as foundational to this well-being, fostering and nurturing identity, and enhancing
opportunities to connect with their community, Elders, and land” (p.106). Yet these
interrelated considerations are also often overlooked in the dominant health discourse
including the SDOH. Assaults on Indigenous culture and rapid changes due to colonization
have challenged Indigenous culture and identity (Kirmayer, Brass, & Tait, (2000). Kirmayer,
Brass, & Tait, (2000), point out that “it is likely that the mediating mechanisms contributing
to high levels o f emotional distress and problems like depression, anxiety, substance abuse,
and suicide are closely related to issues of individual identity. These, in turn, are strongly
influenced by collective processes at the level of band, community, or larger political
entities” (p.611). Lalonde (2006) found that when intact, the intertwined notions o f personal
and cultural continuity serve as a connection to one’s past and present as well as commitment
to the future and “when communities succeed in promoting their cultural heritage and in

7 According to the NCCAH, “culture is a dynamic and adaptive system of meaning that is learned, shared, and
transmitted from one generation to the next and is reflected in the values, norms, practices, symbols, ways of
life, and other social interactions of a given culture” (2010, p.l). But there is much variation in practices,
knowledge and attitudes between individuals within local cultures. Local cultures are constantly evolving and
embedded within larger cultural systems and these also interact and influence each other. Interactions and
influences have been growing in intensity with the power and extent of globalization (e.g. through mass media,
migration) (Kirmayer et al., 2003).

20

securing control o f their own collective fixture - in claiming ownership over their past and
future - the positive effects reverberate across many measures o f youth health and well­
being” (p.67).
In the emerging Indigenous SDOH literature and international dialogue, the “land”,
“environment”, “place” or “country” are starting to be seen as a important determinants of
Aboriginal and Indigenous health (Carson, Dunbar, Chenhall, & Bailie, 2007; Ganesharajah,
2009; King, Smith, & Gracey, 2009; Mowbray, 2007). Although relationships to the land are
recognized as being o f great importance to the health o f Indigenous people, only relatively
recently has connection to land, place or country been explicitly incorporated into health
literature and discussions around the SDOH (Ganesharajah, 2009). Discussions are beginning
to acknowledge the cross-cutting nature of the “land” that relates to health and well-being in
holistic ways, at physical, mental, social, spiritual, political, and economic levels. Yet so far
these concepts are often underdeveloped and mostly do not go beyond broad inferences.
Oftentimes, the word land (or related terms) is mentioned or included in a framework, but the
land-health considerations are one-dimensional, not expanded nor carefully explored.
According to Nettleton, Napolitano, and Stephens, (2007), very few studies aim to examine
the impacts of Indigenous peoples relationship with the land on their health, or as Parlee,
Berkes, & Teetl'it Gwich'in Renewable Resources Council (2005) point out, the health
consequences of severed ties with the land.
Although SDOH approaches are making important advances at addressing ‘upstream’
health challenges and are beginning to address ecosystem considerations, they continue to
dichotomize the world in unhelpful ways that can result in considering complex health issues

21

within a narrow frame that foregrounds the social and neglects the ecological context.
Berkes, Colding, & Folke (2003) describe that creating a dichotomy between social systems
and ecosystems (as opposed to recognizing their deep interconnections and reciprocities) is
artificial and arbitrary. As Parkes (2011) adds, the tendency to separate the social and the
ecological can be limiting, unhelpful or even harmful for those working towards holistic
solutions to addressing Indigenous health.
Thus, when seeking literature that addresses First Nations youth, health, well-being
and the land, it can be seen that the dominant discourse o f the SDOH approach still does not
fully engage with complexities and the cross-cutting nature o f the connections between land,
identity, culture and health and well-being. This disconnect is especially notable for those
seeking holistic approaches to addressing pressing health challenges for Indigenous youth.
To address these gaps, other literatures and fields are emerging with a clear focus on a linked
social and ecological context for health, including ecohealth approaches and emerging
research on the health generating and restorative properties of nature that are considered in
the next section.

2.1.2

Efforts at Linkages: Health, and Socioecological Systems

Although the World Health Organization's Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion
proposed a socioecological8 approach to health in 1986, the challenges o f explicitly linking
g

For consistency throughout this thesis, reference is made to ‘socioecological’ approaches, perspectives (as per
Ottawa Charter, 1986) and systems (Waltner-Toews, Kay, & Lister, 2008) “as a way to explicitly link
environment and society as a context for health” (Northern Health, 2012). Other authors use related terms such
as “social-ecological system” (Berkes & Folke, 1998) or “eco-social system” (Neudoerffer, Waltner-Toews,
Kay, Joshi, & Tamang, 2005) to emphasize the integrated concept of humans in nature; the ecological and the
social.

22

social processes with ecological dynamics, is challenging conceptually and methodologically,
not least since it requires an engagement with complexity and systems understandings.
International efforts to explicitly address the ecological and ecosystems context o f health,
including large-scale contributions such as the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MEA,
2005) have been especially oriented to the contribution of ecosystem services to health and
well-being (Corvalan, Hales, & McMichael, 2005). Building from precedents including the
Ottawa Charter and the MEA, ecosystem approaches to health (often abbreviated to
ecohealth) is an emerging field of research, education and practice that has proposed both
conceptual and methodological responses to these challenges o f linking social processes with
ecological dynamics (Charron, 2012a; Dakubo, 201 la; Webb et al., 2010). Despite the
diversity of this field, and the multitude o f conceptualizations, ecohealth is rooted in
complexity, systemic understandings and participation. These form critical points of
reference when seeking to address long-standing challenges of health, equity and ecosystem
sustainability (Waltner-Toews, 2011). The relatively young field has distinct epistemological
and historical roots reflecting not least a strong influence o f applied and development
oriented research. Ecohealth approaches have been applied by a variety o f researchers,
policy-makers and decision-makers worldwide as a way to engage with complexity, and offer
a set o f principles to guide both research and action with regards to health in the context of
socioecological systems.
The ecohealth literature explicitly engages many concepts that are relevant for
Indigenous health research, most notably for informing approaches to holistic health that see
ecosystems and social worlds as interconnected and interrelated, and recognizing that the

23

determinants of Indigenous health are tremendously complex, with explicit connections with
both ecological and social dynamics that operate at local, regional and global levels (Parkes,
2011).

Ecohealth puts forward both conceptual and methodological considerations for
“understanding and promoting heath and wellbeing in the context o f social and ecological
interactions” (Waltner-Toews, 2009, p.87) that have potential relevance to holistic
approaches to health for First Nations youth. In addition to the methodological features
described in Chapter 4, key conceptual features of ecohealth include the importance of
understanding that social and ecological systems are nested and interdependent. As WaltnerToews (2011) describes “any eco-social unit, e.g. person, family, pond, watershed, can be
seen both as a whole, with it’s own internal rules and interactions, and as part o f multiple,
self-perpetuating nested hierarchies” (p.18). Waltner-Toews (2011) goes on to explain that
the boundaries between the units are permeable, and their description or formulation is value
and “observer-dependendanf’, contingent on the questions we are asking and the socio­
cultural context through which they are being explored (p. 18). Ecohealth is also informed by
other fundamental precepts o f ecology that recognize that “everything is connected (at least
weakly) to everything else” (Kay, 2003, p. 15). This encourages us to see that changes to one
part o f the system can have unintended consequences in other parts at different levels and
scales, in ways that have been represented as a complex web in the context o f Aboriginal
health (Greenwood & de Leeuw, 2012). These concepts resonate with Indigenous youth
health challenges that share the complex characteristics of many health issues including
embeddedness within dynamic systems operating at multiple levels (Parkes et al., 2005)

24

In terms o f conceptualizing the interconnectedness of socioecological systems, David
Walter-Toews’ description is helpful:
In its most general formulation.. .We can say that the people and other organisms in a
system become more connected and organized over time; at some point the
connections become so rigid and complex that any outside stress causes the whole
system to collapse; it is then renewed when the elements (organisms, people)
reorganize themselves into new ways o f sharing nutrients, energy and information
(2011, p.36) .
Ultimately, this thinking complements the longstanding (but often forgotten) idea that
humans are connected to the land, not separate from it and “that changes in the ecological
structure alter the context for the societal systems” while “societal systems not only change
the structure of the ecological systems, but also the context for the self-organizing processes
of ecological systems” (Waltner-Toews & Kay, 2005, p .10). These ideas harmonize with the
relational nature of Indigenous epistemologies which is fluid and nonlinear and recognizes
the interconnectedness o f the physical, mental, emotional, and spiritual aspects o f individuals
with all living things, the land and the universe (Kovach, 2005). This type o f thinking calls
attention to the need for inclusion o f expertise across various types of knowledge, from
Indigenous9 to academic and across disciplines (Parkes et al., 2005).
Complementing the conceptual contributions of ecohealth, a second emerging and
related body of research is exploring the interrelationships between land and health in ways
not addressed by the dominant SDOH discourse. This area of research explores how health

Q

Castellano (2000) distinguishes between three interrelated Indigenous knowledge sources: traditional
knowledge (passed from generation to generation), revealed knowledge (gained spiritually through ceremony
and ritual visions) and empirical knowledge (gained through observation). Indigenous scholar Cajete also adds
contemporary knowledge (gained through experience and problem solving- linked to higher education) (Upham,
2010 ).

25

and nature (ecosystem, land, environment) are not separate, and points to the vital role that
nature plays in human health, well-being and development. Charles, Louv, Bodner, Guns, &
Stahl (2009) synthesized a vast array o f literature that found associations between children’s
disconnection from nature and a range o f contemporary health concerns, including the
childhood obesity epidemic, childhood diabetes, behaviour disorders, depression, and higher
stress. Research across a range of disciplines has also focused on the physiological and
psychological benefits of contact with the natural environment (Berry et al., 2010; HansenKetchum & Halpenny, 2010; Mailer, Townsend, Pryor, Brown, & St Leger, 2006; Munoz,
2009; Pretty, 2004). Specifically for children and young people, researchers have
documented numerous links between contact with nature and positive social, cognitive and
developmental effects, improved mental health outcomes (i.e. ADHD), increased physical
activity, and decreased chronic diseases (i.e. asthma) (Hinkley, Crawford, Salmon, Okely, &
Hesketh, 2008; Kellert, 2005; Townsend & Weerasuriya, 2010).
Despite the obvious relevance of this research to Indigenous peoples, specific
literature on the benefits of contact with nature for the health of Indigenous populations is
almost non-existent (Parlee et al., 2005; Townsend & Weerasuriya, 2010). It appears there is
a lack of literature that examines similar linkages for Indigenous people; how connections to
the land/nature play out in terms o f physical, emotional, mental or spiritual health o f First
Nations youth. Additionally, studies have largely been focused on urban-based people in
industrialized countries (Pretty, 2004). Thus, while literature focused on health generating
and restorative properties of nature are emerging, many gaps still remain in relation to the
connections among First Nations youth, health, well-being and the land.

26

There is also a growing trend toward Indigenous-youth focused outdoor education
programming and wilderness camps, for example, Outward Bound’s Giwaykiwin program
(Lowan, 2009), Igloolik’s Paariaqtuqtut (Takano, 2005), Tribal Journeys (Smethurst, 2012)
and Rediscovery camps (Rediscovery, 2013). These programs focus on land-skills, building
self-esteem, culture, identity and (re)connection to the land. O f these, Rediscovery camps
were specifically identified as a model program initiative in the Royal Commission on
Aboriginal Peoples Report on Health and Healing (Lane, Bopp, Bopp, & Norris, 2002). In
many Indigenous communities throughout Canada, there has been a surge o f interest in
‘culture camps’ as a way to revive cultural practices and connection to the land (Lane et al.,
2002).
This thesis has an explicit focus on the determinants and factors contributing to health
and well-being, with less focus on healthcare and clinical interventions. However, it is
important to acknowledge that the many linkages described in this section overlap with work
around the “therapeutic” uses o f nature. For example, there is a growing movement towards
green care, which is at the interface of healthcare on one side and agriculture, gardening,
landscape and nature conservation, animal keeping on the other (Haubenhofer, Elings,
Hassink, & Hine, 2010). Green care is used in many contexts and for various conditions,
such as therapeutic applications of green exercise activities (green exercise as a treatment
option), Ecotherapy, and Healing Gardens (iCES, 2011). Ecotherapy is described as “the
practice of supporting vulnerable people (e.g., those with disabilities or mental health needs),
to work with nature (both plants and wildlife), with the specific aim of the conservation or
establishment o f a local habitat or green space as a form o f therapy (Hine, Peacock, & Pretty,

27

2008, p.29). Healing Gardens combine a garden within a healthcare setting that is designed to
improve health on a physical, mental, or social level for people in a healthcare facility
(Haubenhofer et al., 2010).

2.2 Expanding on the Land: Broad Considerations for First Nations in B.C
This next section will outline in some detail important considerations and
conceptualizations of the ‘land’ in order to better understand the complex historical,
environmental, political, and social aspects o f this central concept and to set the scene for
how it relates to the health and well-being of First Nations youth in BC.

2.2.1 ‘Land’ meanings
Goeman (2008) points out the complex facets o f the land definition, by
acknowledging that “Indigenous artists, storytellers, word warriors, elders, youth, medicine
men and women, and scholars utilize the word land differently with vital and various
meanings. With the overlapping roles many Indigenous peoples’ undertake, land is also
deployed strategically” (p. 24). The term ‘land’ is likewise strategically chosen for this thesis.
The primary and favoured use of the word “land” (instead o f words like ecosystem,
environment10, nature, wilderness) is intentional as it encompasses the ecological and the
social-cultural and tends to connote a more holistic view of our natural environment, a view
that contains us as human beings. Additionally, terms like “nature” and “wilderness” have

10 The use of the word ‘land’ also helps to eliminate unhelpful associations and patterns that come with the
word ‘environment’ such as the environment tending to refer to the ‘built’ environment or the ‘social’
environment.

28

often been conceptualized and used in somewhat problematic ways contributing to
marginalization of Indigenous people from their lands (Willems-Braun, 1997).
In this section, the review o f the literature elaborates on and examines the concept of
land (in relation to similar terms) as explored in this thesis. Focusing in particular on the
Canadian context, the intent o f this section is not to fix the relationship to the land into a
static categorization, but rather, to acknowledge that Indigenous people have a unique
relationship, historically and in contemporary life, that differs from most forms o f settler
relationship to the environment or ecosystem. There is much diversity among Canadian
Indigenous cultures and Indigenous cultures worldwide in relation to the land. Nevertheless,
Canadian Indigenous people’s conception o f land does seem to be characterized by some
commonalities.
One important point of reference for understanding the relationship between land and
Indigenous peoples in Canada is the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples report (1996).
This report is described as “a touchstone with reference to the histories o f Indigenous peoples
in Canada, the impacts of colonization, and the sociocultural, economic and political
requirements for healthy futures” (de Leeuw & Greenwood, 2012, p.5). The RCAP also
offers an all-encompassing biophysical definition o f land: for Indigenous peoples, land is “not just the surface o f the land, but the subsurface, as well as the rivers, lakes (and in winter,
ice), shorelines, the marine environment and the air” (RCAP, 1996, p. 439). De Leeuw
(2007) points out that for Indigenous peoples in British Columbia, “the land is inextricably
tied to their presence and they are inextricably tied to the land, descendants o f it” (p.42). One
aspect contributing to this relationship is the fact that, prior to European contact, most

29

Indigenous groups in Canada were subsistence cultures and obtained their nourishment from
the land (Dickason, 1997). Wilson (2003) also states that for some First Nations people, the
land does not just represent a physical space but rather, “the interconnected physical,
symbolic, spiritual and social aspects of First Nations cultures” (p. 83). For many, the
centrality of the land plays out through identity in terms o f physical, spiritual, cultural and
emotional bonds (Hudson-Rodd, 1998; Kirmayer et al., 2000; Root, 2011). These meanings,
representations and histories have informed the extensive use of the word ‘land’ in this thesis
and in the research design.
There is also an extensive literature base encompassing the worldviews, philosophies
and perspectives o f ‘nature’ and it is important to explore these in order to help paint a
picture o f the multiple constructed and sometimes problematic understandings o f our world.
The very word ‘nature,’ as observed by Williams (1983) “is perhaps the most complex in the
[English] language” (p. 219) and the “apparent self-evidence and ontological fixity o f nature”
is increasingly being contested within the academy and beyond (Demeritt, 2002, p.768).
Likewise, according to Willems-Braun (1997), “many approaches all too often allow nature
to stand as unproblematized, ahistorical 'object'” (p. 5). Willems-Braun (1997) argues that
especially in the context of the connections between nature and health for Indigenous
peoples, it is critical to decolonize 'common sense' notions of nature. Nature as socially
constructed and historically, geographically and culturally situated is becoming a diverse and
prominent, albeit disputed, conceptualization of the human-nature dyad (Demeritt, 2002;
Whatmore, 2002).

30

The ‘social construction o f nature’ has been used to contradict and critique
conventional understandings o f nature and society (Demeritt, 2002). There is recognition that
‘what counts’ as nature, is constructed in many ways (nature is never a pure category), and it
is the political effects of each construction that is most important (Willems-Braun, 1997).
Willems-Braun (1997) asserts that the general approach o f the natural sciences has
compounded the tendency to create a discrete entity called ‘nature’ or ‘wilderness’ which has
often been conceptualized as separate from colonized peoples and their cultures, allowing for
continued marginalization o f Indigenous people from their lands. The problematic notions of
“nature” and “wilderness” provide further insights that inform the understanding of the word
‘land’ throughout this thesis.

2.2.2 Colonization and the Land in British Columbia
To engage with and understand First Nations peoples’ relationship with the land in
contemporary British Columbia, we must grapple with the legacy o f colonization where
“patterns of colonization have always exploited both people and the land” (Root, 2010).
Although the following discussion is rooted in the past, land considerations are still deeply
entrenched in cross-cutting social, cultural, political and environmental domains throughout
BC and the rest of Canada. In the words o f Comtassel (2012), “despite Prime Minister
Harper’s assertions, that “we” in Canada “have no history o f colonialism”, contemporary
colonialism continues to disrupt Indigenous relationships with their homelands, cultures and
communities” (p.88).
A number o f factors contributed to widespread dispossession of First Nations people
from their lands in BC, including pervasive and taken for granted settler discourses and

31

imperial ideologies, self-interest, extreme imbalances in power, and the momentum of
commercial capital and geopolitical claims (Harris, 2002). Settler discourse centered around
BC as an unoccupied, empty, undeveloped, culturally absent “wilderness” that was theirs for
the taking (Willems-Braun, 1997). Areas that did have some evidence o f land use or cultural
markers by First Nations people were thought o f as inferior to settler uses (Harris, 2002).
First Nations peoples were excluded for failing to “improve or cultivate wilderness nature”
(Demeritt, 2002, p.778; Willems-Braun, 1997).
Through the processes o f colonization and land dispossession, Indigenous people
“often became disconnected from the land in which their cultures, traditional knowledges,
and languages were rooted” (Root, 2010, p.3). Missionary activity, the Indian Act,
disenfranchisement, residential schools and the outlawing o f cultural practices (i.e.
potlatches) continued the breaking o f ties between Indigenous peoples and the land
(Richmond et al., 2005; Richmond & Ross, 2009).
Historically, Canada has attempted to gain access, sovereignty and authority over
Indigenous lands through a variety o f treaty processes and other means. Canada’s land-base
was divided into eleven historic (numbered treaties) and twenty-four modem day treaties
(comprehensive land claim settlements) (AANDC, 2010). However, in BC, with the
exception of the 14 Douglas Purchase Treaties (which cover parts o f Coast Salish territories
on Vancouver Island) and Treaty Eight (which covers some northeastern Dene territories),
historical treaties were absent in BC (Government of British Columbia, 2007).
Despite unceded sovereignty over their lands, by the 1920s, First Nations were
translocated and allocated to small reserves that were scattered all over the province, located

32

within restricted ranges o f their traditional territories (Harris, 2002). The emerging regime o f
private property and orientation towards the market restricted First Nations from accessing
large tracts of their traditional territories where they formerly accessed a variety o f ecological
goods and services (Harris, 2002; Loppie Reading & Wien, 2009; Richmond & Ross, 2009).
Another example of the ongoing interplay between social processes and the land for
First Nations people is the complex landscape that continues to characterize Indigenous
settlement, urbanization and mobility patterns in Canada today. According to Aboriginal
Affairs and Northern Development Canada website, a ‘reserve’ is a “tract of land, the legal
title to which is held by the Crown, set apart for the use and benefit of an Indian band” thus
‘off reserve’ is “a term used to describe people, services or objects that are not part of a
reserve, but relate to First Nations” (AANDC, 2012). According to Place (2012), although
sometimes being on reserve equates to being ‘rural’, and off-reserve equates to being urban,
these terms do not always align. For example, a small portion o f the Indigenous population
lives in reserves that are located within population centers11 (Place, 2012).
The Indigenous population in Canada is increasingly urban. O f the estimated one
million Aboriginal peoples in Canada in the 2006 Census, just over half reside in population
centers in Southern Canada. However, many Indigenous people maintain connections to
their original communities (Statistics Canada, 2008, UAPS, 2010). There is also
considerable mobility between on-reserve/rural communities and off-reserve/population
centers as well as within population centers (Norris & Clatworthy, 2003). The Urban
11 According to Statistics Canada, a ‘population center’ (which in 2011 replaced the previous term ‘urban area’)
“has a population of at least 1,000 and a population density of 400 persons or more per square kilometer.” All
areas outside population centres are classified as ‘rural areas’ (Statistics Canada, 2012b).

33

Aboriginal Peoples Study (UAPS, 2010) found that urban Indigenous peoples and groups
differ significantly in their degree o f urbanization. The least urbanized groups include the
Inuit and Status First Nations whereas the most urbanized groups include Non-Status First
Nations peoples and Metis (who are most likely to have lived in their city 20 years or more).
Adding to the layers, locations of many Canadian cities overlap with the places where
Indigenous people had historically settled and gathered, but colonial processes of
deterritorialization often functioned to remove Indigenous people from newly developing
urban areas and reserves were purposefully located at a distance from urban centers (Peters,
2004). Thus, it is sometimes possible to note a pattern, Canada-wide, where just before
entering a city by road, there is often subtle signage for the reserve located just outside.
Additionally, many Indigenous people who live in population centers are actually residing in
their traditional territories.
A failure to critically address how Indigenous cultures are conceptualized in relation
to rural and urban environments can reproduce unhelpful and damaging stereotypes and
frameworks. In 1992, the Native Council o f Canada noted that: “there is a strong, sometimes
racist, perception that being Aboriginal and being urban are mutually exclusive” (p. 10).
Despite the fact that land-society dynamics are not static, some academic and community
perspectives carry undertones of “true” Indigenous cultures belonging to places far from
cities or belonging to a distant past (Peters, 2002). By implication, culture and identity of
Indigenous people is sometimes not associated with urban living (Todd, 2000). According to
Peters & Anderson:

34

There is a tendency to frame rural and remote locations as emblematic o f authentic or
“real” Indigeneity and as central to the survival o f Indigenous cultures and societies.
While such a perspective may support Indigenous struggles for territory and
recognition as distinct peoples, it fails to account for large swaths o f contemporary
Indigenous realities, not the least o f which is the increased presence o f Indigenous
people and communities in cities (2013, Back Cover Synopsis).
Revisiting the question of ‘land’ in relation to urban Indigenous youth, I draw on
Goeman (2008) who argues that discussions about the meaning o f the land for Indigenous
people should involve “inclusive ways o f thinking about land, and those who are part o f it”
(p. 30), beyond rigid boundaries, territories and jurisdictions. These inclusive ways o f
thinking about land runs alongside discussions of Indigenous identity construction and
Indigeneity, which are “envisioning new boundaries and homelands over time and space”
(Peters & Anderson, 2013, p. 49). Likewise, the conceptualization explored in ‘land’
meanings (Section 2.2.1), whereby nature, culture and society are seen as a myriad o f
“entanglements of elements and processes spanning both sides of the supposed divide”
(Jones and Demerritt 2009, p.295), creates new ways to think about relations to the urban
environment. Jones and Demerritt (2009) point out that cities and their diverse mosaic of
spaces can offer rich habitats and ecological niches for human and non-human life alike, as
well as places to connect to nature. For example, in honouring the University of British
Columbia’s (UBC) place on traditional and unceded Musqueam territory, the UBC Farm,
which is located within Vancouver, provides a site for land-based approaches to Indigenous
health and food security (UBC, 2009), where both humans and non-humans might
collectively flourish.

35

Additionally, in order to limit harmful stereotypes around land, Indigeneity and
urbanity, Peters, Maaka, & Laliberte (2008) argue that instead o f describing the sources of
Indigenous identity (e.g. such as the land), discussions should shift their focus towards how
Indigenous people draw on their “cultural heritage and their experience o f colonialism to
make sense o f their place in contemporary society” (p.3).

2.2.3 From Global to Local: Contemporary Land Considerations
Developments on the international stage, such as the UN Declaration on the Rights o f
Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), provide an important backdrop to contemporary land (and
health) considerations for Indigenous peoples, from global to local levels (United Nations,
2007). Amongst many important statements related to rights to self-determination, health
services and education is the recognition o f land rights:
Indigenous People have the right to maintain and strengthen their distinctive spiritual
and material relationship with the lands, territories, waters and coastal seas and other
resources, which they have traditionally owned or otherwise occupied or used, and to
uphold their responsibilities to future generations in this regard (United Nations,
2007).
Although UNDRIP was eventually endorsed by the Canadian government, the Canadian
government and Indigenous people are still navigating tumultuous relationships in relation to
the land in the context o f changing political, economic, environmental, and social landscapes.
Indigenous people in Canada continue to fight for contemporary recognition o f treaty rights
and the honouring of sovereignty, as exemplified in the recent Idle No More Movement (Idle
No More, 2013) and ongoing legal action, e.g. the Williams Case (Cadman, 2008).
When these dynamics are considered at the provincial level, it is important to
acknowledge BC’s particular socio-political characteristics, including the lack o f First

36

Nations treaties, when compared to other Canadian provinces (Roth, 2002). With a series o f
instrumental court rulings (e.g. the 1997 Delgamuukw case, the 1973 Calder case and the
1990 Sparrow case), the grounds for modem land claims and treaties have been established.
The intention o f modem treaties is to formalize Indigenous rights and title, while
encouraging reconciliation between First Nations, federal and provincial governments
(Miller, 2009). A process, consisting of six stages12 was initiated in 1992 called the British
Columbia Treaty Commission (BCTC), an independent body that acts to facilitate treaty
negotiations among provincial and federal governments and First Nations. Modem treaties
are multifaceted, shifting, lengthy, expensive, complex processes (Miller, 2009). Many First
Nations entered into treaty negotiations, however not all persisted. While successful treaty
implementation may enable some level o f self-determination and community autonomy,
Indigenous landscapes are still defined by external governmental authorities and colonial
structures (Roth, 2002).
These land considerations need to be acknowledged in the context of, social,
economic and environmental changes that are occurring on an unprecedented worldwide
scale. McMichael (2013) argues that the rate and scale o f change constitutes “a syndrome,
not a set of separate changes, that reflects the interrelated pressures, stresses, and tensions
arising from an overly large world population, the pervasive and increasingly systemic
environmental impact of many economic activities, urbanization, the spread o f consumerism,
and the widening gap between rich and poor both within and between countries” (p. 1335). A

12

The six stages of the treaty process coordinated by the BC Treaty Commission are described in more detail
here: http://www.bctreaty.net/files/sixstages.php

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notable example of these global-local considerations is the unequivocal wanning o f the
global climate system (IPCC, 2007) with impacts that may be damaging, abrupt and
irreversible, with severe impacts on human and natural systems (Heyd & Brooks, 2009).
Indigenous people in Canada are not immune to such changes, resulting in threats to “ways
o f life, knowledge systems, traditional governance systems, foods and cultures” (Simpson,
2002, p. 13). Such climate-related concerns are well-documented among Inuit communities
o f the circumpolar north (Berkes & Jolly, 2001; Bemer, 2005; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2012),
though less so among other localities such as rural First Nations reserves (Parkes, de Leeuw,
& Greenwood, 2011).
Many Indigenous communities are also continuously impacted by environmental
degradation and destruction o f their lands because o f industrial and commercial development
instituted by state governments and multinational corporations (Simpson, 2004). In line with
the arguments presented in the section on ‘Colonization and the Land’, Willems-Braun
argues that positioning Indigenous territories as empty, wild, public lands is still a commonly
used representation today. For example, corporations often exploit lands under the guise of
contributing to the “public good”, which risks diminishing Indigenous struggles for
sovereignty. The Alberta Tar Sands (Aljazeera, 2012) and the Enbridge Northern Gateway
Pipeline project (Hong, 2012) are high-profile examples o f ongoing environmental battles for
Indigenous (and non-Indigenous) people and communities in Canada.

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2.3 Conclusion
While many Indigenous youth are living happy and healthy lives, many still suffer
from a greater burden of poor health and mortality compared to non-Indigenous youth
(UNICEF, 2009). New solutions are needed for closing the health gap, and these require us
to think in new ways. In addition to the rapid development in our understanding o f the
SDOH, the emerging ideas around ecosystem approaches to health linked with the “healthy
by nature” literature are finding new ways to re-integrate ecosystem and the land, human
health and well-being. But these ideas need to be considered within the complex historical,
environmental, political, social considerations of land and Indigenous peoples in Canada. In
this literature review, the need to understand the complexities and cross-cutting nature of the
connections between land, health and well-being has been identified as a promising avenue to
inform holistic approaches that seek to address the pressing health challenges for Indigenous
youth in Canada.

39

CHAPTER 3: STUDY CONTEXT
The following chapter includes an introduction to the Dakelh people and their
territory as well as the Saik’uz First Nation itself. One starting point for considering the
relevance of the interrelated themes o f this thesis is the Saik’uz First Nation: Community
Strategic Plan (2011) which includes the following vision statement:
Saik’uz First Nation is a sustainable and harmonious community. We embrace the
traditions of our Elders to create a community that uses resources wisely for the well­
being of our membership and the future of our youth.
This chapter aims to build on themes discussed in the literature review with a focus
on how they manifest for Saik’uz First Nation, with an eye to various key historical events
and contemporary drivers of change that have ongoing effects in the region.

3.1 Dakelh Land and Culture
For generations, the Dakelh (also commonly known as Carrier) have lived on the
northern edge of the Interior Plateau of northern British Columbia (see Figure 3.1), which is
bordered in the east by the Rocky Mountains, to the north by the Omineca mountains and in
the west by the Coast mountain ranges (Brown, 2002; CSTC, 2007; Ritch-Krc, 1996). This
region is the homeland of 20 distinct Dakelh First Nations communities or bands, each
consisting of one or more reserves (Fumiss, 2004). In the Dakelh language, the names of the
bands are composed of a place name within their respective territory with the suffix -whuten,
meaning “people o f ’ (Fumiss, 2004).

40

Figure 1. Map of First Nations Traditional Territories o f British Columbia.13
Map retrieved from: BC Ministry of Education http://www.bced.gov.bc.ca/abed/map.htm.
Up until the late 19th century, Dakelh cultures were predominantly forest-based with
hunting, trapping, gathering and fishing economies (Ritch-Krc, 1996). The various bands
within the expansive territory that made up Dakelh society were a “diffuse network” as
opposed to a “homogenous unit”, characterized by bonds o f kinship, shared culture and
language as well as complex social and economic relationships (Fumiss, 2004, p.203).
13 This map was designed by the BC Ministry of Education to illustrate the rich diversity of the First Nations
Peoples of British Columbia (BC Ministry of Education, 2012). It was the BC Ministry of Education’s “best
attempt” at reflecting a current situation, but it is important to recognize that boundaries are currently being
negotiated by the First Nations as part of the B.C. Treaty Process. There are complex territorial relationships
involved, reflected in the blended/blurred boundaries on the map.

41

Hereditary chiefs (heads o f extended families) have title over Keyohs, which are
specific land bases that include lakes and waterways (CSTC, 2011). The Keyoh holders are
responsible for taking care o f those lands and have rights to hunt and trap within them.
According to Heikkila (2007):

. .Keyohs are places where it becomes possible for

individuals to attach in a personal way to the land. Other than being places to hunt, fish,
gather and trap, keyohs offer respite and retreat” (p. 141). Bah ’lats (potlatch) and clan
systems were used to regulate and affirm the rights to resources14 within the keyoh (Morris,
1999). Dakelh society is made up of four primary clans: Likh j i bu (Bear), Gilhanten
(Caribou), Jihl tseyu (Frog), and Likh sta M isyu (Beaver) (CSFS, 2011). The animal crests
signify the strong sense o f kinship Dakelh people have with all living beings and the land
(CSTC, 2007).
The language o f Dakelh people is also called Dakelh. Today, approximately 30% o f
the Dakelh population has knowledge o f the language (Statistics Canada, 2007). Dakelh
people strongly value the land, water and air. For example, the Carrier Sekani Tribal Council
(CSTC) describes their land vision as rooted in the philosophy o f “our living and our lives
come out of the land. The land is part o f our family and we a part o f the land” (2007, p 11).
The Dakelh way of life is described as having spiritual, cultural and economic connections

14

In order to remain consistent with the literature, the term ‘resources’ is left intact throughout the thesis when
linked to an original source. However, it is important to note that many Indigenous peoples reject the utilitarian
term “resources” because the use of the term is a way to commodify and marketize Indigenous territories or
homelands as well as Indigenous relationships, responsibilities, and resurgence efforts (Comtassel, 2012).

42

between the people and the land, where “people rely on the health and ecological integrity o f
the land for their survival” (Brown, 2002; CSTC, 2006, p .l 1).
The landscapes on which the Dakelh have traditionally lived are drained by the
Nechako and Fraser rivers in the south and the Finlay, Parsnip and Peace Rivers in the north
and touche on the drainage basins o f the Bulkley, Babine and Skeena Rivers in the West
(Brown, 2002; Ritch-Krc et al., 1996). Some streams, lakes and rivers are abundant in fish
including freshwater species (e.g. trout, char, sturgeon, whitefish), as well as Pacific salmon
that spawn in the headwaters o f the Skeena and Fraser watersheds. The climate can be
described as “continental”, which means that winters are relatively long and cold and
summers are short. Levels of precipitation are considered to be ‘low’ in this region (Brown,
2002).
The social and ecological systems within which Dakelh people have lived have
experienced dramatic changes, especially in the last 150 years. Hartman (1996) highlights
the rate and scale o f changes that have occurred in the basin of the Nechako River in the last
century, especially as a result of hydroelectric development (see description o f the Kemano
project in Section 3.3), forestry, agriculture (grain, hay, cattle, poultry) and the growth in the
human population, each contributing to widespread and cumulative effects. These drivers o f
change will be described in more detail below, as they relate specifically to SFN and the
region (Section 3.2.1).
Despite the extent of changes across Dakelh territories, the landscape is still
dominated by forests. These forests are dynamic living systems, constituted o f wildflowers,
berry bushes, stock-piles o f dead trees and dried-up stumps in clear cuts, mushrooms, ferns,

43

lichens, and mosses in amongst a variety o f tree types including white and Englemann
spruce, sub-alpine fir, black spruce, aspen and lodge pole pine (Brown, 2002). The forested
parts of the landscape provide habitat for ungulates (e.g. moose- however they did not move
into the Nechako valley until 1934) and fur bearing animals (e.g. bears, beavers), rodents
(e.g. rabbit, squirrels) and birds of prey (e.g. eagles), songbirds, grouse, and waterfowl
(Brown, 2002).
In addition to these contextual features, many qualities o f these landscapes and the
social-ecological context are experiential. I have seen the eyes o f many people in the Valley
light up at the mention or sighting o f a moose. I have stood side by side in a circle o f SFN
community members at night, a male black bear splayed out in the back o f a pick-up truck
after a hunt, entrails glistening, and the young people in awe. Scattered amongst the beauty
and the remoteness o f these landscapes are the ominous reminders o f social injustice and
violence that permeate these areas. The section of Highway 16 between Prince George and
Prince Rupert has become known as the “Highway o f Tears,” where at least 18 women, most
of them Indigenous, have gone missing or were murdered (CBC, 2012). It is difficult to go
anywhere in this region without seeing the telltale signs o f a missing woman or road signage
warning against the dangers o f hitchhiking; it is also difficult to go anywhere without
thinking about these women and their families whose lives continue, embedded within the
stories and landscapes of this region.

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3.2 The Saik’uz First Nation, British Columbia
Very little has been written down about the history o f Saik’uz. While many efforts
have been made to collect the stories o f Elders (see Moran, 1988), there is limited human
resource capacity in the community to transcribe, organize and amalgamate archival material
(Personal communication, Jasmine Thomas, May 7, 2013). Rather than attempting to detail
the SFN story, this section introduces the community and highlights drivers o f change and
opportunity that were influencing the SFN context during the period of this study.
The SFN (see Figure 3.2) is located a 15-minute drive away from Vanderhoof,
British Columbia (population 4,480) and approximately 95 km west of Prince George
(population 84,232), the nearest city (Statistics Canada, 2012a). The community is nestled in
amongst lightly rolling grassy hills and beside a lazy creek. SFN services ten reserves
covering 3,236 hectares. The main community is located within the reserve called “Stony
Creek Reserve 1” and the neighbouring “Laketown Reserve 3”. The on-reserve members o f
SFN frequently travel by paved road to Vanderhoof, other neighbouring towns and Prince
George for amenities and services. Although many members have personal modes of
transportation, there is a SFN bus that transports people back and forth from Vanderhoof. It
is also very common to see people hitchhiking between SFN and Vanderhoof.
The name ‘Saik’uz’ comes from a Dakelh word meaning ‘on the sand’. SFN has 905
registered members15; 427 live on-reserve, 474 live off-reserve (4 living on other reserves)

15 Band ‘membership’ entitles band members to live on reserve, vote in band elections and referendums, and
share in band assets (Crey, 2009)

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(AANDC, 2011). In 2006, 36.4% o f the population o f Saik’uz First Nation was under the
age o f 19 (compared to 23.2% in BC overall) (Sunderman, 2009). The community owns and
operates a health center, firehall, potlatch house/campground, daycare, multiplex community
center (currently closed), dance/bingo hall (currently closed) and band office. There is one
convenience store located in the community. The clans o f the SFN are Nulki (Frog) and
Tachek (Grouse), which is a sub-clan o f the Caribou clan. There are also several members o f
the Bear Clan that live in the community. The traditional language of Saik’uz is Southern
Dakelh and today there are approximately 50 fluent speakers, 30 who speak or understand
somewhat and 80 who are learning the language (FPHLCC, 2012).
Despite many challenges, Saik’uz is a vibrant community with strengths in political,
social and environmental activism exemplified by prominent leaders such as Mary John Sr.
and traditional healer, Sophie Thomas. The late Mary John Sr. (1913-2004) was a political
activist, one of the founders o f the Yinka Dene Language Institute and was awarded the
Order of Canada in 1997. The story o f her life is told in the book Stoney Creek Woman
(Moran, 1988). Sophie Thomas (1913-2010) was a healer, and political and environmental
activist who received honourary doctorate degrees in law and medicine from UNBC,
conducted dozens o f workshops and presented at many conferences, universities and schools
throughout North America. A small part of Sophie’s vast knowledge about medicinal plants
and medicines is summarized in the book Plants and Medicines o f Sophie Thomas (Young &
Hawley, 2002) and the short film Warmth o f Love: The Four Seasons o f Sophie Thomas
(2000) directed by Terry Jacks.

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A variety of local stewardship and restoration efforts have also taken place in the SFN
territory. For example, the Carrier-Sekani Tribal Council and the Saik’uz First Nation
initiated the Nulki-Tachick Watershed Restoration Project (1995-2000) in response to the
declining local Rainbow Trout population. The watershed scale restoration approach aimed
to assist the natural recovery o f key riparian and in-stream ecosystem components while
involving community members (including youth and Elders) throughout the course o f the
project (Irvine & McIntosh, 2001).

Figure 2. Location of Saik’uz First Nation, British Columbia. (Created using iPhoto)
3.2.1 Drivers o f Change and Opportunity
This section is informed by the view that health and well-being arises in reciprocal
inter-relationship with the social and ecological context, and is influenced at a variety of
spatial, temporal and political scales (Northern Health, 2012; Parkes et al., 2010). Although

47

not comprehensive, a variety o f key drivers o f change at various scales will be explored in
relation to the community of Saik’uz, people and the land in order to provide a broad
understanding of these dynamics within this context.

Drivers o f change on the land
Saik’uz First Nation, like all o f the Dakelh communities and most First Nations in
BC, maintains unceded sovereignty over their homeland (see section 2.2.3 for background).
The member First Nations o f the Carrier Sekani Tribal Council (CSTC) have designated the
CSTC to coordinate modem treaty negotiations with the provincial and federal government.
The negotiations have been in process since 1993. CSTC is currently in stage four
“Negotiation O f An Agreement In Principle” of the six-stage process (BCTC, 2013).
According to the CSTC (2007), there have been consistent efforts to negotiate interim
protection measures to protect territories pending a final agreement.
Throughout the years of negotiations, there has been no slowing or stopping of
‘development’ on Dakelh lands. Industrial activity near and within the Saik’uz First Nation
traditional territory started in the early 1800’s, especially forest exploitation, agricultural land
use and hydroelectric development, which are all closely linked in terms o f their impact on
river systems (Hartman, 1996). The forestry industry has been the dominant resource sector
in the region and continues to support the area’s economy today (Patriquin, Heckbert,
Nickerson, Spence, & White, 2005). Because o f a convergence o f favourable habitat
conditions, British Columbia is experiencing the largest epidemic o f the Mountain Pine
Beetle (MPB), Dendroctonus ponderosae (Coleoptera: Scolytidae) in recorded history.

48

However, at a provincial scale, the volume o f the attack has declined rapidly since 2005
(Walton, 2013). In 2012, the infestation, had affected over 722 million m3 o f Lodgepole pine
(Pirns contorta) and mortality rates o f merchantable pine volume were at 53% provincewide (Walton, 2013). In the Vanderhoof Forest District, the mortality o f pines peaked in
2005, and as of 2010 the infestation was essentially over. In response, there has been a surge
in timber salvaging and recovery, which increases the frequency and size o f clear cuts and
can result in changes of forest ecology (CSTC, 2007). In June 2010, a large wildfire called
“the Greer Creek fire” swept through parts o f SFN traditional territory fuelled by “strong
winds, dry conditions and beetle-ravaged trees” (Stockton, 2010, para. 1) and ultimately
burned 6,102 hectares of land.
The Kemano project of the Aluminum Company o f Canada Ltd. (ALCAN), which
began in 1950, is the largest industrial presence in the Nechako River Basin. A key feature o f
the project is the Kenney Dam, constructed to serve the enormous power needs o f the
ALCAN aluminum smelter at Kitimat, BC (Windsor & McVey, 2005). When the massive
dam reservoir system was filled in 1952, it flooded hundreds o f kilometers o f wildlife habitat,
agricultural and ranching land and disastrously the village, cemeteries, lands and waters of
the Cheslatta T’En Indian Band (Windsor & McVey, 2006). One version o f the Cheslatta
story was told in a 2010 documentary entitled “Finding our Way” directed by Attili and
Sandercock. Chapter three o f the film weaves through a devastating account o f how the
Cheslatta people were only given ten days to evacuate their traditional lands for higher
ground. Despite being told that their cemetery, graves and spirit houses would be “taken care
o f ’, these sites were torched and an aluminum and concrete memorial erected in their place.

49

The displaced people had to buy property using $50 compensation cheques and ended up in
scattered and disjointed settlements throughout the region. During a second flooding in
1956, another cemetery was flooded and the people spent years looking for remains on the
shoreline, and retrieving floating caskets from the waters (Attili & Sandercock, 2010). The
grievances o f the Cheslatta remain unresolved and continue to be a source of ongoing tension
in the region.
The Kenney dam is located 100 km from the SFN and to this day remains a
contentious issue for SFN and other First Nations in the area. The altered flows of the
Nechako River have resulted in environmental impacts including water temperature changes,
erosion, sedimentation problems and resultant declines in salmon, trout and sturgeon stocks
as well as declines in beaver, muskrat and other wildlife (Hume, 2012). The deep-water
reservoir itself is dangerous for recreational activity due to snags and debris leftover from the
flooding of the surrounding lands (Christensen, 1995).
The Northern Gateway Pipeline is a controversial proposal by the Canadian
corporation Enbridge to construct a twin pipeline between the Alberta Tar Sands and a
marine terminal in Kitimat, B.C. The 1,170 km pipeline would cross more than 800 streams
and rivers as well as numerous First Nations traditional territories, including the SFN.
Additionally, tanker vessels would transport the products from BC’s north coast. The main
concerns center around risks o f an oil spill along the pipeline, tanker accidents and increased
traffic as well as the high-carbon nature of the oil sands project in the face of climate change
(Skuce, 2010). Opposition amongst First Nations is extensive; over 130 First Nations groups
have signed the "Save the Fraser Declaration" opposing the transport of tar sands oil across

50

their lands and waters (Pipe Up Against Enbridge, 2013). Opposition is also growing
amongst some local governments, non-governmental organizations (Elias & Blundell, 2013)
and members o f the public throughout BC (Skuce, 2011).

Socio-Cultural Drivers o f Change
As with other First Nations in Canada, Saik’uz has a history o f colonization,
systematic discrimination, racism, residential schools and forced relocation (Kirmayer et al.,
2003; Richmond & Ross, 2009). Many people from SFN attended Lejac Residential School,
located 10 km west o f Fraser Lake, which was funded by the federal government from 1922
to 1976. Representatives of the Roman Catholic Church administered the school, the men
were ‘Oblates o f Mary Immaculate’, and the women were ‘Sisters o f the Child Jesus’. The
school was named after Father Jean-Marie Lejac, an Oblate missionary who co-founded the
Fort Saint James mission in 1873. Although there is nothing left architecturally of the school
(except for a graveyard and a memorial), like many other residential schools throughout
Canada, memories and stories live on along alongside accounts o f abuse, neglect, and other
hardships. Like most residential schools, LeJac was concerned with assimilation, detaching
First Nations people from land, and annihilating cultural ways that fostered relationships to
land and community (Goeman, 2008). Subsequently, many people who attended residential
school suffered a loss of family cohesion and structure, culture, identity, language and
traditional ways o f life (Kelm, 1998). The youth in this study had parents or grandparents
who attended this school.

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Every year during July 5-7, hundreds o f people from all over Canada gather for the
“Rose Prince Pilgrimage” near Fraser Lake to visit the grave o f a young Dakelh girl who
spent her life at the LeJac Residential School and was known for her devout Catholic faith
and kindness (Peebles, 2013). Years after her burial, her coffin was re-opened and her body
was found to be ‘incorrupt’ (or non-decomposed) and the gravesite is now thought to have
healing capabilities. According to the Prince George Citizen newspaper, “Prince is a religious
icon but also a major figure of peace and reconciliation for the many aboriginal people
touched by Lejac, a residential school with a tragic and horrific history. Prince is one o f the
few positive chapters in the Lejac story” (Peebles, 2013).
Today, there is a daycare but no school in the Saik’uz community. Children and youth
from SFN attend Elementary and High School in Vanderhoof (represented by School District
#91-SD91). According to the SD91 website, there are many Aboriginal Education Staff
whose goal is to “promote and help to ensure the success o f Aboriginal students” (2013). In
the Vanderhoof schools there are Aboriginal Program/Services16 as well as a Dakelh
language program. School district 91 represents 20 schools, located within 13 First Nations
territories and is currently made up o f approximately 39% First Nations students (SD91,
2013). The Saik’uz First Nation created a Youth Council in 2011 and they are in the midst of
hiring a youth coordinator. Despite numerous efforts, many community members feel that
there is a lack of programs and resources for youth and problems related to violence and

16 According to the School District 91 website, the Aboriginal programs and services include: cultural
programs, Carrier language, academic support, home-school coordination, curriculum integration, trips,
conferences, guests, Aboriginal day and student performances.

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substance use continue to affect the community (Peebles, 2011; SFN Community Strategic
Plan, 2011).
There is a complex, sometimes tense and fraught relationship between the people o f
Saik’uz First Nation and the residents o f the neighbouring town o f Vanderhoof that has
received regional and national attention (Moran, 1998). Certain high-profile events have
revealed some undercurrents o f racism and discrimination. In 1976 twenty-one year old
Coreen Thomas, a young First Nations woman in her ninth month o f pregnancy, was struck
and killed by a car while walking back to the reserve in the middle o f the night. A young
white man from Vanderhoof was driving the car. The people of Stoney Creek joined
together to force the justice system to hold an inquest into Coreen’s death. This event drew
nation-wide attention, bringing to light latent tensions in Indigenous/settler relations
characterized by injustices within the courtroom (Moran, 1998).
These types of tensions continue to permeate day-to-day life in the Nechako Valley.
However it is possible to see many ways forward and many positive developments occurring
in terms o f Indigenous and non-Indigenous relationships in the region. For example, the
‘Good Neighbours Committee,’ with partners from a variety of agencies and groups
including the Saik’uz First Nation and the District of Vanderhoof, was formed in 1999 in
order to address local racism. The committee undertakes a variety o f activities such as a
blog, community theatre and other events in order to work toward their mission o f having a
society “where racist behaviour is unacceptable and mutual respect between individuals is
honoured” (Good Neighbours Commitee, 2009, p.l).
Another notable transition of consequence for SFN is the transformative and exciting

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change underway within the governance and vision of First Nations health in British
Columbia. The signing of the BC Tripartite Framework Agreement on First Nation Health
Governance and the 7 directives17 in October 2011 by BC First Nations Chiefs and leaders
put in place the legal basis to transfer the operations of Health Canada’s First Nations Inuit
Health Branch-BC Region to the First Nations Health Authority (FNHC & FNHA, 2013).
Since then, First Nations - including through the work of the First Nations Health Council,
BC FNHA, and First Nations Health Directors Association - have been undertaking a
process of change, directed towards the establishment of a BC FNHA that designs, manages,
and delivers health programs and services for First Nations people. The transfer of functions
from federal, provincial and regional levels to the BC FNHA will occur using a phased
approach, guided by sub-agreements that describe logistics and legalities. There is no
existing model of this type of health governance system in Canada (Kelly, 2011). According
to the First Nations Health Council, Government of Canada, and Government of British
Columbia, (2010, p.8), “the transfer of programs and policy responsibilities to BC First
Nations would facilitate the development of holistic and better integrated programs that could
improve necessary linkages in education, child and family, housing, etc. This would have the
dual benefit of improving health services and facilitating action on the social determinants of
health” . According to the latest Transition Update Newsletter “headquarters functions,
management and administrative functions and policy and program leadership roles” (FNHC

17

The 7 directives include: 1) Community-Driven, Nation-Based, 2) Increase First Nations Decision-Making
and Control, 3) Improve Services, 4) Foster Meaningful Collaboration and Partnership, 5) Develop Human and
Economic Capacity, 6) Be Without Prejudice to First Nations Interests, 7) Function at a High Operational
Standard. The full list and descriptions can be found at: http://www.fnhc.ca/index.php/iFNHA/mission_vision

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& FNHA, 2013, p.4) will be completed on July 2,2013, and the remainder, such as primary
care, environmental health etc., will be finalized in October 2013.

3.3 Conclusion
The Saik’uz First Nation is a Dakelh community with a rich and long history in the
Northern Interior o f BC. A variety o f socio-cultural and land changes continue to influence
the current day realities of SFN members. This study aimed to build on the strengths o f this
community and to explore the pressing and intersecting topics of land, youth and health
within a complex socioecological context alongside a community that has identified these
issues as fundamental for their future well-being.

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CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY AND METHODS
As discussed in the literature review and study context chapters, the issue of
improving Indigenous youth health in Canada should be a priority. However, despite the fact
that the land is integral to Indigenous health, it is often ignored in the way health is thought
of, framed and acted upon. In order to explore the connections between land and health for
Saik’uz First Nations youth within this complex terrain, I aimed to find methodologies and
methods that encouraged an action-oriented approach18 and that could help to address and
acknowledge the complexity of health in socioecological systems, while also trying to avoid
repeating past mistakes o f research with Indigenous peoples. This led to considering and
selecting both decolonizing methodologies and ecosystem approaches to health (ecohealth) to
guide and inform the research design of this study. One approach is not prioritized over the
other, instead they have been drawn on in strategic and interactive ways throughout the
course of the research. This methodological orientation also informed the choice o f
Photovoice, the primary method used in this study, which is located within the
epistemological origins and methodologies o f Participatory Action Research (PAR) and
community-based research.
This chapter will review and describe decolonizing methodologies and ecohealth as
approaches well-suited to addressing the objectives and questions o f this research, followed
by an explanation of modified Photovoice as it was conceived as the central method for this
study. Next, the various stages o f this research project will be outlined, followed by an
overview of the data collection and analysis procedures. Ethical considerations and

18

By ‘action-oriented approach’ I mean that the process of research aims to achieve a social goal (Parkes &
Panelli, 2001).

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approaches to validity and research quality will then be explored, ending with a discussion
about research dynamics.

4.1 Research Approach
As I began my thesis work and set out to explore the connections between land and
health for First Nations youth, I was drawn to approaches that were action-oriented,
acknowledged complexity, and recognized that health is contingent on biophysical, social,
economic and political environments (Webb et al., 2010). The methodological orientation o f
ecohealth offered many points o f reference for research that actively connects ecological and
social determinants of health through the bridging o f disciplines, taking into account a variety
of perspectives and accounting for inequities (Webb et al., 2010). In particular, a growing
number of researchers have found ecohealth helpful for framing their Indigenous research
projects (Flint et al., 2011; Harper, Edge, & Cunsolo Willox, 2012; Johnston, Jacups,
Vickery, & Bowman, 2007; Kingsley, Townsend, Henderson-Wilson, & Bolam, 2013;
Parkes, 2011; Stephens, Parkes, & Chang, 2007; Wesche & Chan, 2010).
However, as I deepened my relationship with the Saik’uz First Nation and confronted
the legacy o f past failures and exploitative dimensions o f research with Indigenous peoples
(Castleden, Morgan, & Lamb, 2012; de Leeuw, Cameron & Greenwood, 2012, Smith, 1999),
I was also prompted to explore methodologies that could more explicitly engage with the
Indigenous struggles deeply embedded in themes o f land and health. I found that
decolonizing methodologies were a good fit, in that a decolonized agenda has the potential to
address the legacy and continuation o f colonialism in research and reminds us to look beyond

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the settler vantage point, “towards honouring Indigenous ‘laws o f the land’” and “our
particular responsibility to this land and its stewards” (Sium, Desai, & Ritskes, 2012, p.3).
For the purposes o f this study, characteristics from decolonizing methodologies and
ecohealth approaches were combined and were often mutually supportive in informing
research design. Their convergence provided good points o f reference for genuine and
critical conversations with the literature, study participants, the community research advisor
and myself.

4.1.1 Decolonizing the Research Process
Combining my interest in innovative participatory and community-based research,
while acknowledging the history o f research with Indigenous peoples in Canada, and my
position as a non-Indigenous, outside researcher, decolonizing methodologies became
particularly important when designing research with youth and Elders in a First Nations
community. This study arose at a time when research approaches conducted on Indigenous
peoples and communities in exploitative and insensitive ways, (Castellano, 2004) are
increasingly being called into question. Along these lines, Denzin and Lincoln (2005)
describe research as “one o f colonialism's most sordid legacies” (p.l).
The scientific tradition in research, firmly established in positivism, has long been the
dominant means of inquiry in Canada and elsewhere. This form o f research has been
associated with the belittlement and rejection o f Indigenous ways o f knowing, and with the
appropriation o f fragments o f Indigenous knowledge, claiming them as discoveries within
positivism (Martin, 2009). Denzin, Lincoln, & Smith (2008) highlight the processes o f
exclusion throughout the research process leading to subsequent objectification,

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generalization and representation and the generation of 'truths' about Indigenous cultures,
which were often used as a tool to justify the oppression o f Indigenous peoples. Visual
images and pictures have also been co-opted or taken by outsiders, which worked to
reproduce status quo and stereotypical interpretations (Brooks, 2009). Linda Tuhiwai Smith,
one o f the most prominent Indigenous scholars to have written about the challenges of
research in relation to Indigenous people, argues that, “research is not just a highly moral and
civilized search for knowledge; it is a set of very human activities that reproduce particular
social relations of power” (p.88). Smith (2005) also states: “the term 'research' is inextricably
linked to European imperialism and colonialism. The word itself, 'research' is probably one
o f the dirtiest words in the Indigenous world's vocabulary” (p.l).
As mentioned, this research project was developed during a period when the
landscape o f research practices involving Indigenous peoples was, and still is, undergoing
significant changes (de Leeuw et al., 2012). Several research philosophies and
methodologies have been put forward as having the potential to address the legacy and
continuation o f colonialism in research, one such methodology being decolonizing
methodologies. In the words o f Sium, Desai and Ritskes (2012), “decolonization is a messy,
dynamic, and a contradictory process" (p.2). Decolonizing methodologies challenge the
researcher to ask critical questions and to design the entire research process in ways that help
redefine research “as a moral and political project that seeks to enhance, rather than simply
describe or define, the lives o f Indigenous peoples” (Martin, 2009, p. 50).
Smith’s (1999) conceptualization o f decolonization recognizes the role o f nonIndigenous peoples becoming ‘allies’ in the decolonization process. An ally is a complex

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term with many meanings, but in the context of Indigenous-non-Indigenous relations,
according to Bishop (2002), an ally is “a member of an oppressor group that works to end
that form of oppression which gives him or her privilege” (p. 12). Davis (2010) argues that
being an ally is about re-envisioning political and personal relationships based on
recognition, respect, sharing, and responsibility, without replicating the continuing colonial
relations. A common goal that runs through Davis’ (2010) examples of alliances and
Indigenous/non-Indigenous relations is the “desire to see longstanding injustices resolved and
a mutual, respectful future realized, whatever the complexities o f getting there” (p. 10). The
complexity of the ally concept is also echoed by Margaret (2010) who suggests that being an
ally is not an ‘identity,’ instead it is a contextual process and a practice developed through
experience and learning.
Given the violent history o f research ‘on’ Indigenous peoples worldwide, and a new
push to engage in research that is community-controlled, ethical and beneficial, Indigenous
research protocols are attempting to clear the way for more respectful and responsible
scholarship. This is elaborated and institutionalized in the Tri-Council Policy Statement on
the Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans19 (see Chapter 9). Aboriginal research
protocols such as Kirkness and Bamhardt’s (1991) 4 R’s framework have also set a precedent
for more respectful and responsible scholarship moving toward ethical, mutually beneficial
and culturally competent research. The 4 R ’s: Respect, Relevance, Reciprocity and
Responsibility have many overlaps with other principles informing participatory research
19

Note: The “CIHR Guidelines for Health Research Involving Aboriginal People” (2007) are no longer CIHR
funding policy. Health research involving First Nations, Inuit and Metis people in Canada is henceforth
governed by the provisions outlined in Chapter 9 of the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for
Research Involving Humans (TCPS).

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(described in this section).
Given the increasing popularity and application o f decolonizing methodologies, it is
extremely important to maintain a critical and reflexive stance. Tuck & Yang (2012) write
about the dangers of adopting “decolonization as a metaphor (and nothing else)”, as it risks
recentering whiteness and extending innocence to the settler through appropriating,
absorbing, adopting, and transposing, instead of supporting true Indigenous struggles for
recognition o f sovereignty and repatriation o f land (p.3). Moreover, Tuck & Yang (2012)
and Sium et al. (2012), argue that much decolonizing work fails to ground itself in the land,
water, and air, and that without this foundation, decolonization can be a sham.
In the same way that decolonizing methodologies demand that the researcher ask
questions of the entire research process, reflexivity is also concerned with process but
involves being attentive and aware of how one ‘thinks about thinking’ (Maranhao & Steier,
1991). Reflexivity draws “attention to the complex relationship between processes of
knowledge production and the various contexts of such processes, as well as the involvement
of the knowledge producer” (Alvesson & Skoldberg, 2009, p. 8). Sandelowsi and Barroso
(2002) expand on the definition of reflexivity:
Reflexivity is a hallmark of excellent qualitative research and it entails the ability and
willingness o f researchers to acknowledge and take account of the many ways they
themselves influence research findings and thus what comes to be accepted as
knowledge. Reflexivity implies the ability to reflect inward toward oneself as an
inquirer; outward to the cultural, historical, linguistic, political, and other forces that
shape everything about inquiry; and, in between researcher and participant to the
social interaction they share (p. 216).
In practice, being reflexive means a continuous consideration and reflection by the
researcher on her or his values, positions, worldviews, beliefs and preconceptions, as well as

61

behaviour, and presence, and how this can impact interactions with the research participants
(Jootun, McGhee, & Marland, 2009). Sultana (2007) describes reflexivity as a vital element
of a decolonized methodology because it requires a critical reflection on politics in the
research, power relations, self, process, representation, as well as researcher accountability in
data collection and interpretation. ‘Good’ ethical guidelines found within institutional
paperwork do not necessarily capture these critical reflections, instead they are negotiated
and grappled with at the various stages o f the research process and sometimes on the spot
(Sultana, 2007). In this way, being reflexive can allow for a shift away from strict codes o f
institutional paperwork, towards reciprocal, respectful and ethical relations (Sultana, 2007).
Informed by the prioritization of a reflexive stance, my views about research and
knowledge production or ways of knowing should be recognized for their influence on my
world-view, attitudes and beliefs that ultimately shape this research. I take the perspective
that research is never neutral and that knowledge is partial, situated and socially produced,
created within the context of inter-subjectivities and the places we occupy (i.e. physically,
spatially, socially, politically, and institutionally) (Staeheli & Lawson, 1994; Sultana, 2007;
Wilson, 2003). Guba and Lincoln (1994) describe the inquirer as more o f an orchestrator or
facilitator o f the research as opposed to a more authoritative role. In keeping with such
perspectives, this thesis does not intend to uncover universal truths, make grand claims, or
present an authoritative account of Saik’uz First Nation (SFN) youth perspectives about land
and health. Partial perspectives and findings in this study will arise from the linked
interactions between the value-laden researcher and the four youth and two Elder
participants, where values are seen as inevitably contributing to the outcomes o f the research.

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Without minimizing the tremendous complexity inherent in the process o f
decolonization, my hope is that this thesis will represent a small contribution, reflected
through research and actions described herein, towards a decolonizing approach to research.

4.1.2 Ecosystem Approaches to Health (Ecohealth)
As introduced in Chapter 2, ecohealth is a developing, yet very diverse, field of
research, education, and practice (Charron, 2012a). From the perspective o f a graduate
researcher, the emerging field is challenging to describe, not least since it has characteristics
that span both conceptual and methodological considerations. Rather than a definitive
guiding framework, it can be helpful instead to see ecohealth as a suite o f mutually
reinforcing ideas, that are informed by a “rich tapestry o f approaches” (Parkes, 2011, p. 1)
drawn from well-established areas o f scholarship. According to Waltner-Toews (2011)
“there is not one way to “do” an ecosystem approach, nor is any study an “ideal” ecohealth
study” (p.2). Even so, ecosystem approaches to health are characterized by some consistent
principles that encourage ecohealth researchers to engage with challenging methodological
considerations including transdisciplinarity, participation and knowledge to action (Charron,
2012a).
Rapport (2013) points out that links between ecosystems and health have been a focus
of transdisciplinary research and practice since the mid-1970’s, borne out o f practical efforts
to link human activity, ecological outcomes and human health. In 1997, Canada’s
International Development Research Center (IDRC) built on these earlier efforts and
launched an Ecosystem Approaches to Human Health research program. Among the diverse
lineages of scholarship that have contributed to the emerging field of ecohealth (Parkes,

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2011), the specific literature on ecosystem approaches to health has paid particular attention
to the development o f guiding concepts and methodological orientations. The IDRC program
on Ecosystem Approaches to Human Health arose in the development context and made a
notable contribution by delineating three ‘pillars’ to guide and inform ecohealth work:
transdisciplinarity, stakeholder participation and attention to social and gender equity (Forget
& Lebel, 2001). Over ten years later, Charron (2012a) expanded these three ‘pillars’ into six
‘principles’: transdisciplinarity, systems thinking, multi-stakeholder participation,
sustainability, equity, and knowledge to action.
As ecohealth thinking has expanded globally, it has also progressed in scope of
application, reaching into the realms o f education (ecosystem health programs in professional
and graduate studies), research programs and investigations, international forums and
mandates, various associations (.International Society fo r Ecosystem Health, and the
subsequent International Association o f Ecology & Health), and academic journals
{Ecosystem Health and subsequent journal Ecohealth) (Rapport, 2013). As an emerging
field, ecohealth continues to navigate persistent challenges, dealing especially with issues
around redundancy and territory across conceptual and methodological terrains (Parkes,
2011) as well as issues of differential power and knowledge between various actors involved
in ecohealth projects (Anticona, Coe, Bergdahl, & San Sebastian, 2013; Cole, Crissman, &
Orozco, 2006). Additionally, ecohealth has been criticized for “demanding too much”, for
example having overly idealistic and lofty goals and intense resource requirements (Leung,
Middleton, & Morrison, 2012, p.14). Informed by these strengths and challenges, the
methodological consideration involved with ecohealth approaches warrants explicit

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consideration for research design.

Knowledge-to-Action through Transdisciplinarity and Participation
When attempting to grapple with complex and real world issues such as disparities in
First Nations youth health in the context o f socioecological systems, researchers and
practitioners are confronted with people who have a major stake in the issue and societal
interest in improving the situation, but also disagreements around the relevance o f the
problem, its causes, and potential solutions (Pohl & Hirsch Hadom, 2008). The concepts o f
knowledge-to-action, participation and transdisciplinarity are key principles o f ecohealth
research that can be applied to research design as well as providing tools for thinking and
action for tackling complex problems in these kinds o f contexts. While none o f these ideas
are unique to ecohealth research, their application within ecosystem approaches to health
highlights a range o f methodological insights that are informative and relevant to the research
context described in this thesis.
The Knowledge to Action principle is aligned with decolonizing approaches and the
importance o f action-oriented endeavors “where knowledge gains are applied in some way to
improve health and well-being, and to promote equity and sustainability” (Charron, 2012b, p.
260). In the ecohealth context, ‘knowledge-to-action’ (KTA) is preferred to the commonlyused term knowledge translation, because “the point is not to achieve some near-prefect level
of knowledge before making a change (the translation)” (Charron, 2012a, p. 17). There are
other similar terms to describe this concept, including ‘knowledge transfer’, ‘research
utilization’, ‘knowledge exchange’, and ‘knowledge mobilization’ (see Graham et al. (2006)
for a description o f terminology). Indigenous communities also have their own form o f KTA

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methods (although not categorized under this term), for example oral traditions, experiential
knowledge, and cross-cultural knowledge sharing (CAHR, 2013). According to Graham et
al. (2006), the Knowledge-to-Action (KTA) process and related concepts and terms, are
“about an exchange o f knowledge between relevant stakeholders that results in action”
(p.22).
Based on a systems view of KTA frameworks as described in Best & Holmes
(2010), various forms o f knowledge (as distinct from data and information) are valued and
seen as mutually dependent and reinforcing. Within this framework, there is also the
recognition that researchers cannot create systems-level change on their own, instead,
collaboration and co-production is required throughout the process across multiple levels of
change (e.g. individual, organization, community) (Best & Holmes, 2010). Similarly,
according to the Canadian Institutes o f Health Research (2012), when KTA is undertaken in
an integrated way (e.g. with participation from those who will be using the knowledge), the
outcomes from the research are more relevant, appropriate and there is a greater likelihood
for uptake and use of the findings. Research collaboration and action oriented approaches in
an Indigenous context complement decolonizing approaches and are often seen as a necessity
with ethical underpinnings. Because o f the need for collaboration among various actors, the
KTA cycle is not just about production and uptake of knowledge, but it also involves
“identifying interdependencies and trade-offs, and negotiating interests” o f those involved
(Best & Holmes, 2010, p. 154).
Working towards ‘knowledge to action’ raises important questions about the ‘types’
of knowledge involved in research projects and therefore links with transdisciplinarity as

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another “principle” o f ecohealth approaches (Charron, 2012a). Many would argue that the
‘wicked problems20’ that are defining the new century cannot be adequately addressed from
individual disciplines, or without inputs from various actors facing different realities.
However, most universities are structured with a tendency to favour uni-disciplinary
formations. Therefore, according to Pohl (2011), knowledge production in the academic
sector evolves in a different structure than that which would help real world issues. This type
o f thinking tends to form the basis and need for transdisciplinarity (TD). Pohl & Hirsch
Hadom (2008) define TD as the art and science o f integrating multiple perspectives and
knowledge cultures, including those outside the academy, in order to create “descriptive,
normative and practice-oriented knowledge” (p. 112) used to address real world issues.
The meaning of TD is still highly contested, and the term is often used loosely, but a
recent review by Pohl (2011) revealed recurrent patterns in the literature, related to the key
features that characterize TD. TD approaches tend to lend themselves to participatory
research, a focus on socially relevant issues, transcending and integrating disciplinary
paradigms, and a search for unity o f knowledge beyond disciplines (Pohl, 2011). Every
approach places different emphasis on each feature. The most suitable approach to TD
depends on the issues or problem and goals o f the project (Pohl, 2011). Pohl (2011) also
suggests that transdisciplinary research can help frame, analyze and process the research
questions in a way that allows them to “grasp the complexity of the issue,” “take the diverse

20

The term ‘wicked problems’ represents “situations where investigators are faced with poorly bounded,
contradictory, incomplete, or changing requirements, and where the solutions to some aspects the problem may
create or reveal other problems...Furthermore, because such problems can be defined from a variety of
apparently incompatible perspectives, there is neither a definitive problem formulation nor an optimal solution”
(Waltner-Toews, 2011, p.6).

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perspectives on the issue into account,” “link abstract and case-specific knowledge” and
“develop descriptive, normative, and practical knowledge that promotes what is perceived to
be the common good” (p.620). However, while characterizations o f TD such as the one
above help to define the concept for the purposes o f this thesis, there is also merit in
recognizing that transdisciplinarity is still an “unfinished project around which there is still
much to be discovered and investigated” (Max-Neef, 2005, p. 12). As such, TD should be
seen as a ‘tool’ and an ongoing ‘project’ (Max-Neef, 2005).
Given that our world is a messy, entangled, complex set o f processes in motion, “our
forms o f knowledge (need to) become entangled and creative in response” (Jones &
Demerritt, 2009, p.297). Informed by an emphasis in the ecohealth literature, the principle
and process of transdisciplinarity offers one approach to grapple with some o f this mess, and
indeed it influenced components of the design of this study. Learning about
transdisciplinarity initially gave me the confidence and partial guidance to go beyond a
disciplinary mind-set, as well as to attempt to undertake research that explicitly engages with
and has relevance to community interests. By engaging beyond disciplinary knowledge,
transdisciplinary thinking drew me towards a partnered and action-oriented approach at the
community level, allowed me to recognize the benefits o f valuing and being informed by
community knowledges (including youth and Elders), and also encouraged me to integrate
knowledge and ideas from different academic disciplines (e.g. health, geography, physical
sciences, creative arts, First Nations and Indigenous studies) into my approach.
Participation in the context o f ecohealth research has been informed by a variety o f
frameworks, including community-based participatory research (CBPR), participatory

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research (PR) and participatory action research (PAR). Although the actual approaches
themselves vary in many ways, according to Dakubo (2011) they share core values,
assumptions and qualities and three unifying features: participatory research, education and
social action. In line with integrated KT (described above, see also CIHR 2012) usually the
community involved is part o f the decision-making process with shared ownership o f the
process. Additionally, participatory research allows for co-learning and the acquisition of
new knowledge and skills for both the participants and the researchers throughout the entire
process. According to Castleden et al. (2012), CBPR can allow new knowledge to be co­
created and disseminated in a way that is mutually advantageous with the goal o f working
towards tangible change that members of the community view as beneficial. Another
characteristic o f the CBPR process are cycles o f reflection, dialogue and action (Castleden,
Garvin, & Huu-ay-aht First Nation, 2008).
Participatory approaches influenced the conceptualization and implementation of this
study in several ways. First and foremost, the decision to work closely with a communityresearch advisor (as described in Chapter 1) was guided by calls for the importance of
drawing on the knowledge and experience o f community partners, shared decision-making
responsibilities and ownership, and building community capacity (Reason & Bradbury,
2001). From there, the project also aimed to have participants themselves play a more active
role in the research (e.g. defining project priorities, goals and methods; and participating
directly in data collection) (Parkes et al., 2012) in order to help address the study objectives
and answer the research questions, while building capacity, enhancing learning and working
towards a process o f change.

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However, it is important to recognize that participatory approaches have many
challenges and critiques ethically, politically, intellectually, and institutionally (Cargo &
Mercer, 2008; de Leeuw et al., 2012; Kapoor, 2001). Although the goals o f participatory and
community-based research methods have values that would seem to accord with decolonizing
methodologies, some scholars question whether such research might, in some cases, sit
uncomfortably alongside decolonizing agendas (de Leeuw et al., 2012). Not only might
participatory projects sometimes fail to live up to the ideals they are based on, but there is
also potential for “such projects to actually reinscribe and retrench unjust relations in the very
pursuit o f opposite aims” (de Leeuw et al., 2012, p. 185). Critiques of participatory,
community-based models o f research also call into question their appropriateness in many
situations due to their burden on Indigenous communities (e.g., human resource challenges).
Some scholars suggest the approach is also, “biased, unreliable, and simplifies the complex
nature of participation and empowerment” (Ballard, 2010, p. 612).
Informed and guided by decolonizing approaches, ecohealth and reflexivity, my
chosen approach to research design was selected to address complex questions around First
Nations youth, health, well-being and the land in meaningful and respectful ways.
Decolonizing approaches helped me to engage with Indigenous struggles deeply embedded in
themes o f land and health, and enabled me in some ways to look beyond my settler vantage
point. They also gestured towards the extreme importance of being critically reflective and
reflexive, and staying attuned to the, “potential hazards o f good intentions” (de Leeuw, et al.,
2012) as well as being aware o f power differentials that are often intrinsic to researcher,
participant and community relationships (Parkes et al., 2012). Ecohealth, KTA, critical self-

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reflexivity, transdisciplinarity and participation helped me grapple with the complexities and
multiple forms of knowledge related to the connections between land, health and well-being
and to design an action oriented, explicitly partnered approach to working with youth in this
community setting.

4.2 Methods
The combination of decolonizing methodologies and ecohealth approaches described
above informed the selection o f the qualitative method o f modified “Photovoice” and
‘modified sharing circles’ for this study. These methods are respectful o f protocols, values,
and beliefs of the community while fully engaging of the participant in a process of
experiential learning (Restoule, 2004). Additionally, in line with the themes and objectives
in Chapter 1 and 2, it was important to find participatory tools that encourage youth to
engage with and think about how health, well-being and the land were connected in their
context.

4.2.1 Photovoice
Photovoice is rooted in Participatory Action Research (Wang, Cash, & Powers,
2000), feminist theory (Kramarae & Spender, 1992) and education for critical consciousness
(Freire, 1970). Photovoice builds on Freire’s methods o f using the visual image to “reflect
the community back upon itself’ and enable people to think critically about their lives, as
well as stimulate dialogue and identify shared concerns (Wang & Burris, 1994, p. 172).
Photovoice draws on feminist theory in many ways, notably through questioning common
understandings o f power, representation and voice and using methods that allow participants
to construct their own knowledge in ways that empower them (Wang & Burris, 1994). Wang
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and colleagues first developed the concept o f Photovoice as a PAR method in 1995 while
working with rural women o f Yunnan province in China (Wu et al., 1995). Since then,
Photovoice has been applied in many contexts, including for participatory needs assessment,
participatory evaluation, participatory health promotion, water resource management
research, biophysical ecosystem service assessments and many others (Wang & Burris, 1997;
Maclean & Woodward, 2012; Berbes-Blazquez, 2012).
The basic goal of Photovoice is to involve the members o f a community in taking
pictures, telling stories about those pictures and sharing the information with policy makers,
thus Photovoice acts as a vehicle to enable people to identify their strengths and concerns,
promote dialogue and affect policy (Wang & Burris, 1997). Overall, Photovoice is meant to
“reach, inform and organize members for social change” (Royce, Parra-Medina, & Messias,
2006, p.81)
In this project, the photographs and the story-telling that complements them carry the
potential to foster different ways of knowing that can enrich the youths’ own understandings
o f the situation. They may also allow for the engagement of youth in research and help
facilitate a “collective consciousness” (Royce et al., 2006, p. 81). The following sections
detail the stages and specifics o f how Photo voice was used in this study.

4.2.2 Research Stages
This community-based research project was organized into four stages, informed by
the “Stages o f Photo voice21” (Wang and Burris, 1997) and the Community-Oriented

21

Wang and Burris’s (1997) themes include: 1) Define the research issue, 2) train the participants, 3) devise
initial themes for taking photos, 4) take pictures, 5) facilitate group discussion, 6) document the stories and 7)
reach the audience.

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Participatory Action Research stages outlined in Parkes & Panelli (2001). The process of
conducting these four stages generated several forms o f qualitative data (see section on Data
Collection).

Stage One - Relationship Building, Research Design and Recruitment
Because I am an out o f province student, and did not have any previous connections in
British Columbia, the first entire year of my Master’s program (September 2010-August
2011) was spent making connections and learning about the region. For example, as I
completed my coursework, I was networking through my school and employment related
activities while also traveling to a variety o f communities through work with Carrier Sekani
Family Services. In August 2011,1 received a suggestion from a friend to contact Jasmine
Thomas, a SFN community member and former UNBC student who was actively involved in
youth engagement activities and environmental activism. When I contacted Jasmine through
e-mail, she was immediately enthusiastic about working together on a project that would
provide more opportunities for SFN youth to connect to the land, and contribute to training
and capacity building in environmental issues both locally and internationally (J. Thomas,
personal communication, August 16, 2011).
During the initial meetings about a potential study, I felt an immediate connection
with Jasmine. Not only were we close in age and very committed to youth-oriented, socially
and environmentally engaged work, but I also sensed that we had a similar energy level and
enthusiasm for this type of work. Jasmine suggested that she would like to work with me and
advise on aspects of the project, inform me about community protocols and assist with
logistics and planning. My supervisor and I deliberated over what the name o f her role

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should be and landed on “community research advisor” (hereafter referred to as CRA). The
early fruitful phase o f this foundational research relationship marked the point at which many
aspects o f my research process began, including keeping regular field notes, familiarizing
myself with UNBC Research Ethics processes and considering the application o f research
design principles to the context of Saik’uz First Nation.
In August 2011, Jasmine facilitated initial contact with SFN Chief and Council and
we were invited to present the project proposal at an upcoming meeting. The early morning
meeting was my first encounter with the community as a researcher representing UNBC. It
was a beautiful late summer morning and I met Jasmine in the parking lot o f the Band Office.
Nervous and ready, I made my way for the front doors. “Just wait,” she said, and for the first
time, in a moment I will never forget, used her thumb to smear charcoal on my forehead, chin
and then sides o f my face; and then prayed for my protection on the territory. She then
placed tobacco from her tom open cigarette into my hand and asked me to release it in the
four directions. East. West. North. South. As I turned in a circle on the pavement, I took in
Sinkut Mountain (the largest peak in the area), a forgotten community garden, the skeleton of
a new housing project, and a daycare playground. The quiet, grounding, intimate space
formed through this gesture was quite distinct as compared to initial experiences in other
research collaborations I had experienced in the past. I felt a sense of calm, gratitude, and
humility that often followed us throughout our work together.
The meeting with Chief and Council that followed was an exciting and positive
experience. The council members made several suggestions to improve the study design, and
supported Jasmine’s role as CRA. Chief and Council approved the research, and drafted a

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letter of support (see Appendix I). In the summer o f 2011 my thesis committee was formed,
and I defended my proposal in November 2011. Afterwards, I applied for REB approval, and
after a round o f edits, received approval on January 17, 2012 (see Appendix II).
Many aspects of the project were co-designed, co-developed and implemented with
the CRA. Through one or two in-person meetings at the beginning of each stage, we co­
designed aspects of the research (see Table 1). The CRA also lead participant recruitment,
co-facilitated the training workshop, and was the main contact and support person for the
participants throughout Stage Three (participant photography). As the project developed I
also became more aware that this partnered research process was being designed in
collaboration with a CRA who was also a member o f an influential family in the SFN
community. Because of community and family dynamics, and the CRA’s role in previous
youth work, it became clear that many of the youth who took part in the study, and ultimately
continued with the study, were also part o f this family (implications to be discussed in
Reflections on the Overall Research Process, section 5.4).
Throughout this stage o f relationship building and research design, field notes and
observations were recorded in a journal regularly, particularly after meetings and
conversations with the CRA or other study participants, my committee, and peers; and also
during relevant conferences and workshops. I also took field notes after having visited the
community, or sites throughout the SFN traditional territory. In my field notes I wrote down
observations and insights, raised questions, explored conflicts, laid out moments o f confusion
and concern, described data collection activities, and wrote down stories told to me by the
participants. These written records would eventually support the writing o f all sections o f

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this thesis but especially the qualitative analysis stage (see Section 4.2.4) and would serve as
a basis for many o f the personal anecdotes embedded throughout this thesis, including this
Methods section.
This first phase of research laid the foundation for an iterative research project with a
small number of research participants who engaged in several stages of data collection. An
overview of the research process in terms o f stages, dates and data is provided in Table 1.
Participant sampling in this study was purposeful. The CRA and I discussed the
recruitment approach that would be used, but ultimately I respected her choices as someone
with intimate knowledge o f the community and familiarity with possible participants. We
agreed it was important to include any youth that demonstrated an interest in the project,
from all backgrounds, clans and families. Recruitment criteria for youth were: (1) between
13-29 years o f age, (2) they and/or their parents able to provide informed consent, (3) reside
in SFN, (4) identify as Indigenous.

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Table 1 Description, Dates & Types o f Data Produced in the Project
Stages

Description

Dates

Procedures/
Actions

Stage
One

Relationship Building/Scoping
and Recruitment - This stage
involved building on relationships
with community contacts (most
notably the Community Research
Advisor) and recruiting youth and
Elder participants.

August 2011 April 2012

-Proposal
defense
-UNBC REB
Approval
-Took part in
anti-Enbridge
rally in Fort St.
James alongside
SFN community
members

Stage
Two

Meeting the Participants,
Photography Training and
Theme Exploration - this stage
involved training the youth in the
Photovoice process and exploring
the themes of Land and well-being
with the participants.
Participant Photography and
Research Refinement - this stage
involved the collection or taking of
photographs of what the youth saw
as connections between land and
well-being and the revision of
plans, participants and timeline for
Stage 4.
Feedback/Reflection & Sharing this stage involved modified
Sharing Circles (SC) & PhotoElicitation Interviews (reflection on
the photographs in groups and
individually). This stage also
involved collating the photos and
stories, and coming up with youthdriven ways to share the stories.

April 28, 2012

Stage
Three

Stage
Four

Post
Project

Follow-up activities - After the
official completion of the project,
several follow-up activities took
place (which are ongoing).

April 28 August 21, 2012

Sharing Circle
(#1):
August 30, 2012
Interviews:
October 7 November 17,
2012
Sharing Circle
(#2):
February 2013
March 2013 ongoing

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Types o f Data
Gathered
& Related
Appendices
-Field notes and
observations

-Workshop
transcripts
-Field Notes and
observations
(Workshop
Protocol: Appx V)
-Participated in
Saik’uz First
Nation culture
camp

-Field Notes and
observations
-Photos and
Captions
(Photovoice Guide:
Appx IV)

-SC Transcripts
- Field notes and
observations
(SC Protocol: Appx
VI)
- Interview
Transcripts
(Interview Guide:
Appx VII)
-No data collected
(List of activities
and examples: Appx
VIII)
- Field notes and
observations

The CRA visited the high school in Vanderhoof and discussed the study informally
with several students from SFN. If a youth was interested in being a part o f the study, the
CRA described the research process and information in the consent forms and obtained
written consent from the youth participant. If the youth participant was under 18 years old,
the CRA also described the study to their parents/guardians and obtained consent. The CRA
also had an idea of two Elders who would be a good fit for the project. She approached them
both, explained the project and their expected roles and obtained their written consent to
participate.
While the CRA was involved throughout the project, it was decided after the
training was completed that Jasmine (the CRA) would also contribute as one o f the youth
participants (see Stage Three). This means that there were a total of four self-identifying
First Nations youth aged 14-27 years who participated in this project from start to finish:
three males (Gabriel, Adam and Elijah) from the Grouse Clan and one female (Jasmine) from
the Frog Clan (who was also the CRA). Two Elders also participated: one male (SQ) and
one female (Marlene), both from the Grouse Clan. Adam and Jasmine had already
completed three years o f post-secondary education at the time o f the study, and Gabriel and
Elijah were in high school (Grades nine and 11, respectively). Two high-school aged young
women attended the first workshop but dropped out o f the study prior to handing in any
photos. Another 21-year old young woman signed a consent form, and received all o f the
photovoice training materials after missing the first workshop, but did not attend any o f the
subsequent gatherings (workshop, or sharing circles) and did not take any photographs.

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Stage Two - Meeting the Participants, Photography Training and Theme Exploration
In keeping with the research approach approved by Chief and Council in Stage 1,
recruitment for the study was the primary responsibility o f the CRA. Therefore, my first
encounter o f the youth and Elders did not occur until an early morning training workshop in
April 2012. When I entered the meeting room in the Band Office I greeted the two Elders,
Marlene and SQ, who were in their late 60s, and were soft-spoken as well as very warm,
gentle and friendly. The youth participants arrived a few minutes later and included Elijah,
Gabriel and two young women (who did not continue with the project after the first
workshop as described above). All o f the youth seemed somewhat withdrawn and uncertain
of the process, but they listened attentively and with interest. Before beginning the
workshop, we all shared a light breakfast o f bagels, fruit, juice, and tea.
To begin the workshop, Jasmine and I introduced ourselves, and briefly gave an
overview of the project. Guided by other Photovoice approaches (Palidroba, Krieg,
Murdock, & Havelock, 2009; Wang & Pies, 2004), we then held a one-hour basic
photography training session which was lead by a local photographer who had several years
o f experience working with the Saik’uz First Nation on various photography assignments.
Next, the CRA and I co-presented about the project, the Photovoice process and the general
themes (land and health). We prompted the youth to consider the following open-ended
guiding questions: 1) From your perspective, what used to be the connections between the
land and well-being fo r the people o f Saik ’uz?, 2) Today, what is your connection to the land,
how does that relate to your wellbeing (or that o f your community)?, and 3) What could the

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connection between the land and wellbeing look like in the future? Also think o f what could
revitalize/revive/enhance the connection to the landfor you in your community?
Next, we led a discussion about cameras, power, and ethics (see Appendix V for
protocol). The issue of safety and how to minimize risks while taking photographs was
discussed, such as following safety considerations while in public or on the land, acting
responsibly towards the public, and respecting the rights and privacy of others (Royce et al.,
2006). In addition to supporting the youth by providing my contact information in case any
problems or questions arose, the CRA was also available to them for guidance and support
throughout the process, in keeping with the approach proposed by Royce et al., (2006). Each
youth participant received a digital camera to use throughout the process (value ~$100). The
Elders attended the workshop in a mentorship role and took part in discussions, but they were
not participating in the photography process (and therefore did not receive a camera).
Each youth participant received a Photovoice Booklet, which contained the key
questions to think about while taking their photos, a FAQs page, Photo Consent Forms (for
taking photos o f people over 18) and Photo Logs (for writing descriptions of their photos)
(see Appendix IV). They were asked to select and write descriptions for twenty o f their
favourite photos. The cut off o f twenty photos was chosen to match studies using similar
methods where participants were given disposable cameras that had a maximum o f 27
exposures (Castleden et al., 2008). Additionally, 20 photos seemed to be a reasonable and
practical number of images for the youth to photograph and describe in the given time period.
The training workshop was audio-recorded with a digital recorder with the permission o f all
participants.

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Throughout the morning I learned that Gabriel and Elijah were 14 and 16 and in
Grades nine and 11, respectively. They both attended high school in Vanderhoof. Elijah
shared with me that he was hoping to take a photography course at school and was excited to
learn more about the subject. He mentioned that he was hoping to get a high quality camera
in the future in order to pursue his interest and he showed me some photos he had already
taken using Instagram. Gabriel was less forthcoming, but I did find out that he had a love for
sports.

Stage Three - Participant Photography and Research Refinement
Although the original objective was to include a wide-range o f youth, it became
clear throughout the course of the project that the youth that remained were from the same
extended family. It also became apparent that this particular family group tends to be more
politically active within SFN including holding many leadership roles in the community
(implications to be discussed in the Limitations Section). The three youth who did not
continue their participation were from less-advantaged families and were also facing many
life challenges at the time of the study.
On receiving their cameras, the remaining youth participants were asked to take
photos over a period of one month anywhere within the SFN traditional territory (in the end
stage three took approximately three and a half months). The initial choice to locate the
project in the SFN traditional territory was informed by the work o f educational scholars and
non-Indigenous scholars alike who feel it is important to help students “develop a sense o f
place, a feeling o f being connected to or at home in their geographical surroundings”
(Lowan, 2009, p.5 5 ). Additionally, due to the interdependent development o f First Nations

81

cultures within specific geographical settings (Cajete, 1994; Lowan, 2009), by grounding this
project in the participants’ traditional territory, discussions about land and well-being can
come alive in these settings. As Lowan describes, the youth “can see the physical features,
hear the sounds or feel the winds present in the stories o f Elders and other knowledge
holders” (p.55).
Because three participants withdrew from the project during this phase, it was decided
that we should try to recruit several more youth participants. Although Jasmine
communicated with several youth, we were only able to recruit one more participant, Adam,
who was also a member of the Grouse Clan. Although he was living in Prince George at the
time of this study, completing his second year o f post-secondary studies, his family still lived
in SFN, he visited frequently and spent the summers working for the band. Adam was very
soft spoken, but we shared numerous stories and enjoyed many laughs throughout the project,
especially during the long drives back and forth from Prince George to SFN.
It was during this participant photography stage that Jasmine shared her preference
that, as a SFN youth who also had much to contribute to the process alongside the other
youth, she wanted to be involved in the photography process and the telling o f her story.
Although I was hesitant at first due to concerns related to representation and power
imbalance, I decided after some consideration that Jasmine would have a dual role in this
project, both as a participant and as a community research advisor. This decision hinged on
the condition that Jasmine and I were to be very attentive to and reflexive about her dual role
throughout the rest of the project, many aspects o f which were recorded in my field notes.

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Jasmine felt that the first annual Grouse Clan culture camp22 (early August 2012)
would be a great time to convene and hold a sharing circle with the youth in the project, as
they were all also participating in the camp. I was invited to attend the camp as a guest, and I
was afforded the considerable privilege of playing with the children, observing the skinning
o f a bear, participating in two moose hunts, learning how to set trap lines, and listening to
Elder’s Creation stories around a campfire. The unique quality o f the culture camp allowed
me to experience, with all o f my senses, the coming together o f youth, land, health, and
community. For the first time since the beginning o f the project, I got to know certain
community members on a deeper level, and quite willingly became the target of relentless
light-hearted teasing and humour. A particularly memorable experience occurred one hot
and muggy afternoon while the camp youth were busy with an art project, and two Elders,
Jasmine and myself sought refuge in the shade. For hours, in a state of sleepy relaxation,
Jasmine and I listened to these women’s stories, observed their gestures, their stares, squints
and smiles between drags on their cigarettes. I was touched and amazed by their stories of
struggle and resilience in the face o f persistent injustice, and their ability to jump seamlessly
through stories o f the past, present and future. During a smudge later in the day, they
thanked me for spending time with them and prayed that the stories and teachings they shared
with me would be passed on.
By the end of my second day at the camp, it became clear that holding a sharing circle
at the camp was not ideal and Jasmine and I decided to defer the sharing circle and reconvene

22

The Grouse Clan Culture Camp has been running for the last two years. It is located on the shores of Tatuk
lake, within SFN traditional territory, which is 1.5 hours from Saik’uz via active logging roads. The site of the
camp is a former SFN village.

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at the end o f August 2012. There were several reasons for this decision. First, I realized
early on that the youth had not quite collected all o f their photos or written their captions. In
fact, they had been waiting for the camp experience in order to take their photos. Secondly,
having a sharing circle at the camp not only would have disrupted the natural rhythm and
plans o f the day but surely would have led many o f the other children, youth and adults to
want to observe or participate, which had obvious implications for confidentiality and study
design.
Although the original plan was to have the youth participants complete the exercise o f
taking photos, writing captions, and submitting the entire package within a month, in reality
the photo taking process alone took approximately three and a half months. After this time, it
became clear that the participants needed an additional impetus in order to compile their
images and write their captions. On August 21, 2012, Jasmine and I organized a gathering in
the computer room o f the SFN Band Office to assist in the uploading of photos to computers
and to go through the process o f selecting photos that best reflected the stories they hoped to
share.
During the gathering, each youth participant sat at individual computers in order to
select their photos, but it is worth noting that there was a lot of discussion and laughter
amongst the youth as they looked at each other’s photos. In terms o f process, first, the photos
from each o f their memory cards were uploaded onto the computer. Next the youth
participants sorted through their own photos, flagging their favourites. Elijah wrote short
titles for each o f his nine photos while Gabriel wrote longer captions for his 20 photos.
Adam submitted captions for his 19 photos several days later by e-mail because he needed

84

more time to reflect. Jasmine chose not to write any captions or titles for her 15 photos. The
process o f selecting photos and writing captions took approximately one hour. Interestingly,
Elijah and Gabriel mentioned that other community and family members had actually
photographed some of their chosen images, because they lent out their cameras throughout
this time period. Unsurprisingly, all of Elijah and Gabriel’s photos and a portion o f Adam’s
photos were taken during the culture camp. Additionally, all o f the photos were taken within
the SFN traditional territory except for Jasmine’s. She also included photos from other
places in Canada (e.g. Ottawa, Fort McMurray, Prince Rupert) and internationally (e.g.
England, Brussels). Gabriel included seven photos o f children and two photos o f adults who
had not consented to having their photo taken. I was unable to display those particular
photos in this thesis because o f the ethical requirements set out at the beginning o f the
project,
Although Jasmine and I had great rapport and kept in frequent contact through text
messaging, e-mail and phone throughout the year, as well as several lunch meetings in
Vanderhoof and Prince George, it was not until one year later (during Stage Three) that I felt
we were developing a friendship and could speak more openly about the project, family, our
past experiences and our future. In the summer o f 2012, we went berry and medicine picking
with other community members and I was given a tour of parts o f the community as well as
sacred sites. We shared many aspects o f our lives during long drives in Jasmine’s pick-up
truck on dusty logging roads or while drinking coffee on the front porch o f her home in
Saik’uz watching the comings and goings o f the community.

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Stage Four: Feedback/Reflection & Sharing
Once the chosen photos were printed, we reconvened with the two Elders and four
youth to share the youth-chosen photos and stories using a modified approach to the
traditional Sharing Circle (see Appendix VI for detailed sharing circle guidelines and Figure
3). The process of the modified sharing circle used in this work was heavily influenced by
Kaaren Dannenmann’s work, “Circle Work for Community Building” described on p. 150151 o f the COPEH-Canada Ecosystem Approaches to Health Teaching Manual (McCullagh
et al., 2012). Sharing circles (and related learning or healing circles) are based upon
Indigenous belief systems and are used in ceremony, healing and group support in many
Indigenous communities in Canada (Stevenson, 1999). Sharing circles are increasingly being
used as an Indigenous method o f inquiry for gathering stories and capturing people’s
experiences. A sharing circle is comparable to focus groups in qualitative research where
researchers gather information on a particular topic through group discussion (Lavallee,
2009). However, the principles of a sharing circle differ: “circles are acts o f sharing all
aspects of the individual—heart, mind, body, and spirit” (Lavallee, 2009, p.29). Sharing
circles often begin with a smudge and prayer. Next, one o f the participants is given a ‘talking
stick,’ whereby only the person holding the object is supposed to speak. Once the first
participant has said what they wanted to say, they pass the talking stick to the person beside
them and the process continues around the circle. Usually there are one to three rounds.
Throughout, the others are to listen carefully and respectfully. In this study, the sharing
circle was modified slightly (e.g. a small amount o f speaking out o f turn occurred), which
allowed for a more organic form of conversation than a strict sharing circle.

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Figure 3. Sharing Circle #1 with youth (only three shown) and Elder participants (Band
Office o f the Saik’uz First Nation)
The dynamics of the modified sharing circle provide important context for the
Findings Chapter. The sharing circle lasted approximately two hours and included three
rounds (i.e. each participant spoke approximately three times), and was audio-recorded with
the permission of all participants. During their turn to speak, the Elders helped to promote
dialogue and told stories to build on the various themes that the youth were describing.
During his turns, Gabriel often gave very brief responses and was prompted at times to
expand on his contributions. He appeared to be quite shy and uncomfortable, however when
talking about particular subjects (e.g. traditional games and sports), he lit up and made the
group laugh with his marked enthusiasm. Elijah started off with somewhat concise
contributions and seemed slightly uneasy and shy at first, but became less so in the
subsequent rounds. During their turns, Jasmine and Adam described their photos through
multilayered stories.
A semi-structured interview protocol was used to guide the collection o f data in the
interviews (see Appendix VII), which explicitly allowed room for the participants to lead the
way. In all o f the interviews, there was room for the research participant to tell their story o f

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the photograph on their own terms (Thomas, 2005). The participants generally had quite a
lot to say about their photos in relation to the themes of the project and were prompted, when
necessary, with follow-up or probing questions to clarify, expand or confirm ideas. The time
length o f the interviews varied from 30 to 45 minutes, and the location of the interviews was
based on the suggestions o f the participants. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with
three of the youth participants (Jasmine, Adam and Elijah) using a conversational format to
elicit and explore perspectives about the participant’s photos (see Table 1).
Although Gabriel originally agreed to do an interview, he seemed hesitant, shy and
nervous. I made sure to explain to him the informal nature o f the interview and let him know
that participating was entirely up to him. When I arrived in Saik’uz for the scheduled
interview, Gabriel was out hunting. Ultimately, although Gabriel never refused, the
interview never happened, as I did not want to push the matter. In retrospect, although there
could have been many reasons for not doing the interview, I feel that Gabriel considered a
one-on-one interview intimidating. Because o f the lack o f interview data, smaller
contributions during the sharing circle, and the fact that nine of his photos were unable to be
used due to lack o f photo consent, Gabriel has a less prominent voice throughout this thesis.
In February 2013, the group o f four youth met again for the second sharing circle
(see Table 1). Although the Elders were invited, they were unable to attend due to personal
reasons. The dynamic changed somewhat without Elder participation. The process carried a
less formal feel, and the sharing circled maintained less structure. A selection o f youth
quotes, stories and photos were placed on a large table, organized under preliminary themes
as discovered through thematic analysis. I went through the themes, supported by photos and

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stories and we had an open discussion about whether the themes resonated with what they
were hoping to convey. Next, we discussed how the youth might like to share the photos and
stories with the community/region and decision-makers/policy-makers. The CRA and I
started the discussion by giving examples o f how work has been shared in other Photovoice
projects, e.g. a photo exhibition/gallery, photo essays, blogs, etc. This session was audio­
recorded with the permission of all participants.
The youth participants were allowed to keep the digital camera at the conclusion o f the
study as a gesture o f appreciation. Many o f the cameras ended up as “community-owned”,
and were brought out during community events such as the culture camp the following year.
Additionally, a hard-cover compilation album of photos and stories (Appendix VIII-B) was
produced for the Elders who participated in the project. An album was also given to the Band
Office and to the High School in thanks for supporting the study.

Post-Project
The last phase o f the study consisted o f having the youth present the findings, stories
and photographs to people that they believed could be interested in creating change and/or
who might be interested in the results. Additionally, a series o f prints and related quotations
were displayed at a Saik’uz Career Fair in March 2013 (see Appendix VIII-C for an
example). During the career fair, the hard-cover album was presented to the SFN Chief after
a short speech by all o f the youth participants (Appendix VIII-B). On May 7, 2013, Jasmine
and I co-presented the findings at the Regional Stewardship Forum in Vanderhoof. On June
29, 2013, enlargements of the same quotes and photos as well as a project poster were put on

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display at the grand opening of “Sophie’s23 Healing Garden” at the BC Cancer Agency
Centre for the North in Prince George (see Appendix VIII-C and D). An Instagram24 account
was also created that displayed a selection o f quotes and stories that the youth were able to
share through their social networks (Appendix VIIII-E). On August 21, 2013, Jasmine and I
co-presented the findings at a SFN Council meeting. Additionally, the band was given a
summary report, a copy of the photo book, a project poster, as well as enlarged prints to be
displayed on the walls o f the band office. The meeting members were very pleased with the
work, and mentioned that this type o f work is important for helping to define “who we are”
as people. They were very interested in the follow-up activities and how to get more youth,
and other community members in general, involved in these types o f projects in the future.
Other features o f these follow-up interactions are discussed in Chapter 5.

4.2.3 Data Collection
In total, four types of data from four sources from the iterative research design were
combined for qualitative analysis (see Table 2 for a breakdown). These sources included 1)
digital-audio recorded sharing circles, 2) digital-audio recorded interview discussions, 3)
photo captions from the youth participants as well as 4) my field notes. Both the sharing
circle discussions and interviews in this project were audio recorded and I transcribed them
verbatim. I also typed up my field notes, which made them searchable. As was described in

23

Sophie Thomas is a respected Dakelh elder and traditional healer in northern BC who passed away in 2010.
The Healing Garden, adjacent to the cancer clinic, was opened in her name. It is made up of the same
indigenous shrubs, flowers and trees Sophie used to make her medicines.
24 Instagram is a service that allows online photo sharing and social networking by enabling its users to upload
photos, apply digital filters and frames to them, attach captions and share the final product on a variety of social
networking services such as Facebook and Twitter.

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section 4.2.2, participants contributed to each of the data types to varying degrees. The
overview in Table 2 shows who contributed to each data type.

Table 2. Data Sources and Participant Breakdown from the Saik’uz First Nation Youth
Photovoice Project
Youth*

Participant
Source of D ata

J

E

A

G

Elders**

***

S

L

M

Workshop #1 Transcript

/

Photo Captions

/

Sharing Circle #1 Transcript

/

Interview Transcripts

/

Sharing Circle #2 Transcript

/

u

= Shaded areas indicate that the participant contributed to the type of data
* Youth Participants: J = Jasmine; E = Elijah; A = Adam; G = Gabriel
** Elder Participants: S = SQ; M = Marlene
***Researcher: L = Lindsay (Note: this column represents field notes that were taken in relation to all
sources of data)

4.2.4 Data Analysis
A thematic analysis approach to the collected data allowed me to identify, analyze
and report patterns and themes across the data set,25 (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Graneheim &
Lundam, 2004; Castleden, 2007; Ritchie & Lewis, 2003). The approach to analysis described
below was primarily informed by very similar strategies proposed in Graneheim & Lundam,
(2004) and Ritchie and Lewis (2003). After transcribing the workshops, sharing circles and

25

In this study, the complete data set that was thematically analyzed included interview, workshop and shanng
circle transcripts, as well as photo captions provided by the youth.

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interviews, as well as typing up the field notes, I started by examining (reading and
rereading) the data set in order to get familiar with the data, taking notes along the way. The
text related to specific content areas was extracted and consolidated into separate labeled
sections of an Excel document. It was then divided into two types of condensed meaning
units: one where the description was close to the text (paraphrased) and another where there
was interpretation of the underlying meaning. Sometimes it was difficult to condense some
of the data as it was already given to me in a condensed form (e.g. the photo captions). The
condensed meaning units were then abstracted and labeled with a code. During this process,
notes about insights, connections to literature and relationships between codes, themes,
categories were also recorded. The process and decision making was fuelled by the literature
that I had read; conversations with my supervisors and committee, the CRA, and study
participants; and consistent revisiting o f my field notes. The field notes allowed me to see
where my thinking was at in that moment and reminded me of key insights and observations.
Following the initial organization o f the data, the codes were reviewed, rearranged,
sorted and modified. The codes were sorted into categories (again, with much reconsolidation
and rearranging) and the underlying meaning o f the categories was formulated into themes.
According to Braun & Clarke (2006), “a theme captures something important about the data
in relation to the research question, and represents some level o f patterned response or
meaning within the data set” (p.82). The process was not linear. It required a dynamic and
creative process of inductive reasoning, thinking and theorizing (Basit, 2003) fuelled by
conversations with my committee, research participants and peers. During the latter phases
of analysis, representative quotations were selected to highlight the main themes and

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categories that were included in the final write-up. Because this was my first experience of
thematic analysis, I felt it was important to fully engage with the thought-process, and
“behind-the-scenes” aspects o f qualitative analysis. Therefore I chose to use this more
“hands-on” and manual method as opposed to utilizing a qualitative analysis software
program such as NVivo.
A notable aspect o f the process o f analysis was that some o f data was in the form o f
stories, especially for the Elders and to a lesser degree the three older youth participants in
the sharing circle and interviews. In the works of Bessarab & N g’andu (2010), Kovach
(2010) and Lavallee (2009) it is clear that sharing circles and open-ended conversational style
methods o f inquiry inspire a more fluid, dynamic storytelling format (as opposed to question
and answer formats). Thus, in some cases, the data from this project was in the form of long
non-linear stories - Kovach (2010) argues that when disaggregated by thematic analysis,
such stories can become fragmented and lose their intended meaning. Therefore, while
maintaining thematic analysis as the overarching data analysis approach, I also explored
narrative analysis. In narrative analysis, stories are kept intact allowing them to speak for
themselves, preserving their integrity, their highly contextual nature, the participants’ voices
as well as the spiritual, emotional, physical, and mental responses they can evoke (Kovach,
2010; Thomas, 2005). The concepts behind narrative analysis opened me up to different ways
of understanding the data; they created room to ask questions like: ‘why is this story being
told to me’? And ‘what does this story tell me about the story-teller’? (Martin, 2009). While
analyzing the data and interpreting the findings, I made sure to hold the meanings behind the
stories in mind, and continued to do so as I devised codes and categories.

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As is common in many Photovoice projects (e.g. Castleden et al., 2008; HansenKetchum, Marck, Reutter, & Halpenny, 2011) the photos themselves did not serve as a form
of data to be analyzed. Instead, the individual who took the photo was the one to provide
their perspectives and interpretations through caption writing, the interview and the sharing
circle (see Table 2 for data type overview). Because the youth participants were asked to
take photographs that represented ideas that were important to them, they themselves were
substantially involved in the first phase o f analysis because they determined, through
photography, what was important (Castleden, 2007). Asking participants to identify their
preferred photos before the sharing circle served as another contribution to the analysis,
allowing the participants to further reflect on and prioritize their perspectives on the
connection(s) between land and well-being. As noted in Castleden (2007), participant
identification of preferred photos also helps the researchers in data analysis and for
communicating back primary participant priorities.

4.2.5 Ethical Considerations
SFN Chief and Council support and approval to conduct the study was obtained in
mid-September 2011 (see Appendix I). Ethical approval was obtained from the University o f
Northern British Columbia Research Ethics Board (REB) in mid-January 2012 (see
Appendix II). Amendments were made for specific details (e.g. choice o f participants to
include their name) and the final string o f appendices is included in Appendix III A-K.
The formal ethics review process is in place to help ensure that research, especially
with humans, is conducted in a way that minimizes harm to research participants (TCPS,
2010). This is especially the case for participants under the age o f 18. In this project several

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measures were taken in order to protect youth from harm. This included a discussion o f risks
and safety when taking photographs (see Chapter 4, Stage Two discussion), as well as
provision o f a list o f resources on hand (such as phone numbers for various community
supports), available in case reflection about certain issues caused stress or other negative
emotional responses. Additional measures for minimizing harm such as informed consent
are described below.
The approach in this research is consistent with Thompson & Van Den Hoonaard
(2002) notion of informed consent being a process and not a time-limited event. For the two
youth under 18, informed written consent was obtained from an authorized third party (e.g. a
parent) by the CRA prior to the first workshop. The CRA explained the nature o f the project,
as well as the risks, benefits, etc. (as outlined in the consent forms), to the youth and their
parents in person and provided an opportunity for them to ask questions. Blake (2007)
argues that formal ethics processes can sometimes undermine or hinder the more dynamic,
fluid, open-ended processes inherent to participatory research relationships. Also, the
formalized process o f gaining informed consent (ultimately through securing a signature) can
be intimidating or feel like a business relationship (Blake, 2007). However, these issues did
not seem to be relevant in this project because o f the participants’ trust in and familiarity with
the CRA. Before the workshop, sharing circles and interviews, verbal consent was obtained
from the youth and Elder participants to ensure ongoing consent.
As stated in the REB forms (see Appendix III A-F), although confidentiality was
impossible to guarantee in the sharing circles, participants were given the chance to choose a
pseudonym that would be used to protect their anonymity in the transcripts, photos and in the

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reports. However, only two participants chose to use a pseudonym (Gabriel and SQ), the
others requested that their real names be used in the work. Participants (or their
parents/guardians) who selected to share their real names signed a privacy waiver (Appendix
III-K). The waiver outlined their wish to waive their right to privacy and anonymity for the
purposes o f the research project and outlined the consequences o f this choice, i.e. that their
real name would be used in discussions about what was said during the interviews and the
sharing circles, and that their names could be included in the final results o f the research, and
any publications, posters, reports, or events related to the research.
Anonymity and confidentiality in terms of photographs o f people was dealt with at
various stages throughout the research process. During the training, participants were briefed
about the ethics of taking photographs, and that taking photographs of people under 18 was
not encouraged as those photographs could not be used in the project. In their packages they
were also given a set o f Photograph Consent Forms (Appendix IV) in order to get signed
informed consent from any individuals that participants wished to photograph. During the
photograph selection phase, if a photograph contained a person who did not give consent, the
youth participants cropped those people out using photo-editing software.
As outlined in the project consent forms (Appendix III), all electronic data collected
during this study was downloaded and stored on a secured password protected hard-drive.
Consent forms were stored in a locked filing cabinet in my supervisor’s lab at UNBC. All
forms o f data recorded for this project and stored at UNBC will be destroyed after a period o f
five years. The only holder of data after five years will be the SFN (the data custodian) where
it will be safely archived at the Band Office for access by First Nations. For this project, a

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compilation o f information was aggregated into a package to be added to the SFN research
library. The package included a USB key filled with the audio recordings, photos, project
materials, and transcripts. The package also included transcripts, photos, project materials
and reports printed and organized into a project binder.

4.2.6 Approaches to Research Validity and Quality
This section presents how the challenges o f research validity and quality were
addressed in this study. I also discuss the strengths and limitations o f the research strategies.
Strategies included triangulation, participant feedback and self-reflexivity.
Triangulation is an approach that can be used to increase/ensure the reliability,
validity or strength o f a study. ‘Triangulation’, according to Denzin (1970) and Thurmond
(2001), is the design of a study where various data sources, investigators, methodological
approaches, theoretical lenses and/or methods o f analysis are combined in order to yield
complementary findings or similar conclusions, in which case the findings become more
credible. Many scholars see the value in using multiple researchers, methods, data sources
and methodologies because it encourages exploration of questions from various angles,
expands the scope, and increases understanding, in the end yielding a more complex (yet still
partial) understanding (Tracy, 2010). In line with these notions, the design of this study was
informed by literature drawn from a wide range o f disciplines, a combination of
methodologies and approaches, and the use of several tools o f data collection (field note
records, workshops, participant photography, interviews and sharing), which produced a rich
data set. The project was also characterized by an iterative element, whereby two main
cycles o f data collection were conducted over a one-year period with a small group o f youth.

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This study was also designed, planned and implemented with a CRA, as opposed to another
investigator, but it still allowed for some discussion and exchange over process while
deepening the development of knowledge and providing more nuanced understandings.
Although triangulation is a useful approach, Tracy (2010) prompts us to remember
that realities are partial, multiple and constructed, and that there is no single reality or truth.
Just because a variety o f data from different sources may appear to converge to a similar
conclusion, does not mean that this reality is the reality. Nor can we assume that if there are
different conclusions from a variety o f sources that some or all o f those conclusions are less
reliable. According to Tracy (2010), data collected using a variety of means does and often
should yield different results.
Another important strategy used to create validity and quality in the research process
is participant feedback, which can be guided through sharing transcripts, findings and
research reports with the participants in order to create space for questions, reflections,
critiques, affirmations and other feedback (Tracy, 2010). In this study, a copy of the
transcripts from the first workshop, first sharing circle and individual interviews were given
to each youth participant once the data was transcribed. Youth were given the opportunity to
make any edits, elaborations and/or note any omissions as they saw fit. Additionally, at a
very early stage in the analysis, the initial draft of preliminary themes was shown to the
CRA, we discussed the relevance o f the themes and whether or not they resonated with her.
This discussion confirmed that the themes seemed to resonate and thus the analysis and
writing process continued. Once I was able to tell the story of the data, integrated with my
own insights and those from the literature, I shared the initial findings/discussion with the

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youth participants and gave them a chance to explicitly engage with and provide reflections
on the representative quotations/stories, and discuss whether the categories and themes were
sensible and meaningful (Tracy, 2010).
Tracy (2010) notes that self-reflexivity is a practice through which quality and
sincerity in qualitative research can be realized. Reflexivity, as introduced in this chapter,
was a constant companion throughout the stages o f research: from building trust, to data
collection, to analysis and finally representation. My field notes included a self-reflexive
commentary about subjective feelings, biases and values; and I made sure to be aware o f and
document power relations, how my presence had impacts on the various settings, and what
was said or not said (Tracy, 2010). Some of these self-reflexive considerations are woven
throughout this thesis in order to share with the reader what I see as important observations,
reactions and realizations. They also help to make explicit the researcher’s role as
‘instrument,’ for example, how my own identity and subjectivities have an influence on the
research and how this relates to accountability in data collection and interpretation (Sultana,
2007; Tracy, 2010). Despite these approaches, as with any study there are limitations. Study
limitations will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 5.

4.3 Conclusion
The decolonizing and ecohealth research principles that underpinned this study provided
a framework for exploring the connections between land and health for First Nations youth
within the context o f socioecological systems, in action-oriented, respectful, responsible and
ethical ways. Guided by a modified Photovoice method and a phased approach, the
participants spent several months taking photos and discussing alongside their Elders the

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connections between land, health and well-being, while reflecting on their lives and
community, and sharing their knowledge. I took a lead role in the analysis o f the data from
the project, but the iterative research design also meant there were opportunities for
discussions with the youth participants to comment on the findings and discuss how they
would like to share them. The emergent relationship with the CRA was integral to the entire
research process. The next chapter highlights the key findings arising from this process,
based on youth and Elder participant perspectives on the connections between land and
health and the many pathways in between.

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CHAPTER 5: FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
The Saik’uz Youth Photo voice Project produced a rich data set, which was analyzed
using the thematic analysis process described in Chapter 4. This chapter presents the
findings that emerged from the analysis and discusses these findings in relation to the
literature in Chapter 2 and in some cases, beyond this to possible new areas o f literature
warranting exploration. The chapter is divided into four sections. As a way to set the scene,
the first section begins with the contributions o f the two Elder mentors in this project. The
next section highlights the voices o f the Saik’uz First Nation youth who participated, from
start to finish, in the project. The quotes from the participants are identified using the
participant name (for which I was given explicit permission to use) or their chosen
pseudonym and the text within the brackets indicates whether it was taken from the
workshop, sharing circle or interview. The images (figures) embedded in the text are those
the participants referred to in relation to the given excerpt(s). The captions written by the
youth are included in the Figure title where applicable. The third section of this chapter
presents reflections on the modified Photovoice project and the fourth section reflects on the
overall research process.

5.1 Elders Voices and Experiences: “New things we learn from the old”
Driven by the request from SFN Chief and Council and supported by the literature,
Elder participation formed an important feature of this project’s design and process. The
Elders’ role in the project was very different from that o f the youth. The Elders were not
involved in the participatory photography process, but they were present at the first workshop
and first sharing circle. In this role, the Elders set the scene in terms of protocol, rhythm and
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dynamic. This section presents key findings gleaned from the presence o f those Elders’
voices.
Two Saik’uz First Nation Elders participated in this study: one woman, Marlene and
one man, SQ, both from the Grouse Clan. Throughout their participation in the workshop
and the sharing circle, much o f their contributions to the conversation were in the form of
stories. As SQ proclaimed: “little short stories, I love what they do these.... new things we
learn from the old” (SQ, Sharing Circle). The tone o f the Elder’s participation in the
workshop and sharing circles was one o f great respect and appreciation for the youth
involved in the project and what they had to say. Their chief interest concerned the passing
on of teachings and stories in relation to their perspectives on the themes o f land, youth and
culture (and tacitly health and well-being). Analysis o f the Elders contributions identified
four general themes: 1) the connection that First Nations people have with the land, 2) stories
and specific procedures related to traditional knowledge and practices, 3) anxieties about
current and past environmental and social-cultural change and 4) advice to the youth for the
future. Each theme is discussed below.
A key topic of discussion by both of the Elders during the sharing circle was the
longstanding connection that First Nations people have with the land. The Elders’ stories
revolved around the essential nature o f land and cultural practices for sustenance and
survival. For instance, Marlene wanted to ensure that the youth understood that a connection
to the land has always been a part o f First Nations culture and has not been lost, despite the
various challenges facing First Nations people:
Just thinking about connections to the land. I think our new generation really has to
know that we have always been connected to it. It never left us although a lot of

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times we have probably wandered off from it you know, through the drugs and
alcohol and all this bad stuff coming around. Doesn't seem like it gives us a choice.
We have a choice to stay clean or join the crowd but for me, I think about our First
Nations people; the land was always our survival” (Marlene, Sharing Circle).
Marlene also described what her lifestyle was like when she was growing up, “right through
the four seasons we had something to do” (Workshop). She depicted the essential nature of
land and cultural practices for sustenance and survival:
That’s how I raised up anyways: trust the land. We got our provision in the bush, did
our fishing, got everything out o f the land. A lot o f work, we put stuff away for the
winter. We never had a deep freeze, no fridge, no nothing, so just about have to
smoke, dry or can everything” (Marlene, Workshop).
SQ echoed similar ideas about the importance of land in the lifestyles o f his people a “long
time ago”:
For me when I think of land, the mountains the lakes, my people long time ago eh,
they go out there with team, go to any lake, they do their fishing, berry picking. Most
times some ladies, old ladies, they come, they'll pick their medicines while they're out
there way up. (SQ, Workshop)
These foundational ideas about connections to the land for First Nations in the region were a
prominent thread in Elders contributions throughout the workshop and sharing circle.
Naturally emerging from the broad discussions about connections to the land were
closely related stories and even specific procedures relating to traditional knowledge and
practices. These contributions were specifically focused on passing on teachings to the
youth, with the hopes that knowledge would continue on. SQ encouraged the youth to:
Show your children. Your kids when you get married, kids will have questions.
They want to go hunting with you. They want to see a moose. You teach them this.
Teach them how to skin an animal. How to handle knife carefully, or axe anything
(SQ, Sharing Circles).

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SQ shared traditional knowledge passed on from his grandfather, describing very detailed
accounts o f how to set snares for a variety o f animals and how to survive if lost in the bush in
the winter. Likewise, Marlene demonstrated a powerful way to connect and communicate
with the land through a “candlelight prayer” (learned from her father) that she uses to dispel
bad storms

. .and then the next time I look up and its just like a big highway, a bright blue

sky just like a big highway and that storm disappeared and it was gone” (Marlene, Sharing
Circle). Marlene also shared a story about the teachings she received when she was young,
about respecting the land and reciprocity:
One time I remember us going out looking for soap berries and it’s really hard to pick
those so I broke a branch off of it and I was hitting it and I got punished for that, they
told me I couldn't do it like that, breaking the branches, you kill the branch and then
there will be no more berries. That’s how they taught us respect for the land. When
you do berry picking you have to be very careful how you treat that branch so next
year it produces more (Marlene, Workshop).
The Elders also shared their apprehensions about rapid environmental and socialcultural change, with discussions about the connection to land. Apprehensions were often
intertwined with the transformation o f valued tradition or livelihoods:
Now the place I used to hunt beaver, I go down there, there'll be a big pond, you'll
come over a hill you'll see it, beaver house. Two summers that I've been up that way,
that place where the pond was, its just dried up, no beaver house. And stand around
and listen, no squirrels, no birds. Dead. (SQ, Workshop)
Although the Elder participants did not offer extensive explanations for the underlying causes
of social-cultural-environmental fragmentation, they both alluded to the effects o f
colonization. For example, SQ revealed great resilience and adaptability in the face of
marginalization in his stories about negotiating wage labour in relation to rapidly changing
technologies within the forestry industry. In this excerpt SQ demonstrates the frustrations he

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felt when motorized equipment was introduced for forestry work in the Nechako Valley, and
the subsequent impact on employment possibilities:
First Nations. First time in their life they ever saw a CAT that strong. They were
surprised; never saw machines in their life! All they knew was horses, the strongest
animal. That’s when everything started, land clearing, all done by machines. And
where were our jobs? (SQ, Sharing Circle)
The subject of residential schools was raised several times by both Marlene and SQ. As
Marlene described: “Cause I couldn't learn, I'm not a very good learner at the school. My
education, I never finished it because it seems like I was so traumatized from that LeJac
residential school; every school was like it for me” (Marlene, Sharing Circle).
SQ and Marlene were also explicit in their support for the project and provided advice
and ideas to the youth fo r the future:
And that’s what I wanted to share with you kids. I am really happy you’re doing
something positive with your lives. Maybe, you know you could make a good
example for all o f those that I know, even my grandkids troubles that they are having
now. Just being an example for them that could turn their life right around. Make
them turn back again. So we need to help younger generation, so many of them
struggling with this drugs already and I always pray for those who want to make a
better life for yourself. Muss’i (Marlene, Sharing Circle).
SQ closed the first sharing circle with a positive outlook and encouraged the coming together
of the generations, premised on a strong sense of reciprocity and community building:
I think each one o f us here, we should start working like a team. One bunch. Say he
was working and one doing nothing. See him, talk to him, start helping him. When
you work like a team you are strong. My Elders, the young people. (SQ, Sharing
Circles).
The Elders stories and contributions documented in this section provide some
indication o f the many insights they provided during the research in relation to land, culture
and youth. The theme of health and well-being seemed to be co-expressed in all o f these

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stories: when talking about land, or future generations, the Elders were also talking about
health and well-being. Clearly the contributions from the Elders provided a rich point o f
reference for the evolution o f the research, and the intergenerational dynamics were an
important feature o f the modified Photovoice process. Themes around intergenerational
dynamics will be discussed in Section 5.3.3. The Elders’ insights provide a solid ground
from which to explore current youth perspectives on the connections between land and health
in the same community.

5.2 Youth Voices
The cumulative and iterative development o f the themes that emerged from the youth
participant data is detailed in the methods chapter (see Thematic Analysis, Section 4.3.5).
Although these themes are presented in a seemingly linear fashion, they are interconnected
and multi-directional - all of the themes interact with eachother. The findings and discussion
are organized around themes that connect back to Objective II and specifically the two
guiding research questions:

•
•

How do Saik’uz First Nation (SFN) youth view their relationship with the
land and its influence on individual and community well-being?
What pathways and opportunities exist for SFN youth to heal, foster and
improve connections to the land?

There were six themes that emerged from analyzing the body of data (workshop,
sharing circles, interviews, field notes, photo captions - see Table 1) related to the youth
participants. The first category of themes “Relationships Between Land, Health and Well­
being” encompasses four themes that reflect how land, health and well-being are connected

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for the youth in this project. The final two themes represent Drivers of Change to the
Relationships among Land, Health and Well-being.

Table 3. Summary of themes.

HEADING
5.2.1 Relationships among
Land, Health and Well-being

5.2.2 Drivers o f Change to the
Relationships among Land,
Health and Well-being

THEMES
Land-based activities
Land-based Indigenous knowledge and stories
Land-based sustenance and healing
Land-based culture and identity
Local landscape losses and changes
Socio-cultural losses and changes

5.2.1 Relationships Among Land, Health and Well-being
Thematic analysis identified four major themes relating to how the youth saw
relationships between land, health and well-being including: Land-based activities; Landbased Indigenous knowledge and stories; Land-based sustenance and healing; and Landbased culture and identity. A depiction o f these interrelated relationships is presented at the
end of the section in Figure 25, and can be used as a point o f reference.

Land-based activities
The youth participants in this study described a number o f ways that the land
provided places for health producing activities such as hunting and harvesting, stewardship,
as well as other cultural and recreational activities. Analysis of their contributions identified
a bi-directional, reciprocal relationship between health and land: participating in healthy
activities enabled reconnection with the land and activities that reconnected youth with the
land also enhanced health and well-being. Partaking in land-based cultural activities or as
Elijah called them, “traditional or older types o f things” such as arts and crafts, dance,

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hunting and trapping, was a prominent suggestion for maintaining connection to culture and
to the land among the participants in this study: “maybe just keep going out there like, do
more stuff, like traditional things, like staying out there for days and cleaning yourself’
(Elijah, Interview). Referring to one o f his photos entitled ‘A Sunny Day’ Elijah noted: “it is
a really nice place for hunting and my dad is trying to teach my brothers and I how to hunt”
(Figure 4, Elijah, Sharing Circle).

Figure 4. A Sunny Day (Elijah)

For Jasmine, traditional dance (and the arts) was a strong way to maintain a reciprocal
connection to the land. These dynamics were described in detail in her interview when she
was discussing the photograph in Figure 5.

Figure 5. (Jasmine)
“If s a picture o f one o f the traditional dance
groups that we have in the area, and as I
mentioned before through the arts, dancing i
a way to reconnect with that energy o f the
land. It's about reciprocity. The land gives
you so much and you have to give back to tb
land as well and dancing is a way to do that
to maintain that connection. And the drum is
considered the heart beat o f the people and
through those songs and those dances it
shows how important art is. But its only one
medium, one way to be that voice for the
land, one way to reconnect to the land.”
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In relation to Figure 6, Adam also alluded to the healing benefits o f being on the land and
participating in land-based activities such as the cultural camps.

Figure 6. This is what we lived in back in the day.
This is the only pithouse rebuilt in Tatuk, I hope there
will be others. (Adam)
“This picture was taken at the Cultural Camp last
year. It was the first time I’ve been there in a long
time. The last time I was there I was eight. So it was a
really good time to heal and reconnect back to the
territory. Because I’ve been away at school for 4 years
now. And, I think this was around the same time that I
started my healing journey, went through a lot o f stuff
and it was time to heal and reconnect.”

Stewardship activities (e.g. environmental school clubs, advocacy, activism,
environmental cleanup) were described as land-based activities with a multitude o f benefits
for the youth. The act of “protecting,” “cleansing” or “caring for” the land was seen as health
promoting in and o f itself, offering a chance to protect the land on which these healthy
relationships depend. According to the youth, stewardship also provided opportunities to
stay connected to the land. One youth felt that “if you protect the land, the land will protect
you; like I got your back you got my back” (Gabriel, Workshop #2). Jasmine recognized the
responsibility as Yinka Dene to care for the land: “those ties, that connection that we have,
it’s also about responsibility to, to take care o f those places that you are tied to spiritually,
physically, emotionally” (Jasmine, Workshop #1). Jasmine also made frequent reference to
specific forms of non-violent direct action and advocacy that she has participated in, which

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both served to maintain a connection to the land while also protecting it. This was described
in her interview in relation to Figure 7.
Figure 7. (Jasmine)
“This photograph was taken at a mass
action in Prince Rupert, so the different
coastal communities along with our
communities here in the interior oppose
the pipeline's have great concerns and
adamantly oppose pipeline and tanker
projects that could threaten all the
waters that are connected to each other
from the ocean to the rivers and
eveiything, I really like this shot
because it showed that people are taking
direct action to preserve that connection
to the waters a id to the land. And they
were doing that on die land but also on
the waters as well. So you could see
people out in their canoes and also on
the land. With their signs, and their
banners, with their traditional regalia.
Pretty much saying that these kind o f
projects are not acceptable, our health,
our identity, our culture is not for sale
and is not worth the risk for a few
dollars. So I really like that they took
action on land, on water, and in all
different kinds o f ways.”

In relation to Figure 8, Adam also referred to the importance o f protecting the land and how
he saw the Photovoice project as one form o f raising awareness. During the sharing circle,
Adam spoke about how the photographs he submitted to this project were purposefully taken
on the SFN traditional territory in order to remind himself and others of the need for
advocacy and protection of this unique land.

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Figure 8. In-flight view o f the Saik’uz
Community (Adam)
“This is a sky shot view o f the Saik'uz
community. All my photos are from the
territory and I want to show what is unique to
our territory so that we can show the world
what we have here and what we're doing. I
think it is very important to remind myself
this is what I'm protecting and this is what I
advocate for, is my environment, and I use
my grandma as an example to better myself.”

Expanding on these ideas, Jasmine described forms o f advocacy and awareness-raising, such
as walks (see Figure 9), as ways to heal the land and the people, while connecting back to the
land.
Figure 9. (Jasmine)
“So the next picture that I'm going to share,
it’s from the healing walk that happened in
Fort McMurray, Alberta. And a lot o f the
work that we've been doing fighting that
pipeline and other tar sands projects it’s not
always protesting or civil disobedience,
sometimes its just doing things that bring us
back to the land and to remember that we are
all healing. So this wasn't a protest or
anything, it was a walk in the heart o f the tar
sands there to do healing for the people,
healing for the land, healing for the water.
It was a 14km walk we did.”

Elijah talked about practical ways to preserve the land and to stay connected to it through
local stewardship initiatives, such as joining school clubs: “I like thinking o f ways to
preserve it. Cause in school there’s a bunch o f like enviro stuff going on. Clubs and

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whatever. And I'm trying to get into that” (Elijah, Interview). Elijah also recognized the
benefits o f local stewardship, the possibility o f spiritual connection to the land and being a
role model for other community members: “It will give more confidence in people to believe
in cleansing the land; if you’re doing it then maybe it will start a butterfly effect... And then
get connected spiritually” (Elijah, Sharing Circle #2). Gabriel suggested a practical example
of caring for the land, and getting the community on board:
Hmm, I think o f all the things that we could do with it. To help it, like, get better....
Like you know how there’s a bunch o f garbage in the creek and stuff like that we
could get people to help us take some stuff out (Gabriel, Sharing Circle).
Linking to the following section about Indigenous knowledge and stories, Jasmine
recognized the importance of stewardship, especially in relation to the places that hold
connection to identity such as histories, stories and connections to the past present and future:
Just making sure I do my part to protect those areas so that in the future when I bring
that next generation out there that we could still go out there and see those places
where, you know, "me and grandma used to go and pick medicines there" or "this one
time we were picking berries over there", you know make sure I can share those
stories but make sure I can be stewards of those places still (Jasmine, Sharing Circle).
Jasmine felt that reconnecting to the land for well-being was about building capacity in terms
of protecting the land “finding different ways to build capacity in the community to protect
those areas. Be it through the arts, be it through other different skills, learning how to go do
field work, learning how to use a compass, a GPS, all these different things. There's all
different kinds o f tools out there available now” (Jasmine, Interview).
There seemed to be an underlying sentiment among Adam, Jasmine and Elijah that
finding ways to stay connected to the land was something that needed to be integrated into
daily life and, although extremely beneficial, short-term programs were seen as insufficient.

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As Elijah explained:
. .not just going to a week or two weeks o f culture camp. That, they can’t leam
about all the things that they do with the medicines, I mean it takes a whole lot of
time to do” (Elijah, Interview).
Adam, in his photo caption (see Figure 6) and interview expressed a similar desire and felt
that the building of long-term cultural infrastructure, especially on reserve, would help
support the connection: “I hope they make more pit houses. I don't know if it’s a plan, I wish
it was” (Adam, Interview).
Discussion
The examples offered by the youth participants in this research demonstrate several
conceptualizations of how partaking in land-based activities (including singing, dancing,
hunting, fishing, berry picking, engaging in stewardship) provides links to the land, and these
activities in turn are linked to health and healing for the youth in this study. These themes
align with some other literature, that demonstrate that activities on the land can be linked to
health and well-being. Although the youth did not provide deeply nuanced explanations of
how exactly land and health were linked, their comments and descriptions echo the themes
proposed by a range of scholars who have argued that activities on the land have reciprocal
relationships with maintaining cultural life and increased social integration, which in turn
supports networks o f family and community relationships, with subsequent health and well­
being benefits (Abadian, 2006; Turton & Reynolds, 1997). It has also been suggested that a
loss of these activities may result in alienation, increased substance use (Cheah & Nelson,
2004) and violence (Duran & Duran, 1995; Waldram, Herring, & Young, 1995). Many
scholars have also discussed that activities on the land, with links to social integration, are

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also associated with the building or maintenance o f personal and cultural identity (Ford,
Berrang-Ford, King, & Furgal, 2010; Kirmayer, Simpson, & Cargo, 2003; Richmond &
Ross, 2009; Wilson, 2003; Wolsko et al., 2006). Wilson (2003) emphasizes there can be
important emotional healing benefits related to the physical and spiritual aspects of hunting,
trapping, fishing and harvesting food and medicines.
The youth identified several land-based activities that aimed to ‘protect,’ ‘cleanse’, or
‘care for’ the land. Activities ranged from non-violent direct action (e.g. protests), to joining
environmental protection clubs, to local stewardship activities (such as picking up garbage).
Youth participants described ways that these activities could lead to a ‘healthier land’ on
which to flourish, also noting that the acts themselves provided opportunities for the passing
on of stories and teachings, social activities, and healing. A more targeted research design
with explicit attention to these themes could help to provide more detailed understanding o f
the associations between stewardship activities and health in this context. However, the
findings in this study do echo themes identified by Burgess, Johnston, Bowman, &
Whitehead (2005) that for many Indigenous peoples, continued association with, and caring
for, ancestral lands is a key determinant o f health. A range o f authors have identified social,
mental and physical health and well-being benefits related to ‘caring for the land’ (or as
known in Australia, ‘Caring for Country’), including social cohesion, sense o f identity and
community, physical activity, as well as positive effects related to the broader determinants
26

o f health including employment and sustainable economic development (Hunt, Altman, &

26 The word ‘economic development’ is used here to remain consistent with the author’s original usage.
However, it is important to note that the term is contested. For example, according to Comtassel (2012),
‘economic development’ misses “the larger connections embedded within Indigenous economies linking
homelands, cultures and communities” (p.88).

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May, 2009; Kingsley, Townsend, Phillips, & Aldous, 2009). Additionally, Kirmayer &
Valaskakis (2009) argue that political and social action in defence o f the land and the
political rights o f First Nations “can be a path toward healing” (p.458) through which people
can regain knowledge o f their histoiy and culture, confidence to demand and affect change
(Alfred, 2009), gain a sense o f direction and purpose and build social ties (Kirmayer &
Valaskakis, 2009). The findings from youth in SFN suggest the relevance o f these themes for
future study in Northern BC.

Land-based knowledge and stories
The data revealed that land-based knowledge and stories are an important component
in land-health connections. Jasmine spoke about how the land houses Indigenous
knowledge, stories and cultural or family memories. In the sharing circle and her interview,
she touched on the idea that stories and memories are attached to specific places: visiting
places on the land catalyzes storytelling and connection to family/ancestors and thus culture
and identity.
I always hear different stories about "oh this one time at this place, or the one time at
this place" and I probably wouldn't have been able to hear those stories if we didn't go
out to the land and to those places and where those memories were triggered again to
remember (Jasmine, Sharing Circle).
Additionally, the data revealed that many of the youth felt that the transmission o f land-based
knowledge works to connect them back to the land. The process of both teaching and
learning also helps to strengthen their culture and identity while making important social
connections that are important for health and well-being. Jasmine spoke in relation to Figure
10 about how the act o f going out on the land to pick medicines is important for the

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continuation o f Indigenous Knowledge, storytelling and connection to particular areas o f the
land.

Figure 10. (Jasmine)
“Just, one of the pictures I saved too was o f
the medicines that we go and harvest and it’s
more than just harvesting medicines and
healing. But it’s also about the transfer o f
knowledge and sharing those stories because
the different places we go to pick these
medicines”

During the sharing circle, Gabriel told a brief story in relation to his photo27 (Figure
11), about the lengthy and difficult process o f preparing a deer hide. When prompted about
how the photo related to the land and well-being, Gabriel responded: “It made me feel stinky
(laughs)'.... but I learned something new there”.
Figure 11. This is a hard working child learning how
to tan deer hide (Gabriel)

In relation to a question about making the connection to the land stronger in the future,

27

Note: This photo was cropped to protect the identity of the child in the photo.

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participants focused on the importance of learning, preserving and passing on various forms
o f Indigenous knowledge.
Well, for the future, I don't know what’s going to happen in the future but my dad is
teaching us how to do all of the older types o f things that he did, fishing, berry
picking, hunting and he's teaching, my parents are teaching me about the potlatch and
all the clan systems and stuff and yesterday I had to work on the grave. Helping my
dad, and I guess he wanted to teach me how to do that sort o f thing. Working for the
other clans, yeah. We try to preserve all of that knowledge for the future I guess
(Elijah, Sharing Circle).
Elijah suggested that it was important to expand the teaching o f traditional medicines to other
youth: “A lot o f people don’t know how to do that sort o f thing. It should be more taught to
the other youth” (Elijah, Interview). Jasmine, in the sharing circle, focused
intergenerationally, reflecting on the importance o f passing on teachings to her children: “At
a point in my life where I want to have children or where I want to have my own children,
what are the things that I'm going to be passing on to them?... That was a moment for me
thinking about the future, thinking about the unborn and making sure I pass on the teachings
that have been shared with me” (Jasmine, Sharing Circle).
Although Gabriel did not get a chance to expand on his photos in the interview (and
many are not included here because they contain children), it is important to note that he
alluded to intergenerational transmission o f knowledge in his photo captions (see Figure 12)
several times. For example, many o f his photos and captions centered around ideas of “the
next generation” going to hunt, learning how to play lahal (a traditional game), etc...

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Figure 12. These are our teachers.
Listen and learn (Gabriel)

In addition to the mention o f school clubs, the topic o f formal education only came up
one other time in the recorded discussions. As a way to help maintain connection to the land
and enhance well-being, Jasmine suggested that education for First Nations should be equally
founded in Dakelh ways o f learning, which are anchored in teachings from and o f the land:
I think how we can strengthen our connection to the land and to our well-being like in
our community, the future, making sure our education, our learning process, our
learning journey is happening on the land too and its on the same level as the schools
in town or Prince George or whatever and our ways of learning are just as equal, just
like what Dick “Gunner” Patrick28 was fighting for that we are equal human beings
too, and you know, those differences need to be respected especially as being the First
People of this land (Jasmine, Sharing Circle).
Discussion
Analysis of the youth participant contributions highlighted the importance of the role
of Indigenous Knowledge (IK) and stories as related to the connections between land, health
28

Although it was possible to find the story behind Dick Patrick’s military medal online (see
http://en.ww2awards.com/person/44378). I was unable to find the following story in historical records.
According to Adam and Jasmine, Dick “Gunner” Patrick fought for the Canadian Military in WWII and was a
celebrated war hero. When he returned home he went to one of the restaurants in Vanderhoof to have a meal (at
that time they still had "No Indians Allowed" signs on restaurants and stores). He was immediately asked to
leave, and because he refused, the owners called the police and he was sent to prison in the south. As soon as he
was released he went straight back to that restaurant and the same process went on for 11 months.

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and well-being. This finding reinforces literature that explores how the sharing of IK and
stories can contribute to a positive self-image, healthy identity and strengthening of culture
which each have also been linked to health and well-being (King et al., 2009, Ganesharajah,
2009). This idea is supported by Goeman (2008), who states: “ .. .rooted connections are a
result of a relationship between land and people—they are not sacred because they are there,
but rather they are imagined into being and spoken from generation to generation. They are
carefully attended to through words and reconnected to through story” (p.27).
The youth participants’ emphasis on the importance of IK and stories in maintaining a
connection to the land is not surprising given that IK systems are grown out of extensive
experience and extremely long relationships with the land; land forms the basis o f IK:
“Indigenous Knowledge cannot be separated from the people who hold and practice it, nor
can it be separated from the land/environment/Creation” (McGregor, 2004, p. 390).
McGregor (2004) further describes IK as knowledge that ensures the “continuation o f
Creation” over generations (what Western science and policy might call sustainability).
Principles and values, such as “co-existence”, “balance”, and “reciprocity” are all embedded
within IK (p.389). She also notes “many stories and teachings are gained from animals,
plants, the moon, the stars, water, wind, and the spirit world” (p.388).
Participants referred explicitly to the importance of maintaining and visiting
particular locations in order to hear stories and maintain that connection to the land, a point
which is supported by Prosper's (2007) statement that IK and the narrative tradition “relies on
the visual, mnemonic role o f topographic features (such as mountains and rivers) to assist in
the telling and learning of oral history” (p. 120). Likewise, according to Simpson (2004),

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spiritual places provide and maintain opportunities for “alliances with the essential forces of
nature” which are responsible for the transmission o f IK (p.379). In these ways, landscapes
and places, ‘house’ stories, values, social relations, a culture’s knowledge and understanding
of its history and future, and the process of remembering and telling stories about these
places contribute to the reproduction, survival, and evolution of Aboriginal cultures and
identities (Houde, 2007; Buggey, 2004; Osborne, 2001). In the words of Goeman (2008), “it
is place told through story that continues to hold fragile, complex, and important
relationships o f place together for Indigenous people, not merely borders, jurisdiction and the
law” (p.28).
Intricately linked to IK and stories, and the strengthening o f culture and identity, one
participant mentioned that the education received at school should be anchored in Dakelh
ways of teaching and learning, including teachings from the land. This idea is reinforced by
Greenwood & de Leeuw (2007) who state: “there is a holistic relationship between
Indigenous peoples, their lands, their health and well-being and the education of Indigenous
children” (p.49) and “in education exists the possibility of building healthy Indigenous
children and associatively healthier Indigenous communities” (p.53).
The use o f photographs in this project provided an elegant way to prompt and draw
out stories based on specific features and locations on the land, even when the photographs
were taken previous to the project (see Chapter 4). Specific land features photographed and
mentioned by the youth included topographic features (lakes, streams, mountains), and
spiritual places. Descriptions of the land tended to explore broad notions o f the land, but the

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study design was limited as a strategy to explicitly explore details o f youth perspectives on
specific ecosystemic dynamics, biological processes and associated ecological knowledge.
Even so, some of the youth who participated in this project provided full, rich
narratives and stories about what they saw as important in terms of land and health. These
narratives offered a variety of insights into a complex reality, in a process that connected and
addressed both the ecological and the social in relation to health and well-being. As Davis
states (2004), “stories cement together generations of collective memory, embodying the
historical, spiritual, social, and spatial” (p. 3). It was clear even through this small project
that stories have the power to holistically engage (Kovach, 2010), steer us away from
reductionism, and unite disparate situations (Allen, 2008).

Land-based sustenance and healing
For the youth participants in this project, food, water, and medicines from the land
were seen as directly or indirectly essential for well-being, with the themes o f healing and
sustenance coming to the fore. Food, water, and medicines were seen as having many direct
holistic healing benefits. Additionally, engaging in the process of harvesting and preparing
food and medicines were seen as having many indirect positive cultural and social affects on
health. Either way, discussions about engaging with food and medicines provided insights
into how youth felt they could build or maintain a connection to the land. Some participants
made specific reference to aspects of the land (e.g. trees, berries, water) as essential
components of traditional medicines for health and healing. Elijah discussed the medicinal
benefits of a certain type of tree bark (see Figure 13). Likewise, Jasmine discussed water
from a sacred site in their territory and its health and well-being benefits (see Figure 14).

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Figure 13. Collecting Medicines (Elijah)
“I'm going to talk about this photo. I chose it
because my dad was telling me that if you have
a sore throat you can make medicine out o f the
inside bark and you can just chew on it for a
while.”

Figure 14. (Jasmine)
“This picture here is from one o f our areas
where there’s an aquifer. So the water used
to come out straight from the ground
through a tree. And then the tree started to
rot away, so we put a pipe in there. And the
water is so pure. It's the only water that we
used to make our traditional medicines
because its the water that gives everything
life. It’s the water that gives medicines its
power. And we used it to heal not only
physically but mentally as well. We use that
to help treat people who may have mental
illnesses. We use it for spiritual purposes
among other things. But here I have my
grandmother, she's taking a drink and every
time we go there we kind o f smudge
ourselves with it, cleanse away all the bad
energies that could be sticking to us when
we go around different places.”

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AH of the participants took photos o f food sources and/or medicines derived from the land,
which were considered to contribute to health and well-being. The juxtaposition of the three
photos in Figure 15 (soapberries for making Indian ice cream and medicines, moose and fish)
highlights some o f the different youth perspectives. The link between traditional foods and
health was described most prominently in terms of how food and food preparation enhances
or enables a connection to culture. For example, Adam mentioned during his interview:
“some of the Elders and the others that organized this cultural camp they taught some o f the
youth how to prepare moose and then prepare it for the winter”. When asked how that story
relates to health and well-being, Adam responded: “our cultural diets”.
Figure 15. Soap Berry Patch (Adam), Meat Smoking in the Smokehouse (Gabriel),
Catching Fish (Adam)

Discussion
One of the most tangible connections between land and health that the youth pointed
out through their photos and stories was that the land provides land-based fo o d and
medicines. It is interesting to note that for the Dakelh (including SFN), species are not

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always differentiated in to what constitutes as ‘food’ and what constitutes as ‘medicine’ as it
depends on factors such as stage of development, mode of preparation, parts used etc. For
example, soapberries are used as a food source (Indian ice cream) as well as a medicine for
constipation.
At a broad level, the youth touched on ideas about how hunting, harvesting and
procurement o f land-based foods and medicines comes with its own set o f benefitsincluding physical activity, connecting to traditions, culture and identity and the building o f
social ties. Although this study provides only a glimpse into the realities of these four youth,
other studies have found similar themes. H int et al. (2011) found that subsistence foods
relate to health and well-being on many levels - physically, mentally, spiritually. Elaborating
on this idea, Pilgrim et al. (2010) argue that local diets strengthen the connection between a
community, its landscape and ancestral roots, and epitomize “the ways in which culture uses,
classifies and thinks about its natural resources” (p. 238).
It is also well known that traditional foods (e.g. moose, bear, fish, soapberries) are
nutritious- typically nutrient-dense, with high levels of protein and fat, vitamins and minerals,
and relatively low levels of carbohydrates. While traditional foods were photographed and
discussed frequently by the youth participants, when participants were asked about the health
connection, they only associated traditional foods with a cultural health connection (e.g.
procuring them gives them a chance to reconnect with their traditions, cultures and
identities). Although other related studies with adults also emphasize a cultural health
connection to traditional foods, they also tend to emphasize other benefits as well such as
superior quality and nutrition, healing properties and better taste (Flint et al., 2011; Wolsko et

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al., 2006). Participants in this study did not emphasize other types o f traditional food-related
benefits. This may reflect limitations o f this study, but may also reflect the pervasive
transition occurring in Indigenous communities worldwide where local, traditional foods are
being replaced by market foods, with subsequent changes in availability and food preferences
(Kuhnlein & Receveur, 1996).

Identity and Culture
The workshop, sharing circle and interview discussions demonstrated to me that for
two o f the youth in this project, the land itself, and the relationships described above, formed
an important basis o f their cultural identity. At the training workshop, Elijah felt that the
land was tied to identity: “I think the land is about who and what we are and how and why it
shaped us to be who we are.” (Elijah, Workshop). During his interview, Elijah added that for
him the land is a holistic concept that also includes culture and their way o f life, which is
dependent on the land:
“I think it [the land] would be a bunch o f things put into one, like all o f the cultural
stuff, environmental stuff and I think that’s just a way of life, how it all works.
Because of the land.” (Elijah, Interview).
Jasmine also described the identity-land connection as inherent to who they are as people:
A lot of people tend to look at the land as an isolated thing, as not a part o f us. And
Yinka Dene, that’s what we have referred to ourselves as, its 'people o f the land', so
there’s no distinction, no separation. Our identity is tied to the land (Jasmine,
Workshop).
Although Gabriel did not explicitly express a link to land and health in this example,
he alluded to the maintenance o f the Dakelh language while discussing his photograph during
the sharing circle (Figure 12): “this is a picture o f my mom and she's a Carrier teacher at the

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High School. I was in her class last year. We learned a lot. And she's trying to keep the
language with the youth in the High School” (Gabriel, Sharing Circle).
Discussion
The literature review identified a strong identity and culture as important for the
health and well-being of Indigenous people (see Chapter 2). Many of the themes that
emerged from this study connect back to strengthening land-based culture or identity.
Goeman (2008) reinforces this theme by claiming that land “is at the heart o f Indigenous
identity, longing, and belonging. Indigenous peoples make place by relating both personal
and communal experiences and histories to certain locations and landscapes—maintaining
these spatial relationships is one o f the most important components o f identity” (p. 24).
Expanding on the youth perspectives, an emerging body o f work is starting to make the
connection among land-culture-identity and health and well-being for First Nations
(Richmond & Ross, 2009; Wilson, 2003) and other Indigenous contexts including in Canada
(Anderson, 1995; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2012; Greenwood & de Leeuw, 2007) Australia
(Garnett & Sithole, 2007; Johnston, Jacups, Vickery, & Bowman, 2007; McKnight, 1999)
and New Zealand (Nikora, Guerin, Rua, & Te Awekotuku, 2004). Additionally, although
there was only one mention of language by one o f the participants, Indigenous language has
been noted to provide a vital link among the land, knowledge, culture, identity and health
(NCCAH, 2010; Simpson, 2002) and could be a theme that would emerge with more explicit
questioning about this topic in future research.

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5.2.2 Drivers o f Change to the Relationships among Land, Health and Well-being
For the SFN youth participants, changes in local landscapes (e.g. from industry and
development) and less explicitly discussed (but also deeply linked) rapid socio-cultural
changes (e.g. colonization) are influencing the context and causing many impacts to the
relationships among lands and people.

Local landscape losses and changes
Many photos and subsequent reflections represented drivers o f change in the SFN
territory or region especially due to mining, forestry and hydro-electricity. During the
interview, Adam expressed concerns about loss o f traditional plants due to the flooding
related to the Kenney Dam project (introduced in Chapter 2) “well it wiped out a lot of
traditional plants too so...” (Adam, Interview). Elijah expressed a similar sentiment in
relation to pollution and land changes: “Yeah, I mean, we are losing a lot o f things too here.
That were always here. The creek is all polluted and everything. Some things are
overpopulating here” (Elijah, Interview). Elijah also represented his concern for pollution and
toxins and their affects on the land in relation to his photo entitled “Flowers at Tatuk”.
Explaining the photo in his interview: “I guess I put more focus on the flower, because it’s
more like a new life type thing. But, leaves that come off, that die because of different
pollution” (Elijah, Interview).

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Figure 16. Flowers at Tatuk (Elijah)

All of the participants expressed concerns about Stoney Creek (see Figure 17); a stream that
once provided the community with fresh water for drinking, fishing and swimming, but that
they now fear is polluted and filled with sediment. As Adam explains:
Figure 17. The Stoney Creek (Adam)
“I took this one last year; it’s die creek (Stoney
Creek), a house beside the creek. I don't know.
You used to be able to swim and drink from
the water but now it’s all mucky. Oh
obviously its bad for our health. I don't know, I
see it as we need improvements and it’s like
that in every other reserve I think.”

Gabriel expressed a deep concern for the land in his photo captions (see Figures 18, 19 and
20). He also expressed hope mixed with fear for the future; see photo captions for Figure 21
and 22. The following collage of photographs and captions displays Gabriel’s concerns, fears
and hopes for the land:

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Figure 18. We have to protect what’s left o f
our lands (Gabriel)

Figure 19. These creeks are our earth’s veins,
keep them clean (Gabriel)

Figure 2 0 .1 took this picture to remind those
how beautiful our environment is and to keep it
that way (Gabriel)

Figure 21. This represents the glimmer o f hope
for the environment (Gabriel)

Figure 22. This is a crisp summer night,
hopefully more people get to see this (Gabriel)

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Elijah lamented the many changes that have occurred to the land: “I mean, it’s all
different than what it was like back then”, and “I guess it affects everyone because no one
knows how much better it was back then. Like all the different animals and different
waterways and stuff”. Overall, he felt the many changes were affecting spiritual connection
to the land, with negative affects on health and well-being o f his community.
When participants expressed fears or concerns about development, they did not
necessarily oppose industry itself; instead they were more worried about company ethics and
practices. Jasmine talked about the indiscriminate logging o f a sacred site, despite industry
regulations of riparian zones (see Figure 14):
So grandma's drinking the water here but there’s also a ribbon here in the front,
because it’s a riparian zone. The logging industry, they are supposed to stay away
from areas like that. And when we went to collect water one day, it was all logged
around it. They did not consider their boundaries that they are supposed to follow
within their policies (Jasmine, Interview).
Jasmine also made reference to the fact that companies are not aware of the importance o f the
land for First Nations people, especially the deep meaning attached to certain locations; they
simply see forests and trees in numerical terms (see Figure 23):

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Figure 23. (Jasmine)
“This photo here is a pile o f logs that have been
logged basically, in my territory. And then I
seen the spray paint on one o f die logs like kind
o f like a number or something, I'm not sure
what it is supposed to represent. But it just
made me think o f like, that is all it is to them.
Just a number. It’s just a spray paint on a log.
And everything else that wasn't up to length or
up to par it was just considered excess. These
logs where it was logged, was located not even
a km away from a very sacred spot that my
family uses to go and pray, to go Mid harvest,
to reconnect with the land and to see it so close,
in proximity to that logging site it makes me
afraid that one day I will go back to that spot
and it could just be logged out.”

Elijah discussed in relation to “Rocky Hill” (Figure 24), the cultural and environmental
implications o f irresponsible mining practices that he witnesses in their territory. Later,
Elijah added, “what people get into before they don't know, they are just there for basically
money, they're not there for the... They just destroy it and just leave it there. And it
contaminates all the waterways and trees and air” (Elijah, Interview). In other words, for
Elijah, some mining operations located within the SFN territory do not value the land for its
life-giving properties or its importance to First Nations people. Instead, they see the land as a
commodity available for exploitation.

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Figure 24. Rocky Hill (Elijah)
“This reminds me o f a really earthy
type o f thing with the rocks on a hill
and a bunch o f little forest pieces and
this is something like what miners
destroy. You're not supposed to dig
up. In our culture you are not
supposed to dig up mountains or
anything because that’s what the
Creator put mountains over, the
biggest mistakes he made... I guess
that’s where the biggest mistakes
were made. I f those are dug up, you
could get really hard-core
consequences.”

Many o f the participants felt that environmental degradation and destruction was
resulting or could result in reduced access to sacred sites as well as locations for recreation,
knowledge sharing, medicine gathering, hunting and fishing. For example, Adam wrote about
the environmental and recreational impacts o f Kenney Dam (see Chapter 3 for more
information): “you can see the trees that have risen from the bottom of the flooded lands.
They shoot up like torpedoes, so it is very dangerous to swim or boat” (Adam, Photo
Caption). In relation to logging, Elijah remarked “and now a lot o f it has been logged and
there’s not a lot of, not a ton o f animals to see all of the time” (Elijah, Sharing Circle).
Jasmine fears that IK transmission along with its social and cultural benefits could be
compromised if unfettered development continues in their territory:
I think now’s the opportunity to bring different generations together, and bring them
back to the land but if there's going to be no land to go back to I fear that transmission
of knowledge won't happen (Jasmine, Interview).
For the participants in this study, the land around the community has been rapidly changing,
leading them to report feelings such as mental and physical “pain”, “fear”, “tensions”, as well
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as general poorer health related to land destruction in their territory and beyond. For
example, Jasmine expressed the manifestation of mental and physical pain in relation to the
loss of land: “and not having those places to go to, those stories would be lost with it as well.
It almost, it causes pain, mentally and physically, and doing project after project to try to do
whatever I can to try to make sure those areas aren't going to be impacted” (Jasmine,
Interview). Generally, the participants did not expand deeply on the concepts o f health and
well-being in relation to land changes beyond these more broad references. For example,
they did not mention any specific forms of illness or disease, or describe their tensions, or
mental/physical pain in nuanced ways.
Discussion
The study findings suggest that, for SFN youth participants, land losses and changes
were a very important mediator in the relationships between land and health. This finding is
supported by Cunsolo Willox et al. (2012), who argue that environmental changes can impact
“physical, bodily, social, economic, cultural, emotional, and psychological connections with
the land and, as a result, negatively affects the physical, mental, and emotional health and
well-being of individuals and communities” (p.544).
The study findings also offer new insights into descriptions o f direct and indirect
pathways between ecosystem change, ecosystem services and human well-being, that were
presented in the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MEA, 2003). According to the MEA
(2003), ‘direct’ effects to health and well-being occur somewhat immediately and the
biological or ecological pathways are locally discemable (e.g. pesticides and contaminated
foods). Indirect effects to health and well-being can take decades to have an impact and are

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embedded within complex webs of causation, which can involve social, economic, and
political routes through dynamic, interacting processes. In the MEA (2005), indirect effects
are described in relation to their impact on the “determinants and constituents of well-being”
(p.78) including security and good social relations. For those more familiar with the social
determinants of health discourse, the language of the MEA highlights how ecosystem change
and degradation may impact on what is described as the ‘distal’ social and cultural factors
that determine Indigenous health in Canada (Loppie-Reading & Wien, 2009).
In this project many of the youth described that development, resource extraction
and poor industry practices in their territory (and extending BC wide) undermines their
relationship with the land. In many instances, they described that changes and losses to the
land indirectly threaten the health giving properties o f the land (connection to family,
identity, culture, Indigenous knowledge). However, because of the complexity and temporal
disconnect of indirect pathways, they appeared to be more difficult to identify and explain.
The youth participants also identified the more tangible direct threats to their health such as
pollution and contamination.
As outlined in Chapter 3, there have been a range o f large scale disturbances to the
socioecological context in which these youth are situated (e.g. mountain pine beetle, largescale forestry, mining, the Kenney dam, the 2010 Greer Creek forest fire). Disturbances such
as these can cause changes to the hydrology and water cycling of the area, which
subsequently affects factors like distribution of plants and animals, erosion, and
sedimentation. While ecosystems generally have a tremendous capacity to either recover or
to reorganize into a different state in response to disturbances, Adger and Brown (2009) note

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that “no ecological state is unambiguously ‘better’ than another” (p.l 11). However, states
that provide particular ecological services to humans can be perceived as more “valuable”
(Adger & Brown, 2009). It has been shown that ecosystems are subject to periodic shifts into
states that are often triggered by and often less desirable for, human use (Scheffer, Carpenter,
Foley, Folke, & Walker, 2001). For example, shifts will have enormous implications for a
variety of species, and subsequently the people who make their livelihoods from those
species, or who derive a variety of health benefits from the landscapes (Waltner-Toews,
2011 ).

In the context o f this study, the recent ecological changes that occurred during these
youth’s lifetimes may have impacted their perspectives on the ‘healthiness’ o f the land (and
their ability to derive health-producing benefits from the land), despite the fact that the
ecosystems may in fact be undergoing a ‘normal’ period o f reorganization or recovery (which
in ecological terms, can be short-lived) (Holling, 2001). These dynamics underscore the
need to consider the myriad of ways in which people make sense of and connect to the land
around them in order to determine impacts to health and well-being from changes to lifesupporting ecosystems (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2012).

Socio-cultural losses and changes
Although it was not a theme addressed by all of the participants, it is still worth
noting that two of the youth identified socio-cultural reasons for a disconnection from land,
including poor community health, lack of will, jealousy, drugs and alcohol and lack of
teachings: “I mean, everyone's not spiritually connected. They are going through all the
sickness, the drugs and alcohol, jealousy and all that type o f stuff. Not just the physical stuff

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but also all the mental stuff that people think about all the topics around here” (Elijah,
Interview). Elijah also alluded to changes in land values that have occurred over the last
decades: “And you don't see it as much as my dad seen it. How people back then, like his
Elders, how they seen the land and stuff. I mean, no one really sees it how they did. And no
one cares like they did” (Elijah, Interview).
Adam expressed concerns about how many youth do not reach out to leam about their
traditions and cultural ways, despite the fact that the resources may already exist in the
community: “Because there are people in the community that know. It’s just that nobody
goes to them [....] But, when the cultural camp comes around then people get interested.
Yeah, so I hope it grows out o f this. I hope people start getting involved in the community
and with their Elders to leam about cultural teachings” (Adam, Interview).
Adam and Gabriel at certain times also discussed other aspects related to improving
the community or well-being, that were not necessarily related to questions around land and
health. For example, Gabriel shared his desire to increase opportunities to play sports in the
community, “ .. ..maybe a basketball team too. Basketball team, and a soccer team. We could
have a sports day where you have a little tournament” . Similarly, Adam spoke about the
strengths o f the new health center in the community, and his frustrations with the poorly
funded multiplex, which was closed at the time of this study.
Discussion
All o f the youth discussed land losses and changes to local landscapes as an important
influence on relationships between land, well-being and health, but other social processes
were less commonly discussed through the actual Photovoice process. On analysis o f all data

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from my field work, it was notable that my field notes contained numerous details about the
concepts of self-determination, land rights, treaties and Indigenous sovereignty in relation to
land and health from informal conversations with the youth, but these ideas were not overtly
discussed through the actual Photovoice process. However, in an informal discussion with
one o f the participants about the preliminary themes, one participant mentioned that they felt
that “Indigenous sovereignty” was missing (although they did not expand at the time nor
address this in the sharing circle with the larger group). These gaps may not indicate that
these concepts are less important from the youth perspective. Instead, the method itself,
including the limitations o f photography and the length o f time to engage with these complex
issues, may have been partly responsible (see also Study Limitations).
Several authors contend that in addition to damage to the land, many o f the health
problems that continue to exist today in Indigenous communities are deeply related to the
interplay of continued land dispossession (Devitt et al., 2001; Richmond & Ross, 2009) and
spatial restriction (King et al., 2009). It is argued that countering these processes has huge
potential to positively influence the health and well-being o f Indigenous communities. For
example, Richmond et al., (2005) maintain that having autonomy over environmental
resources allows communities the choice and opportunity to create empowering and selfdetermined economic development opportunities, with subsequent affects on community
health and well-being (p.361). Chandler and Lalonde (2009) have demonstrated that youth
suicides are significantly lower among bands in British Columbia who have achieved a
certain measure of self-determination (i.e., self-government and title to traditional lands).
According to Alfred (2009), key steps in facilitating relationships between land and health

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align with the RCAP's (1996) recommendation to return traditional lands or ‘homelands’ on a
massive scale or restructure the relationship between First Nations people and the law in a
way that allows and facilitates access and use o f the land. Although there exists a multitude
o f systemic, structural and practical barriers, Alfred (2009) argues that the return o f lands in
turn would support not least the passing on o f teachings, the building of self-sufficient
economies, the continuance of land-based practices, and a strong identity and culture, which
are fundamental for health and well-being o f First Nations.
However, while priority in many Indigenous communities is rightly focused on the
reclamation and protection of ‘material’ land, it is also important to repair or re-establish a
cultural set of constructions around connections and relationships to the land. As Goeman
(2008) states: “the land remains in place so to speak. It is our narrative relationship to the
land that has been impacted...” (p.27). This is also an important distinction in terms of
connections to the land and health for urban Indigenous youth in Canada, who may be
spatially, as well as culturally or socially disconnected from their ‘traditional territory’ or
‘homelands’ (as discussed in section 2.2.3).
The findings from this study have profiled a number of ways that the land provides
sustenance, healing, places to play, socialize and connect to culture and identity and have
also highlighted that the connections back to health and well-being are embodied in different
ways. Various sources of literature from multiple disciplines support these findings. Within
the context of a highly modified and changing landscape, pressures are transforming the
amount and quality of time spent on the land, disrupting ways to connect to the land and may
have far reaching implications for health and well-being in the future.

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5.2.3 The Relationships Among Land, Health and Well-Being and the Drivers of
Change
Figure 25 depicts the youth participants’ perspectives on the connections between
land, health and well-being. The thematic analysis produced four key themes that
represented youth perspectives on their relationship with the land and its influence on health
and well being including: Land-based activities, Land-based Indigenous Knowledge and
Stories, Land-based Sustenance & Healing, Land-Based Culture and Identity. In Figure 25,
these themes are depicted as a complex set o f relationships deeply embedded in a given
context, as partially represented by the land and waterway image in the background. The
themes o f landscape and socio-cultural changes are depicted as modifying the context as well
as the many relationships between land and health. This figure will be explored in more
detail in Chapter 6, Discussion and Conclusion.
Potential pathways to heal, foster or improve connections to the land can be
understood as navigation routes (which can be multi-directional and non-linear) among Landbased activities, Land-Based Indigenous Knowledge and Stories, Land-Based Sustenance &
Healing, and Land-Based Culture and Identity, within a particular context, and influenced by
landscape and socio-cultural changes. The pathways are not pre-determined, defined,
described or presumed on the figure because they are fully dependent on the context. Possible
pathways and opportunities informed by the findings, literature and nested contexts will be
described in Chapter 6, Section 6.2.

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Land-Based
Indigenous
Knowledge &
Stories
Landscape changes
Land-Based
Activities

Land-based
Sustenance &
Healing

Health and
Well-Being

Socio-cultural changes

Land-Based
Culture & Identity

Figure 25. Connections among Land, Health and Well-Being for SFN Youth Participants.
Important features of this diagram include, four themes that represent fundamental components in relationships
with the land and its influence on health and well being. Key themes include: Land-based activities, LandBased Indigenous Knowledge and Stories, Land-Based Sustenance & Healing, and Land-Based Culture and
Identity. The land and waterway image in the background depicts a complex set of relationships in which the
identified key themes are embedded. Drivers of change: Landscape and socio-cultural changes modify the
context as well as the many relationships between land and health. (Backgroundphoto adapted and reprinted
with permission from Terry Whitaker. Sourcedfrom Whittaker, 2013).

5.3 Modified Photovoice in the Saik’uz First Nation Context
This section focuses on reflections and the many lessons learned through the modified
Photovoice process with youth and Elders from the Saik’uz First Nation. Areas of focus
include: 1) reflections on the Saik’uz Youth Photovoice Project, 2) the representation and
politics of the creation and circulation o f knowledge, 3) intergenerational interactions in
community-based research, 4) considerations for youth engagement, and 5) modifications to
photovoice.

5.3.1 Reflections on the Saik’uz Youth Photovoice Project
Reflections on the Saik’uz Youth Photovoice Project are presented here as context
and point of departure for deeper discussion in Chapter 6. These points were derived from

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analysis of all forms o f data (workshop, sharing circles, interviews and field notes- see Table
1). During the interviews, youth participants described that this project (and future projects
like it) provided valuable opportunities to bring the generations together for a process of
decolonizing learning, activism/awareness raising, healing and reconnecting to the land. The
Elders expressed gratitude and encouragement for the process in the sharing circle. For
example, SQ revealed: “yeah I love these young people, what they do. Taking pictures.
Pictures are important. You can show your kids, you know. You can explain to them where
that comes from” (SQ, Sharing Circle). Youth participants expressed that they had enjoyed
connecting and learning from their Elders and peers throughout the process, and also
appreciated having a chance to express themselves.
In several cases the participants described experiences that suggested that they were
undergoing a process of learning that would have been enhanced through several iterations o f
the photography-sharing circle cycle. For example, when colonization came up in the
interview, Elijah, referring to the types o f photos taken during the project, said: “I didn't think
of it in that way. I mean like all that colonization type stuff. I thought of it as nature and how
it’s being affected. I didn't see it too much at the beginning but now I am aware o f it” (Elijah,
Interview). Several more rounds o f the Photovoice process may have allowed youth
participants to go through a deeper process o f learning and come to even more nuanced
perspectives.
The youth provided various forms o f feedback through the sharing circles, interviews
and informal conversations including suggestions for improvement, ideas for the future and
how the process had affected them. Comments included the need to have more frequent

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meetings or check-ins throughout the course of the project to discuss, inspire and build on
ideas in an iterative fashion. In reference to the final workshop, Elijah mentioned: “there
should be more meetings like this so that our minds are fresh and we don’t forget” .
However, this feedback came as a surprise to me as throughout the course o f the project one
o f the biggest challenges was getting all o f the participants to commit to a meeting time.
Additionally they felt that the project should be run year long (and beyond) in order to
incorporate seasonal variations. When asked how the project could have been improved, one
participant felt that better cameras were required and another highlighted the importance of
incorporating the Dakelh language into the project: “Definitely more language. Bringing in
more language” (Adam, Sharing Circle 2).
Feedback at the end o f the project revolved around keeping the project going,
involving more youth, and gaining more and broader youth perspectives from the
community. The youth in this project both had a desire to speak out to other youth and
community members as well as “to make it more out there”, reaching distant audiences
through various technologies. For example one participant, when discussing environmental
degradation, expressed an interest to “tell people what is happening out there, because they
are not really aware of it” (Elijah, Interview). In the last sharing circle the youth came up
with several ways to share their work, including creating a photo book, a calendar, slideshow
presentation, display at community events as well as an Instagram account with captions in
order to share their work and to get feedback from other youth in the area. Another
suggestion was to attach the youth photographs and stories onto a virtual map (e.g. Google
Earth) according to the GPS coordinates o f where the photographs were taken.

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Even though it was difficult to recruit and retain participants in this study, once the
project was nearing the end and the outputs were being created, other youth from the
community began coming forward and expressed an interest in getting involved. For
example, one youth that had been originally signed up to take part in the project but had
decided against it was present at a lunch meeting with the CRA and I. After hearing about
the preliminary themes and discussions o f next steps, she was eager to share her ideas and
contribute to future activities (e.g. exhibitions). Likewise, a friend of one o f the youth
participants who had recently moved back to Saik’uz came along to the final sharing circle
and asked if it was too late to take part. He mentioned he had many ideas for photos to share
and took part in the discussion with enthusiasm. It seemed that once the project became a
reality (or at least more tangible), it was easier for the youth to see the benefits o f
participation.
Participatory research is usually characterized by iterative cycles o f learning and
action. Reflecting the time and resource constraints o f Master’s level research, this research
process was only able to produce two main cycles. However, having integrated the project
into ongoing work and efforts in the community, the knowledge, photos, materials and
momentum produced through this process will be built into future work. Related efforts have
already begun (see Table 1 and Appendix VIII). For example, the photo exhibition held in
conjunction with the opening of Sophie’s Garden at the BC Cancer Agency Centre for the
North. Preliminary discussions of other ideas and directions building off o f this work revolve
around water, Indigenous sovereignty and other youth capacity building initiatives in the
community (Personal Communication, Jasmine Thomas, May 7, 2013) as well as a second

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iteration o f the Youth Photovoice Project with an explicit focus on seasonality driven by one
of the youth participants (Personal Communication, Adam Thomas, September 8, 2013). This
story will circle back, as new layers are added, new directions revealed.

5.3.2 Representation and the Politics o f Creation and Circulation o f Knowledge
To begin, this project raised important issues about representation and the politics of
creation and circulation of knowledge. The relevance of these issues need to be considered
in the Northern BC and Canadian contexts where Indigenous people have consistently been
constructed as objects in detrimental image-making practices by non-Indigenous people (see
literature review) (Willems-Braun, 1997). During the course o f this study, I became
increasingly aware o f the importance o f questions that receive ongoing attention in the
literature including: Who has the right to control knowledge?, What power-relations decide
whose knowledge is valued? (Latukefu, 2006) and “who has had access to and understanding
o f media technologies, and who has the rights to know, tell, and circulate certain stories and
images?” (Ginsburg, 2008, p.20). This youth Photovoice project in no way resolved these
issues. However, several strategies were undertaken to grapple with these questions,
including the consistent consultation, interaction and discussion about issues with the CRA
(see section 5.4.1). I also engaged in critical thinking and considered certain nuances around
creation and circulation of ‘new media’ and knowledge through discussions with my thesis
supervisor, peers and colleagues as well as reflexive field note writing, and attending relevant
workshops. Questions around representation and the politics o f the creation and circulation of
knowledge are important considerations in most studies involving Indigenous peoples, and
are becoming especially critical with the increased use o f ‘new’ media tools (e.g.

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participatory photography, digital stories) for research in an Information society.
As raised in the methodology chapter, one danger o f community-based research is
that it can reinscribe or retrench existing power relations in communities. In this project, as
mentioned in section 4.2.2, it became clear that the youth participants were all from a
particular family group in the community, a fact that has obvious implications in terms of
representation in research and power dynamics. Within a context o f complex community
relations, there were many reasons that the project played out in this way despite several
attempts to limit it. Another approach to addressing inequities is to acknowledge when they
arise, as was done at several key points in this thesis. In doing so, it is important to
acknowledge ways in which this thesis (and the research it represents) are embedded within
larger patterns o f power and inequities that are potent problems recognizable at every level o f
society: whether between and within communities, provinces, and nations; north and south;
developed world and developing world. In this regard this research represents a microcosm
of much larger issues.
Throughout this thesis, I have attempted to be very clear that these findings represent
only a small proportion o f the youth in Saik’uz. We were also very clear at community
presentations and when sharing the photo book that these study findings represent a limited
perspective. In August 2013, during the final presentation o f results at a Band Council
meeting, this issue was raised and discussed. The councilors were very understanding o f our
recruitment challenges, and acknowledged that they were familiar with this kind o f challenge
within SFN. Feedback at this meeting suggested that members of the Band Council saw this
project as a step in the right direction, with hopes that more youth, and community members

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in general might be able to participate in similar processes in order to contribute to identity
and community-building among members o f the Saik’uz First Nation.

5.3.3 Considerations for Intergenerational Interactions
This Photovoice project created a space for a small number o f youth to interact with
two Elders in a new way, thus hopefully contributing to a change process in the participants’
community while also raising awareness around issues o f concern. Undertaking communitybased research in First Nations communities often includes ambient ideas around the
importance o f Elder voices and participation in such projects, as keepers of traditional
knowledge, storytellers, guides, leaders, teachers or mentors with symbolic connections to
the past (Battiste, 1998; Graveline, 1998; Simpson, 2002; Stiegelbauer, 1996). Battiste,
(2005) suggests that, community-based projects involving youth and Elders provide an
opportunity to transfer “knowledge and experience o f the social and cultural contexts o f their
ecological origins to succeeding generations” (p. 122). This was absolutely the case with this
project, as evidenced by several key dynamics and developments. In particular, at the
presentation o f the initial research proposal to Chief and Council, it was reinforced that it was
very important to include Elders - one representative mentioned that in the community many
families no longer have an Elder and therefore the youth no longer have mentors. It was
reiterated that the community needs more opportunities for Elders and youth to reconnect and
come together. For Chief and Council, youth-Elder reconnections were a very important
component for projects that explore aspects o f health and land (SFN Chief and Council,
personal communication, September 13, 2011). It is important to acknowledge though that
these were ‘non-youth’ perspectives. Youth perspectives on the Elder matter were not sought

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out. For one, I wanted to respect the wishes o f Chief and Council, who ultimately approved
the research. Secondly, I would not have felt comfortable or safe suggesting an alternative.
There exists a fair amount of academic as well as grey-literature about the many
benefits accrued through youth-Elder projects in First Nations contexts; however potential
pitfalls or challenges are rarely mentioned, acknowledged or explored. This study highlighted
the need to maintain a critical consciousness o f assumptions, attitudes, and behaviours at the
forefront while exploring this terrain. Although Elder participation was extremely positive
and beneficial in this context, the inclusion o f Elders can also pose some challenges to a
youth-driven research project situated in this context. Drawing on literature from the field o f
Youth-Adult Partnerships, according to Zeldin, Larson, Camino, & O’Connor (2005), “issues
o f personal and institutional power are embedded in all aspects o f youth-adult relationships”
(p. 8) and these can lead to limitations within community-based projects. When Elders come
into a project with the role of mentor, advisor or teacher, there can be an implicit idea that it
is the adults who have the relevant experience, whereas the youth do not (Camino, 2005).
Sometimes, youth may encounter a smattering o f stereotypes held by adults, such as a youth
tendency to be moody or conflict-prone or to engage in risky behaviours (Arnett, 1999;
Camino, 2000). In a community-based project exploring resilience with First Nations youth
and Elders, Andersson & Ledogar (2008) noted that the presence o f Elders in sharing circles
could limit discussion about sensitive but important topics (e.g. sexual abuse, illicit drug use).
Likewise, Elder contributions might influence or shape other participant’s responses, because
of the deep respect for Elders in many Indigenous contexts (Wolsko et al., 2006).

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On balance, my experience was that the intergenerational aspect o f this project was an
asset. The Elders presence seemed to create a positive and warm environment during the
workshop and sharing circle, which was echoed through some o f the youth feedback. They
also provided support and encouragement for the project, and seemed to express a sense of
pride in the youth for their involvement. The youth participants appeared to appreciate the
opportunity to connect with the Elders and learn from their stories. The presence o f Elders
did not seem to limit the youth contributions; instead in many cases they inspired discussion.
Through sharing stories from the past about connections to the land, traditional knowledge
and environmental, social and cultural change they provided fuel for youth discussions about
their present and their future.

5.3.4 Considerations fo r Youth Engagement
Many of the themes explored in this project are age-old questions regaining
prominence in an era when, globally, people are trying to find solutions to complex problems
related to health and sustainability. Supporting youth perspectives and engagement is crucial;
younger generations carry the potential to create fundamental changes needed for a healthier
future. Contemporary youth from the Saik’uz First Nation (like many other communities) are
faced with a multitude o f cross-cutting and complex health and sustainability challenges
alongside a continuum that includes matters o f self-determination, cultural rights, and
political sovereignty, arising from local, regional, provincial, national and global contexts.
As noted in Chapter 1, a motivation for the project was to gain new insights into the potential
of implementing community-based projects in ways that value Indigenous youth can help to
support their influence in shaping the future.

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The modified-Photovoice method allowed the participants to share a highly
contextualized, powerful source of knowledge about what they saw as the connections
between land and well-being, engage in learning, while simultaneously creating the raw
materials (such as quotes and photos) that can be used for knowledge-to-action, as well as
political action to tackle specific goals. Additionally, engaging in and sharing photography
provided an incentive for young people to participate in research and community action.
The Saik’uz youth are indeed located in a global culture; connected through mass
media and Internet exchanges (Kirmayer et al., 2003). One notable factor was that, unlike
Photovoice projects in other Indigenous contexts (e.g. Maclean & Woodward, 2012), the use
of cameras was not a novel experience for all participants in this project. Methods such as
Photovoice are developing at a time when Indigenous communities and a generation
comfortable with media are using the Internet and various platforms and technologies to
create their own representations as a form o f social action (Ginsburg, 2008). Photo voice was
seen by the youth as just one option in an array of media tools including Facebook, Twitter,
print media (e.g. newspapers) and film which had been actively used by participants in a
variety o f ways. Even so, the Photovoice exercise was an innovative and engaging
participatory means o f recording current youth perspectives with the potential to be used as
fuel for future projects while also creating archival documentation and systematized
knowledge for future generations. In this way, the use o f Photovoice was more nuanced than
“giving a voice” to marginalized groups who have no other options. It was an opportunity
chosen strategically in order to meet specific goals in this particular community.

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5.3.5 Modifications to Photovoice
Although originally based on the stages o f Photovoice proposed by Wang and
informed by other community-based participatory projects, this project took various turns
throughout the duration of the study, which were not inconsequential and have some
interesting methodological implications for researchers undertaking similar projects in First
Nations contexts.
In much of the Photovoice literature, data is collected in several weeks. This study
was initially planned with a similar timeframe. In reality, however, the process took six
months (March to August 2012) and spanned 3 seasons (end of winter, spring and summer).
While there was ongoing contact between the CRA, the youth participants and myself
throughout this time period, the youth participants required more time to complete their
photography than initially thought, and wanted to wait for specific community events (e.g.
culture camp) to take their photographs in order to tell a more complete story. In reality, this
“delay” proved to be beneficial in that the prolonged and ongoing immersion functioned to
build trust and establish rapport including between myself and the CRA as well as with the
participants in a manner that is acknowledged by other authors, including Castleden, Garvin
and Huu-ay-aht First Nation (2008) as very important.
The youth were intentional about telling a particular story, and sometimes that meant
going beyond the constraints of the Photovoice method and the planned process. In addition
to the individual exercise o f taking photographs for this project, participants also chose
photos taken on their cameras by their family and other community members and picked
photos from personal archives. Keeping open to such changes complemented family and
communal connectedness. It also allowed multiple perspectives to seep into the project, and
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in some ways contributed to a distribution o f power in terms of what was ‘included’ and
‘excluded’ in the creation o f collective knowledge.

5.4 Reflections on the Overall Research Process
This section highlights reflections in relation to the research process overall, with
specific focus on the collaboration with the Community Research Advisor as well as the
study limitations.

5.4.1 Collaboration with the Community Research Advisor (CRA)
As described in Chapter 4, Jasmine had a dual role in this project, as youth participant
and as community research advisor. There were several challenges related to this approach.
First, there was the ongoing potential o f power imbalances and privileging the voice o f the
CRA over the other participants in terms o f “airtime” as well as at decision-making levels.
Relatedly, because of her position in the community and the project, there was the potential
of her voice to unintentionally influence or direct the focus o f participant’s contributions. The
CRA and I were both very aware o f these challenges, and made efforts to ensure privileging
did not occur. Because o f our trusting and friendly relationship, we were able to talk
comfortably about how workshops and sharing circles would be implemented, in ways that
ensured all o f the other youth had an equal chance to speak and felt comfortable doing so.
Additionally, the sharing circle in particular required very little in terms o f facilitation, and it
was structured in a way that allowed all participants equal voice (the participants speak in
turn, without much interruption, as the talking stick is passed around the circle). The CRA
was also not present at the other two youth interviews, which provided space for more
openness if her presence happened to be an issue for them (her role in the project was not
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addressed or touched on by the participants in any of the interviews). Despite these efforts,
Jasmine’s dual role is an important feature o f the research design and remains a possible
limitation or bias in this study.
A second challenge is related to the fact that throughout the project Jasmine had to
simultaneously juggle her role as a project co-designer, as participant, facilitator and
coordinator. Although this could have lead to confusion and frustration, she navigated this
role crossing with grace and ease and it did not seem to limit the process or the participants’
engagement in the process.
When I wrote about the ‘ally’ concept in the literature review, it did not quite resonate
with me, but I felt that it was important to acknowledge, given its relative importance as a
concept in literature on Indigenous and non-Indigenous relations. However, I learned
through my collaboration with Jasmine that labels such as ‘allies’ do not matter as much as
the relationships and intimate connections themselves, built on trust, accountability, honesty
and humility. Reflecting on our experience together, my feelings about it harmonize with
Spectra's (2013) assertion:
I ’d rather experience people- and their politics- through unlikely, awkward, strained,
challenging, beautiful relationships built over time. That way, when we do clash or
differ, we love each other enough to express the full range o f our raw emotions- cry,
yell, storm out- and return to build the deeper, more intimate connections we need to
take on the world together, truly united” (para. 6).
I have learned through my interactions with the CRA and other members of the
community that alliances and solidarity are not a given; tentative connections between
communities, Indigenous people, non-Indigenous people take hard work, time and
commitment to exist and thrive (Smith, 2008). These types of collaboration can be difficult,

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because of limited mandates and funding. Sometimes they may require new or rekindled
thinking as well as courage and imagination to envision and construct a new future.

5.4.2 Study Limitations
There are limitations within any research study, and the Saik’uz Youth Photovoice
Project, embedded in a larger qualitative research design, is no exception. Four limitations
will be discussed, along with how they were addressed in this study. These limitations
include: transferability/generalizability, limitations in the use o f photographs, my
positionality and time constraints. Important issues about the strengths and constraints o f the
CRA involvement have been discussed above (in section 5.4.1).
Any transfer o f findings, interpretations and conclusions from this study to other
contexts should be made with caution. This qualitative study contributed to a deeper
understanding of phenomena in a specific context (Khagram & Thomas, 2010): the landhealth connections for four First Nations youth in one BC community. Therefore, findings
are very much context-dependent and specific to the unique experiences o f these four youth
and Elders who participated in the project. Additionally, the small sample (in this case 4
youth) represents only a small percentage of the overall youth population in SFN. Small
samples favour credibility and internal validity (in-depth knowledge of a specific case) over
transferability and external validity (generalized knowledge that can be readily applied to
other cases) (Guba & Lincoln, 1994; Khagram & Thomas, 2010). Although we started with
youth from various backgrounds, three young women dropped out before taking their
photographs. The youth who remained in the study came from a more advantaged family
group and two o f them had at least two years o f post-secondary education. In total, these

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factors may have introduced ‘recruitment bias’ into the study, characterized by a preferential
recruitment of a particular part of the population, which results in less variation among the
participants and can limit validity or generalizability o f study findings (Nijs, 2011). In
particular, the views presented in this study are more representative of this particular family
group. Therefore, this thesis does not reflect the views of those youth who did not wish to, or
could not engage with the Saik’uz Youth Photovoice project. The youth in this study may
not have been representative o f the overall community. Despite the limitations o f
transferability, studies such as this one are worthwhile in that they can provide great leverage
for future research, and contribute to a larger body o f work that explored the connections
between land and health for Indigenous peoples. In addition, as argued by Flyvbjerg (2006)
the potential for transferability is increased by grounding the study’s findings and discussion
in relation to several bodies o f literature.
There were also limitations to the photograph-centered approach. In keeping with the
Photovoice method, the photographs themselves often lead what was discussed in the sharing
circles and interviews, which could be seen to create biases or omissions. Since both the
structure of the sharing circles and interviews was based around photos to elicit responses,
many responses were limited to what was photographed and thus photographable. Another
limitation of using still images is that they cannot always capture adequate representations o f
complex, abstract, dynamic, multi-scalar processes (Berbes-Blazquez, 2012), for example
language or climate change. In order to partially resolve these issues, participants were often
encouraged to not be limited by their photographs during the sharing circles and interviews.
For example, if they had something else to add to the conversation, they were encouraged to

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express it whether or not it was ‘attached’ to a photograph. Another approach to addressing
this limitation was conveyed during the training session, the use of creative ideas was
discussed, in order to represent difficult to capture concepts (e.g. placing a word on a
scrabble board and photographing it). It was also suggested that the participants could use
other forms o f materials or strategies to enhance or change the meaning o f an image (for
example using paints to draw on top o f the photograph, collage, image software etc...).
Additionally, due to the ethical requirements o f not using photographs o f children or
people who have not signed a consent form, much o f Gabriel’s contribution to the project
became somewhat invisible, which was compounded by the fact that he chose not to
participate in an interview (and therefore it was difficult to determine, beyond speculation,
why he chose to take particular photos). Although throughout the thesis I attempted to
include his voice in creative ways (e.g. by cropping photos or simply including the captions),
it presented challenges in terms of equal representation.
My location and positionality (as introduced in the Introduction and Methodology
Chapter) had both strengths and limitations. The stories and perspectives shared with me are
likely different than what would have been shared with someone else, another Indigenous
person or community member. However, in general, I felt that the participants made efforts
to provide me with context to their stories, tell me about their backgrounds and involve me in
relevant aspects of their lives. In some cases, it seemed the participants shared more with
me, as someone who was co-learning and working with them. For example, as mentioned in
Chapter three, I was invited to participate in two days o f the Grouse Clan annual culture
camp where I camped overnight, played with the children, went hunting, learned how to set

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traps and listened to Elders stories around a campfire. The participants provided me with
many teachings about the land, their communities and the history o f the area. Such
experiences were enriching both personally and academically and they undoubtedly provided
considerable richness to the overall study.
The final study limitation was related to time. First, community-based research and
especially Photovoice can be time-consuming for those involved (Castleden et al., 2008;
Kem et al., 2011). It was a challenge for the CRA to find times when everyone was able to
make it to the sharing circles and interviews; youth were busy with other school related
commitments or events and there were several community tragedies throughout the course o f
this project. Second, the time constraints o f a Master’s thesis, which usually follows a twoyear timeframe, presented what felt like a truncation o f the learning process with youth.
However, in order to help facilitate ongoing learning, all o f the materials, data, and
equipment were left with the community and they can continue building on the momentum of
this project it in their own way. Additionally, although time constrained, some aspects of the
project have intangible outcomes and are continuing to unfold beyond (and irrespective of)
the lifecycle of a Master’s thesis (see Appendix VIII).
Because o f aspects related to design and methods, context and timing issues discussed
above, I do not feel that I was fully able to answer my research questions related to objective
II. As pointed out in the findings and discussion chapter, there were certain times where
ideas were only explored at a superficial level and therefore it was difficult to expand or
make nuanced associations between land and health for the youth involved. In part, the
research questions may have been too broad in relation to the limited points o f contact with

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only four youth (e.g. only 2 sharing circles and one interview each, not including Gabriel). If
it could have been possible within the context o f the study, at least two more sharing circles
or a second interview may have enabled deeper more nuanced perspectives to emerge. That
said, rich descriptions did indeed materialize and this project serves as a useful launching
point for future community initiatives and research.

5.5 Conclusion
The modified Photovoice process offered a rich opportunity to gain insight into the
world o f these First Nations youth and Elders from Saik’uz First Nation. The findings from
this study generated new insights and links to literature at the nexus of land, health and well­
being. Youth perspectives highlighted complex connections and relationships between land,
health and well-being with insights to the many possible pathways for maintaining/improving
the connection to the land (for improved health and well-being) in the context of rapidly
changing lands and peoples. In the following chapter, insights from the overall research
process as well as possible pathways for healing and fostering connections to the land will be
explored in relation to the literature.

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CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION AND REFLECTIONS
This thesis documents a community-based project called Saik 'uz Youth Photovoice
Project, embedded in a qualitative study, which took place in Saik’uz, BC from August 2011
to May 2013. The project engaged four youth in a participatory photography process,
followed by a sharing circle with two Elder mentors as well as individual interviews and a
follow-up discussion with youth, in order to explore what they saw as the connections
between land and health. The research design and findings therefore reflect an iterative
process with a small group of youth and Elders in one First Nations community, generating
new insights informed by their experiences and stories. Through analysis o f the photograph
captions, stories and discussions, four themes emerged that represented how these SFN youth
saw the land, health and well-being as connected. Additionally, the youth described two
main drivers of change that were impacting these relationships. All of these themes can be
seen as interconnected and overlapping, which also means that the conceptualization
presented in the findings represents just one way o f representing the data. Broadly, the
findings support that the understanding o f connections between land and health described by
the SFN youths participants are similar to many Indigenous people’s beliefs that land, health
and well-being are indeed deeply embedded in a system o f relationships.
In this Chapter, the main findings are revisited and synthesized in relation to their
contributions to addressing the three research objectives (restated here for convenience):

I.

Explore and identify strengths and gaps in the literature in relation to First Nations
youth, health, well-being and the land.

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II.

Undertake engaged, empirical work with SFN youth to discover and explore
perspectives on the connections among land, health and well-being at a communitylevel, guided by the following research questions:
•
•

III.

How do SFN youth view their relationship with the land and its influence on
individual and community well-being?
What pathways and opportunities exist for SFN youth to heal, foster and
improve connections to the land?

Synthesize insights garnered from Objective I and II to identify strategies for bridging
land, health and well-being at multiple levels (community, provincial, national and
international).

This is followed by a summary of some potential pathways for (re) connecting, fostering and
improving youth connections to the land for health and well-being, with particular relevance
at the community, provincial/regional and national/ international levels.

6.1 Land and Health as Interconnected
The literature review presented in Chapter 2 directly addressed Objective I o f this
study and informed the approach to Objective II and III. Directly addressing the second
objective, the six themes presented in Chapter 5 represented a way to group significant
content that emerged from the data collection activities. The four themes that represent the
relationships among land, health and well-being (5.2.1) can be understood as embedded in a
larger set of relationships (the socioecological system), which are then influenced by the
drivers of change (5.2.2). These interrelationships are depicted in Figure 25, which is
structured to reflect the potential for synergies, complementarities, and reciprocities among
different themes. For example, some forms of stewardship activities simultaneously

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contribute to the building o f social relationships, culture and identity, healing, in addition to
environmental protection. Initiatives and programs can explicitly build on and take
advantage o f these types o f linkages for additional gains and benefits at many levels.
In sum, the themes supported that for the youth in this project, land, health and well­
being are deeply interconnected and provided new locally relevant insights into the themes
examined in Chapter 2 and the contextual background in Chapter 3. When synthesizing the
findings overall, it was notable that the youth participants viewed the land relationally. The
‘land’ represented interactions among air, water, mountains and living things (plants, animals
and people). Importantly, land was not seen as separate from its inherent connection with air
or water and other elements of these linked systems that support life. Participant perspectives
on the connections between land, health and well-being were multi-dimensional and
stretched into social, spiritual, emotional, intellectual and cultural realms. While health and
well-being was not explicitly defined by any o f the youth, it was embedded in all o f the
relationships they described. Land, health and well-being were also often co-expressed (i.e.
when asked about health, they would talk about the land and vice versa). This relationality is
not currently captured well in the Social Determinants o f Health (SDOH) or any purely social
orientation to health, which still tends to dichotomize the social and the biophysical
(including ecological dynamics).
Additionally, the interrelatedness of land, health and well-being was shown to be
integral to the lives of the youth in this project and interlinked with the socio-cultural and
landscape changes that are deeply affecting the context o f these relationships. The
experience of this project and the interaction with the participants brought to the fore an

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urgency that had not been clearly identified through the review of the literature or the study
context. The youth echoed the words o f the late Sophie Thomas, Saik’uz Elder: "If we look
after our earth, it will look after us. If we destroy it, we'll destroy ourselves” (Sophie Thomas
Foundation, 2012).
The project also provided new insights into how words can be powerful and have
many roles. For example, as alluded to in the literature review, using the word ‘land’ instead
o f ‘environment’ can bring more attention to the social, spiritual, cultural and emotional
elements of the relationships. However, I have found that there are certain ‘territories’ that
our language does not handle well. Words can be clumsy, and are poor proxies for ways of
knowing that science has come up with to try to describe complex topics. I found that many
o f the ways o f knowing presented in this thesis stretch outside o f our given vocabulary. If I
had more time, I would have liked to explore possible Dakelh words that better capture
concepts such as ‘interconnectedness’, ‘relationality’, ‘co-expression’, and ‘reciprocity’.
The many relationships between land and health identified by the youth speaks to and
reinforces the need to shift from a view of the environment as a ‘natural resource’ (to be
exploited, or as a possible source of ‘hazards’) to a view of the ecosystem as life source, and
a not- negotiable foundation for all life (Parkes, 2011). Re-engaging or re-articulating landhealth connections requires the breaking down of persistent artificial divides, dichotomies
and compartmentalizations that are often used to sever land and health relationships,
including our strong tendency to separate “social” and “environmental” factors as they relate
to health. In her appraisal of an ecosocial perspective and discussion of the co-mingled
social and biological world, Krieger asserts, “to focus on only or the other misses the fact we

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embody both” (2001; 2008, p.227).
Ultimately, the findings o f this research challenge us to consider interconnections,
interrelationships and reciprocities among land, health and well-being; ways o f knowing that
overlap with Indigenous epistemologies and ontologies and a large body of work in
Indigenous and First Nations studies. Attention to these dynamics may open up a suite o f
opportunities for holistically healing the deeper causes of health disparities for First Nations
youth in Canada. Addressing health and well-being in a holistic way demands valuing these
relationships in their many forms.
The Saik’uz Youth Photovoice project provided a microcosm that allowed for
manageable exploration of those interrelationships and interconnections, bringing them to life
in a nuanced and localized way.

6.2 Pathways for (Re) Connecting, Fostering and Improving Youth Connections to the
Land for Health and Well-Being
The third objective o f this project was to synthesize insights garnered from Objective
I and II to identify strategies and pathways for bridging land, health and well-being at
multiple levels (community, provincial, national and international). The combination of
insights from the literature with the findings and discussion from empirical work provided
solid ground for exploring possible strategies and pathways. In this section pathways can be
understood as the navigation routes (multi-directional and non-linear) among various
interrelationships within a given context. It is recognized that pathways can take a number o f
directions, but those identified in this section are informed by an assemblage o f contexts,
literatures and youth and Elder voices and represent possible research opportunities and

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applications at multiple, nested levels. Directions explored below include:
national/international levels (Canada and beyond), provincial/regional (British Columbia and
Northern BC) and local (Saik’uz First Nation).

6.2.1 Canada and beyond
The findings have implications for an emerging body o f research currently entering
public health and health promotion agendas at national and international level: including new
perspectives on the relationships between contact with ‘nature’ and health (as outlined in
Chapter 2 in relation to the concepts of “Healthy by Nature”, “Healthy Parks, Healthy
People”). Unlike much of the literature in this area, this study was not attempting to quantify
or measure the direct associations between nature and health for youth participants.
However, the study points to aspects that may be important to consider in future studies with
First Nations in general and youth in particular, especially in Northern and rural and remote
contexts. The majority o f literature that explores the linkages between health and nature
comes from an urban perspective, and thus ‘nature’ often encapsulates paths, parks, gardens
and other forms of “green space”. The participants in this study did not mention any o f these
forms; instead, they acknowledged that there was land all around them (their traditional
territory or Keyoh). The importance was in the maintenance of the connection to that land (in
a variety of ways) and the protection o f the land in order to derive health and well-being
benefits.
In relation to healthy by nature and health promotion initiatives, this research revealed
possible pathways for youth from rural and remote communities, especially in terms of
prioritizing engagement with traditional lands, perhaps in addition to “health in parks” or

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other forms o f “green space”. Additionally, the multiple and interrelated relationships
described in the findings and depicted in Figure 25 may also provide clues for “healthy by
nature” type initiatives and research with First Nations youth in rural and remote contexts, in
terms possible mechanisms o f how land might influence health and well-being.
It is also important to note that different groups of people have differing relations
with the land or ‘nature’, which coincidentally reinforces social differences and wider power
relations (Panelli, 2010). Relations can differ within and between many scales: on-reserve,
off-reserve, urban and rural. For example, even though many on-reserve youth live on or
near their traditional territories there are a multitude of potential barriers (socio-cultural,
economical etc...) for accessing the territory and/or taking part in activities that connect them
to the to the land. Panelli argues (2010) that the uneven experiences and contact with the
land available to different groups is an important consideration but, as was demonstrated in
this project, also points to a range of opportunities for co-relation with land (song and dance,
activities, eating traditional foods) that can provide ways to access a sense of connection.
In light of the eroding environmental protections in Canada and increasing pressures
on people and their environments (Nerenberg, 2013), there is an amplified urgency and need
to understand land-health connections in Canada. This is especially so for Indigenous
communities who closely rely on the land for health (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2012). As an
emerging area of research, there are substantial gaps in research, practice, policy, and
programming in terms o f the connections between land and health for Indigenous peoples,
and especially youth. This thesis has highlighted that more research— qualitative,
quantitative, and mixed methods studies— are needed to explore and analyze more deeply

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the multitude o f pathways between land, health and well-being as well as the implications o f
socio-cultural and environmental change on those relationships. Because these issues are
complex, the most effective research would include multi-scalar and multi-sectoral
collaborative partnerships among a variety o f organizations. The research design applied
here, o f modified Photovoice in a rural context in Northern BC with First Nations youth, may
be relevant to the design o f future research or projects that aim to explore land-health
connections in other northern Canadian contexts.

6.2.2 Provincial/Regional (British Columbia and Northern BC)
As discussed in the study context chapter, First Nations in BC have initiated a
transformative process of change towards the establishment of a BC First Nations Health
Authority (FNHA) that will design, manage, and deliver health programs and services for
First Nations people. Such a transformation creates fertile ground for culturally relevant
strategies and interventions that incorporate the interconnectedness of land and health as
identified by the youth in this project. More research is needed in terms of how a FNHA
could develop strategies to honour and build off of the kinds of interrelationships discussed
by the youth. Strategies might include exploring how to emphasize and support the creation
of everyday opportunities for multiple generations to spend time on the land; participate in
hunting, trapping, fishing, and foraging; and local stewardship/ advocacy/ direct action
activities. Additionally, there may be opportunities to expand infrastructure (e.g. pithouses,
community gardens) and support existing on-the-land and intergenerational programming
(e.g. annual culture camps) all in efforts to contribute to healthy lives. Supporting and
expanding existing community resources and linking them explicitly to health and well-being

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has the potential to enhance overall health and wellness at the community level. There may
also be opportunities for the FNHA and other First Nations health programming to link in
with and build on “healthy by nature” initiatives in new ways (discussed in Section 6.3.1).
Strategies such as these may require the FNHA and/or other health researchers and
practitioners to be flexible and adaptable to consider integrated approaches and to explore
new unlikely allies and partnerships outside the health sector, as well as multiple roles across
different types of collaborations. These challenges are not unique to the FNHA and echo
existing work that has been developed to focus on ‘Environment as a Context for Health’ by
Northern Health, within the duration of this project (Northern Health, 2012).
The acknowledged limitations of the small sample and focus on one community have
the potential to catalyze future research. Engaging in a cross-case comparative analysis using
Photovoice with other and more youth from other First Nations communities could contribute
and broaden the understanding o f the connections between land and health as well as
examine and learn about the transferability o f the Photovoice method.

6.2.3 Local (Saik’uz First Nation)
Having worked through implications of this study at different scales, this section re­
focuses attention on the Saik’uz First Nation context. It was difficult to synthesize the
tremendous learning that took place for me alongside the youth and Elder participants and
other community members, through their stories and actions, as well as and time spent in the
community, in the region and on the land. It was challenging to decide which pathways to
focus on. Some pathways in the community are already mapped out, well traveled. Others
are just emerging. Ultimately, current and future generations will map their own pathways,

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ideally on their own terms.
The experience o f this project taught me that innovative community programming or
projects are one type of pathway, but compartmentalization o f pathways into ‘programs’ or
‘projects’ may not always honour the organic, dynamic nature o f people’s lives and the
relationships between land and health. Instead, many pathways may include “everyday acts”
in the community and on the land (Comtassel, 2012, p.29; Simpson, 2008). All o f the youth
talked about dozens of “on the ground” direct actions (e.g. healing walks, eating traditional
foods, learning from their Elders, learning how to use a compass) that they can take to restore
or reclaim connections and relationships to the land for health. If we take Figure 25, and use
the analogy of a network of land and waterways, we can imagine tracing routes in a number
ways. More direct actions taken by more and more people can lead to more established
routes. The research with SFN has highlighted the potential of fostering these actions.
In order for “on the ground” actions to take place, some youth may need assistance
navigating the relationships and finding their way. Thus mentorship29 or forms of
apprenticeship (one-on-one or in groups) may represent another key pathway (Comtassel,
2012). This project provided a small case-study for how mentorship can lead to learning and
transmission o f knowledge to help build connections to the land through linking youth,
Elders, and a knowledge holder (the CRA).
Closing the health gap between First Nations and non-First Nations youth, in part,
means having approaches that are responsive to First Nation youth needs. Informed by this
study, being responsive means creating pathways that acknowledge that health and wellbeing
29

Mentorship here is conceptualized as a reciprocal (yet possibly asymmetrical) relationship (Sambunjak &
MaruSic, 2009).

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for the youth are expressions of inter-relationships, deeply embedded within the land on
which we all depend. For programs, services and initiatives aimed at SFN youth, this may
also mean acknowledging that youth health and well-being is rooted in the structures and
changes o f socioecological systems and may need to be approached holistically rather than
by separating a complex system into discrete components or approaches.

6.3 Conclusion
This project was enabled through the meeting of two people with collaborative
tendencies and with overlapping questions and interests in land, health and youth. This thesis
opened with two o f these questions, embedded within three larger objectives, which were
addressed through a mixture o f methodologies and approaches applied in one place, the
Saik’uz First Nation. With the support o f the institutions o f UNBC and the SFN, a researcher
and community research advisor sought to co-design and conduct a study that would respond
to our shared curiosity in how youth in Saik’uz perceived land and health as connected. We
also wanted to know about some possible pathways and opportunities to (re)connect to the
land for health.
This thesis represents one distillation- in a relative static form- o f an experience that
has been full of ideas, hopes and dreams for our collective future. Beyond the thesis, the
relationships, teachings, learnings, and effects of this process have been embodied and
continue to be expressed. The youth and Elders’ insights have provided fertile ground for
progressing ecohealth and Indigenous health throughout the Northern BC landscape in a
variety o f ways. The collaboration and friendship between Jasmine and I will continue,
building off the Photo voice process with plans for the fall o f 2013 and beyond. To borrow

168

the phenomenon mentioned by one of the youth participants, I hope that this small
contribution will in some way, start a “butterfly effect”.
For the youth in this project, the process o f restoring relationships to the land for
health comes from within individuals, families and communities, but is also largely
influenced by complex driving forces o f change and other ongoing colonial processes. In
order to address these types of complex, wicked problems where there is no clear way
forward, we ultimately require respectful, responsible, accountable relationships and
practices with each other and our ecosystems. I learned through my experiences with
Jasmine and the community that change happens through relationships, that we are all
healing and that we are all in this together.

i t o o k t h i s p i c t u r e c a u s e its r a r e t h a t we s e e l i g h t n i n g w h e n
t h e r e is a c l e a r sky o u t a n d I t h o u g h t m a y b e t h a t ' s t h e l ight a t
t h e e n d o f t h e t u n n e l a n d its g o i n g t o g e t b e t t e r f r o m t h e n on .
I ' m a l w a y s t r y i n g t o e n c o u r a g e y o u t h t o d o p o s i t i v e t h i n g s like
play s por t s, or just ge t o u t i nto t h e c o m m u n i t y a n d talk t o o u r
Elders a n d just l earn. And t h a t c oul d h e l p revitalize o u r c ul t ur e
T h a t ' s w h a t I’m d o i n g , I ' m l e a r n i n g f r o m m y E l d e r s r i ght n o w
s o , w e wi l l a l w a y s l e a r n f r o m o u r E l d e r s a n d I II p a s s t h a t o n
a n d it wi l l h e l p m a k e o u r c o m m u n i t y b e t t e r . - A d a m

+

169

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Upham, L. (2010, August 5). Indigenous scholar Greg Cajete visits Salish Kootenai College.
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Waltner-Toews, D., & Kay, J. (2005). The evolution of an ecosystem approach: the diamond
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Willows, N. D., Hanley, A. J. G., & Delormier, T. (2012). A socioecological framework to
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Young, J., & Hawley, A. (2002). Plants and Medicines o f Sophie Thomas: Based on the
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Zeldin, S., Larson, R., Camino, L., & O ’Connor, C. (2005). Intergenerational relationships
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Journal o f Community Psychology, 35(1), 1-10. doi:10.1002/jcop.20042

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I l U R S UNIVERSITY OF
UffWW NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
Appendix III - Information Sheets and Consent Forms
A. Information Sheet for Youth Participants (for those over 18)
Research Project: "Connections between Land and Wellbeing: Perspectives o f First Nations Youth in the
Community o f Saik ’uz
Community Research Advisor: Jasmine Thomas, Saik’uz Whut’en
Researcher: Lindsay Beck, Master of Science Student in the School of Health Sciences Program, University of
Northern BC.
Supervisor: Dr. Margot Parkes, Assistant Professor, Health Sciences Programs, University of Northern BC
Purpose of the research
The purpose of this study is for Saik’uz First Nation youth to work with Elders and describe connections to the
land and how these influence individual and community well-being. Several community groups would like
input from youth to build into future programs and initiatives. Lead by Jasmine Thomas, the research team will
be working with a multimedia type of research to help youth communicate their ideas to the community and
others. This method is called “photovoice” with sharing circles.
Why was I selected?
You have been selected as a potential participant because of your willingness to participate in the research and
to share your experiences. Another factor may be your interest in getting involved in community activities
related to environmental stewardship and land-based activities, or simply your interest in the connections
between land and health.
What will happen?
The study has 3 parts; all data for the study will be collected between January 2012 and May 2012:
•

•

•

•

In part one, we will meet for a first workshop (location to be determined) where we will brainstorm your
ideas about health and well-being and the land. Next we will learn about basic photography, as well as
brainstorm risks, safety and respect involved in taking photographs in your community and how to
participate in a safe way. We will lend you a digital camera so that you can take pictures (this task will
require approximately 90 minutes of your time).
You will then have a month to take a minimum of 10 photographs of the connections between land and
health, write descriptions and captions for each photo and choose 4 of your favourites. The photos and
information will be handed over to the research team after 1 month (this will require a minimum of
approximately 2-3 hours of your time spread out in a one month period).
In part 2, you will participate in a sharing circle (location to be determined) with the other youth
participants and Elders, during which you will be asked to talk about your photographs and your
perspectives of the connection between land and health and ways to (re) connect with the land (this will last
approximately 90 minutes).
In part 3, you will participate in the second workshop (location to be determined) with project participants,
during which you will be asked to review the preliminary findings and to clarify, reflect or elaborate on
these findings. During this gathering you will also be asked to think about how you would like to share
your photographs and/or the findings with the community (this will last approximately 90 minutes).

Permission?
If you choose to be in the study, a member of the research team will meet with you to get your written consent
for participation in the study. The researcher will explain that taking part in the study involves participating in 2
workshops and a sharing circle and sharing the collective story widely with others.

204

I MIA/' UNIVERSITY OF
ImV0 | | NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

Who Will Know?
If you consent, information from all group sessions may be recorded by video, audio, still photographs or
written notes by the researcher. Photographs and video or audio recording will occur only if you have given
your explicit consent. Please note that only limited confidentiality can be offered for individuals who choose to
participate in the workshops and discussions. At the outset of the workshops, we will encourage all participants
to avoid sharing the content of the discussions outside of the study; however, we cannot control what other
participants do with the information afterward.
You will not be identified in any recorded data or information that goes out to the public. You will be referred
to using a pseudonym (made up name) of your choice. Should you wish to be named and waive your right to
privacy and anonymity, you will be required to provide written evidence, witnessed by a third party, to this
effect. Should you consent to being recorded by video or audio for the purpose of data collection, you will be
given the choice whether or not you consent to the sharing of these images, and visual/audio recordings in
representations o f the research such as presentations and publications. Consent for this sort of sharing will not
be assumed and will be obtained on an individual basis prior to such use of the images, your photographs or
voice recordings.
All electronic or multimedia data collected during this study will be downloaded and stored on a secured harddrive (not connected to the Internet). All information and text that you provide will remain confidential and
securely stored in a locked filing cabinet in Dr. Parkes’ lab at the University of Northern BC for 5 years as well
as with the Saik’uz First Nation. After the 5-year period, all UNBC data (electronic, notes, or tape) will be
destroyed through deletion of data and shredding of files. The only holder of Data after 5 years will be the
Saik’uz First Nation (the Data custodian) where it will be safely archived for access by First Nations. The
findings of this project will be made available to you at your request upon the completion of the study.
It’s your choice:
It is your choice to participate. You may stop being in the study at any time, and any information you provided
up to that point will also be withdrawn. You may ask questions at any time. If there are issues that are upsetting
for you, we will help find a professional for you to talk to. We want to thank you for participating in this study.
A $500 gift of appreciation will be given to the Youth and Elders Council to go toward future initiatives.
Risks and Benefits:
Potential risks may arise from the disclosure of your identity or information at the workshops or sharing circles,
given that you will be interacting with project participants. Other risks are related to the photovoice method
itself such as personal safety while taking photographs (we will discuss safety in the first workshop). Although
a minimal risk, reflection about certain issues may cause stress or other negative emotional responses. Potential
benefits of participating in the study include being a part of a positive change process and group building
activity and to provide input or be a part of possible programs, strategies and next steps for youth in Saik’uz.
Questions:
If you have questions please call our community research advisor Jasmine Thomas on her cell phone a t ______
or email her a t
. You can also call Lindsay Beck on her cell phone a t
or email her at
beckl@unbc.ca. Her supervisor, Dr. Margot Parkes can be reached at her office by email: parkesm@unbc.ca or
by phone: 250-960-6813. If you have any concerns/complaints about this project, you may also call the
Research Ethics Board at 250-960-6735. The Research Ethics Board is not linked to this project.
Thank you for your interest!

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i f t r UNIVERSITY OF
InW V NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

B. Youth Participant Consent Form (for those over 18)
Title of Study: Connections between Land and Wellbeing: Perspectives o f First Nations
Youth in the Community o f Saik ’uz
Community Research Advisor: Jasmine Thomas, Saik’uz Whut’en
Researcher; Lindsay Beck, Master of Science Student in the School of Health Sciences
Program, University of Northern BC.
Supervisor: Dr. Margot Parkes, Assistant Professor, Health Sciences Programs, University
of Northern BC
To be completed by the research participant:

Circle Yes or No

1. Do you feel you have received sufficient information to participate in this study?

Yes No

2. Have you received and read a copy o f the attached Information Sheet?

Yes No

3. Do you understand the benefits and risks involved in taking part in this
research study?

Yes No

4. Have you had an opportunity to ask questions and discuss this study with a
member of the research team?

Yes No

5. Do you understand that you are free to refuse to participate or withdraw from
the study at any time? You do not have to give a reason and it will not affect you. Any
data or information provided prior to this point will be discarded at this time.

Yes No

6. Has the issue of confidentiality been explained to you? Do you understand that
your identity may not remain confidential?

Yes

No

7. We will take pictures and record audio/video during the workshops and sharing
circles for future presentations and publications. Do you wish to be photographed
and/or video-recorded?

Yes No

8. Do you give permission for the information you provide to be shared in
future presentations and publications

Yes No

9. Do you give permission for the use o f full quotations in the dissemination o f results?

Yes No

Please note that all information and text that you provide will remain confidential and securely
stored in a locked filing cabinet in Dr. Parkes’ lab at the University of Northern BC as well as with
the Saik’uz First Nation. During this time the community research advisor (Jasmine Thomas),

206

f /w A ^ UNIVERSITY OF

UlVIIll NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
researcher and her supervisor, Dr. Margot Parkes, would be the only individuals with access to the
raw data. Lindsay Beck will be transcribing (typing out the recorded discussions) o f all of the
workshops and sharing circles. After the 5-year period, all data (electronic, notes, or tape) will be
destroyed through deletion o f data and shredding o f files. The only holder o f Data after 5 years will
be the Saik’uz First Nation (the Data custodian) where it will be safely archived for access by First
Nations.
If you have any concerns/complaints about this project, you may also call the Research Ethics Board
at 250-960-6735. The Research Ethics Board is not linked to this project.

I agree to take part in this study.
Signature o f Research Participant:______________________________
Printed N am e:_______________________________________________
D ate:________________________________________________________

I have explained the nature and parameters of this study to the participant and believe
they have understood.
Signature o f Researcher:________________________________________________
Date:

THE INFORMATION SHEET IS ATTACHED TO THIS CONSENT FORM AND A
COPY IS GIVEN TO THE RESEARCH PARTICIPANT

207

I lAlAS' UNIVERSITY OF
U ill#%NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

C. Information Sheet for Parents/Guardians (to be signed if youth is under 18):
Research Project: "Connections between Land and Wellbeing: Perspectives o f First Nations Youth in the
Community o f Saik 'uz
Community Research Advisor: Jasmine Thomas, Saik’uz Whut’en
Researcher. Lindsay Beck, Master of Science Student in the School of Health Sciences Program, University of
Northern BC. Supervisor: Dr. Margot Parkes, Assistant Professor, Health Sciences Programs, University of
Northern BC.
Purpose of the research
The purpose of this study is for Saik’uz First Nation youth to work with Elders and describe connections to the
land and how these influence individual and community well-being. Several community groups would like
input from youth to build into future programs and initiatives. Lead by Jasmine Thomas, the research team will
be working with a multimedia type of research to help youth communicate their ideas to the community and
others. This method is called “photovoice” with sharing circles.
Why was mv child selected?
Your child has been selected as a potential participant because of their willingness to participate in the research
and to share their experiences. Another factor may be their interest in getting involved in community activities
related to environmental stewardship and land-based activities, or simply their interest in the connections
between land and health.
What will happen?
The study has 3 parts; all data for the study will be collected between January 2012 and May 2012:
•

•

•

•

In part one, a first workshop will be held (location to be determined) where youth and Elders will
brainstorm ideas about health and well-being and the land. Next they will learn about basic photography,
and will also brainstorm risks, safety and respect involved in taking photographs in the community and
how to participate in a safe way. We will lend each participant a digital camera so that they can take
pictures (this task will require approximately 90 minutes of their time).
Each youth will then have a month to take a minimum of 10 photographs of the connections between land
and health, write descriptions and captions for each photo and choose 4 of their favourites. The photos and
information will be handed over to the research team after 1 month (this will require a minimum of
approximately 2-3 hours of their time spread out in a one month period).
In part 2, the youth will participate in a sharing circle (location to be determined) with the other youth
participants and Elders, during which they will be asked to talk about their photographs and their
perspectives of the connection between land and health and ways to (re) connect with the land (this will last
approximately 90 minutes).
In part 3, the youth will participate in a second workshop (location to be determined) with project
participants, during which they will be asked to review the preliminary findings and to clarify, reflect or
elaborate on these findings. During this gathering they will also be asked to think about how they would
like to share their photographs and/or the findings with the community (this will last approximately 90
minutes).

Permission?
If you would like your child to participate, and your child chooses to be in the study, a member of the research
team will meet with you and your child to get written consent for participation in the study. The researcher will
explain that taking part in the study involves participating in 2 workshops and a sharing circle and sharing the
collective story widely with others.

208

I liffl/ 1 UNIVERSITY OF

U fW I/V NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
Who Will Know?
If you and your child consent, information from all group sessions may be recorded by video, audio, still
photographs or written notes by the researcher. Photographs and video or audio recording will occur only if you
and your child have given explicit consent. Please note that only limited confidentiality can be offered for
individuals who choose to participate in the workshops and discussions. At the outset of the workshops, we
will encourage all participants to avoid sharing the content of the discussions outside of the study; however, we
cannot control what other participants do with the information afterward.
Your child will not be identified in any recorded data or information that goes out to the public. Your child will
be referred to using a pseudonym (made up name) of their choice. Should they wish to be named and waive
their right to privacy and anonymity, they will be required to provide written evidence, witnessed by a third
party, to this effect. Should they consent to being recorded by video or audio for the purpose of data collection,
they will be given the choice whether or not to consent to the sharing of these images, and visual/audio
recordings in representations of the research such as presentations and publications. Consent for this sort of
sharing will not be assumed and will be obtained on an individual basis prior to such use of the images, the
photographs or voice recordings.
All electronic or multimedia data collected during this study will be downloaded and stored on a secured harddrive (not connected to the Internet). All information and text that they provide will remain confidential and
securely stored in a locked filing cabinet in Dr. Parkes’ lab at the University of Northern BC for 5 years as well
as with the Saik’uz First Nation. After the 5-year period, all UNBC data (electronic, notes, or tape) will be
destroyed through deletion of data and shredding of files. The only holder of Data after 5 years will be the
Saik’uz First Nation (the Data custodian) where it will be safely archived for access by First Nations. The
findings of this project will be made available to your child at their request upon the completion of the study.
It’s your choice:
It is your choice and the choice of your child to participate. Your child may stop being in the study at any time,
and any information they provided up to that point will also be withdrawn. You and your child may ask
questions at any time. If there are issues that are upsetting for your child, we will help find a professional for
them to talk to. We want to thank your child for participating in this study. A $500 gift of appreciation will be
given to the Youth and Elders Council to go toward future initiatives.
Risks and Benefits:
Potential risks may arise from the disclosure of identity or information at the workshops or sharing circles,
given that your child will be interacting with project participants. Other risks are related to the photovoice
method itself such as personal safety while taking photographs (we will discuss safety in the first workshop).
Although a minimal risk, reflection about certain issues may cause stress or other negative emotional responses.
Potential benefits of participating in the study include being a part of a positive change process and group
building activity and to provide input or be a part of possible programs, strategies and next steps for youth in
Saik’uz.
Questions:
If you have questions please call our community research advisor Jasmine Thomas on her cell phone at ______
or email her at ______ . You can also call Lindsay Beck on her cell phone at
or email her at
beckl@unbc.ca. Her supervisor, Dr. Margot Parkes can be reached at her office by email: parkesm@unbc.ca or
by phone: 250-960-6813. If you have any concerns/complaints about this project, you may also call the
Research Ethics Board at 250-960-6735. The Research Ethics Board is not linked to this project.

209

I n f jt/' UNIVERSITY OF
UIWV NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

D. Parent/Guardian Consent Form (to be signed if youth is under 18);
Title of Study: Connections between Land and Wellbeing: Perspectives o f First Nations
Youth in the Community o f Saik’uz
Community Research Advisor: Jasmine Thomas, Saik’uz Whut’en
Researcher: Lindsay Beck, Master o f Science Student in the School of Health Sciences
Program, University o f Northern BC.
Supervisor: Dr. Margot Parkes, Assistant Professor, Health Sciences Programs, University
o f Northern BC
To be completed by the research participant:

Circle Yes or No

1. Do you feel you have received sufficient information to allow your child to
participate in this study?

Yes No

2. Have you received and read a copy of the attached Information Sheet?

Yes No

3. Do you understand the benefits and risks o f taking part in this
research study?

Yes No

4. Have you had an opportunity to ask questions and discuss this study with a
member o f the research team?

Yes No

5. Do you understand that you are free to refuse the participation of your or child
or to withdraw him or her from the study at any time? You do not have to give a
reason and it will not affect you or your child. Any data or information provided
prior to this point will be discarded at this time.
6. Has the issue o f confidentiality been explained to you? Do you understand that
the identity o f your child may not remain confidential?

Yes No

Yes No

7. We will take pictures and record audio/video during the workshops and sharing
circles for future presentations and publications. Do you allow your child to be
photographed and/or video-recorded?

Yes No

8. Do you give permission for the information your child provides to be shared in
future presentations and publications?

Yes No

210

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| UNIVERSITY OF

UITIIV NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
9. Do you give permission for the use o f full quotations from your child in the
sharing of results?

Yes No

Please note that all information and text that you provide will remain confidential and securely
stored in a locked filing cabinet in Dr. Parkes’ lab at the University of Northern BC as well as with
the Saik’uz First Nation. During this time the community research advisor (Jasmine Thomas),
researcher and her supervisor, Dr. Margot Parkes, would be the only individuals with access to the
raw data. Lindsay Beck will be transcribing (typing out the recorded discussions) o f all o f the
workshops and sharing circles. After the 5-year period, all data (electronic, notes, or tape) will be
destroyed through deletion o f data and shredding o f files. The only holder o f Data after 5 years will
be the Saik’uz First Nation (the Data custodian) where it will be safely archived for access by First
Nations.
If you have any concerns/complaints about this project, you may also call the Research Ethics Board
at 250-960-6735. The Research Ethics Board is not linked to this project.

I agree for my child to take part in this study.
Signature of Parent/Guardian (if under 18):__________________________________________
Printed N am e:________________________________________________
D ate:________________________________________________________

I have explained the nature and parameters of this study to the participant and believe
they have understood.
Signature o f Researcher:________________________________________________
Date:

THE INFORMATION SHEET IS ATTACHED TO THIS CONSENT FORM AND A
COPY IS GIVEN TO THE RESEARCH PARTICIPANT

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I MIAS' UNIVERSITY OF
NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

E. Information Sheet for Community Elder Participants
Research Project: "Connections between Land and Wellbeing: Perspectives o f First Nations Youth in the
Community o f Saik 'uz
Community Research Advisor: Jasmine Thomas, Saik’uz Whut’en
Researcher: Lindsay Beck, Master of Science Student in the School of Health Sciences Program, University of
Northern BC. Supervisor: Dr. Margot Parkes, Assistant Professor, Health Sciences Programs, University of
Northern BC
Purpose of the research
The purpose of this study is for Saik’uz First Nation youth to work with Elders and describe connections to the
land and how these influence individual and community well-being. Several community groups would like
input from youth to build into future programs and initiatives. Lead by Jasmine Thomas, the research team will
be working with a multimedia type of research to help youth communicate their ideas to the community and
others. This method is called “photovoice” with sharing circles.
Why was I selected?
You have been selected as a potential participant because of your willingness to work with youth, participate in
the research and to share your experiences. Another factor may be your interest in getting involved in youth
projects or activities related to health and the land.
What will happen?
The study has 3 parts; all data for the study will be collected between January 2012 and May 2012:
•

In part one, we will meet for a first workshop {location to be determined) where we will brainstorm
with youth ideas about health and well-being and the land. Next we will learn about basic
photography, as well as brainstorm risks, safety and respect involved in taking photographs in your
community and how to participate in a safe way (this task will require approximately 90 minutes of
your time).

•

In part 2, you will participate in a sharing circle {location to be determined) with youth participants
where you will listen and interact with youth as they explore their photographs and perspectives of the
connection between land and health and ways to (re) connect with the land (this will last
approximately 90 minutes).

Permission?
If you choose to be in the study, a member of the research team will meet with you to get your written consent
for participation in the study. The researcher will explain that taking part in the study involves participating in a
workshop and a sharing circle and sharing the collective story widely with others.
Who Will Know?
If you consent, information from all group sessions may be recorded by video, audio, still photographs or
written notes by the researcher. Photographs and video or audio recording will occur only if you have given
your explicit consent. Please note that only limited confidentiality can be offered for individuals who choose to
participate in the workshops and discussions. At the outset of the workshops, we will encourage all participants
to avoid sharing the content of the discussions outside of the study; however, we cannot control what other

212

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jn

r u niversity o f

UITI/V NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
participants do with the information afterward.
You will not be identified in any recorded data or information that goes out to the public. You will be referred
to using a pseudonym (made up name) of your choice. Should you wish to be named and waive your right to
privacy and anonymity, you will be required to provide written evidence, witnessed by a third party, to this
effect. Should you consent to being recorded by video or audio for the purpose of data collection, you will be
given the choice whether or not you consent to the sharing of these images, and visual/audio recordings in
representations of the research such as presentations and publications. Consent for this sort of sharing will not
be assumed and will be obtained on an individual basis prior to such use of the images, your photographs or
voice recordings.
All electronic or multimedia data collected during this study will be downloaded and stored on a secured harddrive (not connected to the Internet). All information and text that you provide will remain confidential and
securely stored in a locked filing cabinet in Dr. Parkes’ lab at the University o f Northern BC for 5 years as well
as with the Saik’uz First Nation. After the 5-year period, all UNBC data (electronic, notes, or tape) will be
destroyed through deletion of data and shredding of files. The only holder of Data after 5 years will be the
Saik’uz First Nation (the Data custodian) where it will be safely archived for access by First Nations. The
findings of this project will be made available to you at your request upon the completion of the study.
It’s your choice:
It is your choice to participate. You may stop being in the study at any time, and any information you provided
up to that point will also be withdrawn. You may ask questions at any time. If there are issues that are upsetting
for you, we will help find a professional for you to talk to. We want to thank you for participating in this study.
A $500 gift of appreciation will be given to the Youth and Elders Council to go toward future initiatives.
Risks and Benefits:
Potential risks may arise from the disclosure of your identity or information at the workshops or sharing circles,
given that you will be interacting with project participants. Although a minimal risk, reflection about certain
issues may cause stress or other negative emotional responses. Potential benefits of participating in the study
include being a part of a positive change process and group building activity and to provide input or be a part of
possible programs, strategies and next steps for youth in Saik’uz.
Questions:
If you have questions please call our community research advisor Jasmine Thomas on her cell phone at ______
or email her at ______ . You can also call Lindsay Beck on her cell phone at ______ or email her at
beckl@unbc.ca. Her supervisor, Dr. Margot Parkes can be reached at her office by email: parkesm@unbc.ca or
by phone: 250-960-6813. If you have any concerns/complaints about this project, you may also call the
Research Ethics Board at 250-960-6735. The Research Ethics Board is not linked to this project.

Thank you fo r your interest!

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I flfAS" UNIVERSITY OF
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F. Elder Participant Consent Form
Title of Study: Connections between Land and Wellbeing: Perspectives o f First Nations
Youth in the Community o f Saik ’uz
Community Research Advisor: Jasmine Thomas, Saik’uz Whut’en
Researcher: Lindsay Beck, Master o f Science Student in the School of Health Sciences
Program, University of Northern BC.
Supervisor: Dr. Margot Parkes, Assistant Professor, Health Sciences Programs, University
o f Northern BC
To be completed by the research participant:

Circle Yes or No

1. Do you feel you have received sufficient information to participate in this study?

Yes

No

2. Have you received and read a copy o f the attached Information Sheet?

Yes

No

3. Do you understand the benefits and risks involved in taking part in this
research study?

Yes

No

4. Have you had an opportunity to ask questions and discuss this study with a
member of the research team?

Yes No

5. Do you understand that you are free to refuse to participate or withdraw from
the study at any time? You do not have to give a reason and it will not affect you. Any
data or information provided prior to this point will be discarded at this time.

Yes No

6. Has the issue o f confidentiality been explained to you? Do you understand that
your identity may not remain confidential?

Yes

No

7. We will take pictures and record audio/video during the workshops and sharing
circles for future presentations and publications. Do you wish to be photographed
and/or video-recorded?

Yes No

8. Do you give permission for the information you provide to be shared in
future presentations and publications?

Yes No

9. Do you give permission for the use of full quotations in the dissemination o f results?

Yes No

Please note that all information and text that you provide will remain confidential and securely
stored in a locked filing cabinet in Dr. Parkes’ lab at the University of Northern BC as well as with

214

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UNIVERSITY OF
WfWV NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
the Saik’uz First Nation. During this time the community research advisor (Jasmine Thomas),
researcher and her supervisor, Dr. Margot Parkes, would be the only individuals with access to the
raw data. Lindsay Beck will be transcribing (typing out the recorded discussions) o f all o f the
workshops and sharing circles. After the 5-year period, all data (electronic, notes, or tape) will be
destroyed through deletion o f data and shredding o f files. The only holder o f Data after 5 years will
be the Saik’uz First Nation (the Data custodian) where it will be safely archived for access by First
Nations.
If you have any concerns/complaints about this project, you may also call the Research Ethics Board
at 250-960-6735. The Research Ethics Board is not linked to this project.

I agree to take part in this study.
Signature of Research Participant:______________________________
Printed N am e:_______________________________________________
D ate:________________________________________________________

I have explained the nature and parameters of this study to the participant and believe
they have understood.
Signature of Researcher:________________________________________________
Date:

THE INFORMATION SHEET IS ATTACHED TO THIS CONSENT FORM AND A
COPY IS GIVEN TO THE RESEARCH PARTICIPANT

215

f n

J n

r u n iv e r s ity o f
NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

G. Saik’uz Youth Photovoice Project: Interviews
Information Sheet for Youth Participants (for those over 18)
Research Project: "Connections between Land and Wellbeing: Perspectives o f First Nations Youth in the
Community o f Saik ’uz
Community Research Advisor: Jasmine Thomas, Saik’uz Whut’en
Researcher; Lindsay Beck, Master of Science Student in the School of Health Sciences Program, University of
Northern BC.
Supervisor: Dr. Margot Parkes, Assistant Professor, Health Sciences Programs, University of Northern BC
Purpose of the research
The purpose of this overall study is for Saik’uz First Nation youth to describe connections to the land and how
these influence individual and community well-being. Several community groups would like input from youth
to build into future programs and initiatives. Lead by Jasmine Thomas, the research team will be working with
a multimedia type of research to help youth communicate their ideas to the community and others. This method
is called “photovoice”. In this next phase of research, we would like to conduct in-depth interviews with you
about the same themes.
Why was I selected?
You have been selected as a potential participant because you have already been involved in the ongoing
activities of the Saik’uz Youth Photovoice project.
W hat will happen?
Interview: After the Photovoice sharing circles (which you are taking part), we would like to talk to you
separately about your perspectives on the connections between the land and health in your community. We will
also be talking about the photos that you took for the Photovoice project. Each interview will take no more than
45 minutes. The Community Research Advisor, Jasmine Thomas and researcher, Lindsay Beck, will ask you
these questions and record your answers on paper and/or with a digital recorder. These interviews will take
place in September 2012.
Permission?
If you choose to be in this interview, the community research advisor will meet with you to get your written
consent for participation in the study.
Who Will Know?
If you consent, information from the interview will be recorded by audio and written notes by the researcher.
You will not be identified in any recorded data or information that goes out to the public. You will be referred
to using a pseudonym (made up name) of your choice. Should you wish to be named and waive your right to
privacy and anonymity, you will be required to provide written evidence, witnessed by a third party, to this
effect. Should you consent to being recorded by audio for the purpose of data collection, you will be given the
choice whether or not you consent to the sharing of these recordings in representations of the research such as
presentations and publications. Consent for this sort of sharing will not be assumed and will be obtained on an
individual basis prior to such use of your voice recordings. After the interviews you can review your answers,
which will be written on paper, if you want to. If you decide that you do not want what you said in the interview
to be used in the final results the research team will not use the information.
All electronic or multimedia data collected during this study will be downloaded and stored on a secured harddrive (not connected to the Internet). All information and text that you provide will remain confidential and

216

f M IA S* UNIVERSITY OF

NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

securely stored in a locked filing cabinet in Dr. Parkes’ lab at the University of Northern BC for 5 years as well
as with the Saik’uz First Nation. After the 5-year period, all UNBC data (electronic, notes, or tape) will be
destroyed through deletion of data and shredding of files. The only holder of Data after 5 years will be the
Saik’uz First Nation (the Data custodian) where it will be safely archived for access by First Nations. The
findings of this project will be made available to you at your request upon the completion of the study.
It’s your choice:
It is your choice to participate. You may stop being in the study at any time, and any information you provided
up to that point will also be withdrawn. You may ask questions at any time. If there are issues that are upsetting
for you, we will help find a professional for you to talk to. We want to thank you for participating in this study.
A $500 gift of appreciation will be given to the Youth and Elders Council to go toward future initiatives.
Risks and Benefits:
All data collection will take place only after you are made fully aware of the study, and after informed consent
is obtained. Although a minimal risk, reflection about certain issues may cause stress or other negative
emotional responses. Potential benefits of participating in the study include being a part of a positive change
process and group building activity and to provide input or be a part of possible programs, strategies and next
steps for youth in Saik’uz.
Questions:
If you have questions please call our community research advisor Jasmine Thomas on her cell phone a t ______
or email her at ______ . You can also call Lindsay Beck on her cell phone at ______ or email her at
beckl@unbc.ca. Her supervisor, Dr. Margot Parkes can be reached at her office by email: parkesm@unbc.ca or
by phone: 250-960-6813. If you have any concerns/complaints about this project, you may also call the
Research Ethics Board at 250-960-6735. The Research Ethics Board is not linked to this project.
Thank you fo r your interest!

217

I I h l R

f UNIVERSITY OF

unrl/V NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
H. Saik’uz Youth Photovoice Project: Interviews
Youth Participant Consent Form (for those over 18)
Title of Study: Connections between Land and Wellbeing: Perspectives o f First Nations
Youth in the Community o f Saik ’uz
Community Research Advisor: Jasmine Thomas, Saik’uz Whut’en
Researcher: Lindsay Beck, Master of Science Student in the School of Health Sciences
Program, University o f Northern BC.
Supervisor: Dr. Margot Parkes, Assistant Professor, Health Sciences Programs, University
of Northern BC
To be completed by the research participant:

Circle Yes or No

I. Do you feel you have received sufficient information to participate in this study?

Yes No

2. Have you received and read a copy o f the attached Information Sheet?

Yes No

3. Do you understand the benefits and risks involved in taking part in this
research study?

Yes No

4. Have you had an opportunity to ask questions and discuss this study with a
member of the research team?

Yes No

5. Do you understand that you are free to refuse to participate or withdraw from
the study at any time? You do not have to give a reason and it will not affect you. Any
data or information provided prior to this point will be discarded at this time.

Yes No

6. Has the issue of confidentiality been explained to you? Do you understand
who will be able to see the information you provide?

Yes No

7. We will record audio during the interview so that we can hear the interview again.
Do you wish to be audio-recorded?

Yes No

8. Do you give permission for the information you provide to be shared in
future presentations and publications

Yes No

9. Do you give permission for the use of full quotations in the dissemination o f results?

Yes No

Please note that all information and text that you provide will remain confidential and securely
stored in a locked filing cabinet in Dr. Parkes’ lab at the University o f Northern BC as well as with
the Saik’uz First Nation. During this time the community research advisor (Jasmine Thomas),
researcher and her supervisor, Dr. Margot Parkes, would be the only individuals with access to the

218

I flfR/* UNIVERSITY OF
W
fW
VV NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
raw data. Lindsay Beck will be transcribing (typing out the recorded discussions) o f all o f the
workshops and sharing circles. After the 5-year period, all data (electronic, notes, or tape) will be
destroyed through deletion o f data and shredding o f files. The only holder o f Data after 5 years will
be the Saik’uz First Nation (the Data custodian) where it will be safely archived for access by First
Nations.
If you have any concems/complaints about this project, you may also call the Research Ethics Board
at 250-960-6735. The Research Ethics Board is not linked to this project.

I agree to take part in this study.
Signature of Research Participant:______________________________
Printed Nam e:_______________________________________________
D ate:________________________________________________________

I have explained the nature and parameters of this study to the participant and believe
they have understood.
Signature of Researcher:
Date:

THE INFORMATION SHEET IS ATTACHED TO THIS CONSENT FORM AND A
COPY IS GIVEN TO THE RESEARCH PARTICIPANT

219

I fAffl/" UNIVERSITY OF

U fV IIV NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
I. Saik’uz Youth Photovoice Project; Interviews
Information Sheet for Parents/Guardians (if youth is under 18):
Research Project: "Connections between Land and Wellbeing: Perspectives o f First Nations Youth in the
Community o f Saik uz
Community Research Advisor: Jasmine Thomas, Saik’uz Whut’en
Researcher: Lindsay Beck, Master of Science Student in the School of Health Sciences Program, University of
Northern BC,
Supervisor: Dr. Margot Parkes, Assistant Professor, Health Sciences Programs, University of Northern BC.
Purpose of the research
The purpose of this overall study is for Saik’uz First Nation youth to describe connections to the land and how
these influence individual and community well-being. Several community groups would like input from youth
to build into future programs and initiatives. Lead by Jasmine Thomas, the research team will be working with
a multimedia type of research to help youth communicate their ideas to the community and others. This method
is called “photovoice”. In this next phase of research, we would like to conduct in-depth interviews with your
child about the same themes.
Why was mv child selected?
Your child has been selected as a potential participant because they have already been involved in the first
phase and ongoing activities of the Saik’uz Youth Photovoice project.
What will happen?
Interview: After the Photovoice sharing circles which your child is taking part, we would like to talk to your
child separately about their perspectives on the connections between the land and health in their community.
We will also be talking about the photos that they took for the Photovoice project. Each interview will take no
more than 45 minutes. The Community Research Advisor, Jasmine Thomas and researcher, Lindsay Beck, will
ask you these questions and record their answers on paper and/or with a digital recorder. These interviews will
take place in September 2012.
Permission?
If you would like your child to participate, and your child chooses to be in the study, the community research
advisor will meet with you and your child to get written consent for participation in the study.
Who Will Know?
If you and your child consent, information from the interview will be recorded by audio and written notes by
the researcher. Your child will not be identified in any recorded data or information that goes out to the public.
Your child will be referred to using a pseudonym (made up name) of their choice. Should your child wish to be
named and waive their right to privacy and anonymity, they will be required to provide written evidence,
witnessed by a third party, to this effect. Should your child consent to being recorded by audio for the purpose
of data collection, they will be given the choice whether or not you consent to the sharing of these recordings in
representations of the research such as presentations and publications. Consent for this sort of sharing will not
be assumed and will be obtained on an individual basis prior to such use of their voice recordings. After the
interviews your child can review their answers, which will be written on paper, if they want to. If your child
decides that they do not want what they said in the interview to be used in the final results the research team
will not use the information.
All electronic or multimedia data collected during this study will be downloaded and stored on a secured hard-

220

11Mil/* UNIVERSITY OF
NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

drive (not connected to the Internet). All information and text that your child provides will remain confidential
and securely stored in a locked filing cabinet in Dr. Parkes’ lab at the University of Northern BC for 5 years as
well as with the Saik’uz First Nation. After the 5-year period, all UNBC data (electronic, notes, or tape) will be
destroyed through deletion of data and shredding of files. The only holder of Data after 5 years will be the
Saik’uz First Nation (the Data custodian) where it will be safely archived for access by First Nations. The
findings of this project will be made available to your child at their request upon the completion of the study.
It’s your choice:
It is your and your child’s choice to participate. Your child may stop being in the study at any time, and any
information they provided up to that point will also be withdrawn. You and your child may ask questions at any
time. If there are issues that are upsetting for your child, we will help find a professional for them to talk to. We
want to thank your child for participating in this study. A $500 gift of appreciation will be given to the Youth
and Elders Council to go toward future initiatives.
Risks and Benefits:
All data collection will take place only after you and your child are made fully aware of the study, and after
informed consent is obtained. Although a minimal risk, reflection about certain issues may cause stress or other
negative emotional responses. Potential benefits of participating in the study include being a part of a positive
change process and group building activity and to provide input or be a part of possible programs, strategies and
next steps for youth in Saik’uz.
Questions:
If you or your child have questions please call our community research advisor Jasmine Thomas on her cell
phone at ______ or email her at ______ . You can also call Lindsay Beck on her cell phone at ______ or email
her at beckl@unbc.ca. Her supervisor, Dr. Margot Parkes can be reached at her office by email:
parkesm@unbc.ca or by phone: 250-960-6813. If you have any concems/complaints about this project, you
may also call the Research Ethics Board at 250-960-6735. The Research Ethics Board is not linked to this
project.

221

UNIVERSITY OF
NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

J. Saik’uz Youth Photovoice Project: Interviews
Parent/Guardian Consent Form (to be signed if youth is under 18):
Title of Study: Connections between Land and Wellbeing: Perspectives o f First Nations
Youth in the Community o f Saik 'uz
Community Research Advisor: Jasmine Thomas, Saik’uz Whut’en
Researcher: Lindsay Beck, Master o f Science Student in the School of Health Sciences
Program, University of Northern BC.
Supervisor: Dr. Margot Parkes, Assistant Professor, Health Sciences Programs, University
o f Northern BC
To be completed by the research participant:

Circle Yes or No

1. Do you feel you have received sufficient information to allow your child to
participate in this study?

Yes No

2. Have you received and read a copy o f the attached Information Sheet?

Yes No

3. Do you understand the benefits and risks o f taking part in this
research study?

Yes No

4. Have you had an opportunity to ask questions and discuss this study with a
member of the research team?

Yes No

5. Do you understand that you are free to refuse the participation o f your or child
or to withdraw him or her from the study at any time? You do not have to give a
reason and it will not affect you or your child. Any data or information provided
prior to this point will be discarded at this time.

Yes No

6. Has the issue o f confidentiality been explained to you? Do you understand
who will be able to see the information you provide?

Yes No
Yes No

7. We will audio record during the interviews. Do you allow your child to be
audio-recorded?

Yes No

8. Do you give permission for the information your child provides to be shared in
future presentations and publications

Yes No

9. Do you give permission for the use o f full quotations from your child in the
sharing of results?

Yes No

222

f IM R / UNIVERSITY OF
U nllV NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
Please note that all information and text that your child provides will remain confidential and
securely stored in a locked filing cabinet in Dr. Parkes’ lab at the University o f Northern BC as well
as with the Saik’uz First Nation. Dining this time the community research advisor (Jasmine
Thomas), researcher and her supervisor, Dr. Margot Parkes, would be the only individuals with
access to the raw data. Lindsay Beck will be transcribing (typing out the recorded discussions) o f all
of the workshops and sharing circles. After the 5-year period, all data (electronic, notes, or tape) will
be destroyed through deletion of data and shredding o f files. The only holder o f Data after 5 years
will be the Saik’uz First Nation (the Data custodian) where it will be safely archived for access by
First Nations.
If you have any concerns/complaints about this project, you may also call the Research Ethics Board
at 250-960-6735. The Research Ethics Board is not linked to this project.

I agree for my child to take part in this study.
Signature of Parent/Guardian (if under 18):__________________________________________
Printed N am e:________________________________________________
D ate:________________________________________________________

I have explained the nature and parameters of this study to the participant and believe
they have understood.
Signature o f Researcher:________________________________________________
Date:

THE INFORMATION SHEET IS ATTACHED TO THIS CONSENT FORM AND A
COPY IS GIVEN TO THE RESEARCH PARTICIPANT

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ln

r

u n iv e r s it y o f

VfW% NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

K. Saik’uz Youth Photovoice Project: Privacy Waiver

Saik’uz Youth Photovoice Project (participants over 18)
I _______________________ (full name), wish to be named and waive my right to privacy
and anonymity for the purposes of the research project: “Connections between Land and
Wellbeing: Perspectives o f First Nations Youth in the Community o f Saik ’uz I understand
that this means that my real name will be used in discussions about what was said during the
interviews and the sharing circle and in the final results of the research, any publications,
posters reports, or events related to the research.

Signed:

Date:

Witness:

Date:

Saik’uz Youth Photovoice Project (participants under 18)
I _______________________ (full name), allow my child__________________to be named
and waive their right to privacy and anonymity for the purposes o f the research project:
“Connections between Land and Wellbeing: Perspectives o f First Nations Youth in the
Community o f Saik ’uz This means that my child’s real name will be used while discussing
what they said in the interviews and the sharing circle and in the final results of the research,
any publications, posters reports, or events related to the research.

Signed:

Date: _________________________

Witness:

Date:

224

Appendix IV- Photovoice Guide

Soak'uz. Youtk
PHOTOVOICE
Project
C o K H e e tlo K S
P e rs p e c tiv e s

b e t* > e e K
o f

L a n d

£

F i r s t N a tto K S

e k e C o m m u K lty

W e iib e lH ^ ;
Y o u tk

Ik

o f S & L H 't u ., S C
t

4f* K ‘ '
*f

225

Q u e s tio n s t o T k i n k A b o u t W U ile T a k tK g
Y o u r 2 0 ? K o to s
FAST
From YOUR perspective, *>koit USED TO 8E Bie
comkccHoks bet«*cek tk e U H ^ <md WGLUCINO fo r
people o f SalkW ?

fRCSEMT
Toda»j, *Mtkk is tjotir coHKection to tke Land, ko«*
does HMkh re la te to tjour «*eUkc£H<) (o r tk at o f «jot*r
com m uK L bp?

FUTURE
Wkflit c o u ld tke coKKectloK between tke le n d a n d
<*»ellbetK9 lo o k Like Ik tke future? Also tkiKk o f »akat
c o u ld revitalU e/revive/eK kakce tke con n ectio n to
tke la n d fo r tjou Lk «jour co m m u n ity

226

f k o to v o ic e

Hm

A lk td l l i i t l l t o M i

m ang p k o to i d o Z U W t?

Jo to k l, Cock o m « 4 k a
dycscH filoK ,

No«* I o M £ A o X kA V e f

A b o u t A MOhHl

N tn n f

S a L l/ttt badiLteoM al b r r l b r ^

M w» d o 1 g i v e i w | c « i i c r « t o
- ke n I 'm a o n c f

B r lM g H O « cr c a i m c m

Ca k X k i n

p k o to * o f o k t n f

YeSj but get tkcir c o w m i (tkeg
n eed to re a d a n d sign tke
consent form .

C on, X k i n
«K 4 « r i f f

p k o to * o f p t o p U

No

C *k X k i n
h id w s if

* p k o to o f a

Yes, k d g o u m ust g et a
"Manager's consent if goo ca n
teti, «akal business It is.

C o n X b rin g k
k c p * i(f

to tk e
ReftecHon/S&argteLUng
Workskop And *»e *4tli dcMnLoad
gour pkoto s tkere,

We prefer current esqmrienccs,
but go**. c a n bring i o r t if tkeg
represent a storg hou «aant bo
skate.

p k o to * f r o m

W ho d o X A *tf I f X h « v «
< p * ( tt o H » o r ^ M M t A k f

W k a t I f k t p i n t o X a im
Ab o u t t o k i n c o u l d , f i t m e
In k o n t U » o r p d m t In a
d U n fK ro w s lto a tlo n f

227

No pkoto Is «iortk g ettin g in
trouble o r kurt fo r. Avoid
g ettin g in to Al%g situations tk a t
mag karm g oa Ju st fo r a pkoto,

P k o to C ottseK b F o rm
Connections between Land and wellbeing: Perspectives of First Nations Youth in the
Community of Saik’uz
Community Contact:______________
Phone N um ber:______________

Background: We are exploring the connections between the land and well-being. We are
taking photographs to understand this better. These pictures will be analyzed and used in
group discussions with researchers and participants to help talk and learn about the
connections with the land. Selected photos will also be used to talk about the study, at
presentations, at conferences or journals. We may also display them at a community event.
Your name will not be attached to the pictures. The pictures will not be used for advertising.

CONSENT FORM
Consent:
"I................... ....... ...

. agree thai mv photograph can be used for the following:

G Group discussions as pan of this project
Q Community events, presentations, publications, scientific journals in relation to this project
Signature of Subject
(Printed Nana)
Date:

228

Appendix V - Protocol for Workshop

Introduction (20 minutes)
•

•

•
•
•

Have participants form a circle, introduce the research advisor and myself and welcome
participants to group discussion (prayer?). Have participants introduce themselves briefly
as well in a clock-wise manner.
Jasmine- Provide a brief description of the study and how it fits into ongoing youth
initiatives. (Given the upcoming, important pipeline activities, climate change etc. it is
also important to think about what is happening right here in our traditional territory, in
our communities on our lands. Something about health. Photography is a great way to
explore these things, to learn about our lands and our communities and ourselves).
Explain the purpose of todays workshop, which is to a) become familiar with Photovoice
protocol b) receive a brief lesson on photography c) Discuss the themes o f the project.
Remind them that the discussion will last approximately 90 minutes.
Have participants fill out a standard form to collect basic information (i.e. name, age, sex,
community).

Photography 101(30 minutes)
•
•

Professional photographer to review basics of photography.
Hand out the cameras

Photovoice
•

•
•

Give brief intro about Photo voice. Images captured through Photo voice tell stories that
identify concerns, depict struggles or show a particular view o f a community. Through
photographs, youth (who often don’t have a voice) offer insight and teach others about
their experiences. Photo voice is not just about individuals capturing images. It is also
about discussing and critically reflecting on those images. This process can aid youth
members in the community to understand that they have a right to have a say in shaping
the decisions that influence their health and the health of their family and friends. This
means that the information and evidence is not created simply for the sake of creating
knowledge, but it is created for the purpose of social action and social change. It is not
enough just to examine community problems and struggles; there must be energy put
toward identifying community solutions and doing what is needed to implement those
solutions.
Group discussion about risk, safety and ethics of taking photographs.
Hand out package including:
o Pen
o Instructions
o 10 copies of Participant Photo Reflection Log
o 10 copies of the consent form for any potential photographees over 18 years.

229

•

•
•

We are doing this part last because we want you to go away with lots of ideas! This is the
most important piece! Begin discussion that will prompt reflections on land and the
connection to health. Hand out pieces of paper and ask the participants to draw their
answers to the questions (2 minutes each and then discuss).
o What does the ‘landVenvironment/ecosystem mean to you?
o What does health mean to you? WHO definition?
o How does the ‘land’ make you healthy? Sick?
o How are you connected to the land? How would you like to be connected?
Photographer to go over metaphors, ideas for photos. Alternatives (i.e. If you have an old
photo that really represents something for you, feel free to bring it).
Any questions?

Closing Remarks (10 minutes)
•
•

I will arrange my planned check-in phone call 2 weeks later at which time I will arrange a
date/time/location for the pick up of the camera/logs (~1 month later).
I will ask the participants if they have any questions.

230

Appendix VI - Protocol for Sharing Circles

Up until this point, participants were asked to take up to 20 photos. They will have chosen
their 4 photos and will be asked to talk about them. They will be printed ahead o f time.
1. Welcome everyone and thank them for coming.
2. Ask everyone to please leave their captions & other remaining photos with us. 2.
Remind them that the discussion will last approximately 60 minutes or more.
3. Discuss that the session is being audio-taped. Remind participants that I will not be
putting real names on any comments (unless they want).
4. Remind them that complete confidentiality is not always possible in group discussions
but that comments made by participants should not be discussed outside o f group.
5. Smudge or Song. Pray for an open mind and an open heart, for the ability to articulate
well, to speak, to hear, and see in a good way. Find a way o f inviting open minds and
hearts and wishing for an atmosphere where everyone is able to speak, listen, and
participate in a good way.
6. Ice-breaker: facilitator/teacher/leader sits in the middle o f the circle and has everyone
draw him, giving the group 5-10 minutes. Then, the drawings are taped on a wall or on
a table and everyone can look at them and share comments and chuckles. Some people
are kind. Others can be more realistic and catch those parts and angles that are not very
flattering! It can be explained that the lesson is that while none of the pictures are the
same, they all represent one thing, and each drawing represents the subject according to
each person’s perspective and talent. And NONE o f them is wrong. It is all about
having had a different perspective. Our opinions, beliefs and views are like that -they
are different because we all have had different life experiences in different places at
different times. The group is then asked to remember this exercise while circle work is
being done.
7. Explain how the circle works: A “talking” rock or stick is used, and only the person
who is holding the rock or stick can talk. The others listen carefully and respectfully.
There can be no commenting or cross—talking or sid e- talking. People are asked to try
not to formulate what they are going to say but to just listen, to have faith that when the
time comes for them to talk, when the rock reaches them, they will say what has to be
said. The rock will travel around the circle in the clockwise direction depending on
whose Land you are on. In this way, everyone gets to hold the rock, gets a chance to
speak, to be heard. Everyone is encouraged to participate, but no one is forced to, the
stone can be passed onto the next person. The participants are encouraged to speak
from their own experiences, to share their feelings so that people won’t be judging or
trashing anyone else or anyone else’s views.
8. Make sure participants have their photos in front of them.
9. The following questions will be read out loud and posted somewhere in the room
before beginning:
• PAST: From YOUR perspective, what USED TO BE the connections between
the LAND and WELLBEING for people o f Saik’uz?

231

•

PRESENT: Today, what is your connection to the land, how does that relate to
your wellbeing (or that o f your community)?
• FUTURE: What could the connection between the land and w ell-being look
like in the future? Also think o f what could revitalize/revive/enhance the
connection to the land for you in your community?
10. The talking stick will then be handed to the next participant. They will start with their
first picture and explain the meaning and history behind it with the guidance o f the
initial questions.
11. The talking stick will be passed to their right and the next participant can comment/add
to what has already been discussed and/or discuss their own photo(s).
12. Invite them to come to the final workshop where the feedback activity will be
discussed.
13. Thank participants for volunteering their time and sharing their stories.

232

Appendix VII - Youth Participant Semi-Structured Interview Guide
The following guide represents the questions and topic areas to be covered in an interview
with the youth participants. The protocol allows fo r a semi-structured, open- ended and
conversational process. The interviewer will be open to topics or themes raised by the
participants in the process and extra follow-up questions may be added as the interview
progresses.
14. Thanks again for agreeing to participate in this interview.
15. As you know, I ’ll be recording our conversation on this tape recorder and taking some
notes. Are you still willing to participate in this interview?
16. If there is something you don’t want to talk about for whatever reason, that’s totally
fine. Let me know if you say something that you don’t want written down and we can
take it out. Even after you have completed the interview, you can decide that you do
not want what you said to be used and we will not use your information. The best way
to do this is by reviewing the transcript, let me know if you would like me to send you
a copy after the interview afterwards. Let’s just review the questions that guided
you while you took your photos:
• (PAST) From your perspective, what used to be the connections between the
land and wellbeing for people of Saik’uz?
• (PRESENT) Today, what is your connection to the land, how does that relate
to your wellbeing (or that of your community)?
• (FUTURE) What could the connection between the land and wellbeing look
like in the future? Also think o f what could revitalize/revive/enhance the
connection to the land for you in your community? So now, let’s look at
your pictures For each photograph:
17. Where did you take this picture?
18. Tell me what you see here.
19. What is happening?
20. What does it mean?
21. How does this relate to land and health?
22. How does this relate to Saik’uz First Nation?
23. Why does this problem/strength exist?
24. What can we do to change it/protect it?
25. Follow-up questions:
26. Are there other pictures that you would like to share and talk about? e.g. pictures from
the past or pictures that you would have liked to use for the study but were unable to
take for some reason?
27. Which 4 photos would you want displayed at a community event?

233

Appendix VIII - Post Project Foliow-up Activities

A. List of Post Project Follow-up Activities
Activity

Description

Date

Location

Poster Presentation

International Ecohealth Conference

Kunming, China

Poster Presentation

Northern Health Research Days
Conference
UNBC 8lh Annual Graduate
Conference
Creation of an Instagram account to
display quotes and photos, which
connects to social media
Production of a photo album
highlighting quotes and photos
(using Apple iPhoto)
Display of photo album, quotes and
photos at the Saik’uz First Nation
Career Fair and presentation of
album to Chief Stanley Thomas.
Co-presentation of findings by
Lindsay Beck and Jasmine Thomas

October
2012
November
2012
March
2013
March
2013
March
2013

N/A

March
2013

Saik’uz First
Nation

May 2013

Vanderhoof, BC

June 2013

Saik’uz
Traditional
Territory

June 2013

Prince George,
BC

Ongoing
August
2013

Saik’uz First
Nation
Saik’uz First
Nation

Ongoing

Northern BC

Poster Presentation
Instagram Account

Photo Album

Project Presentation at
Saik’uz Career Fair

Project Presentation at
Regional Stewardship Forum
in Vanderhoof
Ecosystem Approaches to
Health Field School SFN site
visit

Mini photo exhibition at
Grand Opening of Sophie’s
Garden at the BC Cancer
Agency Centre for the North
Photo display at the Saik’uz
Band Office
2013 SFN Culture Camp

Watersheds and Wellness:
We Are All Connected

Guided tour of SFN scared sites with
Chief Stanley Thomas, Jasmine
Thomas and Minnie Thomas
(building on connections from the
Photo voice Project)
Display of quotes and photos and a
project poster

Enlarged prints and quotes now on
display at the Saik’uz Band Office
Plans for building on project
momentum at the 2013 culture campto be determined
Jasmine and I participated in
informal discussions with people
from Takla Lake First Nation and
Wet'suwet'en regarding potential
future initiatives related to
watersheds and wellness.

234

Prince George,
BC
Prince George,
BC
Internet

B. Project Photo Book (Front Cover)

235

C. Photo Exhibition Example

Sometimes its just doing things
that bring us back to the land
and to remember that we are all
healing.

These creeks are
our earth’s veins,
keep them dean.

236

D. Project Poster

Saik’uz Youth Photovoice Project:
Making the Connections Between Land & Health
ABOUT THE PROJECT

WMdManmattekno*?
• H * ds»Saik’ia youthsir* then rmii<<r>*htpmth rh*Utvi
«nd k*influence <«ntndtv»d<j*l «nd
wrOTem*’
* XVhn futtmap *nd«*pf*im»rw«e*«*ur fctt SFNwudt n>
heel. fcwtwandtmprin*tufmrvtfevn*. »>•>rh* bnd'

IM isp lw law fet?

hcvjfjkc*ltrptaurc*amwvi
community f*. tdcnni>
arrenjrh*#r*l tj«Aer*iK, pn*u*** dulogur *ml aifcsi pohry.
FtwKfM***!* Wk®> ""»<rid«si*vhe.»rd tJ#a», unapet,

<tHnvT**tkm*. *r*i trace*mum0v po$4«- kmttt*’.

YOUTH PERSPECTIVES ON CONNECTIONS
BETWEEN LAW «, HEALTH
« land w*»morethru»a« »|'ht*w»Jspocevr*t.«<r*phkknii*®
u *»i
m M i i iptriru-i. e»»i«s«s*l vrya.
« (_it«dpuftiirs hcamm* Ell pUt*-h*wd
ncttvntiir*l<" x Morsuiislilj', hcmtuig). tt.
Houm*kn**wted«;, oKiwitteiMul
itiWi *nd1
1ptiVktaJuwct *od
tttd ir m •'ktfcet ■.* tuctcftM ** Aral
ktrjlwis AH *tv <i<* c h linked »r>J ,<&.»»
&•! l*tsLtmg >,(*'»«.■«! trkttottwiufr «*r
u'm ntw m rv a n d calm ra] td ctauv. w hwk
an? d a rc th ' i*fc»*rd w h n d th m i twftbciftS.

CONCLUSIONS & NEXT STEPS
• The pdtapsu’Hwi*tiufli thr |Mntnpmt>in thu t*^r<i
iruhirami th« the UnJ wewmxth txnps*n«nt j<«thnr
h u h h n o d w e S ’h r m g

• The hnt&op chnUcngc u»«*thinkabout '**¥* tn mtnttutc

‘Unsf <«MmrwtKRrsitwiiiCTatrotvs «r*sthe w«f vmthink
•hiiMi, pi*r»>nJ tmpiciTK-nt health, emtn-msKiml and
aunmunay program*ktr Fmt Nammaynurf*.
• Thefcmwdedjfr, piuiiu*, maietoi* andmomentum
producedthtmighthis prwccMrrtUhe hudl nunutvrumg
nrt l>etn^undrtrakentn the eonuNumtyutSoA'ui
m«4wtnpa*r*KvJwater. *wmnxnn, ends»th«ynuth
capattn-huiidiflgmttwltve*.

Re*»>w*c«* from ( h r isrvi l»uch as
snedkm es, w M st) pt*«t de i num . J if f s t

hnk!■■healthandwe&T-etnsthfts^h

WHAT WE DID
taut V’Urit
putt et«fi»r*Klctwo Lldei
hum
:»ik'ui Ftnt Natnm
tfhutttgrapfcy uewwn*wmriilHtp
*>eftonth* taksns ?{**»>*»ph* laradimtme iapthw)
M*«cmdttu& n»dft*«m*i tcnnao sndheyotxl.
Shunac cacia and mtcrvicw* k*estfurt then uimev
Cara? upwtrti wurtt-ledway*t»»h*t*the iindtug* «n»
variety o f way*. inetwdms thn x nth piu*M «adubt»k*n*.
In*rti*tT*m.ii&tab su*«w*. phc*oalbum*and c«mnta>i*y

ACKNOWLEDE£MBtTS

rW*rW>fanii. tv*U ng pisipntxr* B rntg
■Wi »iw fcuki. <>t Hi

(.-We*ciactaitrdnjie irxcih «■>txakh.
benhr^i msjwtyt'oiie.

A hus« d ta n k voti r.< th r £lde* w rftbars e n d ynurh p a m ctp a im
«h>i «twm.i :be«t <oewr». rxp erim o !* s o d
ttin«uh> jt«
tht* pruiwr-

irinkitn

Thr ^<uth *U»< isfcmiJHsi raanr etu m t W ik m p w i th«
h<r»hh n ^ t a .% ' p K tw o s u i th r Utvii iw *»»n**n«*l

u-^ ff.stntnJiMtrrvia <tvrL>^-n»rtit>»ut§ ng»i
K x ^ 'u h u r a l vh*H£<»

Th*«k»tii S*4k‘>tsChw*»ndCi-w- ii wwrfi «»cotnfuuuttr
tnmdtenhe auppoitttsj the jwjkstfnwnthe«tyhrsKurin*.
T h r p n ip .T w cuki n u t hasv b n m pteatddr w n iio u i d v enkm ng
rorarihum-Tte <-4 |*«mi*K- TK>m>» ix t’u tm u n tn r r a n iv h *nJ«9»frl
who ix^ pest«.»d c tig n . ofjetw ie. a i d «up|>n«T «t! e*p»vi» <ii list
pBHfrt
TH<* p m irc t W3U u n d b r td n n a. * p e n <>tlind«K B m k e th c s u
«s.eL rhr,-«j^h th e i.stviv«y***
Ki>nhiem PL.' wtrh eutda»s-e and
atippon h o to H tpcnarsx {V.
Podw*, a n d </>«ni«rtef
tBtsnhmtsi Dr. 5itr»h <-lt le x itw x n j T)t
-Orrttsu.

hmkn
Th» %urciepKtkdvrirstefvsKuunt«tianJ
t&gt«*6«i pushoutv*tKW«mUftii wctthK*nN;.

237

yi*uth

InMndawppeefa

l.'AWNPT^A

t —

E. SFN Photovoice Instagram Account Screen Shot

SFN PHOTO VOICE

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■ Photovoice
These pictures represent the work of the
Saik’uz Youth Photovoice Project, a collection
of photos about the connections between
land and health.

238