THREE e s FOR CED - CONCEPTS, CASE STUDIES AND CONSEQUENCES: BUILDING CAPACITY FOR COMMUNTTY ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT by Jenny Lo B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1994 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE in NATURAL RESOURCES AND ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRm SH COLUMBIA May 2004 © Jenny Lo, 2004 1^1 Library and Archives Canada Bibliothèque et Archives Canada Published Heritage Branch Direction du Patrimoine de l'édition 395 W ellington Street Ottawa ON K 1A 0N 4 Canada 395, rue W ellington Ottawa ON K 1A 0N 4 Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 0-494-04689-9 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 0-494-04689-9 NOTICE: The author has granted a non­ exclusive license allowing Library and Archives Canada to reproduce, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, communicate to the public by telecommunication or on the Internet, loan, distribute and sell theses worldwide, for commercial or non­ commercial purposes, in microform, paper, electronic and/or any other formats. AVIS: L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive permettant à la Bibliothèque et Archives Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public par télécommunication ou par l'Internet, prêter, distribuer et vendre des thèses partout dans le monde, à des fins commerciales ou autres, sur support microforme, papier, électronique et/ou autres formats. The author retains copyright ownership and moral rights in this thesis. Neither the thesis nor substantial extracts from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced without the author's permission. L'auteur conserve la propriété du droit d'auteur et des droits moraux qui protège cette thèse. Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement reproduits sans son autorisation. In compliance with the Canadian Privacy Act some supporting forms may have been removed from this thesis. Conformément à la loi canadienne sur la protection de la vie privée, quelques formulaires secondaires ont été enlevés de cette thèse. While these forms may be included in the document page count, their removal does not represent any loss of content from the thesis. Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu manquant. Canada Abstract Community economic development (CED) is a nebulous framework, both in theory and in practice. The framework has its roots in the margins of society, and in recent times, it has gained broader interest among governments, academics, funding agencies, non-profit groups, and community organizations. In this thesis, I examine some key principles associated with the CED framework such as capacity building, entrepreneurialism, participation, partnership, and empowerment. These principles have theoretical underpinnings and practical implications. Knowledge creation and re-creation is exhibited in community organizations that engage in CED activities, and in institutions such as funding agencies and governments that promote a market-based CED discourse. To situate this study, I provide a review of published articles that address the complexity and evolving understandings of CED. The theoretical discussion is followed by an exploration of the principles through the learned experiences of three community organizations located in the Downtown Eastside neighbourhood of Vancouver, British Columbia. Using qualitative research techniques, I explore practical insights from staff who are engaged in CED activities at the Philippine Women Centre, Eastside Movement for Business and Economic Renewal, and the Potluck Café Society. A critical aspect of this study is the linkage between research, activism, and policy. This linkage will be discussed in light of the challenges and influences in current CED discourse that is fundamentally embedded in the market economy. I conclude by elucidating recommendations that can strengthen the framework in hopes to advance the direction of future CED governance. 11 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract 11 Table of Contents 111 List of Tables IV List of Figures List of Abbreviations and Acronyms VI Acknowledgement viii Introduction 1 Chapter One Contextualizing the CED Framework CED Principles, Assumptions, Embodied Language 9 15 Chapter Two Case Study Examples of Three Organizations in Vancouver, BC. Research Method Eeminist Research Methodology Philippine Women Centre of British Columbia Eastside Movement for Business and Economic Renewal Society Potluck Café Society 36 36 41 50 58 66 Chapter Three Discussion of CED Principles and Case Study Themes CED and Advocacy Work Financial Capital Success and Evaluation 78 94 98 105 Chapter Four Recommendations Future Research Final Thoughts 118 124 127 131 Bibliography Appendix 1 Demographics of the Downtown Eastside, Vancouver, BC. 150 Appendix 2 UNBC Research Ethics Board, Letter of Approval 152 111 List of Tables Table 1. Live-in Caregiver Program: Applicants by Gender 51 Table 2. Activities Related to 5 CED Principles 80 Table 3. Interview Themes and Level of Impact 87 Table 4. Comparison of Top Five Subjects of Interest to DTES Residents and Agencies 103 Table 5. Recommendations 122 IV List of Figures Figure 1. Robert Chaskin's Model of Community Capacity Building 21 Figure 2. 49 Vancouver Downtown Eastside and Surrounding Neighbourhoods List of Abbreviations and Acronyms ACOA - Atlantic Canada Opportunities Agency CBDC - Community Business Development Corporations CCRA - Canada Customs and Revenue Agency CCI - Comprehensive Community-building Initiative CDC - Community Development Corporation CED - Community Economic Development CEDTAP - Community Economic Development Technical Assistance Program CEDC - Community Eutures Development Corporation CM - Communitarian Model CSTIER - Centre for the Study of Training, Investment and Economic Restructuring DERA - Downtown Eastside Residents’ Association DTES - Downtown Eastside EM - Establishmentarian Model EMBERS - Eastside Movement for Business and Economic Renewal Society ENF - Entre Nous Femmes Housing Society FDM - Foreign Domestic Movement HRDC - Human Resources Development Canada ICT - Information and Communication Technologies ISP - Internet Service Provider VI LCP - Uve-in Caregiver Program LEP - Labour Export Program LMP - Labour Market Partnerships NGO - Non-govemmental Organization PCS - Potluck Café Society POEA - Philippine Overseas Employment Administration PWC - Philippine Women Centre SCPI - Supporting Community Partnership Initiative SDPP - Social Development Partnerships Program SOS - Save Our Schools SRO - Single Resident Occupancy VEDC - Vancouver Economic Development Commission WD - Western Economic Diversification Canada vu Acknowledgement I am incredibly grateful to many people for their patience, encouragement, and continual support throughout this research journey. I am especially thankful to all the case study participants for accommodating this research study and contributing their time, insights, and experiences. It is through their resilience, perseverance, and vision of a better and equitable community that has formed the foundation and inspiration for this study. Their narratives grounded the theoretical direction of this study, and shed light on the realities, challenges, and visions that are captured in the day-to-day rhythms of community social and economic development; rhythms that echo passion with disappointment, hope with struggle, and ultimately, a profound commitment towards a better and more just society. I am indebted to my research committee for their time and flexibility with this study. Specifically, I thank Dr. Greg Halseth, my supervisor, the lion in the den that will not let his student falter. Dr. Heather Myers and Dr. Glen Schmidt, thank you for your commitment and constructive feedback. Thank you also to Dr. Si Transken, my external examiner for offering insightful perspectives and questions on this research. I extend my sincere appreciation to everyone who read the earher drafts of this thesis and provided their critiques and editorial comments. Pamela Greenstock and Teresa Healy, thank you for sustaining me through my becoming in the research journey. Community social and economic development learning is a collective process and the diverse expertise involved in my research journey enriched and sharpened the angles of analysis, and challenged me to examine community social economic development from various fields of study. In the silence of writing, the wisdom of many, pubhshed and unpublished shaped this work. Let us continue to research in ways that transform. viii Introduction Any discussion of a connnunity economic development (CED) framework is intricately related to current economic and political trends because CED is a response to inadequacies of the mainstream economy (Walter, 2003; Savoie, 2000). Simultaneously, CED initiatives exist within the dominant capitalist regime and, for this very reason, they are inescapably vulnerable to broader market conditions. The CED framework is a strategy used by many non-profit organizations to address social and economic disparities at the local community level. These issues fall within a wide spectrum of social concerns, from heritage conservation and environmental protection, to affordable housing and income support for local residents. CED enterprises have also engaged in preserving physical infrastructures to sustain the livelihood of the poor. Within this extensive array of social and economic pursuits, there is a common theme: to address issues of marginality at the scale of the individual and delivered through to the community. In the United States, CED-based ventures emerged after World War H. The CED framework gained prominence in Canada after the 1960s (Perry & Lewis, 1994; Boothroyd & Davis, 1993). Many CED-based initiatives in Canada began in rural resource-based communities that experienced the local impacts of international markets and trade decisions. More recently, social and economic instabilities resulting in lost jobs and displacement of workers in resource economies, such as the forestry, mining, agriculture and hshing industries, combined with advanced technological development, have spurred alternative community socio-economic reforms. In the 1990s, CED regained popularity in Canada among government and non-government agencies (Savoie, 2000). In urban centers, the CED framework has commonly been applied to address the social and economic needs of the disenfranchised living in impoverished neighbourhoods. There are abundant examples of CED-based enterprises that have focused on the social and the economic health and well­ being of First Nations, women, youth, people in poverty, the homeless, people with disabilities, and other marginalized groups (Halseth & Lo, 1999; Wharf & Clague, 1997; Perry & Lewis, 1994; Alderson, Conn, Donald, Harrington & Kemp, 1993; New Economy Development Group, 1993). As communities adjust to the shortcomings of traditional market-based economics and the consequences of global competition, the CED framework is gathering momentum as an alternative for re-establishing local autonomy. ^ In British Columbia, recent funding cutbacks and elimination of social programs by the Liberal government’s “New Era” campaign have had a tremendous effect on local communities (see Caledon Institute of Social Policy, 2002). Many of the cutbacks have direct effects on traditionally marginalized peoples including seniors, women and children, people with disabilities, and youth.^ Not only have the cuts in community programs and withdrawal of services, particularly in the area of health care and education, impacted marginalized peoples, but these decisions have effected the confidence of the mainstream population in the current provincial government. Citizens who normally may not participate in local activism are now coordinating and mobilizing communities to lobby against the government cuts.^ An example of two initiatives that have been developed include Save Our Schools (SOS) which is made up of parents and educator advocates, and the Creative Resistance Website (http://www.creativeresistance.ca/) which provides up-to-date information and links on the Libéral budget cuts, as well as ways in which citizens can get involved (Cox, 2002). The results of the sudden cuts have also prompted some academics across diverse disciplines to unite and petition the provincial government to retract some of the withdrawal of services (Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, 2002, February 7). Restructuring, downsizing, government deregulation and privatization of the Canadian social welfare system have resulted in a resurgence of CED as a populist framework to facilitate social change while offering some hope for citizens at the local level (see also Clancy, 1996). Many authors have advocated for CED as a promising framework to address current social and economic crises, as well as future sustainability (Robinson, 1995; Loizides, 1994; Boothroyd & Davis, 1991). Other authors are skeptical of the framework in relieving human disparities within the capitalist hegemony (Cummings, 2001; Shragge & Fisher, 2001; see also Filion, 1998). Existing literature divides the CED debate into two bodies of research; however, the application of the CED framework is far more fluid. The framework is often defined and shaped by the circumstances of marginalized groups. This, too, must be included in the broader debate of CED in order to unveil the possibilities within social, economic and political limitations. Limited rinancial resources, increased unemployment, homelessness, devolution of public programs and expenditures, lack of employment security, depletion of natural resources, a rise in commodity prices, combined with the accelerated growth of the global economy and corporate domination, all contribute to the challenge and the motivation of working within a CED framework. In the fall of 2001, a profile of the CED movement in British Columbia was captured by the BC CED Network through a series of regional forums that were held in urban and rural communities. The information collected from CED practitioners demonstrates the active involvement and commitment to the CED A-amework as a strategy in addressing local needs and promoting opportunities. Under economic uncertainty and instability, the CED framework has become an even more critical alternative to resolving social and economic problems that have not been adequately mitigated by traditional government programs and charitable agencies. Socio-economic disarray has always existed under capitalist regimes, and the current provincial Liberal’s “New Era” campaign has only intensified the pursuit of CED as an alternative community restructuring paradigm. Arguably, CED can be seen as an additional social tier of governance, with the intention of resurrecting individuals and reviving communities that have slipped through the cracks of conventional ideologies. The usurpation of models and approaches to address social and economic inequities, however, is not a new phenomenon (see Mizrahi, 2001). Notably, the social development approach, most often associated within the social work field, has strong parallels to CED. The CED approach also draws from a multidisciplinary knowledge that incorporates economics into the equation of social welfare development. In fact, CED and social development have similar guiding principles such as empowerment, self-reliance, inclusiveness and capacity building. Perhaps the fundamental difference between the two frameworks, from both a traditional and theoretical standpoint, is the emphasis on social programs. Proponents of social development stress social investment by promoting public policies that result in economically productive and cost-effective participation by citizens (Midgley, 1999). Advocates of CED, however, emphasize the development of the community through local control and ownership as opposed to the dependency on State initiated social programs (Fouché & Delport, 2000). While the intent of individual projects may be noble and justifiable, the broader CED framework is inherently inconsistent, ambiguous, complex, and layered with contradictions. There are, however, some frequently cited CED case examples such as the Mondragon Corporation Cooperative in Spain, a manufacturing and exporting cooperative with extensive expansion in the European Community and other parts of the world; Entre Nous Femme affordable housing society in Vancouver; financial intermediaries including VanCity Credit Union in Vancouver, and Community Futures Development Corporation throughout Canada that support self-employment and business ventures; and social enterprises like A-Way Express Courier Service, a courier business in Toronto, Ontario that offers employment to people who are survivors of the mental health system. One reason these case studies are often cited is that they have endured the test of time and demonstrate an accomplished level of capacity building. Most CED enterprises, however, do not gain such popular profiles. For many CED organizations, existence is a struggle and capacity building is the challenge. In this thesis, I examine the CED framework through an analysis of its complexity, ambiguity, challenges and inconsistencies. Contemporary CED has become a 'catch-alT framework that has so many meanings that it may lose its significance. On a theoretical level, the CED framework has different meanings to different people. These differences often lie in people's perspectives and emphasis of such fundamental CED principles as capacity building, entrepreneurialism, participation, partnership and empowerment. The goal of this thesis is to examine the theoretical principles of the CED framework and test them in the community by analyzing the extent to which local organization, engaged in CED activities, adopt the principles. The intended outcome of the study is to identify the value of the CED framework in promoting community change and local governance. Chapter One is an elaboration of the various meanings and disjunctures within the CED framework. Chapter Two includes a profile of three urban-based community organizations that are engaged in CED ventures in Vancouver. The case study examples include: 1) Philippine Women Centre (PWC) of British Columbia, an advocacy-based organization for ethnic minority women; 2) Eastside Movement for Business and Economic Renewal Society (EMBERS), a community development corporation (CDC) and; 3) Potluck Café Society (PCS), a social enterprise. The three organizations are located in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside (DTES), an enclave of culturally diverse and impoverished neighbourhoods with distinct communities. Chapter Three integrates the knowledge of local organizers in this CED study. The discussion chapter offers a perspective on how the framework is manifested in urban community organizations. This contextualized knowledge from community organizers will illuminate the malleability and the contributions of the CED framework in promoting social and economic change; in doing so, community organizers reveal the challenges of delivering services within an alternative framework that is rooted in a market-based paradigm. The concluding chapter outlines some recommendations that integrate future research, activism and social policy reforms. The intent of this research is to spark a holistic discussion around CED. The CED 'best practice’ model that promotes 'success’ stories often captures only part of the CED story. The various dimensions and agonies of a CED venture are integral to the entire process of evaluating success. These parts of the story are less exposed. The results of this research will shed light on why particular organizations adopt CED as an alternative framework for social change. The case study examples force us to re-examine the meaning of success outside the project-based analysis, and to explore what constitutes challenges and failures, in an effort to improve on the delivery and sophistication of future CED strategies and ventures. Introduction Endnotes 1. This movement is not restricted to North America. For examples, in the United Kingdom, the government prioritized funding expenditures to CED based projects in 1994 through the European Structural Funds. 2. For example, on November 8, 2001 the minimum wage was reduced from $8.00 to $6.00 per hour for people who are entering paid employment for the first time. See http://www.labour.gov.bc.ca/first-iob/regulation.htm 3. The cover story in the October 24-31, 2002 issue of the Georgia Straight, a Vancouverbased community newspaper profiles ‘accidental activists’ and some of the different organizing efforts that are being coordinated. Chapter One: Contextualizing the CED Framework What sets the CED framework apart from other economic and community development theories is that it is locally based. The reference point for each concept community, economic and development - is contained in a specific and localized geography (Sherraden, Slosar & Sherraden, 2002; Perry, 1999). While traditional economic development focuses on job creation, income generation, and the expansion and retention of corporate infrastructures, community development encompasses the social elements of a community such as housing, health care, neighbourhoods, and support systems for marginalized groups (Wade & Pulver, 1991). CED-based initiatives combine both economic and community development with an emphasis on the intimate and sustainable relationship between the people and the community. Under the CED framework, local resources are not only the material commodities that must be extracted for capital accumulation; but, there is also a strong investment in the community which includes developing the social economy (Quarter, 1992) and cultivating human and social capital (Schuller, 2000; Wilson, 1997). Ideally, local residents control their own community resources and initiate equitable economic ventures that benefit them and the long term growth of their community. In addition, CED-based ventures operate within the scope of improving social and economic conditions, with an acute consideration of the disenfranchised groups in a community (Nutter & McKnight, 1994). Researchers and practitioners have also championed the CED framework in countering the impact of corporate globalization in an era of 'advanced liberal societies' (Rose, 1996). In North America, there are abundant CED-named ventures that have focused primarily on developing small to medium sized, locally based, businesses. In the face of cutbacks to social programs, increased unemployment and lack of job security, the political strategy has been to stabilize some of the social disarray by promoting self-reliance and selfsufficiency through awakening the spirit of entrepreneurialism (Loizides, 1994; Shragge & Fontan, 2000). One of the ambiguities within the CED framework is the very definition around what CED is, and what it is not. Some authors have disaggregated the concept and defined community, economic and development as separate but integrated entities (see Boothroyd & Davis, 1991). Others have argued that the definition of CED varies depending on the project focus (see Kretzmann & McKnight, 1993; Lenzi, 1996; Lewis, 1994; O’Neil, 1994). Wharf and Clague (1997) point out that the concepts of community and community development have historically been an area of contention among social scientists and policy analysts. This debate continues today, as there is no single conclusive definition of CED. There is an understanding of the intimate connection between improving the social, economic and ecological well being of local peoples and their communities. There is also a consensus among practitioners and theorists that "[tjhe principles and actions that we decide CED is to include (and exclude) will have a real impact on policy makers and on people making things happen 'on the ground’" (Lewis, 1997; p.165). Boothroyd and Davis (1991) define the focus of CED as falling into three possible approaches depending on which aspect of the local economy is the focus of attention: community, economic or development. Lewis (1994) and O’Neill (1994), for example, place great emphasis on the economic component of CED 10 through their discussions on equity and profit driven enterprises. Similarly, Lenzi (1996) introduces a hybrid form of CED that he terms "entrepreneurial community." Lenzi stresses the development of an 'oasis community' through seeking vibrant economic enterprises that target diverse sectoral projects. Kretzmann and McKnight (1993), on the other hand, focus on the community element. They offer a practical guide to rebuilding lower income communities from a holistic perspective, beginning with assessing local material and non-material inventories. In their asset-based community development approach, Kretzmann and McKnight propose a revisioning of community maps that link local skills and capacities of individuals, associations and institutions.' Their strategy of CED is geared toward building internal cohesion, and clarifying as well as prioritizing, the needs of the whole community before entertaining the agendas of external interests. Recent writings on CED indicate an emerging break in analysis that demarcates mainstream CED from grassroots CED activism that seeks to redress economic inequity through redistribution of political and economic resources (Cummings, 2001). Walter (2003) categorizes these distinct forms of CED as establishmentarian and communitarian. The establishmentarian model (EM) places considerable weight on conventional economic development within a competitive market environment. The development committees would be comprised of members from business sectors with a focus on generating commercial and industrial activities in the community. The communitarian model (CM) is generally associated with non-govemment organizations (NGOs), and emphasizes community sustainability through local decision-making and control of local infrastructures. The communitarian ideology focuses on empowering local 11 peoples and communities to develop and invest in local resources for long term sustainability. These perspectives of CED reinforce Brodhead and Lamontagne's (1994) summation that: [tjhere is a broad consensus that there is no one definition of CED, but that it must be defined in the context of the situation within which it is being undertaken. However, there is also considerable agreement that CED approaches share many similar characteristics which imply a set of values differing from those traditionally brought to bear in development policies and programs, (p. 264-265) While there is a distinct set of values within the CED framework, it has become a framework that accommodates the value of market economics such as financial investment and capital accumulation, effective networking, and marketing strategies. The ambiguity within the CED framework is also due to the diverse community organizations that have been engaged in, or classified under, the CED umbrella. A variety of projects and developments by environmental and ecological organizations, housing cooperatives, educational and skills training agencies, employment centres, business development corporations, health and healing groups, and heritage conservation societies have been associated with CED. Perry (1999) explains the diverse nature of CED as: involve[ing] a comprehensive, wide-ranging program of activities for the overall improvement of the locality as a place to live and work. Because it is comprehensive in approach, it can include virtually any activity that might be seen locally as community improvement (for example, promoting a folk opera, drug abuse services, increased policed protection, housing rehabilitation), (p. 21 ) This ubiquitous nature is reinforced through the millions of dollars that have been diverted by government and non-govemment agencies toward community economic and social 12 development projects (James Pratt Consulting, 2000); thus, one can argue that it is not necessarily the projects themselves that define CED, but rather, it is the ideology and the evolving nature of local mobilization processes that define CED. Despite the nebulous state of the CED framework, both in theory and in practice, there is one essential aspect identified by Perry and Lewis (1994; p. 5), which “is that the intended beneficiaries are institutionally and otherwise prepared to undertake the effort." This is a statement of both encouragement and caution as the word ‘effort’ reflects the extensive human commitment required in supporting long term CED-based projects. An example of two starkly different organizations that have been referred to as CEDbased are Community Futures Development Corporation (CEDC) and Entre Nous Femmes Housing (ENF) Society. CFDC operates as a non-profit business development center. It has offices throughout Western Canada and receives federal funding through Western Economic Diversification Canada (WD).^ The fundamental objective of CFDC is to promote community-based economic development through the provision of business loans, education and training to entrepreneurs residing in rural communities in British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba. The premise of CFDC is to stimulate non-metropolitan economies through entrepreneurship and job creation (Lewis, 1997). While the economic development initiatives are locally based, many of the CFDC success stories imitate traditional economic patterns of establishing business enterprises. Entre Nous Femmes Housing Society (ENF^ provides safe, secure and affordable housing for female-led families from diverse experiences who hve in the Lower Mainland area of Vancouver, British Columbia. Established in 1984, ENF is unique from other mainstream 13 affordable housing projects because it takes a holistic approach to housing for parents. The Society is directed by residents and in turn, they gain control of local resources and develop skills, independence and self-esteem through engaging in the creation of an alternative form of housing for their families. Although the governance of each housing complex may differ, the original vision of ENF was to provide opportunities for women interested in job-training programs such as building maintenance, property management and office administration. Establishing caring, safe, supportive and appropriate housing has enabled some of the single mothers to explore employment opportunities and pursue education interests (Johnson & Ruddock, 2000). Throughout the years, the ENF Housing Society has expanded and established other housing communities within the Vancouver region that encapsulate their version of CED principles (Alderson et al., 1993). There are numerous other examples of organizations commonly referred to as CEDbased. These occur across a range of geographical scales and locations, and include an array of definitions of CED. What is evident is that while CED is a complex framework that encompasses a diverse gamut of community-based initiatives, it is this unique characteristic that allows the framework to be adaptable, flexible and meaningful to local community trends and needs. 14 CED Principles, Assumptions, Embodied Language The fundamentals of CED have emerged from what Lewis (1997) refers to as the ‘best practices’ of CED. Through a consultative process with thirty community groups in rural and urban communities, the BC Working Group on CED (1995) identified several key principles associated with the CED framework. These principles include: equity, participation, community-building, cooperation and collaboration, self-reliance and community control, integration, interdependence, living within ecological limits, capacity building, diversity and appropriate indicators. While these principles are noble in their intent, the social, political, cultural, and economic climate within which CED emerges, and must work, presents a challenge. The CED framework is further complicated by the fact that the principles are value laden. As Craig, Mayo, and Taylor (2000) point out, if CED is to be a tool for sustainable change and for empowering the marginalized, it is vital to unpack the ideas which are fuelling this resurgence and submit the assumptions behind some of the most popular concepts to thorough and critical scrutiny, (p. 329) It is, therefore, worthwhile to discuss some of the common principles and identify contradictions and assumptions embedded in the CED framework. In this thesis, five principles will be examined including: capacity-building, entrepreneurialism, participation, partnership and empowerment. At first glance, these principles may appear straightforward, but upon closer interrogation, they are loaded with diverse meanings and subtle complexities that have increased the sophistication of delivering CED-based ventures. The significance of 15 these concepts is evident in that they have become embodied in the languages of many government and non-govemment funding agencies. One example is VanCity Community Foundation (http://www.vancity.eom/Community/AboutUs/Subsidiaries/VanCityCommunityFoundation), a subsidiary of VanCity Credit Union in Vancouver that provides funding support in the form of grants or low-interest loans. A determining factor in assessing the grant application explicitly reflects the CED framework. Eligible organizations must subscribe to the; [p]rinciples of community economic development - equity, community building, cooperation and collaboration, integration, interdependence, participation, living within ecological limits, self-reliance and community control, capacity building and diversity. (VanCity Community Foundation, 2002) The J.W. McConnell Family Foundation (http://www.mcconnellfoundation.ca/) is another source of funding that provides grants for community economic development initiatives. Through the Community Economic Development Technical Assistance Program (CEDTAP), the foundation provides grants and technical support to mature CED organizations such as non-profits, community development corporations and cooperatives (http://www.carleton.ca/cedtap/). CEDTAP is managed by the Centre for the Study of Training, Investment and Economic Restructuring (CSTIER) at Carleton University. The Program is suitable for community organizations that seek to "sustain their communities by creating or saving jobs, developing local enterprise and enhancing self-rehance. CEDTAP also aims to build the capacity of CED practitioners by helping them broaden their skills and knowledge" (Retrieved October 30,2002, from 16 http://www.mcconnellfoundation.ca/initiatives.e/cedtap.html.). At the federal government level, Western Economic DiversiRcation Canada (WD) allots millions of dollars annually to CED initiatives that focus on the economic component of community development. The mandate of WD is to promote entrepreneurial development and economic diversification in the provinces of British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba through innovation, partnership and community sustainability (http://www.wd.gc.ca/). Human Resources Development Canada (HRDC) is another federal government department that supports CED initiatives through several program avenues. Unlike WD, many of the HRDC programs emphasize the social development component of CED and labour market adjustments. Many of the organizations that apply for these grants and contributions are involved in community social and economic activities. Several programs in particular emphasize aspects of the CED framework and promote community capacity building, self-sufficiency, partnership, volunteerism and social development. Some include Labour Market Partnerships (LMP), Supporting Communities Partnership Initiative (SCPI), and Social Development Partnerships Program (SDPP). In the 2000-2001 fiscal year, the total payment for these three programs was $119,495,968 (LMP $77,437,412; SCPI $24,154,089; SDPP $17,904,467)^ 17 The concept of capacity building has become a 'buzzword' in recent years (Schacter, 2000), and it is often used in association with the CED framework. It is the agenda of both the public and the private sector to build capacity within its infrastructures. There are several government and non-government programs that target capacity building initiatives. For example, from November 1999 to December 2001, the Maytree Foundation issued over $500,000 under the rubric of Capacity Building Grants to community socio-economic groups and academic researchers. The Vancouver Foundation also provides monies for capacity building under their Health and Social Development funding priorities. Vancity Community Foundation is another funding agency that supports local capacity building and CED-based initiatives. Within the public sector, Western Economic Diversification Canada and Human Resources Development Canada provide funding that supports capacity building in local communities. In light of the recent popularity of local ‘capacity building,’ it is surprising to find a dearth of literature that focuses on this abstract and complex concept. When capacity building is mentioned in articles, it is often found as a sub-section of a broader discussion on community social and economic development. Yet, given the funding dollars available for capacity building, it appears that this concept has become a critical priority among both governments and non-government agencies. One definition of capacity building is found in the BC Working Group on Community Economic Development (1995; p. 5): "CED contributes to self-rehance by encouraging the acquisition of relevant skills and the development of supportive structures and institutions." 18 This definition is concise but vague. It does not sufficiently capture the multiplicity of impacts that are enveloped in capacity building efforts. In Duncan and Thomas's (2000) research on community resourcing and neighbourhood regeneration in the United Kingdom, they distinguish capacity building communities and capacity building individuals as interrelated concepts with discrete levels of impact. Capacity building may be manifested at the community level or it may benefit targeted individuals. Accordingly, "[c]apacity building includes aspects of training, consultancy, organizational and personal development, mentoring and peer group support, organized in a planned manner” (Duncan and Thomas, 2000; p. 2). In the context of the CED framework, capacity building encompasses the elements of development that coalesce at the community level. The process of community capacity building involves multiple organizations and agencies. The ambiguity in understanding capacity building is not only found at the community level. Schacter’s (2000) critique of traditional capacity building from an international development perspective also applies to local community. He argues that a new perspective in capacity building correlates to a flexible and long term approach to development assistance that considers the needs and circumstances of the cotmtries they serve. Gunnarsson (2001) wrestles with this concept in his discussion of international development and global aid. In his synthesis on the definition of capacity building from various authors, he found that the common thread lies in long term learning processes. Indeed, the problem that strikes at the local community level is also prevalent on the global level. The concept has many applications and may include human resources, organizational development and social structural improvement. 19 One of the most comprehensive explanations of capacity building is found in Chaskin's (2001) work. He articulates the magnitude, the complexity and the multifaceted components through identifying the manifestation of capacity building in the community. He begins by categorizing capacity building into six dimensions. These six dimensions include 1) characteristics of community capacity, 2) levels of social agency, 3) functions, 4) strategies, 5) conditioning influences, and 6) other outcomes such as better support services and citizen’s ability to affect change (Chaskin, 2001). Of the six dimensions, the first three form the foundation of community capacity building and the last three refer to externalities that can contribute to particular outcomes leading to capacity building. Within each dimension, there are distinct scales of functionality. Figure 1 is Chaskin’s illustration of the dynamic flow of community capacity building (Chaskin et al., 2001). Chaskin’s model provides an illustrative summary of the magnitude of capacity building as it interplays with broader systemic barriers. It is clear that capacity building is an issue laden term. The definition intimates the complexity of applying and evaluating the CED framework within the dominant socio-economic system. 20 Figure 1. Robert Chaskin's Model of Community Capacity Building kS) C onditioning Influences , Safety ►. Residential stability I Density o f acquaintance 1 Structure o f opportunity 1 Patterns o f migration ’ Race and class dynamics Distributicn o f power and resources « I (1 ) Characteristics of Community Capacity p6) O ther Outcomes J (2) Levels of Social Agency Individuals Organizations Networks Sense o f community Commitment Abi lily to solve proWems Access to resources (4 ) S tra te g ie s Leadership Organ izattcnal development Organizing Organizational collaboration (3) Functions Planning, decision-m aking, a n d governance P r o d u c tif o f goods and services information d i& ^ in a tio n O rganizing and advocacy ^ Belter services • . Infloence on decision-making ^ Economic well-being Source: Community Capacity and Capacity Building: A Definitional Framework. In Building Community Capacity. New York: Aldine De Gruyter. p. 12. 21 Entrepreneurialism is one of the more commonly referenced principles of the CED framework. It is often discussed as the lynchpin to successful community sustainability and empowerment. In most Canadian case examples, many of the CED-based ventures are focused on local business development and as an extension, result in the “commodification of rural heritage” (Mitchell, 1998, p. 273); however, CED-based entrepreneurial ventures are equally subject to the volatility of the dominant market economy. For CED-based businesses that are dependent on government monies, they face additional accountability issues that may be external to the organization’s business plan. Other constraints faced by CED-based organizations that receive grants and contributions are the challenges of maintaining the integrity of the CED principles, while meeting divergent mandates and political obligations of funding agencies, potential funding cutbacks (see Turner, 1999) and varied evaluative processes of funding agencies. It is evident from the variety of CED-based initiatives that the contemporary strategy of CED is to develop local entrepreneurs. Some of the strategies cater specifically to peoples and communities who have traditionally been marginalized. This explanation of CED initiatives juxtaposes the demand-side perspective of growth in entrepreneurial activities; it is the awareness and access to resources that stimulates new ventures, and not necessarily the prescribed individual traits outlined in supply-side arguments (Thornton, 1999). For this reason, some geographers have advocated greater investigation of the impact of entrepreneuriahsm upon urban and rural renewal (Mitchell, 1998; Bryant, 1989; Harvey, 22 1989). According to the entrepreneurial development model, cultivating potential entrepreneurs through human capacity building, self-esteem enhancement, empowerment, and self-reliance can revitalize depressed communities. These principles work to foster successful entrepreneurs and perpetuate an enterprise culture (Day, 1998). As Day (1998; p. 93) states: “[t]he most pertinent measure of the level of enterprise culture would be the numbers of new small businesses being created." Day critiques the enterprise culture as a narrow strategy for sustaining rural development. He argues that transposing a dominant economic regime into local communities neglects the intrinsic characteristics of local social values. This traditional method of addressing community problems does not take into account the broader dimensions of community wealth generation. The emphasis on developing the capacity of individual entrepreneurs may dismiss the dynamic interplay between local cultural and economic interactions. Sustainable growth through economic activity is not based on a static form of engagement and competitiveness. Instead, the long term success of CED-initiatives is intricately woven into social networks that are built on shared values, patience and continuity (Gittell et a l, 2000; Wilson, 1997). Instead of a limited focus on acquiring traditional economic success. Day (1998) advocates that community development needs to emerge from a broader analysis of local commonalities. This broader analysis should incorporate the humanity dimensions of community development such as reciprocity and respect. According to Day (1998; p. 98), "[w]hat seems to mark out the effective local economy is the capacity its population demonstrates to mobilize action and resources, and to engage in creative projects, from a position of security and trust." He goes on to emphasize that it is important to have "some binding commitment which helps to integrate and fuel 23 social networks, and which contributes towards their reproducibility over time. Such a population forms a 'community' which participates in a shared culture" (p. 98). Day's discussion is useful in highlighting the over-emphasis of traditional economics within the CED discourse. At the same time, it is important to maintain a balanced perspective of community and avoid simplified associations of local with shared values, mutuality and communality. This association may reinforce a nostalgic and binary stereotype of community. The emphasis on entrepreneurialism has become contentious within the CED movement because, on the one hand, CED is based on principles that befit an ideal society with ideal human interactions, yet on the other hand, the entrepreneurial component of mainstream CED has imitated traditional business development models of individualism and competition (Mizrahi, 2001; Cummings, 2001). Indeed, it has beeome an inherent struggle within the CED paradigm to avoid succumbing to traditional ‘bottom line’ economics of cost and benefit analysis as the exclusive determining factor in articulating success. Fundamentally, despite the capitalistic influences, it is essential to recall the roots of the CED movement and evaluate successes that build on long term community capacity, continuity and socio-economic justice. Local participation is another ambiguous concept within the CED framework. It has been described as involving: 24 all members of the community in the planning, decision-making and benefits of CED initiatives, and works to remove the barriers that limit the participation of marginalized citizens. In particular, CED seeks to encourage the active participation of women, youth, seniors, differently-abled people, racial/ethnic groups, the poor, and First Nations' peoples in the public life of the community (BC Working Group on CED, 1995; p. 4). In many cases, the concept of participation implies a degree of volunteerism and consensusbased decision-making. There is also an implication that the locus of participation is in the small-scale community where like-minded people unite with common interests, needs and work collectively for mutual benefits (Gibson, 1999). The ironic reality is that many people who are in a position of marginality may not have the time, interest or finances that would enable them to volunteer with community organizations (Fyfe & Milligan, 2003). For some, long term oppression and discrimination have left a sense of cynicism that has elevated the walls of marginality. For others, the reality may be simply to get through the day. Even in the example of the successful ENF Housing Society, Stem, Kemp & Clague (1997; p. 71) reported on the challenges faced by a past president stating that, “the process [was] difficult in terms of the amount of time and energy it takes and the different levels of commitment of the various participants”; moreover, many community organizers and activists are not highly paid and their efforts are largely voluntary. While CED focuses on improving the quality of life for marginalized communities, there is an expectation that those who are marginal need to create and take control of their own destiny through building on self-reliance and self-sufRciency. Arguably, participating within CED-based processes and taking on responsibilities is one strategy towards personal development; however, it is critical to highlight that participants come to the table with personal biases, privileges and motives, even though these factors may be balanced out with 25 diverse skill sets, networks and influences. Gaventa (1998) argues that participation can become a used and abused concept. He refers to the concept as a dynamic process that has spin-offs onto other levels of social change. Participation requires mobility and continuity in order to be meaningful and empowering. Gaventa o%rs three concessions to participation, which he refers to as scaling-out, scaling-up and institutional change. Scaling-out and scaling-up refer to the versatility of participation in involving multi-dimensional experiences (as opposed to limited experiential knowledge through ‘one-off projects), particularly within larger organizations, or where opportunities arise through institutional changes. This is an important factor to be mindful off. Participation should foster empowerment through offering a variety of opportunities that build on participants’ experiences. To achieve this would also imply that participants are able to facilitate through power dynamics and internal conflicts. A common occurrence in many grassroots and non-profit community organizations, however, is that there is a high level of stress and burnout among participants, both for staff and volunteers (Chemiss, 1980). While this can be explained partly as a result of insufficient financial resources and other support mechanisms, it is also a systemic and structural issue faced by many non-profit community organizations. In the context of capacity building, this is a critical area of concern within the entire CED paradigm. Botes and van Rensburg (2000) elevate the concept of participation to another level. In their criticism, they unveil the State’s manipulation of community participation: In some instances, community participation is not a genuine attempt to empower communities to choose development options freely, but is rather an attempt to sell preconceived proposals. Participation processes often begin 26 only after projects have already been designed. The process is not an attempt to ascertain the outcome and priorities, but rather to gain acceptance for an already assembled package. ...Community participation is in these cases nothing more than attempts to convince beneficiaries what is best for them. (p. 43) Papadopoulos (2000) extends the analysis of State mechanisms by correlating strategic processes to gain legitimacy in public policy with the politics of managing fragmented community groups. These intricate dimensions to participation are nothing new in the discourse of local community development. Amstein (1969) wrote on the complexities of participation over thirty years ago. She cautions that “[tjhere is a critical difference between going through the empty ritual of participation and having the real power needed to affect the outcome of the process” (p. 216). Amstein deconstmcts the concept of participation through various gradations of socio-economic and political influences. These gradations range from State manipulated participation where citizens think their voices matter, when in actuality they do not hold any decision making power, to genuine participation where citizen participation is legitimized through community control and policy change. Citizen participation, she argues, is a relation between the power of the State and the powerlessness of citizens. She deduces that citizen participation is citizen power. To acquire citizen power depends upon a citizen's access to participation within the arena of the State. It is evident that participation is not a simple concept, especially when it is motivated by a CED-based venture that is grounded within a broader political discourse. Under this advocacy form of involvement, participation becomes multi-layered and is often intertwined 27 with personal politics, community pressures and socio-political motives (Fyfe & Milligan, 2003). Participants themselves become a 'value-added' component to the broader CED-based process. Ideally, the quest is to transform value-added experiences into human capacity building where participants evolve and impart knowledge through divergent experiences of the CED process. Partnership One of the most common partnerships in CED-based initiatives is between different levels of governments and community organizations. The basis for defining this partnership is in the mutual sharing of risk, responsibility, accountability and benefits (Frank & Smith, 1997). Many CED initiatives are highly dependent on limited external funding. In Canada, the most significant funders are the provincial and federal governments. Indeed, there are advocates that argue for the importance of developing strategic partnerships with the government (Turner, 1999; Torjman, 1998; Kretzmann & McKnight, 1993)\ while others stress the need for CED initiatives to stay independent of external influences to reduce the potential for conflicting mandates (Wilson, 1997). There are obvious concerns with dependency on government funding. One common concern is that CED initiatives can potentially be at the whim of political agendas and the integrity of CED-based ventures may be compromised with the agenda of funding agencies. The dependence on outside ftmding can result in re-negotiation of project objectives that prioritize the funding agencies' objectives over local community needs. These challenges can place considerable stress on the 28 scope and development of CED-based ventures and on the development of partnerships among community organizations and between community organizations and government agencies. There is also a double jeopardy with any funder-dependent projects, because while governments provide support through short-term grants and contributions, this financial partnership reinforces the vulnerability of many CED organizations during fiscal restraints and changes in governments and government mandates (Bruce, Jordan & Halseth, 1999). So while CED appears to be an alternative structure to the mainstream economy, this apparent ‘back to the community’ movement can be viewed as a top down political disguise for adjusting people to becoming less dependent on limited government subsidies. Inevitably, the effect of this self-help, ‘boot strap’ model is a shift in social welfare responsibilities away from government and onto the community (Sher & Sher, 1994). This trickle down strategy is deliberate and redirects people to become more self-sufficient and self-reliant, while the machinery of the state continues the decentralization and privatization process (HerbertCheshire, 2000; Day, 1998). From this perspective, CED is a valuable local preparedness model, but it is also a paradigm shift for all sectors that have been involved in traditional CED. The task for contemporary CED-based organizations, therefore, is to build capacity within organizations in order to sustain the efforts, integrity and purpose of CED in the new economy. Developing partnerships with government agencies and dependency on government funding also involves detrimental risks. A recent example in British Columbia is the Liberal government's cutback and elimination of programs, which has had negative repercussions on 29 community organizations. In particular, health care cuts, and school and hospital closures have been devastating for some smaller communities. Reforms in income assistance eligibilities combined with the reduction in legal aid services have negatively impacted on seniors, people with disabilities, single parents and other marginalized groups. The provincial government’s restructuring plans expose the instability of community partners in today’s new economy; therefore, while some CED practitioners have advocated the importance of government partners, public skepticism has made it difficult to rebuild trust and commitment within the current economic climate.^ Nevertheless, under financial constraints, it is always a burden to compete for scarce resources to fund and sustain diverse CED-based projects. In fact, the current funding structure of grant competitions parallels the dominant ideology that pits community organizations against each other and discourages coalition building and community mobilization towards the redistribution of resources. Craig et al. (2000; p. 329) caution that “[tjhese processes [of coalitions and partnerships] often view communities as homogeneous entities, avoiding issues of difference and conflict and may even set communities against each other in the race for new funds.” There is an underlying assumption that practitioners will 'get along' with community workers who hold similar social, political and economic values; however, issues of class, education, cultural background and geography of the CED practitioners may influence the process. This is a common criticism from many small community advocates who do not look favorably upon outside urban-based practitioners transposing different frameworks and revitalizing small community neighbourhoods, despite the good intentions. 30 Another key principle of CED-based projects is the concept of empowerment. Here, Wilson (1996) provides an insightful discussion on the key element of investing in the people who are involved in CED projects. Accordingly, it is the initial investment in the nonmateiial wealth of people, or human capacity that will promote long term sustainability of CED-based projects. This is a necessary prerequisite to the success of any CED-based project that involves traditionally marginalized people. Creating a culture of empowerment promotes positive self-esteem and attitudes that contribute to the broader community welfare. The agent of change is at the individual level. For if not to emancipate individuals and peoples, what is the motivation of CED-based projects? And, who are the beneficiaries of these projects? CED-based projects, therefore, should fundamentally be to pursue a just and prosperous community for all. Wilson (1997) proposes two stages to the CED process. Stage one is the empowerment of individuals. This consists of deconstructing the patriarchal framework that promotes resources as scarce and separate, as opposed to abundant and connected (see also Brandt, 1995). Stage two is empowerment of the community. At this stage, there is a collective transformation from the hegemonic viewpoints of disassociation, objectivity, and commodification of resources, to a communal consciousness of interconnectedness and harmony. When these two stages are achieved, CED is actualized and both individuals and communities are empowered. Wilson (1997; p. 621) contends that traditional hegemonic structures need to be reframed so that material goods are not elevated "from their proper role 31 of satisfying subsistence needs to the improper role of satisfying non-material needs such as love and acceptance." She goes on to advocate that fostering empowerment will cultivate a natural synergy that will result in job creation, business development, increased productivity, community participation and community building. This perspective of the individual as the building block to empowerment directly contradicts the entrepreneurial model, which argues that empowerment is achieved through meeting economic needs. The individual-centered approach is clearly more humanistic in its suggestion that a pre-condition to CED-based ventures is the provision of ‘social support’ and self-esteem development; keeping in mind, however, that some traditionally marginalized individuals and groups may experience multiple forms of discrimination and oppression, and require extensive support. These multiple forms of support are often time consuming and are indieative of the lengthy process that characterizes some CED-based ventures. Additionally, in his discussion of the ‘underclass hypothesis,’ Barr (1995) states that some individuals and groups of people have become indifferent and disillusioned about the effectiveness of positive social change on their lives. For people who are in a state of apathy, empowerment can be very ambiguous and complex. Barr (1995; p. 126) explains: “If people lack a sense of their effectiveness in their immediate relationships it will be difficult for them to engage with community needs." One example is in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside (DTES) area in which communities of people face multiple barriers in their daily lives. Aside from poverty, many people living in the DTES also face compounding issues of addiction, substance misuse, mental health concerns and starvation. While there have been many different programs and initiatives in the DTES, it may be a long time before the people reach a state of 32 empowerment and become active participants in CED-based projects. The ongoing challenge, therefore, of promoting CED activities within the dominant economy is that capitalism does not accommodate self-reflection and personal healing; and, in fact, it has contributed to the need for CED-based intervention. The irony, however, is that many CED interventions adopt strategies from the market paradigm. For this reason, it would be misleading to assume that marginalized peoples are free from the influence of capitalism and are incapable of disempowering others. Indeed, there is no assurance that those who become empowered and acquire legitimized power will not perpetuate marginalization upon others in order to retain such power. Divergent philosophical beliefs on solutions to community problems and conflicting perspectives on the economy can also result in market-based strategic planning that promote community disempowerment and local competition (Klodawsky & Andrew, 1998). Craig et al. (2000; p. 330) remind us that: “History - and the present - are littered with examples where movements which were empowering in opposition have become oppressive once in power.” They go on to state that: [tjhere are inherent tensions between integrity and diversity; between the celebration of difference and the alliance of interest that creates political and economic change. Community development struggles with these contradictions and tensions on a daily basis and the first impact of intervention can be to expose the conflicts within a community, as different needs emerge and as parts of the community are seen to become empowered at the expense of others (p. 330). This concern is extended to Herbert-Cheshire's (2000) study in rural Australia where the government has taken a 'hands-off approach to CED. This top-down strategy has been seen as a method to empower the rural residents to become self-reliant. Under this disguise of neo- 33 liberal governance, Herbert-Cheshire (p. 209) clarifies that: [i]n the context of rural development, empowerment is not concerned with challenging dominant ideas, institutions or structures but with developing an individual's capacity to internalize a new culture that preaches entrepreneurialism as the only way to arrest the collapse of local economies and the decline of services in rural areas. Because of the potential complexity of the populations that CED-based projects affect and involve, empowerment is a difficult principle to evaluate. Unlike documenting the development of a physical infrastructure such as a housing unit or a business enterprise, the process of empowering traditionally marginalized peoples is exceedingly difficult to capture, evaluate and achieve. Empowerment is multi-layered and not necessarily time specific. The sustainable outcome of empowerment would require tracking participants and involving participants in longitudinal studies. This overview of five principles commonly associated with the CED framework: capacity building, entrepreneurialism, participation, partnership and empowerment, sets the parameter around exploring the operationalization of the framework by diverse organizations in the DTES. The following chapter presents three case study organizations that utilize the CED framework to stimulate and foster socio-economic growth. 34 Chapter One Endnotes 1. In the social work Geld, Michael Sherraden (1991) advances the concept of asset development to understand economic and social justice. 2. A similar organization for rural Atlantic Canada is the Atlantic Canada Oppportunities Agency (ACOA). See http://www.acoa.ca/. See also the Community Business Development Corporations (CBDC) at http://www.cbdc.ca 3. For the names of the organizations that received funding, see http://www.hrdcdrhc.gc .c a/dept/reports/paypai e/00-01/payments.shtml 4. See also, Ministry of Community Development, Cooperatives and Volunteers, (2000). 5. The downturn in the BC economy is not limited to the restructuring of provincial policies. The terrorist attack on September 11, 2002 and the United States’ increased duties and tariffs on Canadian softwood lumber resulting in the ongoing softwood lumber dispute. These events have exacerbated the social and economic situation for many British Columbians. 35 Chapter Two: Case Study Examples of Three Organizations in Vancouver, BC Research Method A fundamental aspect of this research study is to capture the ‘other side’ of the CED story through applying elements of feminist participatory research methods. Feminist participatory research methods diverge from traditional research methods in their emphasis on inclusiveness, transparency and advocacy. This approach was chosen because it is rooted in anti-oppressive epistemology (Reinharz, 1992; Maguire, 1987). The fact that feminist participatory research methods remain on the margins of mainstream academic discourses, despite its contribution to scholarship, reinforces the need to apply the approach to illuminate alternative pedagogies (Overall, 1998; Campbell & Schram, 1995; Rose, 1993; hooks, 1988). This is a suitable approach to studying the CED framework since it too emerged from the margin as an alternative to a dominant development paradigm. When we study social and economic marginalities, there should be a critical awareness of the research process to avoid further perpetuating marginalities through uncritical and unreflexive production of knowledge (Fernandes, 2(X)3; Smith, 1999). Feminist participatory research methods challenge the scope of traditional academic research beyond an objective exercise to a synergetic and transformative praxis. Critical elements of feminist participatory research are promotion of socio-political change that leads to the empowerment of the researcher, the research participants and the community to which the research is pertinent (Ristock & Pennell, 1996). Qualitative techniques are used in this study to extrapolate insights and experiences 36 from key informants who are currently engaged in CED-based initiatives/ The context in which community organizations adopt CED-based initiatives is explored in relation to the theoretical understanding of the CED framework. A critical aspect of the study is to examine key concepts associated with the framework, and how they are manifested in the community through gathering insights from the experiences of local practitioners. A case study method is selected to draw insights from three different applications of the CED framework within local organizations. Purposeful sampling was used to identify the organizations (Patton, 1990). The three organizations were selected based on follow-up of secondary data that was referenced in various electronic community networks, published articles and by community advocates, as well as the researcher’s personal networks in the DTES. These organizations include the Philippine Women’s Centre (PWC), an advocacybased organization; the Eastside Movement for Business and Economic Renewal Society (EMBERS), a community development corporation; and the Potluck Café Society (PCS), a social enterprise. A common criticism of the case study method is the lack of research representation and rigour (Hamel, Dufour & Fortin, 1993). These criticisms are drawn from the positivist tradition that underlies quantitative inquiries, and they are not necessarily appropriate in assessing qualitative methodologies (Crang, 2002; Meyer, 2001; Bailey, White & Pain, 1999). This thesis also refers to multiple case studies to accommodate a level of representation and generalization of research outcomes. Qualitative research places a greater emphasis on research transparency and understanding, as opposed to technical representation or replication of findings. The case studies will help to explore the subjective experiences of community practitioners. Construct validity, whereby the experiences and the application of 37 the concepts are examined in relation to the theoretical concepts within the CED framework, will be examined (Meyer, 2001). In addition to the case study method, an interview-based approach is used to capture distinct and diverse perspectives on the CED framework as applied to different community-based organizations. One of the limitations to the qualitative interview-based approach is the inability to statistically generalize from the research outcomes (Schoenberger, 1991). Multiple qualitative methods, therefore, can offer useful inductive data for the advancement of the CED discourse. To explore the CED framework from a variety of disciplines, perspectives were collected from social science disciplines including literature review from community economic development, geography, public administration, rural and urban studies, and social work. Interdisciplinary research forges a multidimensional analysis of the CED framework. This integrated approach enhances the discussion by providing different contexts of analysis and sheds light from different marginal perspectives (Monk & Liepins, 2000). An analysis that crosses disciplinary boundaries offers a wider reflection of the diverse applications of the CED framework from various schools of thought. Another reason for the interdisciplinary approach to the study addresses Schoenberger’s (2001; p. 373) questions regarding “whose project this is; who is interested in the interdisciplarity and why?” The answers to the questions were of considerable importance in guiding the writing of the thesis to increase the worthiness of this study (Baxter & Eyles, 1997). While this study fulfills the academic requirement for a Master’s degree, the topic of the study has grassroots motivations. Community knowledge and practices are interdisciplinary; therefore, to explore the complex CED hramework with local praxis, there must be a commitment to transcend the 38 epistemological confines of a single discipline culture (Schoenberger, 2001). Relevant and practical knowledge from a variety of disciplines also provided a more complete analysis. In turn, this study will broaden the interest, and increase the significance, of the topic to stakeholders in the community, academy and government. This study also utilizes primary and secondary data sources. The case study examples include a synthesis of in-person interviews, electronic communication, Internet pubhcations, academic literature, government documents, community reports and local newspaper articles. Five interview participants were selected based on their affiliation with the respective organizations and by word of mouth referrals from local community advocates. Three participants held key positions within their organizations that included community consultations, coordination and administrative functions. Initial contact was made by telephone in Fall 2001 to key informants at PWC and EMBERS. Due to the small number of paid staff in each of organization, only participants who held key positions with substantial responsibilities to the direction of the organization were interviewed. In the case of PCS where there was more staff, two additional staff were interviewed. The researcher shared the purpose and the rationale of the research study with the key informants. Once the key informants expressed interest in the research, the researcher obtained free and verbal informed consent about their participation in the research study. Participation by the key interviewees was on a volunteer basis and they were notified of the option to withdraw from the research at any time. The researcher and the key informants also identified potential readers of the final document such as community soci al-economic development consultants and practitioners, researchers, and government agents.^ 39 In November 2001, in-person interviews were conducted with key informants from EMBERS and PWC. The following year, after the Potluck Café Society was opened to the public, data was collected from staff. Due to time constraints, unstructured conversations and electronic communication with the manager were documented. In-person interviews were conducted with two staff members. All interviews in this study took place at the respective organizations and were one to one-and-a-half hours in duration. The interview process was exploratory with semi-structured, open-ended questions to allow for interview flexibility and inquiries into emerging topics (Schoenberger, 1991). With consent from each of the participants, the interviews were tape-recorded and supplementary notes were taken. Verbal agreement was made between the researcher and all the interview participants around transcribing the data for the sole purpose of this study. The interview transcripts were used for textual analysis. Themes that had a logical inference to the five principles were assessed against the theoretical constructs of the CED framework (Smith, 1984). Commonalities and differences between participants’ interview texts were also compared and analyzed for emergent phenomena. In this study, key informants from all three case study examples were invited to review, verify, and provide feedback on the final write-up of the respective case study. Two case study informants responded to the invitation. They ensured the validity and accuracy of information to avoid misrepresentation of the community. Participant feedback was incorporated into the final draft of the thesis. The broader analysis was also of interest to the participants as many requested a final copy of the thesis. This expression of interest from the participants heightens the accountability of the research study. Due to the academic 40 obligations and constraints around the requirements of a Master's thesis, this study is not wholly participatory. Research participants were not engaged in the entire research process from conception to completion - they were not partners in the study. Throughout the study, however, there is a critical consciousness to uphold the foundational elements of feminist participatory research that speaks to the liminalities within academic research. In order to reciprocate the knowledge exchange beyond academic purposes, this study will be shared with researchers, community advocates and government. Feminist Research Methodology In their discussion on participatory research, Patel and Mitlin (2002) emphasize the genuine need to validate grassroots knowledge. Participation takes place with an inherent power disparity between community organizers, external practitioners and academics. Debates around community participation must address issues of control, appropriation, and ownership of local knowledge. In order to equalize the relationship, Patel and Mitlin propose a community exchange process whereby knowledge and experiences created by traditionally marginalized peoples are not only acknowledged, but must also be legitimized and fully credited. This critique fundamentally targets the hegemony of academic research that has a tradition of appropriating and colonizing marginalized knowledge (Smith, 1999). There are parallel themes around the disparate power relationships and privileges, especially between community-based researchers and academic researchers, professors and graduate students, government agents and community advocates, and others. These relational dynamics and 41 institutional demands contribute to the complexity of adopting a pure participatory action research model. Despite the complexities, however, feminist-based research must incorporate investigation, education, and action (Maguire, 1987). In the context of this study involving community, social and economic development, the involvement of community organizers and advocates provides an additional level of accountability to the research process and the writing of the thesis. A common criticism by many feminist participatory researchers on conventional research methods is the legitimacy of knowledge between academia and community, and the gap between the researcher and the ‘researched’ (Moss, 1995; Maguire, 1987). This gap refers to the power disjuncture embedded in the process of data transfer and ownership from the interview participant to the researcher. Moss (1995; p. 82) defines this gap as “.. .the social-political distance between the researcher and the ‘researched’ as a result of marginalization process.” More concisely, “[t]he gap is about difference and struggles for change” (p. 83). Conventional research methods involve the gathering of primary data from participants during the data collection stage. Upon completion of data collection, the researcher analyzes, interprets and presents the data, often without further input from the originator of the data. Contact between the researcher and the ‘researched’ is traditionally confined to the purpose of data extrapolation. While positivist researchers have defended the validity and reliabihty of objective data, feminist participatory researchers, and other activists and critical researchers have argued that no data is free of subjectivity (Denzin, 2002; Maguire, 1987; Oakley, 1981), and subjective analysis is an admissible process of research that entails complex social phenomena. This ongoing debate is beyond the scope of this 42 thesis. Of critical relevance, however, is the potential danger of misrepresentation of primary data as it is articulated to, and reproduced by, the researcher. In conducting community-based research that involves marginalized populations, this is of paramount concern and must be addressed at all stages of the research including design, data collection, data interpretation, and presentation. Herod (1993, p. 314) addresses this reflexive aspect of knowledge acquisition because ".. .by writing ourselves into the research process we can critically reflect upon how our participation may have structured a particular interview.” This conceptual discussion adds another layer of complexity around methodological implications in academic research. Qualitative research has traditionally been criticized by quantitative practitioners for the lack of validity, reliability and rigour; however, current writings on qualitative studies lead me to argue that issues of validity, reliability and rigour are addressed by emphasizing the need for methodological transparencies, critical self-reporting and articulating abstract processes of knowledge production (Crang, 2002; Ristock & Pennell, 1996). Rigour, as Baxter & Eyles (1997) reminds us, must be properly understood in the context of academic integrity which includes producing responsible and honest qualitative research through selfreflecting. In fact, through pursuing validity, reliability and rigour, this methodological chapter proved to be arduous. The process of research self-reflection exposes vulnerable elements and dilemmas that emerged in this quahtative study. For example, the research process is complicated by the discrete and intertwined roles of the researcher as a community practitioner, academic researcher, and program consultant in the public service. These multiple levels of experience and knowledge contribute to the enthusiasm for the research topic, but they also raise the level of research consciousness around balancing transparent 43 community representation and academic rigour with accessible, practical and transformative research outcomes (Fernandes, 2003; Reason & Torbet, 2001). My experience working with marginalized communities brought a particular sensitivity to grassroots advocacy. My academic training equipped me with institutionalized tools to investigate community dynamics and developments. My role as a program consultant with a government department that is active in the community reinforced an insider/outsider awareness of the potential impact of government programs and policies at the local level. These identities bring a particular, intimate, and spatialized dimension to the study that is devoid of neither biases nor critical interpretations. To some degree, the struggle I faced in linking the three spheres of experience is socially constructed, and perhaps to a lesser degree self-constructed. My individual experiences have evolved through an integrated life-long learning process: grassroots communities, academia and government - discrete institutions that have traditionally been disjointed and contentious. The responsibility, however, remains at the scale of the individual researcher (Kobayashi, 1994). The cynicism and skepticism are based on discrepancies in privilege, power, opportunities and ideologies. Although my multilayered experience was a great asset in conducting the research, it also brought about unforeseen challenges that spoke to the process of situating knowledge and reflexivity (Haraway, 1988). Indeed, one dilemma that emerged during the research process involved collecting data from a community organization that is seeking to abolish a federal program with which I am departmentally affiliated. Feminist geographers have challenged traditional research paradigms that view legitimate knowledge as a linear process of collecting objective data (England, 1994; Moss, 44 1995; Nast, 1994; Pratt, 1992; Rose, 1993). They have brought to light the critical notion of knowledge acquisition and the remanufacturing and reproduction of local, geographical knowledge, including specific biases, positionalities and the subjective realities of the researcher (McDowell, 1992; Monk & Liepins, 2000; Schoenberger, 1992); thus, the content and the context of knowledge production in this study are consequential to the research decisions, methodologies and outcomes (see also McLafferty, 1995). For example, issues of research sensitivity and conflict of interest were at the forefront of the study and all research participants were made aware of the researcher’s current position. This transparency, however, may have affected the interplay between the researcher and the research participants. This was made clear at the end of one interview when the participant joked about my ability to access funding for the organization. Although I may have gained some legitimacy as a community advocate through my previous engagement with local community groups, my role as an academic researcher may also have been overshadowed by my professional affiliation as a federal government agent. The obscure power dynamics and perceptions around the researcher and the ‘researched’, government and non-government agents, academic researcher and community-based researcher, may have unconsciously or consciously influenced the research exchange. These considerations are compounded by the researcher’s gender and ethnicity (Herod, 1993), and to a lesser extent, the researcher’s class. In many circumstances, the visibility of the researcher may provide access to, or hinder the research process (Pile, 1991). There may be more sensitivity around exclusive spaces such as women centers or spaces particular to traditionally marginalized populations. In the context of this study, my identity as a woman of colour combined with my previous association with 45 anti-racist work may have facilitated the permission to collect data from PWC. These research nuances challenge the values and ethics entrenched in the legacy of academic scholarship. The mediator in the research process, such as the assistant researcher, is often the critical point of contact - the node to information exchange and extrapolation. The process in which grassroots knowledge is reinterpreted and refined is central to the debate on scholastic recognition. Authorship and ownership of materials in the name of academic publications masks the issues around knowledge appropriation and representation. These valorized processes of academic research do not question the author’s credibility with the researched community, nor does it necessarily acknowledge and promote the multiple partners that were involved in gathering data and insights from knowledge sources. The issue around access to information, in terms of who accesses the information and who publishes the content requires further attention within the academy; nevertheless, the conscious revelation, awareness and visibility are foundational to a feminist geographic research process (Dyck, 1993; England, 1994; Moss, 1995; Rose, 1997). It is critical, however, to acknowledge that community workers, as the ‘researched’ group, are not necessarily powerless and passive respondents in the research process or in the research outcome. There is also a need to acknowledge the confinements and limitations that are beyond the control of the researcher and the researched. Systemic barriers and institutional regulations contribute to the broader context of the researcher-research relationship; thus, while there is a larger institutional context that has encouraged the research interaction, it does not predetermine the outcomes and negotiation of shared knowledge that unfolds during the research process. The temporally constructed space in which research activities and data collection occur can be negotiated in ways that shift and 46 equalize the dynamics between the researcher and the researched. Ultimately, this form of exchange and commitment stems from the true intent of the research that balances academic scholarship with political action. The landscape of power around differences and distance can be reinterpreted and transformed into an empowered space for discursive discourses (Rose, 1997; Gibson-Graham, 1994). This does not eliminate the landscape of power that Rose (1997) explains as the differences between the researcher and the researched that results in a spatial distance. It does, however, offer another perspective on the relationship between the researcher and the researched. Contemporary feminist methodological debates and critical research inquiries are progressing toward collaborative research models that forge the link between academic and social action research. The union between academic researcher and community-based researchers brings together the strengths and power disparities of the alliances, and fosters commonality around social, economic and political change. Indeed, the multiple layers of complexity that I confronted as an academic researcher parallel the intersection of the CED framework with public policy and local community engagements. It is these specific issues and concerns that lend support to Connell, Lynch & Waring's (2001) comment that: "[t]he researcher's choice of methodology is inevitably shaped by limitations and research considerations that go beyond epistemological and research question issues and which ultimately results in compromise" (Retrieved October 30,2002, from httD://www.nova.edu/ssss/OR/OR6-4/connell.html). The compromise can result in the way the research outcomes are packaged and reproduced for both academic integrity and community validity. 47 My discussion on the research methodology does not end with this chapter nor does it necessarily end at my Master's defense. This ongoing dilemma has occupied many feminist participatory researchers. While this study is admittedly not wholly feminist participatorybased, it is a suitable method for this study on CED-based ventures. The feminist participatory method has instigated a critical insider/outsider awareness of research accountability and the reproduction of community-based knowledge that has an impact on the future of the CED discourse. The following three case studies provide examples of the fluid, flexible and adaptable aspects of the CED framework. Each organization is located in the Downtown Eastside^ area of the City of Vancouver (see Figure 2), an area that is known nationally as the most impoverished neighborhood in Canada. Background information will illustrate the diverse mandates of each organization and reinforce the creative and self-directed applications of the CED framework to local circumstances. 48 Figure 2. Vancouver Downtown Eastside and Surrounding Neighbourhoods 4 IiNouanuAL anEA araAracoNA Source: City o f Vancouver, 2001. 49 Case Study Example 1: Philippine Women Centre of British Columbia The early 1980s was a time of increased immigration of Filipino women to Canada. This was in part due to two catalytic events. First was the Philippine government's implementation of the oversea employment program in the 1970s to offset the growing unemployment crisis in the Philippines. In 1982, this became know as the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) (Tyner & Donaldson, 1999). In response to poverty and political circumstances, many Filipinos were forced to migrate to other parts of the world for better opportunities for themselves and their families."^ Second was the enactment of Canada’s Foreign Domestic Movement (FDM) program in 1981, and subsequently the Live-in-Caregiver Program (LCP)^ in 1992 (Langevin & Belleau, 2000). The LCP worked in conjunction with the LEP (Labour Export Program) to channel migrant workers into Canada. Under the LCP, foreign nationals may enter Canada as live-in caregivers upon the request of an employer. The workers must be employed full-time, for two years before they can apply for permanent residence status in Canada (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2002). From 1999 to 2000, the majority of applicants who applied through the LCP were women (see Table 1), the Philippines being the number one source country. 50 Table 1. Live-in Caregiver Program: Applicants by Gender Male Female Total 2000 428 1851 2279 1999 557 2074 2631 2001 368 1918 2286 amf /mmzgrotioM Canada, 2007 The implication of the LCP on some live-in caregivers, particularly from the Filipino community in Canada has been contentious as the employment conditions means long work days and low pay, often with no overtime compensation (Arat-Koc, 2001).*^ Live-in caregivers may face compounding issues of vulnerability and isolation while living in the private homes of their employers. In situations where live-in caregivers are placed by nanny recruiting agencies in smaller communities such as Prince George and the Queen Charlotte Islands, they are further isolated from established Filipino networks found in urban centers (Alcuitas & Farrales, 1998; PWC, 1999; Roboubi & Bowles 1995). The isolation factor often places live-in caregivers in unfavourable situations where they can be subjected to abuse, the threat of deportation by their employer, and other human rights violations (Anderson, 2001; Arat-Koc, 2001; Grandea & Kerr, 1998; Lyons, 2001; Stiell & England, 1997).^ Live-in caregivers often endure other forms of oppression both from within their community and from the ambiguity of home and workplace (Meyer & Estable, 1999; Stiell & England, 1997). In her study related to labour market segmentation and the experiences of Filipino migrant workers in Vancouver, BC, Fh-att (1997) provides examples of the construction of stereotypes and racial profiling. Through interviews and focus group 51 discussions with nanny recruiting agencies and employers, Pratt finds a clear racial stratification of live-in caregivers, whereby European nannies are marketed as intellectually superior to Filipino nannies (see also Pratt, 2002; Stiell & England, 1997). As a result, European nannies often receive higher wages than Filipino nannies (Pratt, 1997; see also Bakan & Stasiulis, 1995).^ In fact, in their empirical study on Philippine international labour migration trends, Tyner and Donaldson (1999, p. 228) find that the majority of the female migrants who come to America are from the National Capital Region in the Philippines and demonstrate, . .greater occupational diversity.. .indicating a greater number of professionals. ..deployed. These patterns are thus illustrative of the continued demand for nurses and other medical personnel within Canada and the United States.” In Canada, employers in Vancouver, BC have the highest percentage of live-in caregivers (27%). Twothirds of the live-in caregivers are from the Philippines (Edgar, 2002, p. B4). In a community-based research study on Filipino nurses conducted by the Philippine Women Centre of British Columbia (PWC), they found that of the twenty-six interview participants, all of them came to Canada with a bachelor in science in nursing, but ninety-two per cent of them came to work as live-in caregivers (Mackie, 2003, p. B7; PWC, 2000a). Their study suggests that a key barrier for Filipino nurses is the foreign accreditation process (Bailey, 2001, p. A8).^ Other researchers reiterate similar themes of Filipino women immigrating to Vancouver with post-secondary educational backgrounds and trained as nurses in their home country, but find themselves as housekeepers (Grandea & Kerr, 1998; Guzman, 1999; Pratt, 1999)/° The lack of opportunity to apply or bridge their nursing skills in Canada perpetuates the deskilling struggles faced by Filipino women (McKay & PWC, 52 2002). This has resulted in occupational and cultural stereotyping that is filtered beyond the local level as Tyner and Donaldson (1999, p. 232) write: "[cjharacteristically, labourimporters draw on statistical pre-judgments - stereotypes - in their search for labour supplies. Employers of migrant workers, whether in Canada, Singapore, or Saudi Arabia, for example, draw heavily on preconceived images, including sexist and racist stereotypes.” Filipino migrant workers are also marginalized within their own cultural community. Pratt points to the conceptual distinction between immigrants and nannies. Immigrants are identified as “individuals who entered Canada through the ‘regular’ immigration system” (Pratt, 1999), whereas migrant workers, who come through the LCP, are not seen as coming through legitimate channels. In another example, the ambiguity between immigrant and nanny comes through a 1995 focus group discussion where Pratt documents the stories of class distinctions and the stigma around ‘nannies’ within the community. During one focus group session, a participant shares a conversation she had with her male friend who took offense to a negative and presumptuous ‘nanny’ comment from other Filipinos in a public space. While the focus group participant was a nanny, her friend was not. The participant went on to reveal that in fact, her friend's “family was able to come here because his sister was a nanny. So it was funny that he was reacting like that. But it's really hurting here, that people look down on nannies” (quoted from Pratt, 1999, p. 230). These examples are only a glimpse into the deeply embedded and prescribed realities for Filipino women who come to Canada through the LCP. Barber (2000) further notes the shifting meaning of ‘Filipina', a word that initially distinguished Philippine women from the general Filipino community is now negatively associated with domestic labour. 'Fihpina' connotes ‘nannies' in Canada and 53 'maids' in HongKong (Barber, 2000). Despite these concerns, there is another perspective among Filipino migrant workers toward the LCP. This other perspective views the LCP as an immigration opportunity for people who would not qualify through other immigration categories. Accordingly, the trade-off offered through the LCP is the opportunity to apply for permanent residence after a few years of sacrifice (Langevin & Belleau, 2000; Read, 2003). Indeed, in both perspectives, the LCP has made its mark on the lives of many live-in caregivers." Philippine Women Centre In 1989, PWC was formed to address the increasing social and economic marginality faced by Filipino migrant workers in Canada. By 1990, PWC was established as a registered non-profit society. Aside from providing a space for support, PWC is also active in researching, educating, mobilizing and organizing around human rights issues for immigrants and migrant workers (Sayo, 1997). The Centre also engages in solidarity work with other Filipino communities around the world. In 1994, the PWC worked in conjunction with WomenFutures (Conn & Alderson, 1997).^^ to establish ways of integrating CED initiatives into the work at the Centre. PWC was involved in a three-year CED pilot project, facilitated by WomenFutures called "Making Women Count in CED" (Conn & Alderson, 1997). The pilot project resulted in the refinement of existing projects and an establishment of five CED ventures that continue to run out of PWC. These five ventures include cooperative housing, a savings circle or 54 'paluwagan', a loan guarantee fund, an in-house store, and a catering service (PWC, 1997). Overview CED VgMtwrgf The PWC operates five small-scaled CED ventures out of their building in the DTES. The projects provide social and economic support to live-in caregivers and other PWC members. One of these ventures is a small affordable cooperative housing unit that is based out of the Centre. Depending on vacancy level, the housing units are available to members of the Centre. The cooperative provides affordable housing for ‘weekenders’ who work as livein domestic workers during the week. Women are able to find refuge in a safe, supportive and networked environment. Another CED venture that exists through PWC is the ‘paluwagan,’ or savings circle (BC Working Group on CED, 1995). Women participating in the circle contribute an equal amount of money on a monthly basis for up to a year. Each month, a different woman from the savings circle is selected to receive the total amount collected; therefore, if there were twelve participants and each participant contributes $100.00 per month to the circle, then for every month, one woman will receive $1200.00. The paluwagan enables women to share their resources collectively for mutual benefits. The PWC also administers a loan guarantee program to Filipino members at PWC. AD loans must be paid within one year. A constraint to this program is that the demand for loans exceeds the credit available to PWC. Members may apply for a nominal loan with 55 PWC as their guarantor. The loans program began as an initiative to enable PWC members who were unable to apply for bank loans to pay for educational upgrades. Monies from the program have also helped to pay for expenses related to establishing permanent residences. The arts and crafts store, operated at PWC, is a small-scale CED initiative whereby selected merchandise, including books and publications, is imported from the Philippines and sold in the store. Some of these products include books, arts and crafts. Portions of the proceeds are sent back to women in the Philippines (PWC: personal communication, November 4, 2001). Another CED initiative that runs out of the PWC is a catering service. The service has been in operation since 1989 and it generates the greatest annual revenue for the Centre. The Centre provides the service to individuals, community agencies and businesses. Participants in this CED initiative are predominantly members who volunteer at the Centre. Women have an opportunity to be trained and to develop skills in various operations of the business such as food preparation, handling and serving. A spin-off to this venture is the social networking that occurs during the preparation stages. The opportunity to foster social interaction may be of particular benefit to many volunteers who are live-in caregivers as one interview participant explained: “...when you do chopping, you end up talking [about] issues that are affecting you. And then you do your counseling while you're cutting all this. So you know, it's really a community effort" (PWC: personal communication, November 4,2001). The CED concepts are explicitly written into their web-based catering material: [w]hen the Philippine Women Centre was founded over a decade ago, one of its main objectives was to help empower immigrant women through self-help projects and community economic development programs... .Through our catering, we learn to develop our own skills, work in cooperation, build self-reliance, and ultimately, become empowered (http://pwc.bc.tripod.com/prc/cateringintro.html). 56 Revenues from the catering services are redirected back to a fundamental component of PWC that is to promote liberation through critical education. For example, monies are used to pay workshop fees in order that women may attend sessions without costs. As with many CED enterprises, the challenging aspect of the catering business is insufficient financial resources and the dependence on volunteers. Of the five CED projects, the catering service and the arts and crafts store are incomegenerating projects. The other three provide direct services to the PWC members. Revenue from the income-generating projects is directed toward salaries, seminars and workshops relevant to members such as income tax preparation and computer skills, and travel to conferences. Since the initiation of the direct service projects, PWC have expanded their co­ op housing accommodation from 8-10, to 16-20 (Sayo, 1997). The savings circle has also grown to more than one group. In addition to the CED projects, PWC has been active in sharing their knowledge and experiences. Their involvement with CED in conjunction with other mandates of PWC has expanded their outreach opportunities. Members of PWC are engaged in providing educational and consultative support to other local organizations. 57 Case Study Example 2: Eastside Movement for Business and Economic Renewal Society Eastside Movement for Business and Economic Renewal Society (EMBERS) evolved from a CED working group that was formed in 1999. The working group developed a comprehensive vision of the future for the residents, in particular the low-income residents, and the diverse communities within Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside (DTES). EMBERS (www.dtes.ca/cdc/) is one component of a wider community development strategy which is led by the initiatives of Community Directions'^, a community wide mobilizing process that involves over fifty participating organizations and agencies to address the long term sustainability of a healthy, socially and economically vibrant and safe neighbourhood for the residents of the DTES. The impetus behind the formation of Community Directions was to protest against external decision-making and outside intervention by the City of Vancouver in their plans to revitalize the DTES. This community mobilizing effort is an example of the local control response that is indicative of the long time activism in the DTES. During the summer of 1999, a lengthy consultative process began between representatives from federal, provincial and municipal governments, community service providers, business owners and cultural diversity representatives, to gather input and explore options of improving the DTES area. Participants identified four critical issues that underlie many of the perpetual social problems in the DTES including health, safety, housing and 58 economic opportunity (City of Vancouver, 1999). These issues and concerns were synthesized in the Vancouver Agreement,and, on March 9, 2000, the Vancouver Agreement was officially signed between the City of Vancouver and the governments of British Columbia and Canada. This symbolizes a five-year commitment by the three levels of government to "develop and implement a coordinated strategy to promote and support sustainable economic, social and community development” (City of Vancouver, 2000, p. 1). The first mandate under the Agreement is to address the fundamental issues in the DTES. In June 2001, an official DTES Community Development Corporation (CDC) was created and, in September 2001, EMBERS was incorporated as a non-profit society. The majority of the Board members are elected local residents of the DTES, with a few appointed members. The general mandate of EMBERS is to engage in community capacity building and work with a variety of sectors in the DTES. These sectors include, “agencies, business, housing organizations, community groups, and residents to collectively develop long term economic strategies and offer support to projects or social businesses that will increase income, training, employment and ownership opportunities for low income residents in the neighbourhood” (Community Actions, 2001, p. 4). The three sets of goals of EMBERS are: (1) planning, research and advocacy; (2) economic and employment; (3) housing and landuse. While there are numerous community organizations that address the diverse social issues in the DTES, EMBERS represents a unification of ideology and community goals. EMBERS' formation is based on the fact that, "[tjhere's no body, there's no entity that is looking at the opportunities, or the areas of priorities, from a long term strategic community 59 economic platform" (EMBERS: personal communication, November 13,2001). The founding of EMBERS in the DTES is recent, but the motivation behind its establishment is both historical and symbolic. What distinguishes this area from any other area and neighbourhood are the historical accounts of persistent human degradation, and the physical containment of such degradation. The history of the DTES is about working class ideology, cultural and religious diversity, social and political activism, grassroots movements and community mobilization. This area is home for a high proportion of First Nations peoples, a Chinese community, street youth, older single males and local business owners. Many of the residents, particularly the older single males, live in dilapidated Single Room Occupancy (SRO) hotels with no basic amenities such as telephone, fridge or stove. Pest infestation is also a major problem in many of the accommodation units. Hasson and Ley (1994, p. 177), in their account of the plight of the DTES area, wrote: “[sjtruggle is far more than an intellectual abstraction; it is a central preoccupation of everyday life.” This everyday life for many of the residents of the DTES constitutes dealing with issues of poverty, substance misuse, drug addictions, mental illness, physical and mental disabilities, substandard housing, homelessness, starvation, crime and violence, lack of basic amenities, living with HTV/AIDS and other debilitating illnesses, as well as entrenched negative social stigma. The DTES, as one interview participant describes, "is a dumping ground, the shock absorber for the rest of society - you have this huge containment of social problems" (EMBERS: personal communication, November 13, 2001). The 1996 Census affirms that the residents living in the DTES area are still one of the most disenfranchised groups of people compared to the rest 60 of Vancouver. Relative to the rest of the city, the m^ority of the households in the DTES area hve below $19,999. Many more hve on less than $10,000 per year, and over half of the population is receiving income assistance (refer to Appendix 1). The DTES is a neighbourhood of communities, as much as it is a community of neighbouitoods. It is a reference point for human suffering, resistance and resilience: a symbol of societal negligence and injustice (see Anderson, 1991); yet, the DTES is a politically charged neighbourhood. The history of local activism and grassroots organizing can be traced back to the birth of the Downtown Eastside Residents’ Association (DERA) in 1973 when the DTES was referred to as ‘Skid Row’ (Canigg, 2002, p. 3). For over twenty years, DERA has been instrumental in mobilizing around issues of social housing and economic justice for people in the DTES (Hasson & Ley, 1994). The contemporary DTES remains an embodied geography of resistance and resilience, with many annual ceremonies and celebrations, and numerous ad hoc activities and political demonstrations for social justice. These activities include the Valentine’s Memorial March to commemorate the women who die every year from violence; Mayworks, a multidisciplinary art and cultural festival of the working class; the Powell Street Festival, a celebration of Japanese Canadian art, culture and heritage; the December 6^ Coalition, commemorating the women who died in the 1989 Montreal Massacre, to name a few. During the writing of this thesis, activism was taking place as people demonstrated on the issue of homelessness in the DTES. On September 14, 2002, ‘squatters’ began petitioning the provincial government to develop the old Woodward’s department building into social housing for people who are homeless in the DTES. This came after news that the provincial 61 government was selling the building, which has been vacant for nine years, to a Vancouver developer. More 'squatters' have now occupied the Woodward's building and recently, despite interrogation from police, the demonstration has become more organized with public support and donations to the homeless peoples. Through donations, tents and mattresses have been set up along the sidewalks surrounding the building. The demonstration is now known as “Woodsquat” and “tent city” with more political activists, supporters and homeless people joining the petition for the redevelopment of the building into social housing (Ward, 2002, p. A1 ). On October 22, 2002, the Vancouver City Council supported the redevelopment of the Woodward’s building to include commercial space and 417 rental apartments (Bula, 2002, p. Al). The number of rental units available to people living in lowincome (under $17,000) in the DTES, or the “deep-core-need” residents (Smith, 2001; p. 13), however, is being negotiated between the developer and the province. Community mobilizing in the DTES has assumed different forms throughout the decades. It has evolved from the conflict model of the 1970s, to the state relationship building efforts of the late 1980s, and to a greater partnership development of the 1990s (Hasson & Ley, 1994). Presently, the application of the CED model, which adopts a far more comprehensive, long term approach to addressing the perpetual issues in the DTES, is the vision of EMBERS. While EMBERS and other DTES organizations are hopeful about the potential opportunities in the area through applying CED-based strategies, the long term social stigma associated with the DTES is a perplexing challenge. In a December 2001 issue of the Georgia Straight, a Vancouver-based community newspaper, author Charlie Smith wrote about a 62 recent report that was produced by the Vancouver Economic Development Commission (VEDC). The headline read: 'T)owntown Eastside Firms Vexed by Crime." Smith (2001) wrote on the bleak economic opportunities in the DTES due, fundamentally, to the safety and security factors that deter potential business start-ups and attract customers. He highlighted current business owners' and employers' desires to relocate outside the DTES. He quotes the VEDC: “[a]lthough the study area accounts for less than 2% of Vancouver’s land area and 3.2% of its population, the region accounted for 18% of the crimes against property, and 61% of the drug arrests in 1999” (p. 31). These statistics profoundly contribute to the negative public perception of the DTES, however, Smith also included the advantages and opportunities in the area. Aside from the physical benefits such as the convenience of public transit, heritage buildings and lower real estate costs, there may be opportunities to promote high-tech ventures, tourism, arts and culture, manufacturing, retail, and other social enterprises.^^ It is, however, unlikely that these ventures would be instigated in the DTES without external public and private intervention such as gentrification of the area. From a CED framework, the physical benefits and the enterprise opportunities are the assets for potential grassroots development. This is precisely the strategy proposed by Kretzmann and McKnight (1993). They state that a key to local sustainability begins with an evaluation and documentation of the existing assets within a community. Their premise is that aU communities have assets that require development or refinement. Thus, engaging in asset development encourages community organizers to deconstruct dominant frameworks that perpetuate oppression and dependency. This challenge that encompasses the narrowing of the gap between theory and praxis may not necessarily be resolved by community organizers who 63 work within a CED framework. Asset development can be a profound challenge in povertystricken areas both in terms of acquiring capital, and in terms of developing human capacity within a multiple barriered neighbourhood. This was highlighted in one interview: How do we create assets? Nobody owns anything.. .Even the housing societies, they hold the mortgages, but they don’t own the building structures. And you need assets in order to leverage money to do other things. ..You have to at least [have] assets, if you don’t own anything, you can’t really build from anywhere. So that’s a big piece. (EMBERS: personal communication, November 13, 2001) Securing the financial capacity and seeking ways to establish loans and equity funds is a central preoccupation for initiating CED-based projects at EMBERS. EMBERS is currently receiving financial support from Ministry of Community, Aboriginal and Women Services, National Crime Prevention Program (City), Opportunities Now (Inner-city Inclusive Olympic Bid project), VanCity Community Foundation, and Western Diversification. CEO Vgnmrg,; At the time of the interview, EMBERS was involved in two CED-based activities: Lamp Post and 'dtes.ca' (www.dtes.ca). The Lamp Post is a web-based community publication that covers news, events, issues, art and culture in the DTES. The vision was spawned by a local resident’s experience of information exchange during gatherings around the neighbourhood lamppost. This idea has developed into a social enterprise of creating a virtual Lamp Post where local individuals, groups and agencies can share, promote and be informed about current affairs in the DTES. 64 Synonymous with promoting electronic communication in the DTES is the new dtes.ca Internet Service Provider (ISP) business. Dtes.ca was established as a social enterprise to provide Internet access and web services to local residents, organizations and businesses in the area. The site also hosts a community resource database where local residents and the public can search for information and services available in the neighbourhood. Profit from this social enterprise is retained within the DTES. 65 Case Study Example 3: Potluck Café Society On March 28, 2002, community residents, local activists, funders and political figures attended the grand opening of the Potluck Café Society, a non-profit restaurant with a contemporary urban atmosphere in the heart of Vancouver’s downtown eastside (DTES). Situated beside the recently redeveloped 10 storey Portland Hotel on Hastings Street, the Café is a result of a collaborative effort between multiple community partners and funders to invest in the residents of the DTES.'® One of these community partners is the Portland Hotel Society which operates several hotels in the DTES, including the Portland Hotel. The Portland Hotel was developed in 2000 as a response to the dilapidated conditions of many of the DTES hotels. Many of the tenants in the new Portland Hotel previously resided in the Pennsylvania Hotel which was known as one of several low cost, decrepit, SRO hotels in Vancouver’s downtown core (Howard, 2000; Mulgrew, 2000). These tenants are traditionally labeled ‘hard-to-house’ residents as they often exhibit challenging behaviours and many face multiple barriers including alcohol and drug addictions, mental illness, mental and physical disabilities, malnourishment, and lifethreatening diseases. A high proportion of the residents hve with HTV/AIDS. Despite the substandard conditions of many SROs, these units are often the last resort for residents before they become homeless. In 2001, members from the Portland Hotel Society were involved in the initial vision of opening a restaurant in the DTES. During the planning stages, the idea of 66 opening a Potluck Café emerged. Today, the Portland Hotel Society provides in-kind support to the Potluck Café Society through free commercial space. A Loving Spoonful was another key community partner involved in the initial visioning of a restaurant in the DTES. Since its inception in 1989, this non-profit and volunteer-driven organization has provided daily meals to people living with HIV/AIDS in the Greater Vancouver area. Known as the Daily Meals Program, individual nutritious meals are cooked and packaged by contractors in the community. Volunteers deliver a weekly supply of frozen meals and other food to the homes of people who have been diagnosed with HtV/AIDS. These clients are often malnourished or homebound, and have been referred by a medical practitioner. Over 150,000 free nutritious meals are delivered annually to people living with HIV/AIDS (http://www.alovingspoonful.org). A Loving Spoonful was involved in the earlier stages of the Potluck Café through providing frozen dinners to the Portland Hotel residents. In October 2002, they contracted the Potluck Café Society to prepare three meals a day to half of the Portland Hotel residents. Meals for the remainder of the Portland residents have been contracted by Central City Mission Foundation. United We Can, an urban bottle recycling business in the DTES is another community partner for the Potluck Café Society. It was instrumental in the initial stages of developing the Potluck Café Society as a social enterprise. Through United We Can, a meal program was designed to provide weekly home-style meals for beverage recyclers, or 'binners,' who collected bottles and cans from garbage bins and city streets. Referred to as 'Sinners Dinners,' the program involved five youth-at-risk who were employed to develop job skills and gain work experience in the food industry. The program operated from January 2(XX) to 67 December 2000 (VanCity Community Foundation, 2001). As the Dinners Dinners came to an end, members of United We Can were concerned for the youth who may end up back on welfare. United We Can approached the Portland Hotel Society and funding agencies with the idea of a café operation. This prompted the continuation of the meal program for the Portland Hotel residents that were held in a community kitchen in the Hotel. The program involved meal preparation and consultation on healthy eating with Hotel tenants. Six additional DTES youth-at-risk were hired to prepare meals for the hotel tenants (PCS: personal communication, September 19, 2002). In total, ten youth-at-risk were involved in preparing meals for ninety hotel residents. Initially, meals were served to the hotel residents twice a day, five days a week, and later, it was increased to three meals a day, seven days a week. In the meantime, the initial group from the Dinners Dinners started their own society and began building the kitchen in the Café on the main level of the Hotel. The success of the meal program crystallized the vision of developing a storefront Café that would serve meals to residents, offer subsidized menu items to the public, and provide catering to local businesses. The unique and non-conventional components of the Cafe speak to a critical social disparity within the neigbourhood. The philosophy, as articulated by the manager is that "We bring food out to people that have money because [it] helps pay for the people who don't have money when they are coming into the Café" (CDC video, 2002). This links to one of the goals of the Potluck Café Society, which is to demonstrate the coimection between good nutrition and good mental health. This is reflected by one employee (Respondent 'A') who has been involved with the program right from the beginning when it was Dinners Dinners. 68 Before that, the employee lived on the streets of the DTES. The Café meets a critical need in the neighbourhood as the employee explains: I know, for myself, if I was hungry, a lot of strange thoughts would go through my head, and if I was full, Td be a little more content with life. Like I wouldn’t be so angry. Probably I was angry at me being angry but I’d focus my anger on a lot of things (CBC video, 2002). In a personal interview, the respondent describes the impact of the Café: I think it [the Café] gives people the option to make healthier decisions about themselves. If all you think about is food, you can’t really do much else; but now, this place is here, people can eat, so they don’t have to think about food, so then maybe they can think about getting help. You know, these people, 95 per cent of the people that live here have mental health issues and drug addiction issues. They wouldn’t eat normally but we can feed them, right (Respondent ‘A ’: personal communication, September 22, 2002). The Potluck Café Society is more than just a one-stop coffee bar. It is a distinct social enterprise that is rooted in the labour and commitment of local residents to transform the lives of marginalized people in the DTES. CED m t/ig DowMtowM The Café meets a critical need in the DTES through their innovative and diversiEed meal programs offered to a variety of clientele. Presently, there are Eve different meal services. These include: a subsidized meal program for the hotel residents, a sliding scale meal at $2.00 for low-income people in the area, a contract with A Loving Spoonful to provide meals for people living with HIV/AIDS, menu items for the general public at market 69 prices, and a catering and banquet service to businesses and organizations. Catering clients range from small non-profit organizations to larger, prominent community agencies. This division of the Café draws in approximately $7,000.00 in revenue per month. In Fall 2002, the Café received a catering order from its one hundredth client. Thirteen employees perform all the operations of the Café. Residents from the DTES fill ten of these positions (Café staff: personal communication, September 19, 2002). The Potluck Café Society is a CED enterprise that functions within a broader community vision of supportive living for residents in the DTES. Although it is a restaurant, the foundation of the Café is built on localized knowledge and empowerment of people within the neighbourhood. In the words of the manager: “[wjhen people who have troubled backgrounds - whether with addictions, abuse or the law - are given a job and the chance to prove themselves, it really boosts their self esteem” (Vancouver Foundation, 2001, p. 7). Respondent ‘A’ reiterates, “I have more structure in my life. I have responsibilities other than self-interest....I have more of a sense of accomplishment then I did before. And yes, accomplishing things makes me feel better about m yself’ (personal communication, September 22,2002). The organization currently receives limited funding and donations from governments, financial institutions, charitable organizations and local businesses. Like many CED-based organizations, the Potluck Café Society must confront the issue of long term sustainability. The Café has met the social goal of hiring local residents and, in fact, the success of one staff may soon lead to a promotion from entry level to a junior supervisory position. Despite aH the social achievements of this CED enterprise, economic realities loom over the Café as 70 community supporters seek alternate ways to generate revenue and self-sufGciency. Financial capital is one of the greatest barriers for many CED-based organizations and the Potluck Café Society is no exception. While there are monies available for start-up phases of a CED project, there are limited opportunities to access funding that would support the initial developmental stages, as well as the long terra stages of CED ventures (Canadian CED Network, 2002). Like many CED-based organizations, the Potluck Café Society is involved in fundraising to cover operating costs. Because of the multiple barriers that many local residents encounter, the mandate to provide employment to the local residents presents an additional challenge within this CED enterprise The manager of the Cafe articulates this dilemma: ....[w]e need to make money basically so we can keep our people here, which is what we want to do - that’s sort of the heart of the project is to be able to keep our staff. What I know from working down here for ten years is that people don’t succeed. They’re not necessarily ready to make the transition to mainstream employment and if I’m forced to choose the ones that are, we’re not helping the ones that really need help. (CBC, 2002) She goes on to describe a critical human resource challenge: [o]ne of the hard things that we deal with here is the reliability of our staff. And we want to keep the door open for people, we want to be here for them, but we need to accept them for where they’re at. And what we do is we try to do that but we also try to challenge them to improve all the time. So that’s been a struggle, and some of us come a long, long way but what do we do when they don’t show up for work? What do we do the day after cheque day when they’re out partying with their friends? How do we set those limits because usually when limits are set, and I know this from working with lots of people in the neigbourhood, they break them. (CBC, 2002) 71 During a personal interview with a sous chef (Respondent 'B') who is also an assistant supervisor in the Café, the respondent expressed similar concerns. Respondent 'B' spoke about the unpredictable circumstances at the Café and how on any given day, the workload may have to be adjusted because of staff absenteeism. Due to the demographics of the area, the Café co-workers must regularly deal with irate customers who are under the influence of substance misuse (Respondent 'B': personal communication, September 21, 2002). Although there are severe challenges in operating the Café, it is these very challenges that first prompted the vision and the development of the enterprise. Staff are trained in the food and restaurant industry by a professionally hired executive chef. As the executive chef, and President of the British Columbia Cbef s Association, Marcus von Albrecht comments that, “[a]ll your basic rules that you’ve learned and you’ve implemented in running an operation, they don’t exist here. It’s more of a community minded project where you are taking less fortunate and giving them life skills and employment and they’re giving back to the community” (CBC video, 2002). His responsibilities are vast and multi-faceted in this unique community socio-economic enterprise as he not only trains staff in culinary techniques, but is also involved in the development of staff interpersonal growth and life skills. Through interviews with staff, it became clear that Marcus has not only taught the staff skills, but has become an inspiration in their lives. The Café comprises collective history that symbolizes persistence and resistance to dominant prejudices. The many community groups and individuals who call the DTES home have faced numerous barriers, especially negative public profiling of the neighbourhood in 72 local media outlets. Indeed, "[w]hen most people in Vancouver think of the Downtown Eastside, they conjure up images of a dozen poverty-pom documentaries: Pigeon Park or Main and Hastings, constant churning mills of people buying and selling drugs, throwing up, falling down, stumbling to the nearest alley to shoot up" (Bula, 2000, p. D l). This image of the DTES is in stark juxtaposition with the Café manager's vision. She argues that there are opportunities in the DTES and. .. .there is a piece of work out here in this neighbourhood that nobody’s doing, and that’s providing meals to people who are sick, and who’ve got tremendous troubles and we know how important food is to people, for their emotional and mental stability. ...So why can’t we do that? ....Why can’t people from this neighbourhood figure out what work needs to be done and sort of make it happen...? (CBC, 2002) As respondent ‘B ’ explains, working in the Café is a “win-win-win” situation. The respondent is thankful to have a job that involves helping people while doing something that is thoroughly enjoyable, which is cooking. When I asked about defining success, respondent ‘B ’ shared the personal impact of witnessing, and being involved in, the transformation of people’s lives as a result of feeding people balanced meals. This is an immeasurable success that the respondent described as incomparable to any pay raises (Respondent B': personal communication, September 21,2002). Respondent 'B' is one of the few staff that does not reside in the DTES. This employment opportunity has alleviated the initial fears and stereotypes of the area. The staff at the Café has become an extended family and respondent 'B' has come to know, and be known, as part of the neighbourhood. Job security, however, is a persistent concern because, unlike many of the other staff whose positions are funded by the government, the respondent's position is not subsidized. 73 The Potluck Café Society provides a good example of a grassroots CED-based initiative. The Society is a symbol of neighbourhood creativity fuelled by local resistance. While it is still in its infancy, the Café is well situated, at the present time, in terms of strong support from community partners and government agencies; however, continued financial support from governments is a challenge for many CED-based organizations and the Café is no exception (Filion, 1998). In addition, the intricacies of receiving funding from a variety of agencies can complicate the administrative process due to the diverse, and sometimes conflicting, mandates of funding agencies. The Potluck Café Society has received funding support from a multitude of agencies to which the organization must be accountable. In this, the Café provides another example of the various obstacles and dilemmas involved in establishing CED-based initiatives. During the time of the interviews, the Potluck Café Society was awaiting its charitable status in order to further its fundraising and donation campaigns. The management team is seeking ways to diversify their services and programs to build on the capacity of the Café. Discussions around implementing a meals-on-wheels contract and incorporating a fast food vegetarian menu are currently being reviewed (PCS: personal communication, September 19, 2002). Swrn/Mary This chapter provides a profile of three organizations that are involved in CED-based activities in Vancouver's DTES. The diverse CED-based activities employed by each organization allow us to assess the impact of the framework as it is operationalized in a 74 marginalized landscape. The following chapter is a discussion that hnks the theoretical debate around the CED principles to the application of CED as it is captured from the case study examples. 75 Chapter Two Endnotes 1. The University of Northern British Columbia Research Ethics Board has approved the research conducted for this study. See Appendix 2. 2. This complies with Section 2 of the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans. See http://www.nserc.ca/programs/ethics/english/ethics-e.pdf 3. For the purpose of this paper, the Downtown Eastside (DTES) area will include the surrounding communities of Chinatown, Gastown, Victory Square, Strathcona and Oppenheimer. 4. Similar studies have been conducted on the experiences of Filipino migrants in other parts of the world. See Yeoh, B. S. A. and S. Huang (2000). Also see Law, L. (2001). 5. For more information on Canada’s Live-in Caregiver Program, visit Citizenship and Immigration Canada: http://www.cic.gc.ca/english/pub/caregiver/index.html. See also: http://www.hrdc-drhe.gc.ca/hrib/lmd-dmt/fw-te/common/aide_care.shtml 6. In 1995, the provincial Employment Standards Act stipulated that domestic workers must be paid at least minimum wage and that they must be compensated for overtime. 7. For a review of international trends and debates on the protection of human rights of migrant workers, see Taran, P. (2000). 8. As of June 28,2002, the new Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA) requires employer and employee to complete and employment contract before a work permit is issued. 9. The issue of foreign trained nurses is not specific to Filipino nurses in Canada. Shortage of nurses is a global crisis resulting in competitive recruitment efforts for nurses and development of foreign credential recognition. See BBC (2000) story titled: "UK 'fuelling global nurse shortage’” at http://www.news.bbc.co.Uk/l/hi/health/1082120.stm. See also Coates (2001) 10. Provincial and territorial regulatory bodies in Canada regulate all nursing professions. 76 11. Gibson, Law & McKay (2001) challenges the two dominant discourses of overseas contract workers as 'victims' or 'heroes'. They present an alternative portrayal of migrant labourers through their multiple economic identities and across migration experiences. 12. WomenFutures is a non-profit society that was incorporated in British Columbia in 1985. The society works with marginalized women's groups to develop CED strategies in order to economically sustain women’s organizations in the community. 13. Other working groups and support networks that run out of Community Directions include housing, alcohol and drug, child, youth and family. Latino community development. First Nations caucus, African Canadian and American group and the Chinese community. For information on Community Directions, see http://www.communitydirections.ca/index.html 14. The Vancouver Agreement is one of three Urban Development Agreements made between federal government, provincial, and municipal governments in Western Canada to support local economic development. The other agreements are Edmonton Economic Development Initiative and Winnipeg Development Agreement. See http://www .wd.gc.ca/ced/urban/définition e. asp 15. A website profiling some of the homeless people squatting on the sidewalks has recently been launched. Visit http ://ww w.inter-mi ssi on .or g/woodwards 16. Of the 417 rental units, 200 units will be subsidized and 100 units will be available to people on low income. 17. In a report compiled by the Carnegie Community Action Project (2002), they trace the history of the DTES. They argue that the negative perceptions of low-income and drug usage are scapegoats to the decline in business activities in the DTES. The report emphasizes the impact of economic development on neighbouring areas, disinvestments, and poor transportation as key factors that contribute to the current challenges in the DTES. The report is available at http://www.downtowneastside.ca/research.html 18. The new Portland Hotel was designed by weU known structural architect, Arthur Erickson and landscape architect, Cornelia Oberlander. The seven million doUar development was completed in summer 2000. 77 Chapter Three: Discussion of CED Principles and Case Study Themes One of the strengths of feminist qualitative methods is the emphasis on contextual knowledge. In other words, to fully understand the essence of each principle, one must understand them within the context of the case studies. This chapter will focus on the discussions in Chapters One and Two. The link between the theory and the operationalization of the CED principles will be explored. The data analysis draws on the connections around how the principles are manifested in the organizations, transposed through key leaders, and perpetuated through community activities. From this line of inquiry, the principles are conceptualized beyond a static definition into a realm of dynamic experiences and connectivities. It follows that these principles should also be understood within the discourse of everyday activities. For these reasons, interview respondents were not asked for an isolated and contained definition of each principle. Equally, interview respondents were not offered prescribed notions of the theoretical understanding of the principles. The analysis involves identifying, grouping and summarizing relevant sections from the interview transcripts to corresponding principles. This includes capturing activities and local processes that are closely associated with each of the five CED principles. The results are identified in Table 2. What emerged from the data is a relationship between the principles and the activities that are part of each organization. This relationship enunciates the scope of the principles and offers insight into the direction of the organizations. A distinguishing feature of these organizations from 78 other local agencies is the reason for their formation. Each organization is focused on improving the collective social and economic welfare of the target population. The matrix of activities in Table 2 reinforces the earher discussion around Walter's (2003) distinction of the establishmentaiian model (EM) and communitarian model (CM) of CED. Through examining the variation in meaning of each principle in each case study, the two CED models become apparent. In the case of empowerment, PWC promotes empowerment through educating their members on human rights issues, relevant government policies and programs, and activism work. This is part of PWC’s continuum of support and advocacy services with a goal toward national and transnational policy change. This sense of empowerment is connected to selfawareness and emancipation through knowledge about citizen rights and access to such rights. Developing empowerment at the individual member level transcends into empowering the organization and the community in which it serves. PWC’s sense of empowerment is in line with CM. In the case of EMBERS, empowerment is facilitated through self-employment. Local residents engage in the process of empowerment through developing business skills and cultivating the entrepreneurial spirit. The ideal outcome of the process is to reintegrate residents into the local economy through owning their own business. Empowering local residents through ownership of property, by extension, empowers the community in which they reside. The organization becomes a critical foundation in creating this form of empowerment synergy. EMBERS’ concept of empowerment through self-employment and proprietorship fits in with EM. PCS is another example of EM. The process of empowerment came out of a vision to provide training and paid employment to traditionally marginalized residents. 79 Table 2. Activities Related to 5 CED Principles Eastside M ovement for Business and Economic Renewal Society (EMBERS) Philippine W omen Centre (PWC) ® e d u c a te woiTien o n p o lic ie s a n d ® d e v e lo p lo n g term stra te g y fo r so cial p ro g ra m s re la te d to P h ilip p in e w o m e n • d e v e lo p c o n n e ctio n s w ith sim ilar a n d e c o n o m ic d e v e lo p m e n t « in fo rm a tio n sh arin g th ro u g h q u a rte rly o rg an iz a tio n s in v o lv e d in tlie lib e ra tio n o f n e w s le tte rs a n d w e b site ® d e v e lo p b o a rd m em b e rs f ro m lo ca l Filip in o w o m en « c o n d u c t re s e a rc h to p ro m o te a w a re n e ss C A PA CITY BUILDING P o t lu c k Café Society (PCS) ® m a rk e t a n d p ro m o te th e c a fé a n d th e c a te rin g serv ic e ® tra in e n ç lo y e e s in d iffe re n t a sp ec ts o f r e s ta u ra n t in d u stry « d e v e lo p b u s in e s s n e tw o rk s w ith re s id e n ts p o ten tial lo c a l b u s in e s s e s o f F ilip in o im m ig ran t issu e s ® p ro v id e b u s in e s s s ta rt-u p a n d rela te d » e s ta b lis h co m m u n ica tio n n e tw o rk s (i.e.: e n tre p re n e u ria l c o u rse s fo r lo ca l ® h ire e x p e rie n c e d h e a d c h e f ® d e v e lo p v o c a tio n a l sk ills fo r lo cal ra d io , p rin t m ed ia, re s e a r c h p u b lic a tio n s, a n d d e m o n stra tio n s) re s id e n ts resid e n ts • c re a te su ita b le e n ç lo y m e n t o p p o rtu n itie s fo r lo ca l re s id e n ts • c o n tin u e effo rts to a ttra c t fu n d in g m a rg in alize d p e o p le in the n eig h b o u rh o o d ® p ro m o te g o o d n u tritio n fo r ® e x p a n d b u sin e ss • c a te rin g service • lo a n g u a ra n te e p ro g ra m • c o -o p h o u sin g E N T R E P R E N E U R IA L IS M ® d e v e lo p b u sin e ss o p p o rtu n itie s in ® d e v e lo p c a fé b u sin e ss lo c a l co m m u n ity • in c re a se c a te rin g serv ic e ® d e v e lo p m ark e tin g m ate ria l in • s a le s o f a rts a n d cra fts • p ro m o te b u sin e ss fo cu se d , C E D p ro je c ts ® P a lu w a g o n ® a c c u m u la te e q u ity a n d a s se ts th ro u g h ® e x p a n d o n d o n a tio n a n d fu n d ­ p ro m o tin g E M B E R S ’ b u s in e s s raisin g stra te g ie s ® in c re a se b u sin e ss v isib ility a n d ® d e v e lo p s o c ia l e n te rp rise s ® c re a te a n d c a p tu rin g m ark e ts p rin t a n d o n d ie w eb p re s e n c e in tlie d o w n to w n a re a o u tsid e im rm d ia te co m m u n ity ® lo ca l a n d tra n sn a tio n a l a d v o c ac y ® c la s s ro o m c o a ch in g a n d tra in in g in b u s in e s s d e v e lo p m e n t fo r lo ca l ® p u b lic forum s • film s PA R TICIPA TIO N re s id e n ts • a c c e s s to reso u rc e s fo r lo cal ® d e m o n stra tio n s ® c o -o p rad io ® in te rn e t listserv s r e s id e n ts (i.e.: in tern et) ® tra in in g a n d sk ills d e v e lo p m e n t for y o u th -a t-risk r e s id in g in the d o w n to w n e a stsid e ® o ffe r jo b s f o r y o u th -a t-risk • e x p a n d b u s in e s s c u s to m e r b a s e ® p e e r su p p o rt groups ® tra in in g w o rk sh o p s ® lo ca l b u s in e s s e s ® o th e r a d v o c ac y g ro u p s ® c ro w n co rp o ra tio n s ® c o m m u n ity groups ® g o v e rn m e n t ag en cies ® g o v e rn m e n t a g e n cie s » n o n -p ro fit ag encies * lo c a l b u sin e sse s 9 s to c k h o ld e rs ® g o v e rn m e n t a g e n cie s ® fu n d ra is in g a g en cies ® lo ca l resid e n ts ® c re d it u n io n o rg an iz a tio n s ® a c ad e m ic s ® co m m u n ity -b a se d re s e a rc h e rs PA RTN ERSHIP ® fo u n d atio n s ® c re d it u n io n e n o n -p ro fit a n d fo r-p ro fit ® fo u n d atio n s ® b u s in e s s d e v e lo p m e n t o rg an iz a tio n s ® e d u c a te w o m en th ro u g h o rg an iz e d ® in c re a se self-e m p lo y m e n t o p p o rtu n itie s in the D T E S w o rk sh o p s ® in v o lv e d in lo cal a c tiv ism EM PO W ERM EN T ® d e v e lo p m a rk e ta b le skills ® e x p a n d in co m e a n d e c o n o m ic ® d e v e lo p k n o w le d g e o f se rv ic e in d u stry ® s o lid a rity w o rk w ith w o m e n in the P h ilip p in es re s o u rc e s ® o ffe r p a id em p lo y m en t ® c re a te jo b s th at m atc h n e e d s o f ® p ro v id e a ffo rd a b le a n d n u tritio n a l • co m m u n ity o rg an iz in g a n d b u ild in g re s id e n ts ® d e v e lo p e n tre p re n e u ria l sk ills a m o n g lo c a l r esid e n ts m ea ls to lo w -in c o m e re s id e n ts « in c re a sin g re v e n u e fro m c a te rin g n e tw o rk s » p ro v id e su p p o rt s e rv ic e s to live-in c a re g iv ers ® c re a te p e e r su p p o rt n e tw o rk ® e m p o w e r lo ca l c o m m u n ity th ro u g h p ro m o tin g so c ia lly resp o n s ib le ® p ro v id e p o lic y c h a n g e b u s in e s s e s e m o b iliz e aro u n d h u m a n s rig h t issu e s ® e x p a n d a w a re n ess o f th e C e n te r 80 bu sin e ss ® s e e tra in e d s ta f f c o n tin u e c a re e r in in d u stry Like EMBERS, empowerment for PCS is a dynamic process that occurs at multiple levels from local residents to the Society and beyond to the broader community. PCS contributes to empowering a traditionally depressed neigbourhood by expanding its chef-led catering services and marketing to businesses and agencies outside the DTES. It also contributes to individual empowerment through job creation and skills training. Identifying activities associated with the principle of empowerment demonstrates that empowerment is a process that develops individuals, organizations and communities (Laverack and Wallerstein, 2001). The process evolves through time and space, and there are identifiable outcomes such as a specific policy change or a new career opportunity. Capacity building is a more nebulous principle to assess because it has become a buzz-word adopted not only by CED enterprises, but also by governments, corporations, non­ government organizations and non-profit groups (Armstrong et ah, 2002). It is also an all encompassing term that connotes a sense of investment into long term sustainability; yet, even though the principle is commonly referenced in CED-based literature and by funding agencies, primary data collected for this study did not have any explicit reference to capacity building. After analyzing the data by grouping respondent’s comments into themes and identifying different community linkages, the process of capacity building became more apparent. Chaskin's model of capacity building offers a useful template to extract key elements of capacity building in each of the case study examples. Duncan and Thomas’ (2(X)0) research on community resourcing and neighbourhood regeneration in the United Kingdom also highlights capacity building communities and capacity building individuals as interrelated. Their research helps to imderstand and analyze capacity building as it is 81 manifested at the community and individual level. Accordingly, "[c]apacity building includes aspects of training, consultancy, organizational and personal development, mentoring and peer group support, organized in a planned manner..." (Duncan and Thomas, 2000, p. 2). The two-tiered distinction of capacity building at the community and individual level is evident in the three case study examples. Capacity building activities for PWC is an expansive and integrated process that involves developing the individual within an intercultural community and educating the mainstream community on issues pertaining to Filipino migrant women. The analysis of PWC brings to light both exogenous and endogenous components of capacity building that connect ethnicity, class and gender to CED. Endogenous capacity building refers to building internal capacity of PWC through the members and the organization. Exogenous capacity building implies building external capacity of the organization through developing awareness and support for socio-economic and political issues raised by PWC. A significant portion of PWC’s exogenous and endogenous capacity building efforts involve providing education and support measures on labour exploitation issues and the trafficking of Filipino women. PWC’s capacity building efforts are in stark contrast to EMBERS and PCS. Capacity building for EMBERS and PCS is intertwined with the principle of entrepreneurialism. EMBERS has a broader community focus that involves populating the DTES with locally owned businesses, while PCS is an example of a socially responsible business. Capacity building for both organizations involves growth and expansion through service referrals or increased business. The development of local residents is an important commonality of capacity building for EMBERS and PCS. In the drive to create social change. 82 both organizations embrace techniques from traditional business practices such as identifying target markets, enhancing networking skills and developing product. These transferable skills are not restricted to business development, as PWC also engages in marketing and networking to cultivate parmers for their agenda toward social and political change. PWC's entrepreneurial activities, in comparison, appear more marginal as they do not subscribe to traditional mainstream methods of income generation. Even their catering service is fundamentally reliant on volunteers. Members of PWC are not focused on becoming business owners, whereas in the case of EMBERS, the sole purpose is to kindle the entrepreneurial spirit and develop successful business skills so local residents have opportunities to become proprietors. For PCS, the entrepreneurial principle is manifested in marketing the catering side of business and increase orders to generate income. Partnership is a revealing principle because it offers insight into an organization’s strategic direction. Identifying some of the key partners that an organization is aligned with sheds light on the organization’s potential level of influence and presence in a local community. PWC, for example, has partnered with scholars to produce academic research publications that unveil some of the implications of national policies on their target population (see McKay & Philippine Women Centre, 2002). They have also received funding from government departments to conduct community-based pohcy research on marginalized Filipino women (Langevin & Belleau, 2000; see PWC, 2000b). These activities that are affiliated with specific partners indicate who the organization is seeking support from and their prospective alliances. The principle of partnership is distinct from the principle of participation. In 83 evaluating activities associated with participation, there is a distinction between individual participation and organization participation. In the three case studies, the bulk of individual participation takes place at the local level where members, staff or clients are involved with the services offered by the organization. In the example of EMBERS, most of the clients participate in a classroom setting where they may be a part of a business training workshop, or they are using the business resources available on site. Similarly, at the individual level, PCS have employees involved in developing food and customer service skills. In addition to paying customers, residents from the Portland Hotel also participate through their meal plans that are prepared by PCS staff. At the organization participation level, PCS is involved in marketing and fundraising campaigns to increase its presence and support from diverse organizations. In PWC’s situation, individual members can participate in training workshops and support activities. As an organization, PWC’s participation in the community is considerable. Their activism exposes them to a variety of publicity. Organization participation is a crucial part of a broader social and political movement that includes educating the general public on issues pertaining to Filipino women, and lobbying for policy change. This involves a broader engagement with the community. From this discussion, it is apparent that individual participation is generally internal to the organization, and organization participation is generally external to the organization and involves community engagement. 84 Another component to the data analysis involves identifying emerging themes from the three case studies. Table 3 is a summary of the 6ve key themes that include: interconnection, creation of opportunities, sustainability, self-reliance and education. These themes are identihed based on the extent to which the key informants emphasize what is meaningful and important to them. Through an analysis of the interviews, community publications and local reports, it is clear that the themes also fall into three levels of experience: individual, organizational and community (Laverack & Wallerstein, 2001). It is important to note that for the purpose of this study, it is convenient to design a matrix that compartmentalizes the research results; however, the matrix does not represent a hierarchy of actualizations. Instead, there is fluidity and transformation across themes and levels of experience. Table 3 also shows a very slight modification to the “Levels of Social Agency” field in Chaskin’s (2001) Community Capacity Building model (refer to Figure 1, p. 21). Interconnectedness, for example, is a profound theme that refutes the dominant paradigm of dichotomies and distinctions, categorizations and classifications that extends beyond developing partnerships. This theme echoes the earlier discussion where Wilson’s (1997) describes interconnectedness as the second stage of the CED process that fosters empowerment of participants. In the context of this study, interconnectedness is a dynamic process of engaging, hnking, collaborating, and mobilizing by traditionally marginahzed peoples and communities. The process reinforces a triple or multiple bottom line assessment of CED initiatives that considers the reality of trade-offs between social, economic, environmental and political impacts of local decisions (Alderson & Conn, 1994; Armstrong, Kehrer, Wells & Wood, 2002; Conn & Alderson, 1997; Rogers & Ryan, 2001). It is also an 85 essential criterion to maximizing limited resources and fostering information exchange. Interconnectedness builds on the theme 'creation of opportunities'. In fact, it is long term marginalization of the specific peoples and in specific communities that motivated the formation of each of the organizations. The networks and choices for some marginalized peoples have expanded as a result of the work of PWC, EMBERS, and PCS. Although this theme intersects with the principle of entrepreneurialism, it is not limited to creating business opportunities. The holistic scope of creating opportunities also encompasses access to social, economic, and other infrastructures that may not have been accessible prior to the existence of organizations. One example of creation of opportunities is another emerging theme: education. This is the most tangible theme that came out of the primary data. Education offered through each of the organizations is distinct, specific, and applied. PWC educates on human rights, EMBERS focuses on business development, and PCS offers on-the-job food services training. 86 Table 3: Interview Themes and Level of Impact IN T E R . CONNECTED- CREATION OF O F P O R T U N rriE S NESS SUSTAINABILITY SELF-RELIA NCE EDUCATION I Improve the skills of IN D IV ID U A L link individual activities with the broader organization mandate and with CED ventures. Build on existing skills and interests of individuals. Develop skills of individuals and explore marketable opportunities in the local community. LEVEL Engage individuals in sohdarity work and create peer support networks. A Collaborate with other local community organizations and build on resources. ORGANIZATION LEVEL Work with businesses, government and non­ government agencies from all sectors. Link activities to broader political mandate so that they are not conducted in isolation. Involve marginalized local residents in the decision-making processes. COMMUNITY LEVEL activities to demonstrate the impact and linkages of the local to the global economy. I individuals so that I they can find better Create a flexible workplace, ^ and higher paying jobs. I Provide a continuum of support for i Create an individuals. | environment that fosters individual Build on the assets of ■ networks such as individuals. ■ participating in CED I activities. Explore opportunities | to develop new skills. , Ensure an exchange of benefits for I individuals and the organization. A Develop socio­ economic enterprises that benefit the local community and external community. Assess the local economic market niches and encourage local residents to develop CED initiatives around these niches. Access all the resources within the community and utilize them to the benefit of CED. Promote nonhierarchical structures. Retain volunteers through educating them on the purposes and the benefits of CED. Establish equity funds that are available for CED initiatives. Initiate loan circles among organization members. Develop comprehensive ventures as opposed to ‘one-off projects. Be respectful of local cultures and differences among peoples. Promote participatory decision-making. Develop individual skills based on interests. J I Seek out financial I means to sustain the ^ organization either internally or externally. Attract sufficient staff and volunteers. Explore ways to generate and retain revenue in the local economy. Provide relevant workshops and information that can support the members of the organization. Build networks of knowledge with other community organizations. Create more CED opportunities. Support other community organizations in developing CED strategies. Develop long term, strategic plans that account for the benefit of the community as a whole. Gain community legitimacy. The themes of sustainability and self-reliance, in the context of the case studies, are 87 inter-related. Both themes emerged out of interview respondents' comments on keeping the organizations in operation. This places considerable financial strain at the organization level, and ultimately, it is the organization leaders who bear the economic burden of ensuring short term and long term sustainability. Self-reliance relates to sustainability in terms of the connection to keeping the organization in operation; however, it is distinct from dependency on the dominant economy to achieve sustainability. In the context of a capitalistic regime, self-reliance will be a standing goal for CED-based organizations. This is evident in terms of the amount of energy each of the case study organization devotes to activities that enhance self-reliance and organization sustainability. The emerging themes reflect on the simultaneous and multiple levels of engagement in community social and economic development work. While they speak to the challenges involved in transforming the lives of people who are disenfranchised from the mainstream economy and who live on the margins of society, they also demonstrate grassroots resistance and resilience to dominant pressures. After stepping away from the research process of examining, assessing and grouping the data, a bigger picture emerges. These themes represent counter strategies from those who must sustain their identity and politics at the margins of society. Although the activities are motivated by issues of social, economic and political justice, they do not suggest that people who are traditionally marginalized desire to be equally assimilated in the dominant mainstream economy. 88 All three organizations operate within a similar discourse of social transformation (David, 2000; Freire, 1996; Ledwith, 2001; Rubin, 1995). The targeted populations that each organization serves endure parallel experiences of systemic oppression, structural discrimination and, as a result, there is a level of skepticism toward outside impositions and government interventions. These commonalities have encouraged the development of CED ventures as an alternative to traditional approaches to social and economic change (see also Shragge & Fontan, 2000). The irony, however, is that the dominant system provides the largest source of funding for CED-based initiatives. This conundrum is precisely the criticism made by Filion (1998, p. 1109) about the CED framework being a weak alternative, because the framework operates inside the existing hegemony: CED is one sphere of activity where social movement activists have redirected their energy. This stands to reason because the same empowerment and social equity objectives that drove the actions of these movements targeted at the state permeate CED. If social justice and a more thorough form of democracy is not to be achieved through government reorganization, intervention, and redistribution, one alternative is to rely on self-sustaining economic activities that promote these same objectives. Filion raises a critical dilemma within the CED discourse because resistance without adequate Enancial and human resources often results in local organizations compromising their mandate, to some degree, to suit the dominant system (see also Rubin, 1995). Funding awards may become a leverage in negotiating dominant and marginal agendas. The case study examples also reinforce the diverse challenges faced by many CED-based organizations 89 as they juggle multiple needs on multiple levels, and often with multiple sources of funding. Through capturing the scope of activities in each case study examples, it is evident that the activities intersect within three primary areas: housing, employment and advocacy. By initiating CED ventures, they are actively pursuing comprehensive change from the margin. The three case study examples have accommodated some of the CED-based principles introduced in Chapter One including capacity-building, entrepreneurialism, participation, partnership, and empowerment. The interviews reinforced the intricate and multidimensional functions of CED-based organizations, and community capacity building emerged as a critical piece of the CED discussion. This discussion is similar to Chaskin et al.'s (1997) example from the United States where they analyze the efforts of the Ford Foundation’s Neighborhood and Family Initiative to implement a comprehensive community-building initiative (CCI). They identified some critical obstacles that hindered sustainable change in impoverished communities. Some of the pervasive obstacles include a lack of understanding of concepts and how they are operationalized in the community, competing factors that hinder the integration of resources in local communities, lack of access to long-term funding, and the ability to leverage for additional resources (Chaskin et al., 1997). These obstacles identlAed in Chaskin gf aZ.’s study are similar to those faced by the CED-based organizations in this study. A commonality between each of the organizations is that CED is viewed as a hopeful alternative for marginalized peoples to develop skills and creativity to engage in social enterprises that benefit both themselves and the communities in which they reside. This was captured in the interview with respondent "A’. Through the introduction and involvement in 90 community-based enterprises, respondent 'A' was able to 'get off the street' and develop new interests. The respondent expressed this on several levels: "[t]his being a social enterprise, I think there's a lot more compassion and leniency as opposed to working in Army and Navy there. [If I] screw up, I don’t get fired or anything like that. You know, at the start, I still wasn’t very healthy.” The respondent went on to explain that, “at first, like when they wanted me to start at 7:30 [in the morning], I thought they wanted me to quit, but then, you know, I worked [the] 7:30 shift for about a year.” This personal success has fueled the respondent’s enthusiasm for community development: “I want to give people more options. People with mental issues, or marginalized need more options” (Respondent ‘A’: personal communication, September 22, 2002). There is no doubt that CED-based organizations are making a positive difference in the lives of many traditionally marginalized people. Yet, despite the evidence of positive return in investment, human and social capitals have limited value in a social enterprise that functions within a market-based economy. In their evaluation report of the CED projects, PWC reiterates a common theme from the second wave of feminism in which the: ... reality of women and their specific community are not the same from one another. While the general context of women CED is a Canadian social reality which disadvantages women in many areas of the economy, still, a CED project must also take into account the immediate environment and the conditions of the women participants if it is expected that the CED project can be empowering and liberating. (Sayo, 1997, p. 6) PWC goes on to relate this point to the experiences of Canadian Filipino women: At the PWC for instance, any CED program that it undertakes should, at the least, account for the fact that its women participants are relatively new 91 immigrants; are women of colour; and are at the lowest end of the economic ladder in terms of income. (Sayo, 1997, p. 6) It was evident through the interview data and through community publications and promotional materials that women from PWC had a variety of opportunities to participate in the organization. Through voluntary participation, women also became members and acquired a sense of ownership of the organization. In their research on women-led community development organizations, Gittell et al. (2000) found that there is a distinct symmetry between local participation, capacity building, women’s activism and the production of social capital. What is similar in Gittell et al.'s study and PWC is that as women, they become more engaged in the organization through collective and voluntary participation. In particular, women who have been traditionally marginalized from mainstream involvement tend to develop a greater sense of collaboration and commitment to the goals of the organization. Through this synergy, women can develop leadership and networking skills, and in turn, the organization generates social capital. Gittell et al. (2000), however, conclude that despite the effectiveness of women’s participation in community development, systemic barriers continue to obstruct many women’s ability to attain prominent leadership positions. CED, in accordance with the work of EMBERS in the DTES, means a much broader investment from all sectors of the community. The emphasis is on developing local community and fostering local leadership. The interview participants explain that in order for this to happen: 92 .. .there has to be a community buy-in, that means there has to be residents that sit on the Board, there has to be a membership organization, there has to be a discussion out of the community of what is needed. (EMBERS: personal communication, November 13, 2001) What is critical is to promote a comprehensive and organized approach to a common vision of the neighbourhood. This approach begins at the community level: Community economic development has to be resident driven, locally controlled and it’s not a top down thing - but it has to work cooperative with agencies, groups and businesses, government programs and government, wherever there are resources...the process is essentially community driven to expand the economic resources for people who live in the downtown eastside, specifically, the low-income population, the marginalized low income population. I would say that all CED addresses the issue of social marginalization. (EMBERS: personal communication, November 13, 2001) In many ways, these three case study examples epitomize the disparate relationship between social and economic development. Another theme that Table 3 captures is the continual transfer of responsibility for social change at all levels of society. The intimate connection between CED and community advocacy is an illuminating finding in this study. Interview participants in all the case study examples expressed various degrees of political advocacy in their determination to provide opportunities for people who are more vulnerable. Participants' responses are also linked to the principles from their current status and position in life. For example, when opportunities are created in employment, or supportive socio-economic infrastructures, it increases the probability for marginalized peoples and communities to participate in society. The activities of each organization were not conducted in isolation and disengaged from the broader community. Participants talked about the 93 enterprises in reference to social and economic inequalities peipetuated by the capitalist system. These inequalities were motivating factors in developing alliances and connections that would increase and expand the beneûts to marginalized peoples and communities. Interconnectedness, however, is separate from the principle of partnership because it has a broader emphasis and a wider geographical context, while partnership conveys a professional working relationship with multiple organizations toward a similar goal. CED and Advocacy Work The case examples of PWC, EMBERS and PCS demonstrate the intimate association of CED and political advocacy. In the case of PWC, the advocacy work is multi-layered with a theme of unveiling the effects of public policies that result in the commodification and racialization of foreign labour. Although CED activities are secondary to the advocacy work of PWC, the activities have become an integral part of PWC’s ability to build capacity for the people and the organization as they continue to promote social and economic justice for immigrant Filipino women. EMBERS and the Potluck Café Society are also engaged in advocacy work; however, the activities of these two organizations are localized and specific to the geographies of the residents within the DTES. One of the most common CED principles emphasized throughout the interviews with PWC members was self-reliance. This is indicative of the multiple dimensions of political activism intertwined with CED initiatives: 94 I would encourage other groups to start a CED project. I mean it's challenging but there's lots of skills that you can learn from doing it.. .when they cut your funding, that means no more services to your community...if there's no more funding for us, then for us it doesn't mean that we also stop giving services to our community. So that's why it is part of our long term plan to be a selfreliant community. (PWC: personal communication, November 4, 2001) There are great benefits, therefore, in considering CED ventures as a way to support advocacy work, particularly because of the difficulties in accessing monies to promote activism. Selfreliance was also discussed as interconnected to the multiple scales of empowerment and liberation. Under the rubric of the CED framework, self-reliance has been uncovered by some authors (Herbert-Cheshire, 2000; Rose, 1996) as an internalized State agenda for ‘off­ loading’ responsibilities to the community; however, according to the interview participants in this study, self-reliance was critically linked to stability and sustainability of the organization in order to propagate an alternate social, economic and political hegemony. The concept of ‘self-reliance’, therefore, is discretionary because it depends on the philosophical understanding of social inequity. The interview themes are indicative of the progression of CED-based initiatives in promoting an alternate form of governance (Sherraden et al., 2002). Interview participants spoke about the importance of creating opportunities for marginalized peoples and through these opportunities, participants of CED-based initiatives are educated about the process. The process may take place at the community level, but it has subtle imphcations and interconnections at the individual and the organizational level. Self-reliance and sustainability are common challenges for each of the case study organizations, however, these challenges existed well before the implementation of CED-based initiatives, and indeed, were the impetus for an alternate paradigm. 95 In the DTES, "ultimately, success for Potluck is about self-determination, not only for people who work and eat in the cafe, but also, in the context of [the] DTES.. .for the neighbourhood as a whole" (PCS: personal communication, September 30, 2002). While activities may be initiated at the local level through grassroots organizing, these efforts are intimately linked to broader social and political movements. In the words of another respondent, “[sjelf reliance - it’s often seen as disengaging from the global economy - that way does not work for CED” (EMBERS: personal communication, November 13, 2001). This is precisely the argument presented by Ledwith (2001) who states that community work must incorporate a critical pedagogy. She explains that: [CJommunity work always paid attention to networking, but we now need more complex levels of action. The dynamic between the local and the global at a time when the power of the nation-state is diminishing offers the scope for different levels of reflection and action, avoiding a preoccupation with neighbourhood as the definitive site of community work. (Ledwith, 2001, p. 180) The multiple sites of local resistance expressed in diverse CED activities would be critical knowledge that builds on the complexity of the CED field. Gibson (1999) is critical of the binary construct within the CED discourse that perpetuates the notion of a subordinate and inferior local against the dominant and superior global. The interplay between local advocacy and global solidarity is a critical dimension of the work at PWC. This was explained by an interview participant: It’s more a part of our solidarity work, enlighten these women that, you know, even though we’re here in Canada, we have to remember that we have our roots in the Philippines. As part of our work here, we have to do solidarity 96 work, supporting the women also back in the Philippines. (PWC: personal communication, November 4,2001) According to Shragge and Fisher (2001), this continuity is paramount to the ultimate goal of CED. They are, however, highly pessimistic about the current CED rhetoric, which they view as “essentially justifying the new legitimacy of a community sector that has bought in the neo-liberahsm of those with power, or been forced to do so in order to survive and do at least some good work with those in need” (Shragge and Fisher, 2001, p. 41). Shragge and Fisher’s (2001) concern is shared by many authors who are following the CED movement from a variety of academic fields (Cummings, 2001; Herbert-Cheshire, 2000). Accordingly, CED is intricately associated with advocacy work that links local struggles with global structures. Although there is a variation in the degree of political activism, it is also the essence of CED. Here, the social work field has spearheaded the link between CED, policy advocacy and practitioners. Sherraden et al. (2002) provide a discussion on the intersection of roles within the social work field that can perpetuate policy change to emancipate the disenfranchised within society. Policy advocacy, they propose, can be an effective method of structural change. It involves a coordinated and multidimensional process that engages a wide array of expertise and personnel including academics, community practitioners, policy developers, and students. In the case of PWC, for example, the organization is engaged in community-based research, popular education, and local support. The CED activities are a means to sustain a broader mandate of addressing reproductive labour and human rights violations for migrant workers (Anderson, 2001; Parrehas, 2000). Through interviewing the PWC participant, it became clear that the CED 97 projects at the Centre are more than just support for the local Filipino community, but the projects have global objectives. As Ledwith (2001) writes: "[t]o begin the process of dialectic thinking community workers need to expose the contradictions inherent in the here and now by providing the context for critical connections" (p. 177). In many respects, this connection is not a drastic leap because the crux of the theory behind community economic and social development demands a multi-level shift from prioritizing a traditional understanding of capital accumulation to equitable distribution of wealth and profit sharing. Financial Capital One of the greatest challenges for many small, localized non-profit organizations is the lack of money. Lack of financial capital is doubly complicated for non-profit organizations that provide services to people in low-income communities, with multiple barriers. Not surprisingly, financial capital was a common barrier for all three of the case study organizations; however, each had their own unique explanations. While one participant expressed the difficulties in access to capital due to the lack of assets within the impoverished DTES, another participant found that the advocacy component of their work contravened Canada Customs and Revenue Agency (CCRA) policies that reduced PWC's ability to financially benefit from the taxable savings under a registered charity.^ In the case of the Potluck Café Society, where there are employees, the ability to secure financial capital will determine its immediate future. One of the respondents referred to the legislation around advocacy work and income 98 tax: For CED here at the Centre, we see that it helps the work of the Centre. One is providing financial support to the work at the Centre. And we really see that we develop our self-reliance through our CED work, especially with the work of the Centre doing advocacy. When you do advocacy, you are not allow[ed] to apply for [a] charitable number... .But for us, we need to advocate for our members because we need to change the situation and improve their working conditions. By doing the CED work, we can sustain the work of the Centre. (PWC: personal communication, November 4, 2001) In the experience of another participant, her advice was to, “[l]eam as much as you can about traditional business operations. Just because you have a social mandate doesn't mean you can't adopt practices from mainstream organizations. Know as much as you can about operating a non-profit as well” (PCS: personal communication, September 24, 2002). These expressions of financial constraints and strategies are indicative of the dominant marketbased CED approach that permeates local community organizations. It has also been perpetuated by a broader funding structure that limits long term development of local organizations. In their research related to community access to government program funds, Bruce gf oZ. (1999) summarize additional funding challenges to include frustration with the complexity of grant applications, difficulties in sourcing available grants, restrictions in spending, and discrepancies in program funds among different levels of government. Access to funding is a critical barrier to local capacity building despite the intent of programs to encourage capacity building (Shragge & Fontan, 2000). The results of short term funding generally lead to more 'one-off projects as opposed to long term ventures that contribute to community social and economic sustainability. This is concisely stated by Duncan and Thomas (2000, p. 6) whereby "[s]hort-term capacity is created, only to be replaced by long 99 term incapacity." This concern is not restricted to Canada, as in the US case study, Chaskin et aZ. (1997, p. 443) argue that there needs to be a: .. .long-term funder - grantee relationships as well as an increased ability to leverage additional resources and expertise. The charge to plan for comprehensive neighborhood development when core funding is limited to operational support and hmited programmatic funds has caused some frustration among participants. This obstacle has led to policy papers on equity acquisition for CED-based organizations. 2 These examples highlight the malleability of the CED framework which allows practitioners the flexibility and adaptability necessary to adjust to different circumstances and legislative restrictions in ways that benefit local organizations. With this said, it is also very clear from this study that different levels of government policies can impede and complicate the process of initiating CED ventures. This is particularly true with regard to employment-based projects where, for some marginalized groups who qualify for a federal program, it may mean that they are ineligible or must be cut-off from a provincial program. As one interview participant expresses: “[tjhere [are] also governmental policies [that] need to be changed, because the policies in place prohibit people from working. They have caps on the amount people can earn" (EMBERS: personal communication, November 13,2001). Jurisdictional differences between governments are an added strain for local CED organizers as they must not only become aware of the impact of legislative changes, but they must also be able to strategically adapt to changes to benefit the target community. This requires a degree of sophistication that may distinguish successful individual projects from a comprehensive CED venture. The inherent constraints between community and government parmerships have been 100 argued by some activists and academics as a sufficient rationale to relinquish the dependency of CED-based organizations on public subsidies. These artificial relationships scapegoat local organizations for government inadequacies and take away responsibility from the state (Herbert-Cheshire, 2000; Shragge, 1997). As Botes and van Rensburg (20(X), p. 45) state; “[f]or the state, it appears that the main aim of community participation programmes is less about improving conditions for the poor or to modifying forms of decision-making, than maintaining existing power relations in society and ensuring the silence of the poor.” In the context of CED, state and community partnerships dilute the meaning of the CED movement. They do not liberate the marginalized but rather, they stabilize the power imbalance between state and communities. This criticism by Botes and van Rensburg is a theoretical critique of community movements. The criticism may appear to be true on the surface, and it may even be true for some community organizations; however, the plethora of community-based activities and academic writings on the sophistication and multiple levels of complexities within community-based initiatives, including CED-based ventures, suggests otherwise (see Rubin, 1995). Another key challenge is the collaborative efforts necessary among diverse community organizations and across sectors. This is more acute for EMBERS because it has a broader mandate of addressing social and economic issues for the DTES area; as a result, the effectiveness of EMBERS is based on working in collaboration with many groups and organizations from a variety of sectors in the DTES. This is an overwhelming task, especially for inner city areas where there is a legacy of service providers and agencies. The launch of the Downtown Eastside community resources database (www.dtes.ca) as a CED initiative is a 101 recent example of technological exchange in the DTES. Service providers and service users have alternate access to local information and resources. This mode of communication provides some residents the opportunity to participate in "electronic solutions" (Turner, Holmes & Hodgson, 2000: p. 1723). In their argument to support information and communication technologies (ICT), Turner et al. (2000) demonstrate the direct link between access to information and decrease in social exclusion, particularly in impoverished neighbourhoods. Social exclusion, Turner et al. explain is “about the lack of control and participation in the decision-making process.” (p. 1723). This, they argue, can be reduced through the application of technology because local residents can provide direct feedback to the service providers in the neighbourhood. Local residents may also access employment opportunities in the neighbourhood and network with potential employers (see Table 4). Virtual communities can promote “situated interaction and repeated exchange” (Turner et al., 2000, p. 1731) among people who have previously been excluded from community events and discussions. It is also an additional platform for the coordination of advocacy-based activities (Sherraden et al., 2002), and enhances the critical link between urban and nonurban resistance movements. The sharing and access of local information to services and resources contributes to the CED concept of capacity building. In the evaluation report of the DTES community resources database (EMBERS, 2002 March 29), it was documented that both residents (87%) and agencies (100%) highly support an on-line community calendar as “an exciting and novel way to submit announcements about local events and could be used as a means of two-way communication" (p. 6). Although not a surprise, the two key concerns that were reported 102 include: 1) men were the dominant users of the service (80%, »=45); and 2) the DTES' large population of older people may not find on-line access useful.^ The DTES community resource database staff is currently reviewing ways to improve the site so that the interests and needs of the whole community are more accurately reflected (EMBERS, 2002 March 29). Table 4. Comparison of Top Five Subjects of Interest to DTES Residents and Agencies Residents Affordable housing & shelter Employment and/or skills training Employment opportunities Information about access to services Provincial politics Agencies City politics Provincial politics Federal politics Economic development in community Information about access to services % 80 78 76 76 74 Source: Eastside Movement fo r Business and Economic Renewal Society, 2002. For EMBERS, this is clearly ‘the other side of the story’ in the CED process: It’s a big challenge because we have all different programs operating. Programs that operate out of the government, you’ve got government set up organizations, you’ve got EMBERS and you’ve got all the different organizations in the DTES that are doing CED. How do you bring all of this together and say okay, what would really begin to address the economic needs of the lowest of the community? What are the strategies and what are the pieces that need to be in place? Who's doing that? Where are the gaps? And, how would you bring the people together? So it is a challenge. (EMBERS: personal commtmication, November 13, 2001) Community dynamics, local challenges and group tensions are the other side of the CED process that is not as well published as are the success stories. Success stories that are published generally fall within two themes. There are stories that emphasize the 103 % 94 92 86 84 82 entrepreneurial performances of CED, and there are competing stories that focus on participation and empowerment of marginalized communities. Yet, as part of the effort to promote CED as a form of local governance, a realistic and holistic perspective must be more transparent. Walter (2003) argues for a process-discursive approach to exploring CED-based initiatives. This approach factors in the various dimensions in which CED is interpreted and defined. CED ventures are profoundly complex and as one participant describes, social enterprises are “ten times more complicated than running a ‘normal’ business because of the conflict between social mandate and capitalism” (PCS; personal communication, September 24, 2002). Comprehending the magnitude and scope of such an endeavour requires a holistic and realistic picture of the challenges within the application of the CED framework. Identifying specific barriers and indicators for failures of CED ventures may assist in the proposal for specific and manageable social policy change. 104 Success and Evaluation One of the challenging aspects of the CED framework is in the evaluation of the process and the analysis of successes and failures. As stated by an interview: [w]e hear stories. We don’t hear analysis so much. When you talk about stories, they are stories about a project, a group of people, an organization and what they did. There are lots of organizations that fail, and you can look at why they failed and what they tried to do. Not a lot of people talk about that. (EMBERS: personal communication, November 13, 2001) [emphasis added] This is an awakening for practitioners and theorists for it exemplifies the gaps that exist between the promotion of CED strategies, and the actual long term impacts of the initiatives. In his analysis, Filion (1998) is unconvinced about the plausibility of CED efforts because: .. .in practice CED ventures often encounter serious difficulties, accounting for their small scale and high failure rate and therefore for the marginality of the movement. It follows then that this form of development emerges as an appealing solution to present economic and social problems, but as a solution whose capacity to alter prevailing trends has yet to be investigated rigorously (p. 1102). This critique provides a solid case for further holistic evaluations of CED initiatives. There are, indeed, several reasons why a comprehensive evaluation of CED ventures would be beneficial. One, it would provide data to monitor the achievements and the challenges to the targeted population. This would also shed hght on the impact to the wider community (see also Armstrong gf oZ., 2(X)2). Two, a critical analysis of the CED process would incorporate aggregated insights and knowledge obtained from the hved-world realities of marginahzed groups. This body of knowledge would contribute to future planning and strategic 105 engagements that can affect local development for new generations. This aspect of CED is also referred to by Haughton (1998) as "inter-generation equity" whereby there is a . .need to create suitable job opportunities and local community infrastructures for future generations” (p. 873). Three, sound evaluation and assessment of CED ventures can provide grounded arguments for why CED is an effective strategy in local governance and, therefore, warrants the investment of public expenditures. Nutter and McKnight (1994) examine the policy implications and research needs around CED. They are critical of the absence of a rigorous analysis of the CED framework: The lack of systematic, well-documented information regarding CED is a major obstacle to documenting the success of CED. This lack of systematic evidence is not surprising given the absence of a clear consensual definition and the conceptual immaturity this absence reflects (p. 96). This criticism is still well founded in light of the current dearth of literature on the analysis and evaluation of community economic and social development projects. In Armstrong et aV s (2002) discussion on the evaluation of CED-based initiatives, they also argued for a rigorous and comprehensive method of evaluating CED that would demonstrate the validity and the impact of CED-based ventures. Their research on four urban-based CED initiatives in the United Kingdom concluded there is need for a cohesive and systematic method of evaluation that triangulates traditional methods and approaches with clear CED specific outcomes. Armstrong gt oZ. (2002) stray from traditional CED advocates because they are not entirely convinced that the current CED framework, as an alternate construct to the dominant market paradigm, is more effective than traditional forms of program delivery. If the CED discourse is championed as an effective form of governance, then it must undergo 106 comparative monitoring and evaluation that assesses economic, social, political and environmental impacts. In interviewing stal^ at PWC, EMBERS and the Potluck Café Society, it is evident that success is intricately linked to the emancipation of targeted groups. To measure success requires an understanding of what it encompasses at different levels of meaning as one interview participant explains: . ..you’d have to go to the people who benefit by it. Does the community benefit overall? Has the individual increased their capacity in some way to work, their sense of self esteem? The bottom line is the social - if you really want to measure success, you have to have financial viability in order to keep going but a measure of success would be in the people. (EMBERS: personal communication, November 13, 2001) Success, therefore, is far more than evaluating CED activities, but rather, it encompasses the overarching missions of the organizations. There were definite themes in terms of the contribution of CED to the broader organizational mandate. For EMBERS’, success. .. .has been created by seeing the changes in the community. Has it created more employment, better conditions for the people in the neighborhood? That would be the measure of success. From an organizational standpoint it might be how we’ve attracted funding, staff, etc. (EMBERS: personal communication, November 13, 2001) All the interview participants implied a multi-tiered evaluation that includes an individual, organizational and community level of analysis (refer to Table 1). At each level of assessment, there is commonality between the goals of the organizations and the principles of CED. There are also different aspects of social, political and economic change that occur at the individual, community and organizational level. Indeed, success for the case study 107 examples is not just specific to a CED project, but to the sustainability of the organization and its impact within the community, with inferences to the individual and the community as the units of change. Leviten (2000) offers an evaluative framework that falls within the emerging theme of this research study. In his discussion of the Opportunities 2000 initiative that was aimed at addressing issues of poverty for people living in the Waterloo region of Ontario, Leviten emphasizes the necessity and the benefits of evaluating CED projects through different levels of impact. He begins by saying that it is important to “chronicle the project’s experience” (Leviten, 2000, p. 8), and he goes on to emphasize that “[i]t is important that the evaluation not only tracks progress toward initial targets, but also captures insights that might significantly alter the targets or the means of achieving them.” Accordingly, the framework for evaluating the process at the individual, organizational and the community-wide level is to “identify the changes the project fosters at each of these levels” (Leviten, 2000, p. 8). This tri-level framework is also useful in identifying existing community gaps that can potentially be filled by other CED initiatives. In this study, CED activities are connected to the lived realities and the historical knowledge of local peoples. These contextuahzed experiences can have a significant impact on successive generations. As Haughton (1998) writes: “[Ijeaving a legacy of low wage, insecure, uninteresting work for future generations is not the basis for sustainable regeneration" (p. 873). Leviten's (2000) proposed framework of evaluation encapsulates the multi-dimensional and discursive nature of CED-based projects. He contests that, “[tjhe overall aim is to appreciate the circumstances encountered as the project unfolds and the ways in which these developments generate new directions and strategies" (p.8). A 108 fundamental point to evaluating CED efforts is that the emphasis should not be limited to positivist outcomes. It is critical to include the entire process of initiation, mobilization, collaboration, development, and implementation of activities that have resulted in CED. This is poignantly highlighted in PWC’s (1997) evaluation of their CED activities: [w]hile "quantifiables" or "bottom hne" figures must be taken into account, a question must be raised whether these “bottom line” figures have led to qualitative changes in the lives of women and their community. The quantitative aspect of any CED can only measure “profit and loss” in terms of financial resources but it cannot fully factor the empowerment and liberating components of CED for the participants and their community. It may help individual women improve their material well-being in some ways but it would not necessarily lead to a socially-conscious individual and a strengthened community life which is the raison d ’etre for any CED program at the PWC. (p. 7) Although the CED framework has moved towards a market-based model, the framework continues to represent an alternative to the dominant economic regime. For this reason, CEDbased ventures must be evaluated based on relevant measuring instruments that capture the breath of the framework. Haughton (1998) writes about success in relation to CED, and he explains how traditional evaluation methods are unsuited for CED-based ventures: [CED] goals are not conventional and therefore cannot be readily captured by conventional monitoring and evaluation techniques. We need to invest considerably more effort and imagination into devising ways of measuring the effectiveness of holistic regeneration activities, moving beyond conventional counts of hard outputs., .and focus instead on some of the process issues, of building social fabric, making areas more attractive to live in, which might in turn be reflective by reductions in outward migration by those who obtain improved jobs. (p. 875) 109 He goes on to say that "the time-scales for both investment and for monitoring impacts needs to be rethought with a view to taking into account the longer time-scales required for many community economic development projects to begin to make significant local impacts" (Haughton, 1998, p. 876). The diverse network of CED-based initiatives has contributed to the complexity of determining appropriate project timeframes for assessments. While it is important to remain flexible in the evaluation and monitoring of CED-based projects, it is equally important to avoid confusion between vague and unpredictable project timeframes with the need for effective assessment that is rigorous and reliable. Armstrong et al. (2002) disagree with Haughton, and supports the use of traditional methods of evaluating CEDbased initiatives. In their evaluation of the four UK case study examples, they argue that, “[fjuture evaluation will need to develop much better initial clarification of expected lead times...and that these are monitored and subsequently evaluated.... The case studies reveal that lead times differ hugely between and within CED projects” (Armstrong et al., 2002, p. 479). This insight is a useful reminder for the monitoring and evaluation of CED initiatives in Canada. One non-conventional form of evaluation has been referred to as the 'social indicator approach' whereby both objective results and subjective experiences are validated in the analysis of CED ventures (see also O'Hara 2001 and Jenkins & Bennett, 1999). Thus, while it is important to collect data on the number of jobs created and number of marginalized people who have attained employment, it is also essential to link this information beyond the individual level and evaluate the impacts of the CED initiatives upon the broader community. This may include an evaluation of the quality of life improvements for marginalized peoples 110 in relation to the community as a whole. Comprehensive and multidimensional methods of evaluating community-based projects have been referred to as 'multiple bottom lines' (Conn & Alderson, 1997; Alderson & Conn, 1994) or 'triple bottom line' audit approaches. The rationale is that economics is not the only critical indicator of success and progress, but equally important are social and environmental indicators (Gahin & Paterson, 2001; Rogers & Ryan, 2001). Such ‘bottom line’ concepts are adopted from the corporate world of accountability and economic performance. The language is indicative of the capitalist influence on CED. Indeed, many CED-based organizations are currently assessed based on the single economic bottom line, however, under the multiple or triple bottom-line concept, the holistic analysis would capture a more accurate account of the opportunity cost of disinvestment in marginalized communities (Armstrong et a l, 2002). A complicating factor in the CED discourse is that there is a gap in the theoretical understanding and the practical application of CED. As shown within this thesis, the processes of achieving pure CED initiatives are complex, dynamic and involve tenacity during times of struggle and frustration. These realities are rarely discussed within the CED framework and within the broader social, economic, cultural, and political context. Although many of the reported successful CED-based ventures have resulted in positive outcomes for targeted groups, the analysis of these successes is often descriptive, localized, and partial to the entire CED process. What we often read about is only half of the CED-based story. As Botes and van Rensburg (2000) argue in their critique of community participation, "successes related to development initiatives are quantified, documented, and communicated to a greater extent than failures. There is therefore a lack of understanding of lessons learned, and their 111 communication" (Botes and van Rensburg, 2000, p.45). They go on to say that "development experts will readily agree that failures are an important part of the learning process. Yet, when considering their own projects, development experts at all levels in the process have an interest in presenting a picture of success” (Botes and van Rensburg, 2000, p.45). The theoretical intent of the CED discourse translates differently in practice. This is critical knowledge that must be documented in the evaluation process. The CED framework is nebulous and multifaceted due to the scope and diversity of application. Application of CEDbased ventures must heed localized community values. In this thesis, I have highlighted and contextuahzed some of the processes that are rarely included in discussions about CED initiatives. Through interviewing community practitioners within three community organizations engaged in CED work, information emerged that links CED as a strategy for sustaining a broader vision of the organizations. It is clear from the experiences of the participants, that CED ventures provide strengths and capacities for marginahzed peoples and local community organizations. At the same time, CED initiatives can have far reaching impact beyond the individual and the organization. Indeed, CED is about networks of communities within communities. It is a strategy of resistance that builds on the creative use and preservation of resources within an inherently oppressive dominant social system. Insights from the participants illustrate that local CED efforts are globally connected. In fact, Ledwith (2001, p. 174) argues that "[tjhe local community development agenda has to think on a global level in order to act locally at a relevant level of analysis." Such is the case with the PWC's advocacy work to address marginalization of Filipino women living in the Philippines and elsewhere in Canada. In 112 these urban case study examples, it is clear that CED is intrinsically political, and engaging in the process requires multiple levels of consciousness. These three case studies demonstrate how CED can be a tool used by marginalized groups to facilitate, encourage and hopefully, to sustain the work of pursuing social, economic and political change. In the case of PWC, it was not the project itself that defined success; rather, it was a plethora of factors including the improvement of employment opportunities of previous domestic workers, the sustainability of the Centre, and the degree of individual and collective empowerment. PWC was not defined by the CED activities; instead, the activities contributed to the broader mandate of the organization, which focused on human rights and social justice issues. Diversifying the CED activities allowed greater participation from the members. It also allowed a sense of creativity that reshaped the activities according to members’ interests and needs. In the case of EMBERS, it is too early in the process to determine successes and challenges; however, what is noteworthy is that despite challenges in the DTES, EMBERS and Community Directions are steadfast in formulating CED strategies that counter outsiders’ perceptions and fears of the people and the neighbourhood. In the case of the Potluck Café Society, there are success stories at the individual level where the spin-off of employment has given individuals more control over their lives and a passion to help others succeed. One challenge, however, for PCS is the transient population that results in high staff turnover. In fact, in a foUow-up conversation, I realized that two respondents in this study have since left the organization. Far too often we read 'one-sided' narratives of CED projects that offer a synopsis of CED successes and promote the encouraging aspects of the framework. Yet, these narratives fail to capture and record the complexity and the dynamics of community struggles and 113 frustrations. These challenges, both systemic and locally specific, must also be part of the dialogue and be included in lessons learned. Failures and unanticipated results contribute significantly to advancing CED as a political movement towards social justice, community change, and community empowerment. This study offers a snapshot of continuous and simultaneous activities of resistance in Vancouver's DTES. The focus on CED activities provides a frame of reference to the multiple forms of local initiatives that are used to build and transform communities. The diverse mandate of each case study organization reinforces the flexible and creative application of the CED framework. Although the CED paradigm is founded on grassroots response to the impact of the dominant market economy, this research demonstrates the adaptable, fluid and sustainable aspects of the framework under the pressures of capitalism. It is highly optimistic, however, to assume that the CED framework would be a perpetuating alternative in isolation from the dominant economy. Indeed, the operational components of the framework are not immune to the forces and impositions of the traditional market system. This study began with a review of five principles that are commonly associated with the CED framework. These principles include capacity building, entrepreneurialism, participation, partnership and empowerment. Theoretically and idealistically, each of the principles has inherent social, economic and altruistic value that could positively guide the direction of local developments. In practice, the principles are defined and shaped by complex human interactions, dominant ideologies and politics. These principles operate within the vortex of a capitalistic regime, and they are subsumed by hegemonic values of the market economy. It follows that each of the CED principles: capacity building, 114 entrepreneurialism, participation, partnership and empowerment inescapably contribute to the increase in production, profit and the reproduction of capital. CED projects are directly or indirectly funded by the profits of capitalism. The accumulation of capital generated tbrougb the market and reinvested in CED projects is a circulative process. Sustainabibty of projects is critically dependent on human and economic commitment. Economic commitment is dependent on the ability to generate funds and raise capital through the market economy. Such dependency exposes CED projects to the volatility of market downturns and government fiscal restraints. In this context, effective long term CED solutions to social and economic change must be strategically sought through the mechanisms of the market and through building strategic alliances with dominant structures such as financial institutions, government agencies, educational institutions, and corporations. Human commitment, particularly for organization leaders involved in social justice causes is faced with balancing competing goals. These social and economic pressures epitomize CED work. In this complex web of community dynamics, the analysis of each principle juxtaposes the dynamics of individual, organizational and community interactions. Not surprisingly, the data collected from the interviews prompted further questions: are the meanings of the principles embraced by most of the key actors in the organization? Do organization leaders and members share similar viewpoints? How does the spatial proximity of each organization along with the diverse CED activities contribute to the broader development of the local community? This study should be situated in a continuum of CED practices that connect narratives related to processes, strategies, transformations, resiliencies and participant experiences. 115 Time and Gnancial constraints prevented further investigation on unsuccessful CED experiences and failures; even so, the study highlights the dubious aspects of the framework as competing pressures and challenges emerge from the realities of socio-economic inequities. 116 Chapter Three Endnotes 1. Advocacy is often not considered charitable, particularly if it is to the benefit of a specific group. CED organizations, however, may qualify as a charitable organization depending on the nature of the programs and the program beneficiaries. The courts have identified four areas that can be considered as charitable. They involve addressing issues of poverty, education, religion, and activities that benefit the general community. For more information, visit Canada Customs and Revenue Agency at http://www.ccra-adrc.EC.ca/charities/ 2. The Canadian CED Network has written several papers on policy change that would benefit the efforts of CED in Canada. They are available at www.cedworks.com 3. The 1996 Census data show 42.5% of the population in the DTES is between 40-64 years old, and 24.1% are over 65 years old (compared to 29.5% and 12.9% in the City of Vancouver). 117 Chapter Four: Recommendations This thesis would not be complete without offering some recommendations from the knowledge gained through the study. The study began by examining the theoretical aspects of the CED framework by drawing upon some key principles of the framework. CED, in practice however, faces a variety of constraints including, but not limited to, time, access to financial capital, individual and group dynamics, and political support. On a systemic level, one must be mindful that CED initiatives are implemented on the terrain of dominant ideologies that do not necessarily legitimize grassroots movements, collectivity and nontraditional forms of socio-economic systems. Linking CED theory to practice is a constant challenge because project-based objectives and assumptions are not necessarily congruent with the multiple struggles of individuals and communities. This study sheds light on the discursive relationship between theory and practice. The case studies also reinforced a prevailing learned lesson that it is the practice of CED that informs theory. To comprehend the CED framework requires a holistic analysis that reflects the broader social, economic and political context. It is indicative that through a macro analysis, the CED process would expose the inherent limitations and oppositions of the dominant economy where the priorities are antithetical to CED values. To this end, researchers, practitioners and policy analysts could benefit from an in-depth evaluation of emerging themes that are responsive to actual processes involved in successful and unsuccessful CED-based ventures. The connection between applied knowledge and policy making is a critical component to the pursuit of social change, and social science research can be a vehicle to influence the policy development 118 process (Rist, 2000). Recommendations from this study, therefore, fall within three domains: research, activism, and policy. There is plenty of room for research into the theory behind the CED framework. In particular, it would be useful to develop a common understanding of the complex concepts and principles within this field of study. Constructing some parameters around the CED framework by fostering a common language would assist in clarifying specific goals of CED initiatives, especially when multiple stakeholders are involved. Further research into the CED framework, as a guide to grassroots development, should examine how the framework could be more accessible in language, workable in definition and practical in application. Another aspect of research involves compiling a comprehensive database that includes a listing of the diverse community economic development initiatives in Canada, including ones that have failed. This would be useful in identifying successful qualities of CED-based initiatives and provide evidence for triple or multiple bottom line analysis. The field of CED can also benerit from the testing of dii^erent evaluation frameworks that would be suitable for CED-based research. Such research would provide effective options to assess the impact and the outcome of local processes. One example is to conduct long term studies on diverse CED activities to identify some concrete aspects of best practices within the spectrum of initiatives. 119 Lobbying activities have always played a crucial role in grassroots movements. In terms of securing long term funding for community economic development ventures, strategic activism needs to focus on supporting the developmental stages of many CED-based initiatives. Such activism can be in the form of multi-sectoral ventures, strategic alliances, investments and strengthening partnerships with foundations and cooperatives. These forms of local mobilizations to further CED-based ventures are critical for non-profit organizations that are involved in advocacy work especially since socio-political activities may jeopardize an organization’s charitable status. In light of the influence of capitalism upon CED ventures, activism could be situated within the context of promoting and marketing the cumulative costs and benefits of CEDbased ventures. This may involve demonstrating a holistic account of ecological sustainability, social and economic gains for traditionally marginalized populations, and ultimately, the compounding investments for future generations. Policy recommendations, particularly around government policies and programs, are confronted with bureaucratic challenges. Suggestions around policy changes or improvements are not restricted to CED governance. For example, developing greater 120 consistency in interdepartmental government policies can apply to a multitude of social, environmental and cultural programs. This would be fiscally responsible, and promote efficient use of human and economic resources. In conjunction with policy consistency, enhancing communication between different levels of government also improves efficient use of human and economic resources, while increasing the quality of service and reliability of information to citizens. Periodic evaluations of policies and programs in both the short-term and the long­ term by external evaluators would also test the effectiveness of existing policies in meeting community needs. This should include both internal and external accountability measures in order to target areas of discrepancies and identify resolutions. Evaluations must incorporate feedback from targeted populations in order to provide evidence of program impacts and fiscal responsibility. In the context of CED governance, there is a delicate balance between legitimizing CED governance without appropriating community ingenuity. Table 5 summarizes the recommendations into three discrete functions that include promoting consistency, developing an environmental scan, and incorporating an evaluation component. 121 Table 5. Recommendations RESEARCH Promote Consistency Develop Environm ental Scan Evaluate A c n v iS A r POLICY • clarify commonly used CED principles • promote the benefits of long term funding for CED ventures • develop consistent intergovernmental policies and programs that further common goals • create a database on successful and unsuccessful CED ventures in diverse communities • promote holistic benefits of CED ventures that focus on long term development of communities • identify strengths and challenges of multilateral partnerships and CED ventures • test various evaluation frameworks to identify the most appropriate and suitable evaluation tools • identify effective activist strategies that promote progressive policy and program changes » establish periodic evaluation of relevant government policies & programs that pertain to CED ventures The recommendations are broadly categorized under research, activism and policy, but they are not autonomous and should not operate in isolation from the higher goal of enhancing socio-economic justice at the community level. As discussed in preceding chapters, the separation and dualistic thinking around social goals and economic pursuits exacerbates the dilemma embedded in the CED framework. An integrated approach to research, activism and policy, however, is a perpetual challenge for researchers, activists and policy-makers (Stone, 2002). The dynamics between each of these communities have historically been contentious, diverse and conflicting. Each operates under different environmental, institutional and pohtical pressures. Perspectives have been compartmentalized into each of the discrete forms of specialized knowledge. Building 122 alliances and creating knowledge networks from multiple points of understanding among communities is an enormous undertaking, but an attainable challenge (Monk & Liepins, 2000). The recommendations outline multiple levels of interventions that may help to promote and strengthen the capacity, relevance and influence of the CED framework as an alternative to addressing socio-economic inequities. 123 Future Research The intent of this study is to examine five key CED principles including capacity building, entrepreneurialism, participation, partnership and empowerment, and to see how they are manifested in local organizations that are engaged in CED activities. In-person interviews with community practitioners offer insight into some fundamental issues around the CED framework. This study also demonstrates the flexibility of the CED framework in supporting diverse community organizations. Available literature on CED, however, focuses on positive outcomes (and sometimes political outcomes, such as in the case of PWC’s success stories), but de-emphasize critical links around the complexities of community dynamics and the influence of dominant discourse. Data captured through interviews and case studies shows that each organization participated in activities that fit within the CED framework; however, it was unclear the degree to which CED ventures promote capacity building, entrepreneurialism, participation, partnership and empowerment in both short term gains and long term benefits. Future research could focus on longitudinal studies that incorporate regular follow-ups and evaluation with the case study organizations. The findings from this study illustrated the expansive implications of each of the principles. Longitudinal research into the development or progression of the community, organization and participants would build on the initial exploratory flndings. Triangulated research approaches that draw upon qualitative and quantitative methods may also provide considerable insight into the effectiveness and impact of CED activities in local communities. The non-parametric statistical approach, for example, is a suitable technique to test studies that have less 124 restrictive assumptions and where the case studies have fewer participants. Using the MannWhitney test, the five CED principles could be tested against CED activity outcome hypotheses with a 0.20 level of signihcance.^ The test results would indicate the level of impact CED activity has in relation to the CED principles. The CED framework is manifested in a local landscape that is often politically charged and socially constructed. Local activists and community organizers participate in transforming the community through processes of negotiations and shifting of complex interrelations. The dynamic arena in which CED takes place speaks to the fluidity of a framework that is not fixed in time or space. A critique of the top-down agenda was presented at the outset of the study, but the case studies demonstrate the resilience and active role of community organizers and marginalized groups to mobilize and effect change. Future research can investigate the interfaee between CED and political advocacy among marginalized populations. The malleability of the CED framework reflects on the changing emphases of each principle. Even during the time of the study, the framework evolved, as each of the concepts become refined and interpreted by governments, non-profit organizations and academics. These concepts can be tested further by repeating the research with other case studies in different geographies such as in urban and rural areas. There is a level of sophistication and knowledge that is required in negotiating and accessing CED resources. Community groups actively maneuver around systemic barriers and dominant structures. The framework reflects social and economic iiijustices. The framework is adopted by a spectrum of marginalized groups from those who have fallen 125 through the cracks of society to mainstream entrepreneurs. Although the framework may have had origins within grassroots movements, the current trend of CED has adopted mainstream nuances. Dominant power structures have a critical impact on defining the CED framework through language and access to resources; however, we also see the transformation of communities and local organizations through creative forms of resistance and resilience. The multiple steps and knowledge involved in engaging in CED speak to the investment of time and resources required for such endeavours. The numerous CED projects that are published and marketed not only increase the profile of contemporary CED, but they also reinforce the creativity and resiliency of humanity. The CED framework is a discourse that promotes a particular understanding of community engagement. There are, of course, other perspectives of community resistance that incorporate alternative forms of local development such as building intentional communities.^ Regardless of the form in which community resistance takes place, future contributions to the CED debate should interrogate the persistent separation of social and economic development in communities. The entrenched dichotomy between social and economic capital must be eroded if society wants to take stock of the opportunity costs, or losses, to future generations. 126 Final Thoughts While the broader discussion of this thesis is about the CED framework, I would only be telling a partial story if I were not to discuss other implications that emerged. In conducting this research, it was not surprising to find that community action is not necessarily dictated by theoretical principles. Indeed, there continues to be a gap between theory and application. Although CED was the connecting theme for this research study, the interview respondents did not define their activities as solely within a CED framework. For service providers and community practitioners, the day-to-day realities of operating a community venture superceded the conscious delivery of services within a spécifié theoretical framework. Throughout the interviews, respondents made references to principles associated with CED such as self-reliance and sustainability; however, these concepts in and of themselves do not imply a complete application of the CED framework. All of the interview participants had some former knowledge of CED. Their knowledge stemmed from their many years of experience in community development and by external introduction to the CED framework. Local activists who are engaged in social change and grassroots movements may not necessarily be familiar with the current trends in community development models; however, their ongoing community work does shed light and contribute to the advancement of the CED framework. Anti-poverty movements, neighbourhood regeneration projects, and other community mobilizing engagements have always existed, and in different decades, community development has been understood through different theoretical frameworks based 127 on local influences and the political climate. Currently, the market-based CED framework has gained popularity. It is not surprising then, that when interview respondents were asked to dehne what CED meant to them, there was no definitive answer that was any different from the ongoing work conducted by activists before them. This leads to an emerging contradiction within the field of CED because, while CED originated out of grassroots ideologies, throughout the years it has become more professionalized. This is evident by the various academic courses that lead to a diploma or a degree in CED. ‘Experts’ and professional CED consultants can also be contracted to guide community organizers down the CED path’. The inherent contradiction is that many community activists engaged in CED may not have the financial resources to access formal training or academic credentials to practice CED. What was once a locally based initiative has now developed into a sophisticated field of research with complex and abstract concepts that are continually under debate. The CED framework is filtered through a labyrinth of skilled professionals and frontline workers. Dominant institutions such as the state and the academy influence contemporary CED practices. If local community work has become professionalized, and grassroots movements are now encouraged to acquire formalized knowledge, how does this impact on local community work in terms of validating the knowledge of community practitioners who deal with the day-to-day realities of sustaining a social enterprise? While there is a place for analysis, it can be a slippery slope when local activism is theorized by academics and in turn becomes professionalized. This process of knowledge re-creation is a worthwhile concern as we begin to see CED concepts embodied in the languages of funding 128 agencies and government and non-govemment programs. Ultimately, when success stories are published, fully or partially, it is still the dedication of practitioners in the field who are committed to labouring over social injustices. 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Women’s Studies International Forum, 25(4), 413-429. 149 Appendix 1 Demographics of the Downtown Eastside, Vancouver, B.C. 150 1996 Census Data of DT6S, Chinatown, Gastown, Strathcona, Oppenhelmer, Victory Square TOTAL POPULATION, 1996 CITY Percent OPPENHEIMER Number Percent DE.C.G.S* Number Percent GASTOWN Number Percent STRATHCONA Number Percent 100% VICTORY SQUARE Number Percent 1135 100% 854 281 32.9% 5,260 100% 2095 100% 6565 5,166 94 1.80% 1,810 285 15.7% 7,011 -446 63.2% 36.8% 3,715 1,545 70.6% 29.4% 1,620 475 77.3% 22.7% 3,205 3,360 48.8% 51.2% 890 245 78.4% 14,210 6,285 7,925 100 ,0 % 44.2% 55,8% 4,690 1,495 3,195 100 .0 % 31.9% 68,1% 1,915 1,000 915 100 ,0 % 52.2% 47.8% 5,470 2,780 2,685 100 . 0 % 50.8% 49.1% 1,020 515 500 100 .0 % 50.5% 49.0% 100% 24.6% 2,135 1,085 100% 50.8% 410 265 100% 64.6% 145 80 100% 55.2% 1,335 595 100% 44.6% 105 50 100% 47.6% Off-reserve unattached individuals, 15 years & older Low income 100% 47.0% 8,670 7,110 100% 82.0% 3,655 3,155 100% 86.3% 1,630 1,315 100% 80.7% 1,805 1,355 100% 75.1% 800 655 100% 81.9% Total off-reserve population in private households Low income 100% 31.0% 15,250 10,445 100% 68.5% 4,720 3,820 100% 80.9% 1,980 1,520 100% 76.8% 6,395 3,485 100% 54,5% 1,010 750 100% 74.3% Income by Source Total Income (100%) From em ploym ent From governm ent transfer paym ents From other sources 100% 75.1% 11 .6 % 13.3% Total Population, 1996 100% 16,275 Population. 1991 Population. 1991-96 8 .2 % 15,759 516 By S ex Male F em ale 49.2% 50,8% 10,290 5,985 Labour Force Activity Population 15 y ea rs & over In labour force Not in the labour force 100 . 0 % 65.4% 34.6% INCOME Low Income All off-reserve econom ic families Low income H ousehold Incom es Total private households Under $10,000 $ 1 0 ,0 0 0 -$ 1 9 ,9 9 9 $20,000 - $29,999 100% 1 2 , 1% 17.3% 13.0% 100% 100% 50.6% 46.6% 2 ,8 % 10,410 4,475 3,490 1,080 100% 43.0% 33.5% 10.4% 100% 61.1% 37.5% 1.4% 100% 33,0% 64.6% 2.3% 3,975 100% 2,020 50.8% 36.6% 7.5% 1,455 300 * DE C.Q .S = Downtown E astside, Chinatown, G astow n, Strathcona Area Source: City o f Vancouver, Community Services, May 1999. 151 1,745 960 470 155 100% 55.0% 26.9% 8.9% 100% 67.4% 30.0% 2 .6 % 100% 57.1% 39.4% 3.5% 2,885 520 1,070 475 100% 18.0% 37.1% 16,5% 2 1 .6 % 880 475 240 40 100% 54.0% 27.3% 4.5% Appendix 2: UNBC Research Ethics Board, Letter of Approval 152