THEATRE FOR HEALTH:
“PLAYING” THE PRICE OF COLONIALISM ON THE HEALTH OF
INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN SAIK'UZ TERRITORY
by
Lisa Striegler
B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1994

THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF SCIENCE
IN
COMMUNITY HEALTH SCIENCES

UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
April 17, 2014

© Lisa Striegler, 2014

UMI Number: 1525682

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ABSTRACT

Strong evidence exists that anti-indigenous racism is built into the fabric of Canadian
society and that it is a determinant of Indigenous peoples’ health. Colonial policies that
historically de-humanized and dislocated Indigenous peoples in order to open territory for
European settlement continue to have a negative impact on Indigenous health status today.
A mixed methods study combining data from focus groups, individual interviews,
participant observation field notes, and surveys explored the use of community-based theatre
as a means to ameliorate racism-based health inequities in Saik’uz territory in Northern
British Columbia. The findings suggest that community-based theatre provides an effective
means for enhancing trust and building relationships within community, and between the
traditionally racially divided communities of Saik’uz and the neighbouring District of
Vanderhoof. Relationships of trust are crucial elements that contribute to greater well-being
for those living in Saik’uz territory.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract

ii

Table of Contents

iii

List of Tables

v

Acknowledgement

vi

Introduction

1

Chapter One: Place of the Research and Placing Myself
1.1 Introduction
1.2 The Context of this Place: an historical example
1.3 Geography and History
1.4 Settlement Policy

5
8
10
12

Chapter Two: Power as it Plays out in this Place
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Neo-Colonialism
2.3 Research as Neo-Colonialism
2.4 Social Determinants of Health

17
18
21
23

Chapter Three: Process - Theoretical Frameworks and Research Methods
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Theoretical Frameworks
I Decolonizing methodologies
II Intersectionality theory
III Decolonizing words
3.3 Research Methods
I Forum Theatre
II Community-Based Participatory Research
III Stepping Ethically into Data Gathering
IV Recruitment and Sampling
V Data Gathering
3.4 Conclusion

27
29
29
31
34
37
39
44
47
54
58
63

Chapter Four: Product - Research Findings and discussion
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Data Analysis
I Focus Groups
II Workshop Process
III Play Development
IV Performance and Audience Interventions
V Surveys

65
66
68
69
71
73
76

iv
VI Personal Interviews
4.3 Conclusion

77
79

Chapter Five: Progress - Research conclusions and where to go from here
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Insights
5.3 Significance of Findings
5.4 Summary

80
85
87
89

References

94

Appendix 1

Map of Saik’uz traditional territorial use

103

Appendix 2

Letter of consent from Saik’uz First Nation

104

V

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 Steps, Events, & Ethical Considerations
in the Data Gathering Process

49

Table 2 Data Gathering

59

Table 3 Theatre Workshop Activities

59

Table 4 Ethnicity and Residency

76

Table 5 Ethnicity and Gender

77

Acknowledgements

My husband always encouraged me to complete my Masters. He told me not to
worry about money, even when my one source of reliable income rode off into the sunset.
He also told me I could go to Ireland when I was all finished. We can’t afford it, but it was
nice of him to say all the same.
My oldest daughter is herself graduating from university this year and she has been a
constant support to me. I’m grateful that she’s a skyper and was available to me whenever I
needed a break from thinking.
My son and youngest daughter put up with my seemingly endless hours at the
computer. They also put up with lectures from me about what I was learning. I thank them
for their patience and love.
My friends Mel, Pris, Syl, Colleen, Sarah and Geraldine; and old friend Stanley; and
fabulous improv actors Jeremy, Harrison and Giz, inspirations all. Thanks for the
friendship, and thanks for the stories, and thanks for trusting a white girl like me.
The women and men who participated in Theatre for Health workshop and play thanks for your willingness to take risks.
And Sarah, my supervisor, who called me up on the last day of a job I’d enjoyed for
14 years, and asked if I would be her student, thanks for getting me through this. It’s a lot of
work taking on an old dog like me.

Introduction
My interest in the relationship between anti-indigenous racism and wellness for
Saik’uz Dakelh stems from a deep personal connection with place. I was bom, grew up, and
continue to live, work and raise my children in Saik’uz traditional territory. Since 1995,1
have worked in the field of problem substance use counselling and prevention. This has
prompted me to consider how issues like problem substance use, which adversely affects
individuals’ and communities’ health, may be linked to much larger issues of social cultural
power imbalances (Alexander, 2001). The community of Vanderhoof has a history of
exclusionary and divisive interpersonal, health, education and business processes (see the
Good Neighbours Committee sponsored “Community Accord” developed in response to this
history)1. My research posits that these divides were and are borne out of particular
colonial ideologies and circumstances. A critical and tragic example of this occurred in
1976. A differential and inferior treatment of Dakelh by health, education, business and
justice systems in Vanderhoof resulted in the death of Coreen Thomas - a young, pregnant
Saik’uz woman struck and killed by a car driven by a local white man (Moran, 1990;
Nechako Chronicle, 1976). The incident was given provincial and national media attention.
During the inquest, the Coroner recommended working toward ameliorating tense relations
between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people in the area. The Coroner suggested, for
instance, the establishment of an “Indian Friendship Centre” in Vanderhoof (Nechako
Chronicle, 1976, p.2). This has never been accomplished.

1The Community Accord was developed by the Good Neighbours Committee in 2010 for the Spirit of
Vanderhoof Diversity project. The Good Neighbours Committee came to be in response to a number of
concerns about racism in local schools, social services and businesses - not the least of which was when
respected Elder Mary John Sr. was told she could not “loiter” in the Co-op Mall while she was waiting for
someone to come and pick her up from shopping.
(http.7/cms.cnc.bc.ca/Assets/Nechako+Campus/Posters/Sprit_of_DiversityJAn2011.pdf).

2
I was 9 years old when this inquest took place. I recall my 9 year old self
experiencing anxiety upon hearing conversations about “restless Indians on the war path”.
When I think back on this now, I suspect these comments, reflecting a territory of racism,
were on one hand rooted in defending the position of the settler community and, on the
other, blaming the victim, quite possibly, in order for settlers to avert shame. This shame
lives on in the settler community, in part anchored in our community’s ongoing non­
response to the coroner’s recommendations. I also suspect, and my research in part
addresses, that the lack of response may be one piece of the gamut of injustices that
contribute to poorer health status of Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory. In sum, then, a
deep experience of, and connection to Saik’uz territory drives my interest in undertaking
research about creative ways to address health inequities that may be linked to antiIndigenous racism.
The purpose of my research was to explore how theatre might open spaces to
creatively re-imagine health for Indigenous and settler peoples in Saik’uz territory, the
former who continue to endure the negative effects of long term anti-Indigenous racism. I
formulated the following questions as anchors for this research then:
•

How does anti-Indigenous racism affect health for Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz
territory?

•

What are the potential community health benefits of using Forum Theatre to explore
experiences of anti-Indigenous racism?

The objectives of this project were to explore the effects of anti-Indigenous racism on the
health of Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory and to explore how community-based

3
theatre might help to ameliorate the negative health effects of racism. Specifically, Forum
Theatre was used as a method for exploring themes of anti-Indigenous racism and individual
and community health in a play development workshop. The plays were ultimately
performed in front of a diverse audience at Saik’uz First Nation. The findings from this
research support the use of theatre as a method of exploration and as a method for creating a
community experience that promotes health and well-being.
This thesis, a presentation of the research just outlined, is divided into five chapters.
Chapter One provides an introduction to the place of the research, including the historical
movements of settlers to the Nechako Valley, the economies of the Dakelh’ peoples and
how they changed with non-Indigenous settlement policy, and the negative effects of nonIndigenous settlement on the individual and community health of Saik’uz Whut’en over
generations. Furthermore, it is important to understand the privilege I wield as a settler
researcher in Saik’uz territory, which has afforded me the ability to question, with little
discomfort, the power relations between local settler populations and Indigenous peoples.
Therefore, in Chapter One I also place myself, as a settler great-granddaughter, in relation to
Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz traditional territory. Chapter Two provides a review of the
literature, in which the power imbalances imposed by colonialism are demonstrated to still
exist, in altered form, causing poorer health outcomes at the individual and community level
for Indigenous peoples living in Saik’uz territory. In Chapter Three, the process of the
research, including theoretical bases underlying the methods for exploration and analysis,
are discussed. Decolonizing methodologies provide the basis for a community-based
participatory research (CBPR) method anchored in intersectionality theory and using
primarily a qualitative approach to data gathering.

4
Chapters four and five deal explicitly with the research process and the findings.
Chapter four explicates the process involved in the recruitment of participants, the rolling
out of the workshop, and the public performance for the Forum Theatre pieces that were
created. The production of theatre pieces and the use of Forum Theatre presented interesting
and revealing challenges in the context of a CBPR project. Finally, chapter five discusses
the findings of the research and how progress might be made in using theatre as a means for
community expression in Indigenous communities, thereby improving individual and
community health in those populations.

5
Chapter One: Place of the Research and Placing Myself
Fr. Horan

It’s just that you don’t understand the Irish yet.

Captain

What?! But I am Irish, stupid priest! And don’t speak until you are spoken to
...My family goes back several hundred years.

Fr. Horan

To some time of conquest, no doubt, Your Honour.

Captain

Yes, but I didn’t steal your land, boy.

Fr. Horan

It was stolen! It was stolen! And time won’t make the theft right!

Captain

.. .Must I give it back? ... To primitive man?

Fr. Horan

To the people! To the people!
From Famine by Tom Murphy

Introduction
My research was influenced by my personal experiences growing up in Vanderhoof,
the primary municipality situated in Saik’uz traditional territory, and shaped by experiences
from my work in addictions and community development as well as community theatre. I
was in primary school - populated primarily by white2 children - when I first became aware
of racial divisions where I lived. One recess, a mob had gathered out on the play field to
throw rocks at students from the local Catholic school (and mostly from Saik’uz First
Nation), which abutted the fields and forest of the public school I attended. I worried that it
was only because the students from the Catholic school were Natives3 that this fight had
begun. Later, when I was nine years old, I witnessed racial tensions in the community and in
my own family during the time of the inquest into the death of Coreen Thomas, a young
pregnant woman from Saik’uz First Nation, who was killed when she was hit by a car driven
2 1 use “white” because that is the language I had in my head as a child. In other instances I use “settler”.
31 use “Natives” because that is the language I had in my head as a child, and these memories are from my
childhood.

6
by Richard Redekop - a local white resident. The tensions made me feel ashamed although
I did not understand why. As I grew older, I saw Native people generally as poor,
underprivileged, and not treated very well in town, while white residents, in comparison,
seemed more likely to be financially secure and enjoying social status within the broader
community. When I moved back to Vanderhoof after finishing my Bachelor’s degree, I
worked at a social service agency in a program that supported children with FASD and their
families. This program was part of a regional coalition. In the initial proposal phase, each
community’s program had to identify the targeted population. The proposal put forth by the
agency from Vanderhoof indicated that 100% of the children affected by FASD in our
community were Aboriginal4.1 found this a bold statement and was surprised that the
agency was never called to account for this statistic. However, it was an indicator that racebased assumptions continued, even in social service agencies deemed to provide equitable,
culturally aware services. The aggregation of these experiences caused me to question how
racialization of Indigenous peoples through colonialism had affected their health.
While working at Vanderhoof Alcohol & Drug Services, an addictions counselling
and community prevention program funded by Northern Health, I had the opportunity to
train as Forum Theatre “Joker”5 with Headlines Theatre6 in Vancouver. Subsequent to my
training, I began to use Forum Theatre as a community engagement tool and I noticed the
power it had to reach audience and participants on an emotional level. My theatre work in

4 “Aboriginal” is the term used in the funding applications and business of the agency I worked for.
5 In Forum Theatre, joker is a term used to describe the facilitator of the Forum event. The joker is a “wild
card” on stage whose job is to facilitate the critical evaluation of values of the surrounding society. The joker
does this through questioning the actions and reactions of the actors on stage, and debriefing with the audience
and actors about the impact of interventions.
6 In the fall o f 2013, Headlines Theatre changed its name to Theatre for Living to more accurately reflect the
work the company is doing. I have kept the original name in this thesis as that was the name of the company
when I undertook the literature review and project work for this thesis.

7
community motivated the College of New Caledonia (CNC) to contract me to write and
direct a play about the history of Vanderhoof for the Spirit of Vanderhoof Diversity Project.
Here I was given the opportunity to show the experiences of many in the Nechako Valley,
including Indigenous peoples. The broader project was endorsed by Saik’uz First Nation
and CNC contracted with them to provide a liaison for the project. The liaison stated that
this project, including the play, was very important for Saik’uz because they had not had a
play or book written about life and history in Saik’uz with the larger Saik’uz community
involved. The importance of her statement reinforced my goal to show that history. The
numbers of people from Saik’uz who came to the performance gave testament to the value
of seeing one’s story (or one’s community’s story) on stage. In my experience with
community theatre (by and large “settler” theatre) in Vanderhoof, it is atypical to see
Dakelh’ people participate, so their attendance indicated the importance of this story being
told. Feedback7 from one cast member from Saik’uz First Nation demonstrated this
significance:
“The whole experience was positive in that it brought many people of diverse
backgrounds together toward a common focus of telling a story that has historical
meaning and significance. A bond was formed amongst all participants.” (Striegler,
2011, p. 24)
Evaluations of this theatre project support the argument that a bond was formed amongst
audience members as well. These experiences with theatre made the possibility that theatre
might be useful to re-create community health for Indigenous peoples living in the
traditional territory of Saik’uz First Nation.

7 Directly following the performances of Saik’uz & Settlers, attendees and actors were invited to stay and
partake in food provided by the Newcomer committee, and participate in interviews about the play and the
impact it had on them.

8
The Context of This Place: An Historical Moment as Example.
Thirty-five years ago in Vanderhoof, after an evening of community celebrations
commemorating the 50th anniversary of the incorporation of the Village of Vanderhoof, a
young, full-term pregnant woman from Saik’uz named Coreen Thomas was struck by a car
and killed while she walked up Kenney Dam Road with a group of friends in the middle of
the night. The driver claimed to have left the scene to fetch the police. It took 30 minutes
for the police to respond and a further 10 minutes after that for the ambulance to arrive
(Union of BC Indian Chiefs [UBCIC], 1976). By this time, nothing could be done to save
the life of the young woman or her unborn child. The chain of events that followed the
young woman’s death (and that of her full-term baby) brought into question whether
responses from the ambulance service, doctor-on-call, the coroner, the hospital and the
RCMP were affected by the fact of the victim’s Indigeneity (Moran, 1990; UBCIC, 1977).
These questions gave rise to national media attention about the health, education,
employment, and housing inequities experienced by Saik’uz Whut’en (Moran, 1997;
Nechako Chronicle, 1976; UBCIC, 1977).

An inquest into Coreen’s death took place in

the fall of that year.
As a result of the inquest, many recommendations were made to improve justice and
health care responses. They included that better systems of emergency services callouts be
established (by police, ambulance, hospital). No person should be placed in the morgue
before issuance of a medical certificate of death. Efforts should be made to establish a
resident doctor at St. John Hospital. Breathalyser tests should be obtained as soon as
possible after an accident. Parents or guardians should be present when questioning
witnesses under 16 years old. Finally, it was recommended that “the Village of Vanderhoof

9
and Stoney Creek Reserve8 work toward the establishment of an Indian friendship centre”
(Nechako Chronicle, 1976, p. 1). This final recommendation was the only one specific to
Indigenous/non-Indigenous relationships and to this day, has not been implemented. In his
final statements, Coroner Glen MacDonald said, “I hope the death of Coreen Thomas brings
a new atmosphere, a new environment. I hope that any feelings engendered here of which
we have heard may be, if not entirely dispelled, certainly reduced and enjoyable for the
community. .. .1 think indeed that a friendship centre.. .a living together centre is what you
[are] after” (Nechako Chronicle, 1976, p. 2). The feelings to which Coroner MacDonald
refers were the tensions in the community that I argue are rooted in anti-Indigenous racism,
which is a result of colonialism. Indeed, even today there is strong community frustration
about a lack of a friendship centre: “I was driving by the Seniors Friendship Centre with [my
friend] yesterday afternoon and she made a comment: we need a native friendship center in
our region!” (John, S., Personal Communication, 2012), prompting questions about why a
centre has never been built. The death of a young Saik’uz woman and her unborn child, and
the lack of community response to recommendations stemming from the coroner’s inquest
about the incident, demands attention and engenders questions about the role of racism and
the impacts of colonialism upon the contemporary lives and well-being of Indigenous people
in Northern BC.
Well-being is affected by multiple factors - well established by a social determinants
of health framework (Public Health Agency of Canada [PHAC], 2011). Social determinants
of health always take place within a spatial context over time, between individuals, and
within communities. Well-being refers to being in a satisfactory state of health and
8 Stoney Creek Reserve refers to the community of Saik’uz First Nation, which reclaimed its Dakelh’ name in
the 1990’s.

contentment (Swannell (ed.). 1992) thereby encompassing wellness, which is “the quality or
state of being healthy in body and mind, especially as the result o f deliberate effort”
(Dictionary.com, 2012). It stands to reason that one must have a clear understanding of the
geographical, historical, and socio-economic context to research well-being with Saik’uz
Whut’en. What follows is a description of the physical geography of Saik’uz traditional
territory, the historic socio-economic relations of Saik’uz Whut’en and the settler
population, and neo-colonial relations from past to present.
Geography and History
Highway 16 cuts the province of BC nearly in equal halves of north and south.
Vanderhoof is situated approximately halfway through the province on that highway, in the
middle of the traditional territory of the Saik’uz Whut’en. Thirteen kilometres south of
Vanderhoof - about a ten minute drive away - is the Village of Saik’uz First Nation, also
known as Stoney Creek Indian Reserve #1 (Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development
[AAAND], 2008). In total, the Saik’uz First Nation is made up of 10 reserves that were
mapped out and established by Commissioner Peter O’Reilly in 1892 (UBCIC, n.d.;Village
of Fraser Lake, n.d.). However, Saik’uz traditional territory is much broader than the reach
of these reserves (See map of the territory in Appendix 1) (Carrier Sekani Tribal Council
[CSTC], 2012). Historically, the many waterways in this territory enabled easy trading
between local Indigenous groups and included a major trading route along the Blackwater
River to the west coast Nuxalt peoples (CSTC, 2012). This huge territory provided rich
hunting, gathering and fishing grounds that sustained the Dakelh for centuries before
colonial settlement.

11
The Nechako River is the main waterway in Saik’uz territory. Its valley forms part
of the interior plateau of British Columbia and is where “kilometer high glaciers scoured the
earth and the woolly mammoths once grazed” (Roberge, 2011). Upon the recession of the
glaciers, high ridges and valleys of gravel, sand and clay deposits left a plateau of moraines,
lakes and rivers behind (Roberge, 2011). Before European colonization, the plateau was
covered with much dense mixed forest, which was home to a variety of small and large
mammals and many varieties of berry-bearing bushes and other flora that the Dakelh relied
on for food and medicinal sources (Young & Hawley, 2004). Furthermore, the lakes and
rivers of the plateau provided abundant supplies of white fish (Jacks, 2000) and salmon. In
years when the salmon runs failed, communities - such as Nadleh Whut’en on Fraser Lake
faced starvation (Roberge, 2011). The Dakelh’ of the interior plateau hunted, trapped,
fished and gathered plants at various locations in the territory depending on the season
(Jacks, 2000; Moran, 1997; Roberge, 2011). The availability of vast territories for the
Dakelh’ to use was of integral importance to the maintenance of their economies, spirituality
and communities (Canada, 2010).
The Indigenous population of BC prior to European contact is estimated to have been
close to 300,000 - the largest density of Indigenous people north of Mexico (Tennant,
1990). With the arrival of explorers, fur traders (and accompanying diseases) and then
settlers, that population is estimated to have diminished by approximately 90% (British
Columbia, 2009). Fur trading and mining opportunities in central British Columbia
motivated initial exploration and some settlement of the area but with the completion of the
Grand Trunk Pacific Railway on April 7, 1914, opportunities for colonial settlement of the
area became abundant for European settlers.

12
Settlement policy.

1 1. . . . . . . . 1. . . . . . . . . . . 11

■ ■

m i.

hi

mu

Agent You see, what we first of all tried to make our Government see is the recurring
hopelessness here while all the while prosperity is there for the taking in other parts of the world.
Priest

What?- For who?- What are you saying? ...

Agent I’m saying, your reverence, the world is opening out. New continents with untold
natural wealth are waiting to be reclaimed by the brave pioneer ... Huge tracts of land waiting to
be tilled, to produce food, unlimited food for everyone...
Priest Yes... yes ...they’re poor people, ignorant, demoralized and dirty, moulded and shaped
that way by England, and by England’s tools, the landlords, over the last five or six hundred
years. Colonization and poverty! And all we can see after all those centuries of British rule is a
Union flag flying proud over an empty Government meal depot up the road there and a mob of
howling peasants around it.
From Famine by Tom Murphy, pp 58-59

European colonization of Eastern Canada had been firmly entrenched by the turn of
the 19th century; however, in Saik’uz territory the contact with permanent settlers was just
beginning. The creation of reserves in Saik’uz territory in 1897 was a direct reflection of the
Indian Act, which stated that reserves were "to be held for use and benefit of Indians.. .of the
respective bands for which they were set apart, and subject to this Act and to the terms of
any treaty or surrender, the Governor in Council may determine whether any purpose for
which lands in a reserve are used or are to be used is for the use and benefit of the band. ”
(emphasis added) (Canada, 2013, p. 10). The determination of use and benefit was under the
power of the Governor in Council to decide. Though Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory
had been hunter/gatherers, and lived, hunted, fished and gathered at various locations within
their territory, the land in the territory was seen as “unused” by colonial standards, which
privileged agricultural imperialistic values (Brody, 2000). Agricultural values stemmed from
Euro-colonial views of agriculture as superior to hunting and gathering because of the
domination and control of the environment to provide products for consumption. Those

13
products provided profit for imperialist countries and later for the colonial governments and
industry that followed (Brody, 2000). Despite the Royal Proclamation of 1763 guaranteeing
nation to nation negotiation on all social, political and economic matters pertaining to
Indigenous peoples, the Indian Act was designed to address “the Indian problem” by
displacing Indigenous peoples so that land could be usurped by the Crown. Consequently,
Indigenous peoples were relegated to reserves and the land outside reserve boundaries
became available for settlement.

Colonial settlers came for this land under the policy of pre-emption (British
Columbia, 2006), which was intended to develop land for agriculture - an industry that
Hugh Brody argues was dependent upon the continual appropriation of land from
hunter/gatherer societies (2000). Cole Harris (2002) reinforced this theory stating:
“[w]hatever else it may also [have been], colonialism - particularly in its settler form [was] about the displacement of people from their land and its repossession by others.” (p.
xxiv). In order to appropriate land, policies in the Indian Act acted as devices to inhibit the
proliferation of traditional Indigenous economies - integral to the colonial project of land
acquisition and cultural assimilation. These devices were intended to restrict access to
traditional territories, economic opportunities, and spiritual and cultural activities. All of
these devices were policies within the Indian Act, some of which have now been changed or
altered to reflect a change in colonial attitudes about what was right to impose upon
Indigenous peoples (See Bill C-31, for example). It can be imagined and expected that
many of the settlers that came to Saik’uz territory in the early 20th century, however,
believed that the agriculture they practised was a more modem form of land use than
hunting/gathering and thus that they were a more modem human entitled to dominate

14
Indigenous cultures (Brody, 2000). Pre-emption, then, made its mark on the territory when
settlers began to permanently cultivate vast sections of land. Indigenous peoples were
relegated to wage labourers in service of farmers and logging contractors and as domestic
servants.

There is little written history about the relations between Saik’uz Whut’en and the
early settlers who came to the Nechako Valley in great numbers during the early 20th
century. However, stories shared in community tell of the displacement of traditional rich
trapping grounds by the development of the municipal town site of Vanderhoof,
incorporated in 1926 (Field note, lines 31-36). Moreover, having no recourse for developing
their own business contracts due to restrictions imposed on them through the Indian Act
(Statutes of Canada, 1895), Saik’uz Whut’en were subject to the Euro-colonial settlers’
labour demand, whether industrial or domestic (Moran, 1988). Settlers in the Nechako
Valley relied heavily on agriculture and forestry as the primary industries in the local
economy (Vanderhoof Chamber of Commerce [VCC], 2009). Indeed, my paternal great
grandparents came to the Nechako Valley between 1912 and 1918 to acquire land through
pre-emption. They cultivated feed crops, and raised beef, swine and lambs. Lumber was
sold off their parcels to make room for crops and pasture and future generations later
became loggers. Saik’uz men and women worked for local farmers, loggers and other
contractors, clearing hectares of land (by hand) (Moran, 1990, Field notes, lines 36-39).
Furthermore, in my own experience, I have learned that, up until the 1960s, Saik’uz
Whut’en were segregated in most restaurants and even barred from entering the local Silver
Grill (Striegler, 2011). It was accepted by the settlers at the time that this was a “normal”
arrangement of social relations between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people (Striegler,

15
2011). Furthermore, though in much different fashion than earlier times, Saik’uz traditional
territory continues to provide fishing, hunting and gathering recreational and sustenance
opportunities for Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples alike (VCC, 2009). Nevertheless,
Saik’uz Dakelh experience greater health, education, employment and income inequities
than non-Indigenous peoples (British Columbia, 2009; Northern Health, 2011). These
inequities demand response.

The results of inequities play out in the lived experiences of Indigenous peoples in
Saik’uz territory. An example in local Saik’uz context can be seen in the following story: I
was invited to become part of the Good Neighbours Committee that was developed in
response to several incidences in local businesses in which Saik’uz Whut’en were mistreated
or misjudged due to their Indigeneity. One such episode was when Elder Mary John Sr., a
recipient into the Order of Canada for her work in Education and Advocacy for language
literacy, was asked to leave the shopping mall in Vanderhoof by the mall’s security guard.
She was considered to be loitering while she waited for a ride. Individuals from
Vanderhoof and Saik’uz were invited to be part of the committee to help steer activities
towards building bridges between the two communities. To begin the process of becoming a
committee that could work together, we were invited to share with each other our interest
and motivation for joining the group. One Saik’uz woman shared her story around the table
that day: she was an RCMP member and came from a family of professional knowledge
keepers and sharers. She lived at Saik’uz with her husband and their two daughters. Yet,
whenever she drove the 13 kms into Vanderhoof, a feeling of anxiety came over her during
the last two kilometres because she did not know how she was going to be treated that day.
She attributed this to her Indigeneity and the general racism exhibited towards people from

16
Saik’uz in the town of Vanderhoof. Although it was within my consciousness that treatment
sometimes differed for me because of my gender, my outward ethnic identity had never
come into the picture. When I heard this story, however, I was awakened to a new
understanding about my place of privilege as a settler woman in Saik’uz territory, and the
responsibility I had to always be aware of this in my work to ameliorate power inequities
that contribute to health inequities.

17
Chapter Two - Power as it Plays out in this Place
Anti-Indigenous racism is a product of colonialism and contributes to health
inequities experienced by Indigenous peoples, including those in Saik’uz territory (Cannon,
& Sunseri, 2011; de Leeuw et al., 2012). If we understand racism to be the belief that
different traits in human racialized9 groups justify prejudice and discrimination, and that
prejudicial or discriminatory acts may occur between individuals, or socially, through the
mechanisms of institutions (Gregory, Johnston, & Pratt, (Eds.) 2009), then any act which
discriminates or prejudices people based on their Indigeneity, can be called anti-Indigenous
racism. In addition, colonialism might be understood as beliefs, practices and processes that
systematically rationalized the disempowerment and dislocation of (typically) Indigenous
peoples from their territories so that others (typically European in origin) could possess or
inhabit those territories (principally to exploit the associated resources therein) (Harris,
2004). Colonialism was a powerful ideological driver that legitimated late 19th and early
20th century colonization in BC (Cannon, & Sunseri, 2011; de Leeuw et al., 2012). It was
predicated on the need to expand financial interests beyond the borders o f home countries of
Spain, Portugal, France and England and also on the ideology that superiority of nation lay
in conquering “new” lands, such as those in the Americas, parts of Asia, Australia, and
Africa (Gracey & King, 2009). Economic interests were expanded in the process of
colonizing, as Indigenous inhabitants were killed, forced into slavery, hired for cheap
labour, or herded onto reserves to make way for colonial European settlement (Cannon, &
Sunseri, 2011; Gracey & King, 2009). Laws, education, religion, family structure,

9The word “racialized” is used to show my understanding of the concept of ‘race’ as being socially constructed.
As such ‘race’ becomes a process that must be explained rather than an attribute that is solely biologically
determined (Gregory, Johnston & Pratt, 2009, p. 617).

18
governance and health services of the colonizing countries became the dominant structures
of society, attempting to displace the socio-economic and political systems of Indigenous
cultures in order to assimilate them (Cannon, & Sunseri, 2011; de Leeuw et.al, 2012; Gracey
& King, 2009). Indigenous people were considered uncivilized by colonizing countries, and
Canada was considered ‘“ terra nullius’, a land imagined as empty and unoccupied”
(Cannon, & Sunseri, 2011, p. xvi). In Northern BC, colonial efforts at appropriating land for
European settlement resulted in the dislocation of Indigenous peoples who were segregated
onto reserves and “managed” by law enacted through the Indian Act (British Columbia,
2009; Statutes of Canada, 1895). This specific colonial mandate was underscored by a
belief that conferred the superiority of Euro-colonists over Indigenous peoples - in other
words, anti-Indigenous racism.
Neo-Colonialism

--Captain No, sir! No, sir! And half the countries of the world have been
conquered as long ago as Ireland has, and conquered and conqueror have managed
to work together and prosper without any fine-cut distinctions of nationality or
unending vicious conspiracy.
Priest There’s no conspiracy. I’m not going arguing nonsense with you. But I’ll
say one thing, the fine-cut distinctions you talk about might be due to the fact that
men like you still behave like conquerors.
1

From Famine by Tom Murphy, P 56

Anti-Indigenous racism, which arguably began with the establishment of complex
socio-cultural discourses, positions Indigenous peoples as lesser beings because they are
Indigenous and, more precisely, not Euro-colonial settlers. Anti-Indigenous racism is not

19
something that ended once colonies were established and Indigenous peoples were moved to
reserves. In Canada, the Indian Act was created to provide guidance for colonial
governments to “manage” Indigenous peoples (de Leeuw & Greenwood, 2011). Laws
governing education, religion and spiritual practice, political governance, economy and re­
distribution, family and tribal organization and administration, and geographic mobility
were enacted to change the nature of, and suppress the strength of Indigenous cultures
(Cannon, & Sunseri, 2011). Strict regulations regarding enfranchisement in the Indian Act
demonstrated how colonial legislators deemed Indigenous people to be inferior thus needing
to achieve a certain level of “civilization” to become enfranchised. The Act stated it would
“.. .authorize some competent person to report whether the applicant is an Indian
who, from the degree of civilization to which he or she has attained, and the
character for integrity, morality and sobriety which he or she bears, appears to be
qualified to become a proprietor of land in fee simple...” (S.C. 1876,S. 86).
A belief that European society was superior to the Indigenous peoples in Canada
underpinned the colonial project. The majority of Euro-colonial newcomers settled
permanently and many of their descendants remain. The Euro-colonial presence is now,
materially, embedded and etched into Saik’uz traditional territory. Some changes have
taken place to address inequities experienced by Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory.
For instance, segregation is no longer an overt practice in restaurants, as it was as late as
the1960s. Indeed, many people of Euro-colonial descent today might abhor the ideas behind
the initial colonial project and may work together to try to rectify the injustice (see
goodneighbours.wordpress.com/gnc-history). Nevertheless, the education, health, and

20
justice institutions of early Euro-colonial settlement, and the discursive foundations they
were premised on, remain (de Leeuw et al., 2012; Fiske & Browne, 2008).
A local example of neo-colonialism can be seen in the story of my settler family,
some of whom continue to farm in Saik’uz territory. These are the Pooles - two brothers
who came to the territory in 1912 to begin their farm. This makes them some of the earliest
permanent settlers to the area (coming even before the railway). In February 2013, Poole
Farms Ltd. was awarded the Century Farms Award by the Province of British Columbia to
commemorate “their dedication and the contribution they've made to British Columbia's
long legacy of food production and agriculture” over the last one hundred years (British
Columbia, 2013). While it is nice for the family to get recognition for their way of life, this
particular kind of recognition exemplifies neo-colonialism. The original pre-emption was
for 160 acres of land and the farm’s holdings have now reached 3,500 acres (British
Columbia, 2013). One hundred years of farming and ranching has required continued
accumulation of land - non-treaty land that would not be available without the displacement
of Indigenous peoples who once hunted and gathered there.
Furthermore, jurisdictional barriers remain a persistent example of neo-colonial
legacy (Blackstock, 2008). A scenario, drawn from my experience in the substance use
field, illustrates this legacy. In the treatment of problematic substance use, an individual may
present at an outpatient clinic where he or she will be put through an intake process to come
up with a plan for treatment. Treatment might include attendance at a residential treatment
facility. If the individual seeking treatment is a Status Indian then one must secure funding
for treatment through the federal health system to attend a National Native Alcohol and
Drug Abuse Program (NNADAP) treatment centre (Health Canada, 2006). However, if the

21

individual is non-Status, that individual may apply for funding through the provincial health
system and attend any number of provincially accredited residential treatment facilities
(British Columbia. Ministry of Health, 2011). Sometimes, though, a Status Indian may
prefer to attend a non-NNADAP facility. Depending on the individual seeking treatment,
distance from home may be a factor - either too close to home or too far away. Culture may
also be a factor, considering not all Status Indians wish to attend a cultural camp, which
most NNADAP treatment centres are (See, for instance, http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/fniahspnia/substan/ads/nnadap-pnlaada_dir-rep-eng.php#bc-cb). Furthermore, a cultural camp
based in the traditions of the Coast Salish on Vancouver Island, for example, may not be as
relevant for a Saik’uz person from central British Columbia. Although culture is important
to healing, only an essentialist view of Indigenous peoples makes it mandatory.

The

classifying of Indigenous peoples, which began with the Indian Act in Canada, lead to
jurisdictional divisions, which place health funding for Status Indians under a federal banner
while health funding for non-Status is under provincial banners. This may cause barriers for
some Indigenous people seeking health services. These barriers continue today in a legacy
of neo-colonialism resulting in less equitable treatment for Indigenous peoples.
Research as Neo-Colonialism
In addition to institutions of health, education, justice and government systems
operating in neo-colonial fashion (Aikenhead & Michell, 2011; Brody, 2000; Tang &
Browne, 2008), academic research has also been identified as an off-shoot of colonial
practices (Smith, 2012). In the field of Aboriginal Health, for instance, some research has
been identified as exploitative of Indigenous peoples. Academics have spent time and been
welcomed into Indigenous communities, studied mostly the negative aspects of their lives

22

(ie. Substance use rates, rates of sexual abuse), then reported those negative aspects in ways
that reinforce stereotypes about Indigenous communities and populations (Smith, 1999).
Consequently, these studies have perpetuated a discourse that assumes non-Indigenous
(specifically “white”) cultural superiority (Smith, 1999). In response to this, the
Government of Canada has instituted ethical guidelines that must be adhered to specifically
for research in Aboriginal communities (Canada, 2013). Being a student at a Canadian
university, I was obliged to adhere to these ethical guidelines and could not have proceeded
with this project without the approval of the University’s Research Ethics Board.
Furthermore, the history of neo-colonial research influenced my choice of research design
and implementation in order to ameliorate imbalances of power I might wield as a settler
researcher in Saik’uz territory.
Neo-colonial research practices are borne out of an underlying belief that dominant
social structures - including education, health, justice and economic institutions - at work in
Canadian society are the best ones to govern the lives of Indigenous peoples. This enforced
notion of Euro-colonial “righteousness” appears to work for the majority of Canadians, as
evidenced in a report on the health status of Canadians (Public Health Agency of Canada
[PHAC], n.d.). The report states that “[good] health enables individuals to lead productive
and fulfilling lives. For Canada as a whole, a high level of health contributes to increased
prosperity and overall social stability.” (PHAC, n.d., p. 12). This mainstream social structure
provides the framework for the Social Determinants of Health (SDH) - now broadly
recognized as major influences on health equity in Canada. If, therefore, the SDH arise out
of current social structure, it is possible to understand Indigenous health inequities through

23
understanding the ways that detrimental social determinants behave as negative drivers in
Indigenous peoples’ health and well-being.
Social Determinants of Health
Addressing social determinants of health may be key in improving the health statuses
of Indigenous peoples (Bryant et al., 2011; King, Smith & Gracey, 2009). Education level,
employment and working conditions, income level, housing conditions, early childhood
education, and affordable childcare are some of the variables that fall within a social
determinants of health framework. Indigenous peoples in Northern BC have lower
education outcomes, higher unemployment, lower income level, poorer housing conditions
(including more overcrowding and more water quality issues) and fewer opportunities for
early childhood education than non-Indigenous people in this region (British Columbia,
2009). Bryant et al. (2011) provide an extensive critique of the Canadian government’s
response to research asserting the efficacy of the SDH model. The authors argue that in
order for social determinants to be addressed, broad political will at the federal and
provincial levels must precede the change in policy/strategy to address inequitable health.
Education, housing, employment and training programs, and early childhood education
programs all need to be working together with health systems to address inequities in a
holistic manner. According to Bryant et al., there is no shortage of research regarding the
need to address social determinants of health if we wish to ameliorate inequitable health
outcomes in Canada (2011). This research has been shared with governments and policy
makers, yet little movement has been made to respond to the research on the part of
government (Bryant et al., 2011). Instead, Canada operates in a liberal-democratic political
climate concerned with marketing Canada as a “business-friendly” state. Policy-makers

24
need to keep taxes low, and keeping taxes low ultimately means paying minimal attention to
the social determinants of health (Bryant et al., 2011). Lack of political will in addressing
Indigenous health inequities through a SDH framework may be one reason why Indigenous
peoples continue to experience inequitable health status in Canada.
Seeking to understand the role determinants of health play in Indigenous health
equity is critical to ameliorating inequitable health status of Indigenous peoples. Richmond
and Ross (2009) extend determinants of health to include environmental dispossession. The
authors undertook a narrative analysis of interviews with 26 Community Health
Representatives (CHRs) from First Nations and Inuit10 communities in Canada in order to
explore links between environmental dispossession and the health of Indigenous peoples.
There were six determinants of health identified in the narrative analysis of the interviews:
balance, life control, education, material resources, social resources and
environmental/cultural connections (p. 406). Of these six determinants, five were deemed
by the authors to be closely related to those found among the larger Canadian population;
however the sixth - environmental/cultural connections - is one that weaves both
environment and culture together, unlike the Canadian list which has them separated.
Richmond and Ross argue that research into Indigenous health inequities must take into
account the complex historical, political, social and cultural/environmental contexts which
are precursors to poorer health status for Indigenous peoples (2009). We might understand
cultural/environmental determinants more holistically through arguments that Eurocolonialism created a different “human geography” upon the landscape of British Columbia
(Harris, 2004), resulting in dispossessions of land that affected expressions of culture. If

10I use First Nation and Inuit as these are the terms employed by Richmond and Ross in this study.

25
dispossession of land (environment) and cultural expression (culture) are interconnected as
one determinant, through the perspectives of those providing health services in First Nations
and Inuit communities, then the “great grandchildren” of colonial policies/ideology
experienced through the mainstream SDH framework may indeed be rife with antiIndigenous racism masked in politically correct language (Chavez et al., 2003). For
example, the language of child welfare policies in British Columbia has changed over time
to reflect understanding that it is imperative to the well-being of Indigenous children that
they be connected to their families and culture. However, the practice of child welfare in
BC has resulted in more Indigenous children in care than at the height of Residential School
mandates (de Leeuw, 2014). Therefore, seeking to understand these languages and the ideas
that support their uses may contribute to a deeper understanding of the relationship between
racism and Indigenous health inequities.
The historical, political, social, and cultural/environmental contexts to which
Richmond and Ross refer can be seen as woven into current Canadian social structures (like
health systems) sustained through pervasive neo-colonial ideologies that may continue to
disconnect Indigenous peoples from their environment and culture. De Leeuw et al. (2011)
argue that there are health determinants specific to Indigeneity, most notably colonialism,
that need to be examined if a social determinants of health framework is ever to be
meaningfully applied to the health inequities lived by Indigenous peoples. For example, the
manner in which health services are delivered through the mainstream health care systems
might be generally understood in Canadian society as a “right” way to provide those
services. On the other hand, for marginalized populations, including Indigenous peoples,
the manner of mainstream health service delivery may preclude the realization of Indigenous

26
health equity (Fiske & Browne, 2008; Marrone, 2007). For instance, Tang and Browne
(2008) conducted a study in an urban hospital emergency department investigating the
perceptions of care giving and receiving for urban Indigenous patients presenting in that
department. Indigenous emergency room patients were asked about their perceptions of
how they were treated by the medical staff in the emergency department. As well, medical
staff were asked about their perceptions of how they treated Indigenous patients presenting
in the hospital emergency department. The results were different for each stream of
inquiry: the Indigenous patients, overall, felt that they were treated “differently”, meaning
they felt they were treated as inferior and assumed to be “drunks” by the medical staff. On
the other hand, the medical staff felt, overall, that they were treating everyone “the same”,
meaning they gave the same kind of care to everyone who walked through the door
regardless of social status, perceived race or ethnicity. Tang and Browne argue that this
response from the medical staff indicated a pervasive ideology throughout the medical
system that their service is neutral. However, to not understand the colonial history of
Indigenous persons when they walk in for emergency care may well ignore a crucial
variable of their health (see for instance Gobble, 2009). Understanding the health inequities
lived by Indigenous peoples requires a broader lens - one that can encompass the many
variables at play for the health of Indigenous peoples in Canada.
One or many of the aforementioned variables at play in the health of Indigenous
peoples in Saik’uz territory may be understood more deeply, and considered more critically,
through the use of creative expression in community based theatre practices. In the next
chapter, I provide theoretical bases for the method of inquiry I chose for this project Forum Theatre - and then discuss the methods themselves.

27
Chapter Three - Process: Theoretical Frameworks and Research Methods

I've walked this stage a thousand times before
Then why do my lines come so halting
They stick; I cannot make them flow
Uneasy because my part feels so wrong
Cannot play myself even fo r one show
Audience says I'm different, not like one o f those
Maybe it's my laugh, so swift my pain to cover
Must not make them feel uncomfortable, that would never do
Show them little bits o f me but why can they pick and choose
When I must accept whole heartedly what is all o f them
The review is intense and not often kind
They question even the littlest thing o f me
My lines, my part, the places where I'm from
Do not say the names properly; laugh at my accent i f I do
I ’ve walked this stage a thousand times before
Then why do they treat me like I'm new
I ’ve Walked This Stage by M. Colleen Erickson
Summer 2010

Introduction
For Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory, navigating the health system can be
fraught with tensions over jurisdictional responsibility for health coverage and delivery
coupled with tensions dealing with health service personnel who may provide service
imbued with prejudice based on racialized stereotyping (de Leeuw et al., 2012). For
example, an Indigenous woman of prominence in Saik’uz territory, Carina11, had been
dealing with some serious health issues. She typically did not use hospital emergency
services but with her emergent health issues, she had to one day. When she arrived at the
ER at St. John Hospital in Vanderhoof, the ER nurse stood over her with her arms crossed
and she felt the nurse spoke to her critically. The nurse did not call the doctor in to check on
11 Her name has been changed to protect her privacy.

28
her. When she visited her family doctor the next time, she told him this story and said she
did not want to go back to the hospital again. On a different day, Carina had to get an
important prescription filled. She went to the Saik’uz Health Centre to get it filled but was
told they did not have the prescription and would have to order it in. So, she was told to go
to the health unit in Prince George where they had stock of the prescription. She drove to
Prince George (113 km trip) and after she explained her predicament, felt she was treated as
though she was “drug-seeking”. In the end, she could not get her prescription filled at the
pharmacy because of her Indian status and was told she would have to get it through the
health centre on reserve. Consequently, she went back home to wait for the medication to
be ordered and come in.
This story demonstrates how remnants of neo-colonial policies, specifically
jurisdictional funding issues that situate the health care of Indigenous peoples under federal
auspices while non-Indigenous peoples are under provincial mandates, play out in the
realities of the lives of Indigenous people in Saik’uz territory. It is Carina’s feelings about
being racially categorized in a negative way that form the backbone of my research, an
undertaking framed by particular methodologies (philosophical lens that compelled ways of
thinking about the work) and specific methods (ways of doing the research) to respond to
power inequities and explore my research questions in an ethical manner.
Theoretical frameworks inform decisions about how research is done. In this case,
decolonizing methodologies and intersectionality theory were the two primary theoretical or
methodological frameworks guiding the research process. In what follows I outline and
explain both the research methodologies and methods.

29
Theoretical Frameworks
The Transformative Change Accord envisions a response to neo-colonial health
policy and practice (First Nations Health Council [FNHC], 2012). In many ways, my
research responded to a call for action on several strategic directions in the Transformative
Change Accord. My research takes seriously ‘Strategic Direction J’, that “the effects of
intergenerational and other forms of trauma for First Nations and Aboriginal
people...[should be] addressed in a culturally relevant manner” (FNHC, 2012, p. 21). I was
also invested in “developing] new or expanding] existing policies, programs and services
to break the cycle of intergenerational trauma” (FNHC, 2012, p 21). Community-based
theatre can be a culturally relevant, creative strategy that can be applied as a new program or
service that might intervene or even break the cycle of intergenerational trauma. It responds
to the overall goals of holistic wellness, delivered in a community as an integrated and
specialized response to intergenerational trauma indicated in the Transformative Change
Accord (FNHC, 2012).
Decolonizing methodologies. Understanding that intergenerational trauma is a result
of the historical trauma caused by colonialism and its present-day manifestations
(Czyzewski, 2011) is to put decolonizing methodologies into action. These decolonizing
methodologies guided a research process aimed at reducing and even ameliorating this
trauma in the research process. I thus sought research methods that could respond to power
imbalances between researcher and subject and I endeavoured to do no harm (and indeed do
good12). Research methods informed by theories of de-colonization that empower

121 hesitated to use this language because of a conversation I had with my supervisor about CBPR and “dogooders”: well-meaning and forthright white researchers who really, really wanted to help in Indigenous
communities. Nevertheless, I did (and still do) want to “do good”, therefore I decided to use this language.

30
Indigenous communities seemed more likely to improve the health and well-being of
Saik’uz Whut’en and other Indigenous people living in Saik’uz territory (Evans et al., 2009;
Smith, 1999). Given that anti-Indigenous racism is a product of colonial enterprises that
contribute to poor health status for Indigenous peoples, it follows that de-colonizing research
methods may be useful in addressing the complexities of anti-indigenous racism and health.
De-colonizing research methods are those which seek to deconstruct power relations that
marginalize Indigenous peoples (Evans et al., 2009). Consequently, my choice of research
methods was informed by de-colonizing methodologies.
Complex intersecting and overlapping social, historical, environmental and cultural
variables can be seen in the effects of intergenerational trauma (Czyzewski, 2011). Because
of this complexity intergenerational trauma is not easily addressed. Consequently, creative
processes that allow room for multiple intersections to unfold may provide means for
understanding and responding to intergenerational trauma caused by colonialism and antiIndigenous racism. Creative processes - found, for instance, in writing, painting, singing,
dancing, playing and theatre to name just some - can contribute to improvements in health
and wellness (Archibald & Dewar, 2010; National Health Service, 2000). The Aboriginal
Healing Foundation found that, when given options for activities in their community healing
programs, Aboriginal participants overwhelmingly chose creative activities as part of their
healing processes (Archibald & Dewar, 2010). Forum Theatre is one creative process that
has received worldwide attention for its emancipatory framework that is organically derived
through community-based workshops (Headlines Theatre, 2012; Pratt & Johnston, 2007).
Forum Theatre, with roots in storytelling, narrative, and embodiment of expression, was a
promising fit as a method with which to explore healing and wellness for Indigenous

31
peoples in Saik’uz territory. My research then, explored the fit of Forum Theatre as a means
of addressing anti-indigenous racism in northern BC. Using Forum Theatre as a research
method to explore and understand intergenerational trauma and anti-indigenous racism is,
ultimately, also a community-based, action-oriented research project: one that dialogues
productively with intersectionality theory.
Intersectionality theory. When looking at Indigenous health inequities, it may be
useful to apply the lens of intersectionality (de Leeuw & Greenwood, 2012), and to then
seek methods which complement the multi-factorial confluences influencing Indigenous
health. This can apply in Saik’uz traditional territory and elsewhere. Intersectionality
acknowledges that many factors meet, merge, and/or diverge at various points influencing
the next set of factors that may play a part in Indigenous health (Cannon & Sunseri, 2011; de
Leeuw et al., 2011). For example, an Indigenous, substance-using mother living in an
abusive relationship in Saik’uz traditional territory may have many culturally constructed
categories that may affect her health including race, gender, class, geography and religion.
She may want to seek counselling services, but has no safe ride from Saik’uz village to
Vanderhoof, where more services are offered, and does not want to seek them in Saik’uz
village because she does not trust the people who work in the clinic. Or, she may be afraid
to talk about her abusive relationship for fear a social worker may learn what she had
disclosed and remove her children from her if she stays in the relationship. If she is a
religious woman, she also may feel that she must “suffer like Jesus” and stay in the
relationship because to leave her husband means breaking a covenant with God13. These
differing factors may oppress her on multiple levels, and likely at different intensities at
13 Throughout my counselling career in Vanderhoof, I have encountered women who have been strongly
influenced by fundamentalist Christian beliefs, the interpretation of such putting them in grave danger.

32
different times in her life, to affect her health in a negative way. She may drink more to deal
with depression from the abuse. She may feel she deserves the abuse because she has
internalized the patriarchal, racist attitudes that women, especially Indigenous women, are
inferior in society. Looking solely at gender, or Indigeneity, or poverty, weakens the
examination of the marginalizations experienced by this woman. Seeking to understand her
life through a lens of intersectionality provides a richer understanding of the social forces at
play. It also makes the investigations of these forces more complex. Such complexity
requires new and innovative models of investigation.
There are risks of Euro-colonial settlers undertaking research about anti-indigenous
racism as a contributor to Indigenous peoples’ poor health status. Good evidence exists that
Indigenous peoples should own, control and undertake their own research about their
community (Smith, 1999). This is supported by thinking that Indigenous researchers are
less likely than settler researchers to behave in exploitative ways in Indigenous communities
(Evans et al., 2009). However, in keeping with theories of intersectionality, lives and
experiences meet, merge and diverge over time and across place. Relationships change.
My experience working and living in community in an ethical manner with Saik’uz
Whut’en over the last 18 years has lent me credibility14. Nevertheless, this research project
and thesis writing has been a reflexive process of decolonizing my mind and questioning
any assumptions that enter in. One of the ways I did this was to develop a Forum play - in
partnership with two community members from Saik’uz and one from Vanderhoof - about
the complexities of undertaking research in Saik’uz territory as a settler researcher.
141 have been invited to do presentations at Saik’uz First Nation in the Probation program, the Pre-employment
program; and for youth health days, women’s health days, FAS Awareness workshops, and Gang prevention
programs. I am friends with several women and men from Saik’uz. I will always be a settler, and will always
represent colonialism in that way, but I am also a trusted friend. There is no “right” person to be; I am
accepted for who I am.

33
In September 2012, the four of us undertook a workshop process to develop a Forum
play that showed the methodological struggles inherent in conducting a research project as a
settler researcher on Saik’uz First Nation. The play was a fiction based on some of the reallife methodological and ethical challenges I was facing as I began to think and prepare for
my master’s research. It was also based on the experiences and perceptions that the two
actors from Saik’uz (one was a former Saik’uz Councillor; the other was an Aboriginal
liaison program planner for CNC) had with researchers, educators, and economic
developers/corporations coming into Saik’uz wanting to “partner” in programs that were
ultimately set up to serve their needs over the community’s needs. The actor from
Vanderhoof was an administrator of a local social service agency providing outreach and
services to Vanderhoof and Saik’uz thus had that experience to bring to the play
development. Though I facilitated the play development and directed the rehearsals, I did
not write the play myself - the play developed out of the experiences of the specific actors
involved. The play they developed reflected clearly my own methodological and ethical
struggles, which indicated the strength of the similarities between my research and
community-based work. In October 2012, we presented the play at the 11th Conference of
the Canadian Rural Health Research Society in Levis, QC (Rural and Remote Health
Research: Creative Approaches) where Forum interventions from the audience provided
further practical expertise in responding to some of the struggles I faced.
I believe the process of questioning the very fabric of doing research was a
decolonizing effort, and one of the most poignant learning moments for me was during
rehearsal one day. The play was comprised of three scenes. The first showed Michelle, a
settler researcher meeting with her Indigenous friend, Sandra, to talk about undertaking

34
research in Sandra’s home community of Saik’uz. At this meeting, Sandra had brought
along Marlene, a councillor on the Band. The meeting starts off okay but ends badly with
Marlene storming out of the restaurant because she feels uncomfortable meeting there due to
the restaurants historical exclusionary practices against Saik’uz Whut’en. The second scene
shows Marlene and Sandra outside arguing with each other about the upset, which concludes
with accusations of one being ‘not Indian enough” because she did not grow up on reserve,
while the other was “too Indian” because she could not let go of historical wrongs. The final
scene shows Sandra circumventing Marlene by getting Michelle’s project on the Band
Council agenda. Marlene is taken aback by this and grills Michelle about her project and
vows to block it. During the rehearsal of this scene, I became overtly embarrassed at the
improvised response Michelle had to Marlene’s questions - they sounded like me. I saw and
heard myself as though in a mirror. That moment offered me clarity on the assumptions I
might go into the community with and in doing so, I was able to adjust my approach. It also
reinforced for me the power that language has to disempower, reminding me to always be
cognizant of the language I used and the power I wielded by doing so. It is to a discussion
of language, and how to understand and respond to language as a tool for empowerment,
through a decolonizing framework, that I now turn.
Decolonizing Words. Words are powerful. Certainly this is a lay teaching of both
de-colonizing and anti-racist methodological frameworks. For research to be meaningful in
the assistance of anti-oppressive work, words need to be carefully considered. Indeed, given
that Forum Theatre relies on language, I had to give a considerable amount of thought to the
process of words in service of powerful discriminatory systems, and in service of efforts to
address links between anti-indigenous racism and health and well-being. Words can

35
exclude and dismiss, or include and engage. Theories of intersectionality and critical
decolonizing theory informed the methods chosen for this research, and also informed the
language used throughout the research process and in this thesis.
Since the early 19th century, Saik’uz Whut’en and neighbouring Dakelh peoples have
been identified by the word Carrier. Carrier is the English translation of the Sekani word for
the Dakelh (Yinka Dene Language Institute [YDLI], 2006). It was thus translated by Fur
Traders such as Alexander MacKenzie who first encountered the Sekani before arriving in
the central interior of BC (YDLI, 2006). Other words used more generally to indicate
Indigenous peoples, including those in this territory, include Indian, native, aboriginal, and
First Nations15. Indigenous peoples refer to themselves using all of these descriptors although the use of aboriginal is minimal. Of the four words used, Indian echoes the
historical mistake of Europeans who landed at the Americas thinking it was India. This
word is often used by local Indigenous people, a practice described by some as a political act
to reclaim the word (field note, line 23). Native is also commonly used locally by
Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. It holds negative connotations, however, because
of pervasive anti-Indigenous racist arguments that point to anyone being bom in Canada
afforded the label - a tactic used by some settlers to lay claim to land disputed by First
Nations (UBC, 2009). Aboriginal is another term that seems to be mostly neutral, and is
sometimes used interchangeably with Indigenous (see Pattnaik, 2005). However, it also has
negative connotations (University of British Columbia [UBC], 2009). Indigenous, when
referring to peoples, communities or nations, are those which have “ a historical continuity
with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their territories, [and]
15 First Nations refers to individuals “ recognized by the federal government as being registered under the
Indian Act” (Canada, 2013)

36
consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing on those
territories, or parts of them.” (United Nations, 2004, p. 2). This reflects its global appeal - an
appropriate word to use in the context of Canada - a state that is made up of peoples from
nations around the world, including people indigenous to its landscapes.
In keeping with decolonizing methodologies, it follows that settler language
descriptors are part of a colonial legacy. To fully decolonize research processes, one would
use Indigenous words. In a community suffering substantial loss of language - in 2011,
only 8% of the Saik’uz population could speak or understand some or all of the language,
and only 8% were current learners of the language (First People’s Heritage, Language &
Culture Council, 2013) - using Dakelh’ words was part of a decolonizing research strategy.
Getting feedback from Dakelh’ individuals was necessary in order to know which words to
use in different circumstances. For instance, Dakelh’ refers to people who share the same
language group and geography of the central interior plateau. Saik’uz refers to people from
that specific community and where this project unfolded. People specifically from Saik’uz
are called Saik’uz Whut’en16. Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory are from diverse
geographical territories, just as the non-Indigenous peoples have come from different
geographies and landscapes. For example, Indigenous peoples living in Saik’uz territory
might originate from Nak’azdli, Lheidli’ or eastern Cree territories. While they are not
Saik’uz Whut’en, their experience as Indigenous peoples in Canada, British Columbia, or
specifically on Saik’uz territory is influenced by their Indigeneity. In a research project
guided by decolonizing, anti-racist methodologies, I tried to use language to include the

16 Whut’en is translated from Dakelh’ to English as “people o f ’. Saik’uz Whut’en, then, are people o f Saik’uz
territory. There could be other Dakelh’ people living in Saik’uz territory that are not Saik’uz Whut’en (for
example, Nadleh Whut’en - people of Nadleh).

37
multiple Indigenous people who partook. Finally, even though most of the Indigenous
peoples in the study area identified as First Nations, this term was identified by a Saik’uz
Elder as also being colonial in origin (Field notes, line 25). Though widely accepted as
appropriate to use, the term “First Nations” is not without its colonizing effects. “First”
implies “old” to some Saik’uz Whut’en, and “nation” is seen by some as equivocal to
“band” - a word developed via the Indian Act for regulating and segregating Indigenous
groups to reserves. As such, the phrase “First Nations” can be seen as a neo-colonial
construct masking the colonial intent of assimilation behind the Indian Act. In this thesis,
then, and guided by decolonizing and anti-racist methodologies, Indigenous is used in order
to encompass peoples who may be Dakelh’, Cree, Dene or any other tribal group or nation any of which may be living in Saik’uz territory.
Research Methods
Working in the counselling field for 18 years has exposed me to a variety of
therapeutic methods for working with people to sort through their lives. One such broad
category of methods is the creative arts. That creative arts have therapeutic potential is not
surprising considering humans have been creating art, dance, stories, and songs to express
their experiences dating back at least as far as 50,000 years ago (Mithen, 1998). The use of
creativity in therapeutic counselling and psychotherapy is not new (Hill in Danneker, 2003)
and recognition of the creative arts-based programs for increasing well-being at the
community level is becoming more prevalent (National Health Service [NHS], 2000). In the
United Kingdom, the National Health Service (NHS, 2000) surveyed programs that used
arts-based programs (visual, dance, etc.) as a means to improve health and well-being.
Although evaluation of the efficacy of creative expression and health and well-being have

38
not provided “hard” evidence of causality (Hamilton, Hinks, & Petticrew, 2003) there is
much qualitative evidence that asserts the link between creative expression and better health
and well-being (NHS, 2000; Stuckley, & Nobel, 2010). Stuckley and Nobel (2010) posit
that globalisation, which increases dislocation and disconnection, has led to a need for
humans to seek out more effective ways to create and share meaning about the relevance of
our daily experiences. This need is an impetus in artistic creation and engagement. When
arts-based programs are offered in group formats, as opposed to therapeutic arts in
individual counselling or therapy, there are increased benefits experienced by the
participants (Stickley, 2010). Arts creation processes in the group format provide ways for
participants to connect and identify with each other breeding feelings of inclusion important
for a sense of community (Stickley, 2010). In other words, feeling you are a part of
community improves well-being. Indigenous peoples have always known this, and a sense
of connection to community and family are evidenced in the Royal Commission on
Aboriginal Peoples as fundamental to individual well-being (1996).
While arts creation processes in group formats contribute to a sense of connection
and build community, they also build health through the holistic experience that arts creation
produces. Drawing on the understanding of health not being merely the absence of disease
or infirmity, but mental, physical and social well-being (WHO, 2003), arts creation can
open up spaces for the integration of physical, mental, social and spiritual domains (Cooley,
2003; Margolin, 2014). With reference to Forum Theatre then, the active participation of
actors and audience members might contribute to holistic integration. The physical
movement of improvisation, the mental focus involved in improvisation, the social support

39
in the community setting, and the spiritual aspect of sharing and making new meaning
together in the forum may well provide holistic integration that contributes to well-being.
On the other hand, in an investigation of the effectiveness of arts-based programs,
Guetzkow (2002) had some cautions. The author outlined some of the claims made by artsbased programs. For instance, claims are made that they improve academic performance
and student discipline; they revitalise neighbourhoods and promote economic prosperity;
they improve physical and psychological well-being; and they build social capital and
attainment of community goals (p. 2). In each case, Guetzkow is able to assert that benefits
are experienced by those involved in the process, to a greater or lesser degree depending
upon level of involvement (i.e., passive, as in audience members or art show attendees, or
active, as in participants in a visual arts group or actors in a play). There are also differing
levels of impact depending on the number of people involved in the programs, the
audiences, or who happens to hear about and support a particular program (as in a
government decision-maker). Guetzkow argues that these variables make it difficult to say
anything definitive about arts-based programs on an aggregate level. Also, Guetzkow
questions the safety of arts-based programs that have not been effectively evaluated for this
liability (such as large scale concerts and festivals) and cautions researchers and program
developers not to ignore potential negative effects of arts-based programs. Such cautions
about my chosen research methods were always considered.
Forum Theatre According to Guetzkow, improvement of health and well-being at
the community level may be dependent upon reaching larger numbers of people both in an
active and a passive way. Community-based theatre provides an opportunity for this
through the active participation of the actors in the performance, and through the passive

40
audience participation in attending the performances (Guetzkow, 2002). Forum Theatre
further capitalizes on this through the active participation of the actors in developing the
play, performing it, and then having the audience actively participate in changing the
outcome of the play through audience improvised interventions.
In Brazil, in the 1960s, Augusto Boal developed Forum Theatre in response to the
oppression of the people via the military coups in that country during that time (Paterson,
n.d.). Built on Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed (Diamond, 1991), Forum Theatre
was a way to incorporate audience ideas directly into the drama o f the performance, in order
to “practice” change and embody the results in social change outside the theatre (Headlines
Theatre, 2001). The birth of Forum Theatre happened as a result of a spontaneous incident
at the end of one of Boal’s plays. Boal had developed a process whereby audience members
could stop a performance and suggest different actions for a character, and the actor playing
that character would then act out those suggestions. Once, however, a woman in the
audience was so frustrated that the actor could not understand her suggestion that she went
on stage and improvised herself. Paterson (n.d.) suggests this was the birth of the “spectactor” in Forum Theatre. Boal discovered that through the participation of audience
members on stage, they became empowered to “imagine change... to actually practice that
change, reflect collectively on the suggestion, and thereby [became] empowered to generate
social action.” (Paterson, n.d.). Forum Theatre, then, seemed likely to provide opportunities
for creating well-being on a personal level for participants, through their participation in the
play-making and performance process. It was also likely to build social capital, described
by John Field as “a way of conceptualising the intangible resources of community, shared
values and trust upon which we draw in daily life” (2003, p.i) and might facilitate “solutions

41
to collective action problems” (Rubenson, 2011, p. 612). Social capital may also be built by
creating opportunities for participants to collaborate in a creative process resulting in a
collective experience and public expression (Guetzkow, 2002).

Finally, Forum Theatre

was likely to increase the well-being of audience members who connected to the plays
presented, and may have a more holistic/embodied effect on audience members who express
their ideas through improvising on stage as “spect-actors”. Overall, if an audience showed
up to performances, the potential for Forum Theatre to increase well-being on the
community level could be significant. Nevertheless, in light of Guetzkow’s cautions about
negative consequences of arts-based programs, I undertook a deeper examination of the
process of Forum Theatre in order to consider potential negative consequences, particularly
as they might manifest in a small, northern community when being made use of to
understand and address anti-indigenous racism17.
Safety in Forum Theatre. The topics enacted during Forum plays are usually
emotionally charged, dealing as the plays do with challenging issues deeply embedded in
culture and society. Although sometimes conflated, culture and society may be understood
differently. Culture is a complex and difficult to define concept; it is by no means static and
is used in many different ways in many contexts (see Online Dictionary of Anthropology,
n.d.). For this project, culture was understood as the self-identifiable traits of Indigenous
peoples in Saik’uz territory linked to customs and beliefs that colonialism might have tried
to extinguish: spirituality, creative expression, and connection to family and community
(Cannon & Sunseri, 2012; Tylor, 1958). Society, on the other hand, is broader in its
definition, encompassing those social interactions we have with one another that might not

171 address ethics later in this chapter.

42
be contingent upon cultural connection. For example, Canadian society is considered multi­
cultural yet identifiable as a society with a particular set of ideals with which it is governed largely ideals borne out of the colonial ideology which supported historical colonial
settlement and governance. Understanding power differentials embedded in the interplay
between culture and society in Canada was crucial to collaboration with Saik’uz on research
about anti-indigenous racism and health (Chavez et al., 2003). Culturally, an important part
of who I am is a settler researcher in Saik’uz territory and an outsider to Dakelh culture. As
such, I came to the research process from a socio-cultural place o f privilege and power.
Forum Theatre, as a mode of creative expression, allows for redressing power differentials a necessary process considering the impact that anti-indigenous racism has on health.
Forum Theatre developed out of the lived experiences of marginalized, oppressed
peoples in Brazil. Augusto Boal was committed to creating theatre that represented the
experiences of peoples in struggle and to engaging audiences in participating in the solutions
to those struggles (Paterson, n.d.). Several years ago, I participated in Forum Theatre
training workshops offered via Headlines Theatre in Vancouver. David Diamond, the
Artistic Director of Headlines, was trained by Boal. Forum plays are developed through a
workshop that has a theme decided by the group together or given as a starter by a
sponsoring organization. For example, my project began with the broad theme of “antiIndigenous racism and health”. This was later re-defined more succinctly through
collaboration with community and workshop members - an indicator of community
participation. Group building games, trust-building exercises, and improvisational theatre
exercises are part of the workshop process. These prepare participants to understand and
work with deeply felt emotions and experiences in order to create plays. The resulting

43
play(s) created out of the workshop are not representative of any single person’s real life
story. Rather, they are a fiction based on the realities of the amalgamation of participants’
experiences around the workshop theme (Diamond, 1991). This creates a level of personal
safety in the play. People do not “play” themselves, and do not risk their own story in
public. It also distances the facilitator, or Joker, from steering the content of the plays.
There were four plays initially created using this process by the workshop
participants in my research project. In the end, the four plays were condensed into two
performance-ready plays that reflected some of the current community health issues
pertinent to the lives of the workshop participants.
Headlines Theatre has produced plays about racism, violence, suicide, gangs,
language reclamation, environmental issues, and more (Headlines Theatre, 2012). When
these plays are performed in community, the potential to trigger or heighten audience
anxiety and/or trauma exists. At any Forum Theatre performance facilitated by a Headlines
Joker, at least two trusted and community-known counsellors are required to be in the
audience as support people for anyone who might need to talk in a more personal way with
someone after the performances. The counsellors are pointed out to the audience at the
onset of the performance for everyone’s information (Diamond, 1991). While there may be
risk involved in participating in the workshop, in the play performance, or as an audience
member improvising with the actors to make change in the play, the potential of benefits for
all involved are significant.
Power differentials within the workshop process may also be a reality. Participants
in the room may be seen as privileged. Some may be perceived as colonizers and others as

colonized. Nevertheless, Malchy, Johnson and McBride (2011) describe three major themes
gleaned from investigating the use of Forum Theatre as knowledge translation in addressing
tobacco use in community psychiatry. First, the shared group experience was perceived as a
space in which to belong and to give and receive social support - it was perceived as “safe”.
Second, it leveled the playing field for participants redressing power differentials between
clients and service providers involved in the plays. Third, it had a positive impact on
decisions around smoking, both for clients and service providers. Using Forum Theatre to
investigate anti-indigenous racism and its effect on health had the potential to provide the
social support, belonging, and authenticity necessary to answer the questions posed in this
research. Forum Theatre, being community-based, was also a natural fit as an investigative
tool for community-based participatory research (CBPR). It is to a discussion of CBPR as a
research method, as opposed to primarily a community participatory event, to which I now
turn.
Community-based participatory research (CBPR). In designing a project focused
on ameliorating some of the negative health effects of colonialism and anti-indigenous
racism for Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory, a community-based participatory
research (CBPR) framework seemed most appropriate. I have had the privilege of working
with Saik’uz Whut’en in a variety of collaborations over my 17 year career in substance use
counselling and prevention. Through the combination of this experience and my academic
pursuits, I have learned that cultural autonomy and Indigenous sovereignty are linked to
wellness - a link well supported by scholarly research (British Columbia, 2009; Cannon, &
Sunseri, 2011; Katz, 2004). Historically, scholarly research in Indigenous communities has
largely been undertaken by white researchers coming from a place of privilege and

45
prosperity who reproduce the colonial power relations potentially sought to be exposed and
remedied by their research (Chavez et al., 2003; Evans, et al., 2009). In essence, white
researchers have come into Indigenous communities to “do research on” them, then taken
their findings and their results back to academia with them without sharing with the
community, thereby reinforcing the status quo of power relations (Brant Castellano, 2004;
Tuhiwai Smith, 1999; Turner, 2003). CBPR provides a framework for entering into
research in Saik’uz territory that acknowledges the pervasiveness of neo-colonial power and
privilege of the researcher, and seeks to redress that by collaborating more fully with
community.
Considering my specific position in Saik’uz territory, it does not seem possible that I
could do any research project in Saik’uz territory that was not CBPR. I have, after all, a
long history with Saik’uz Whut’en. For instance, my high school boyfriend was the younger
brother of Richard Redekop - the driver of the car that killed Coreen Thomas. These
relationships are not forgotten, as I learned when attending a workshop at Saik’uz where I
was introduced to Susan Thomas, who said, “I know you, you went out with that Redekop
boy”. Memories are long - high school had ended 20 years before. For me, CBPR
provided the most natural way of working with Saik’uz Whut’en because I have already
established relationships with community members and people in leadership positions.
Mine is a complex position where I am at once outsider, because I am not Saik’uz Whut’en,
and insider, because my life is interwoven with them. CBPR provided a method with which
to navigate this complexity.
CBPR provided a framework within which to undertake my research in such a way
as to attempt to ameliorate some power imbalances. It could not completely rectify the

46
privileged position I was in as a white researcher in Saik’uz territory but I worked toward
this. Therefore, a process of reflexivity - “thoughtful, self-aware analysis of the
intersubjective dynamics between researcher and the researched” (Finlay & Gough, 2003, p.
ix) was also integral to my research process. For example, Dodson and Schmalzbauer
(2005) discuss the “hidden transcripts” that do not become evident in working with multiply
marginalized, impoverished women. They found that economically marginalized mothers
“have long standing habits of hiding their lives in response to punitive authorities and
stigma” (p. 949). Economically marginalized mothers are cautious of sharing their true
realities with researchers in case information shared may be used to identify them.
Economically marginalized mothers feared that revealing their truly impoverished state,
immigrant status, substance use, or lack of available child care might implicate them with
authorities who could come in and remove their children, deport them, or cause them to lose
their job or child care. Therefore, economically marginalized mothers hid vulnerable parts
of their lives to protect themselves and their families. Similar circumstances may have been
present for Saik’uz women particularly if health issues of research participants included
substance use or violence in relationships. I understand that to reveal these aspects of their
lives may have put them at risk for Child Protection interventions that typically do not work
to support them, but are punitive in nature involving the removal of children from their
homes and the care of their mothers (de Leeuw & Greenwood, 2011; Dodson, &
Schmalzbauer, 2005). Minkler and Wallerstein (2011) assert that, “the greater the disparity
in power between two parties, the greater the proportion of the full transcript that is likely to
be concealed” (p.286). For my project then, CBPR was a method to lessen the disparity in
power between the two parties by including community members in the development of

47
relevant health variables (British Columbia, 2009), project implementation, and analysis of
research (Chavez, et al., 2003). Nevertheless, power dynamics pervade most social
relationships and it was my intent to be observant of this and reflexive in my responses and
interpretations, even within a CBPR framework.
Reflexivity has been infused throughout the entire research process, beginning with
the literature review and ending with collaborating on analysis. In my research journal, I
kept track of how I was feeling about particular processes, what new ideas emerged for me,
and particularly I paid attention to times when I was frustrated. Being frustrated was an
indication to me that things were not “going my way” - an indication of wanting to exert
some power rather than responding to what I perceived as the resistances (or, resistinstances) of members of the Community Collaborating Committee, the workshop
participants or community members with which I happened to be in contact. This provided
me with very useful reminders of how to remain true to the CBPR process and the needs and
values of the community, all the while balancing these with my own need to see the project
through.
Stepping ethically into data gathering. Guided by Forum Theatre protocols and
CBPR frameworks, both of which were research methods on this project, a series of steps
and events unfolded during data gathering. During the planning and operationalizing of
each step and event, careful consideration was given to each in order to redress issues
relevant to conducting research with Indigenous individuals and communities (Fletcher,
Baydala, Letendre, et. al. 2011). The steps are clarified in Table 1 (p. 49) and followed by
the ethical considerations levelled at each turn. First, however, the discussion begins with a

48
description of the Community Collaborating Committee - a community-based group
integral to advising and working with me at every stage of my research.
Community collaborating committee. After receiving ethics approval from the
UNBC Research Ethics Board, I recruited and confirmed members for the Community
Collaborating Committee (CCC) from Saik’uz. Over the years in community development
work in Saik’uz territory, I have developed personal and professional relationships with
some key members of Saik’uz community. While developing my research idea, I often
talked with different people from Saik’uz that I was working or socializing with. This led to
the fostering of ideas and commitment towards what would eventually become my thesis
project using theatre for health. Formally, I approached five individuals from Saik’uz to
participate on the committee. Although all were interested and supported the project, only
three were able to make the longer term commitment for the project. Nevertheless, having
three CCC members allowed for flexibility in feedback as the projected proceeded. It was
usually possible to meet with at least one member at any given time. Two of the members
were quite involved in the visioning of the project, a different combination of two were very
involved in the participant recruitment phase of the project. One member acted as a mentor
to me personally, and was involved in data analysis of one of the personal interviews. All
three (in fact, all five that I originally contacted) participated in the theatre performances and
survey distribution and collection. It was a long term commitment to be involved and
sometimes, especially over the summer months, it was difficult to connect with the CCC.
On the other hand, it was invaluable to have their support and guidance, and integral to the
trustworthiness of my research in community.

49
The CCC supported the data gathering steps and events and provided guidance on
many ethical aspects of my research. Ethical considerations were given to screening,
informed consent at its various intersections, workshop participation and play performance,
and sharing findings with the community of Saik’uz and the workshop participants. (See
Table 1.)
Table 1 Steps, Events and Ethical Considerations in the Data Gathering Process

Step

Event

Ethical considerations

One

Screening

Workshop participants

Two

Informed Consent

Three

Workshop

Saik’uz Community Consent
Community Collaborating Committee
Workshop Participants
Audience Survey Participants
Workshop participants

Four

Performance

Five

Research
Dissemination

Workshop participants
Audience members
Saik’uz Community, Workshop Participants,
Audience Members at the Performance

Step 1: Screening. Forum Theatre workshops invite participants to think about
struggles in their lives. For Indigenous peoples, who might experience multiple
marginalizations and potential mistrust of non-Indigenous researchers (Smith, 1999), asking
them to think about struggles with anti-indigenous racism and well-being had the potential
to be emotionally stressful. Recruitment methods used in my research included full
disclosure of this possibility and invited potential participants to reflect on: their level of
comfort with it; and external supports they had outside of the workshop process. With the
assistance of the Collaborating Committee I recruited only participants with some measure
of stability and support in their lives.

50
Step 2: Informed Consent. Informed consent is a necessary piece of ethical research
with human subjects. With research in Indigenous communities, there are protocols that
must be met, the first of which is “to seek engagement with the formal leaders of the
community” (Gov Can, 2012, Art. 9.3, par. 1) for permission to engage in research in their
community. Upon completion of this protocol, there were further issues of informed
consent to occur at the individual and community level. Fletcher, Baydala & Letendre et al.
(2011) discuss ethics consent processes as an ethical dilemma in themselves in Indigenous
communities. While Research Ethics Boards (REBs) require individual consent forms to be
signed by each participant, Fletcher et al. still found that the format of individual consent
forms, and some of the language in them, was alienating for the research participants (2011).
For example, the use of the word “risk” in the forms was problematic for both the
community-based researcher and the participants. The word “risk” has been negatively
associated with child apprehensions and “risk” assessments and with signing documents
with governments and educational institutions that did not end up benefiting the community
(Fletcher et al., 2011). Furthermore, ‘signing a paper’, in and of itself, was described as
potentially risky in a way that giving one’s word orally, accompanied by personal
knowledge of the integrity of the researcher, was not.” (Fletcher et al., 2011, p. 334). I used
consent forms for each phase of the research; however I presented the forms in a manner
more consistent with relational ways of giving consent. Nevertheless, there were challenges
in the consent processes.
To gain consent from the community of Saik’uz, I began by having personal
conversations with then Chief Jackie Thomas of Saik’uz First Nation to explain the project.
This was followed up with a formal letter to the Chief and Council asking for permission to

51
do the project in their territory. While I had been assured that the project was very likely to
be approved, it was challenging to get the formal letter due to lack of quorum at a series of
Council meetings. However, at a community workshop that Chief Thomas and I both
attended, she informed me that Council had approved the project and a letter was
forthcoming. Still, I grappled with knowing how often to follow up on the letter when after
a week it still hadn’t arrived. Finally, I received confirmation that the letter (See Appendix
II) was ready and happily exchanged home pickled beets for it at the Administration office
in Saik’uz. Nevertheless, my own time frames for completing my work were challenged
from the beginning of the research process. Further steps in the process of consent proved to
be in line with challenges experienced by other researchers (Fletcher et al., 2011).
To acquire the requisite approval by the UNBC Research Ethics Board (REB), the
forms for Informed Consent had to conform to strict specifications required by the REB (see
Canada, 2011). However, similar to what Fletcher et al. found, the forms for my project
were somewhat alienating for participants. For instance, some participants did not
understand “colonialism” (Field Note, line 84). Fortunately, I met all potential participants
face to face where I was able to answer questions and explain some of the problematic
language. In another instance, one potential participant was not interested in paperwork at
all and had no means to afford a telephone for contact. I found this a challenge when I had
to postpone the workshop by a week. When the potential participant showed up and nobody
was there, he made his way to the Health Station and got them to call me. When we spoke
on the phone, he was very agitated. I calmly explained the situation including that I had no
way to effectively reach him when the scheduling changed. He replied, emphatically, “but I
gave you my word!” and hung up. He did not return the following week. This was a

52
response that I reflected on at length. He had told me that he would be there. But I did not
truly believe him. I did not understand that he had given me his word. So I did not make the
effort I should have to contact him after I knew the workshop dates had to be changed.
Though I was aware that Fletcher et al. found that participants’ relationships with the
researcher were more important for consent than the paperwork required to confirm it, I
neglected to extend that notion to include the participant contact form. Had I truly embraced
this concept, I may have made better efforts to locate the potential participant to notify him
of the workshop date changes. There are, in other words, many lessons to be learned when
working in a CBPR process, especially when reflecting on what one is learning.
On the other hand, further relational steps were taken for the audience performance.
Members of the collaborating committee (likely to be more familiar with audience members
than I) introduced a survey I incorporated as a data collection method to audience members
as they arrived and made themselves available for questions from potential survey
participants before and after the performance. This went smoothly with all audience
participants taking part in the pre- and post-performance surveys.
Steps 3 and 4: workshop and performance safety and containmentJS. Further to the
ethical considerations within the workshop process, there could have been risks associated
with audience participation at the Forum event. Anti-Indigenous racism is an emotionally
charged topic with the potential to trigger upsetting memories. The first measure of safety
for both the workshop and performance was thus to have a counsellor present so that

18

Containment is a term used in counselling and therapy (particularly trauma therapy) that refers to keeping
the emotional work in a “container”. Opening and closing circles are “containers” that allow participants to
enter the workshop space or home life emotionally intact. They provide a boundary to the emotional work of
the day.

53
participants and audience members could have someone to debrief with if needed.
Secondly, as a means of containment during the 4 day workshop, each day began and ended
with a sharing circle so that participants could talk about any issues arising from the day
before or the present day. Both of these containment measures are included in any Forum
workshop or performance o f Headlines Theatre (Diamond, 1991) and are included in the
Forum Theatre training delivered through that organization. At least one of the workshop
participants connected with the counsellor through the workshop process. I followed up
with another participant and provided support to him about a month after the workshop
ended.
Step 5: sharing findings with community. Feedback was garnered from the
Collaboration Committee throughout the research process and immediate feedback was
requested proceeding from any meetings about the research, after personal interviews, and
after focus groups. These were all incorporated into the body of data. However, sharing the
final picture of the project is a crucial element of the collaboration (Flicker, Travers, Guta, et
al., 2008). Drawing on the relational methods of working in CBPR, and as a verification
and validation method, I have shared the findings in face-to-face meetings with some
community members and workshop and audience participants. To reach a broader crosssection of Saik’uz community, I organized an open community gathering at Saik’uz - but
invited workshop participants specifically - where I showed the DVD of the plays, shared
the findings of the research, and invited feedback from the group.
Despite its many positive elements, and the way it worked well for this project, some
critics of CBPR assert that power might be veiled behind the CBPR research method to
achieve results for specific stakeholders either inside or outside the community (Brown,

54
2004). In response to this, I offer a detailed description of the process of data gathering to
clarify the evolution of the project and make transparent my connections and motivations
along the way. This approach is encouraged by Creswell (2013), who asserts that “thick
description” is one of the elements of qualitative research that increases the trustworthiness
of the findings. In the following section, then, I recount in detail the process of recruitment,
sampling, and data gathering and link these processes to CBPR project informed by
decolonizing methodologies and intersectionality theory.
Recruitment and sampling. The CCC was fundamental in the final recruitment
phase of the project. Nevertheless, the path to garnering enough research participants was
long and winding. In my research, however, it was a productive and necessary path to
follow. In consultation with the CCC for the design and delivery of recruitment strategies,
we began by designing a poster and distributing it via email and in person to storefronts and
bulletin boards around Vanderhoof and Saik’uz village. In addition, we posted on the
“Saik’uz Community Events” Facebook page. Next, I arranged for meetings with the
Saik’uz Elders’ Society and the Saik’uz Health Centre. I was invited to share the project at
events at both places: at an Elders’ luncheon at the Elders’ Centre; and at the Health Centre
at a Women’s Health Day. The Elders’ luncheon was about two hours in length including
lunch. First we ate, and then I talked about the project and was asked questions. The topic
of anti-indigenous racism inspired two of the Elders to talk about their experiences with the
Lejac Indian Residential School. Also, during my time at the Elders’ Centre, a community
member came in with a load of Burbot (colloquially known as Ling) to share with the
Elders. This was an interesting exchange to witness for me as it reflected a community
intimacy I had never witnessed in person. The community member took orders for Ling

55
from people in the village and then went out fishing very early in the morning to fill his
orders. I witnessed no exchange of money between the Elders and the community member.
It appeared Ling fishing was simply his role in community. When the exchange was done,
the Elders returned to lunch and some of them proceeded to critique the catch - apparently
the fish were rather small for Burbot! Afterward, when I had finished speaking about the
project, two Elders signed up to be part of the project.
At the Saik’uz Health Centre, the Women’s Health day was organized around the
travelling nurse practitioner and the health nurse’s schedules. I was invited to set up an
information booth in the Health Centre and also to participate in the women’s health
workshop being offered that day. This was a great opportunity to meet women from the
community that I had previously not known very well. By participating equally and fully in
the women’s health workshop, I was perhaps seen by the group as a trustworthy person with
regular issues just like everybody else. During this day, two women shared their stories of
racism with me and one of them signed up and participated in the theatre workshop.
Intersectionality is richly witnessed in the lives and realities of the two women from
the health clinic. The first woman, who I will call “Marlene”, is a Dakelh’ woman originally
from Nak’azdli. She married into Saik’uz and has lived and raised her children and
grandchildren in this territory. The second woman, who I will call “Laurie”, is a woman of
Scottish descent who lived with Marlene’s son and was helping to raise his children from a
different relationship. She had been living at Saik’uz with him for fifteen years. Both
women have had different experiences of racism - Marlene’s because she is a Dakelh’
woman and attended Lejac Indian Residential School so is living with the ramifications of
that trauma of early life. Laurie’s experience is different because she is, to some extent,

56
ostracized in community. She claims this is because she speaks out about cyclical trauma
she has witnessed in the form of child abuse and neglect. Marlene’s story provides context
for the silence. She says at residential school, the children learned to be silent and not talk.
Speaking got them in trouble. There was nobody who could help them so they learned to
stay silent. This is one negative health factor that has carried forth through the generations.
Both women must navigate the issues in their community through their specific experiences
and perspectives. For one, theatre proved to be a useful way to do that. For the other, telling
me her story provided further context for the research.
Marlene passed by my table at the Health Centre in the afternoon. I had not had
much interest from the women who had come in (although there were not many of them
either). Marlene asked if I could come and talk to her in her office there. When we were
settled, she asked me about my project, which at that time I was promoting with the
question: Has racism affected your health? She asked what the connection between racism
and health was and also if I was getting much interest. So I explained to her the premise
upon which my thesis exploration was built and said that people seemed to be interested but
that I only had one person commit so far. She said I should change the word “racism”
because it might be inhibiting people from getting involved. Instead, she suggested, I should
use the word “colonization”. In keeping with CBPR processes that respond to the direction
from community members, that night I went home and changed the word on my advertising
from “racism” to “colonization” just in time for Bingo.
At the health centre earlier that day, I asked the women what would be the best way
to reach a lot of people in Saik’uz to let them know about the theatre project. One of the
women organized a weekly Bingo fundraiser so she suggested I go to the Bingo and set up

57
my table. This was outside my comfort zone as I had never played Bingo before. I asked
questions about what happened at Bingo and arranged to have one of the CCC members join
me. Unfortunately, she ended up not being able to make it so I took my husband instead.
When we arrived, it was obvious we were outsiders. However, true to Saik’uz form, we
were welcomed and a couple of local women took us under their wings to learn how to play
Bingo. While I set up my table, my husband took instruction on all the options for buying
cards and how the games worked. I sat by my table during the pre-game time, and had only
one or two people come by. Nobody took any pamphlets. When the games began I took my
place and let the table to speak for itself. I noticed that people were more apt to go and look
at the theatre project table when I was not sitting there, so I stayed and played Bingo.
During one o f the breaks, a young man (whose word I had not taken seriously) came to tell
me about his interest in the project. I now had my second participant somewhat officially
signed up.
Spending time in community-based activities like the Health Day and Bingo proved
to build community trust in me. This was integral to implementing a successful research
project. However, even with this outreach and the efforts the CCC were making in the
community on my behalf, by the week before the workshop date, I still had only four
participants - not enough to make the workshop happen. One of the CCC members then
suggested I talk to the Skills Link Program offered through the College of New Caledonia.
Skills Link was an employment readiness program for young adults, although there were
two youths in independent living situations who were also part of the program. The majority
of the participants in the program were from Saik’uz. After talking with the program co­
ordinator, it was decided that the Skills Link program participants could benefit from

58
participating in the theatre workshop. It was arranged for me to go and speak about the
project to the program participants. Some program participants were worried about having
to act in public; others were not sure what colonialism was. After taking some time to
explain the workshop in detail and the theoretical bases for the project, all of the program
participants agreed to participate. It was understood that the two youths’ information would
not be part of the research data. This brought the total number of participants in the
workshop to 12. I now had enough recruits to proceed with the theatre workshop. Without
the help of the CCC and my own commitment to really engaging in the community and
integrating feedback about recruitment, this part of the research process (and all others that
stem from it) might have been difficult to complete. Employing the CBPR method honoured
the existing relationships 1 had within the Saik’uz community and strengthened the
trustworthiness of the research in the data gathering process I now turn to.
Data gathering: theatre workshop, play building and performance. To gather
information on how theatre could open new spaces to think about the relationship between
anti-indigenous racism and health in Saik’uz territory, multiple sources of data gathering
were employed. Table 2 shows what data was gathered, when, and with whom. Making
field notes at breaks in the workshop and at the end of the day provided abundant
opportunity to reflect on the responses of the group throughout the process. Clearly there
were many sources for data gathering. One rich source was the theatre workshop itself,
providing opportunities for reflection at every turn. Table 3 shows the specific tasks
throughout the theatre workshop and how the focus groups fit into that process.

59
Table 2 Data Gathering
Participant
Observation Field
Notes
Recruitment &
Screening Process
Observations
Theatre workshop
observations (see
Table 3.3)

Focus Group
Interviews

Audience
Surveys

Play
performance

Personal
interviews

Initial
Sharing
circle-theatre
workshop
Final sharing
circle- postplay
performances

Pre­
performance

Audience
interventions

2 in-depth
interviews

Post­
performance

CCC meetings
observations
Reflexive notes and
observations
Personal Interview
observations

Table 3 Theatre workshop activities
Day One

Day Two

Day Three

Day Four

Initial Sharing Circle
Focus Group 1
Group Building
games

Sharing Circle

Sharing Circle

Sharing Circle

Group Building
games and theatre
exercises
Lunch

Play development

Play rehearsal

Lunch

Forum rehearsal

Lunch
Trust Building
exercises
Image theatre work

Sharing Circle

Sharing Circle

Performance

Image theatre work

Closing Circle

Closing Circle

Trust exercises and
play refinement
Closing Circle

Audience
Interventions
Closing Circle
Focus Group 2

The first three days of the theatre workshop were focused on exploring themes of
racism and health and well-being, building group trust, developing improvisational theatre

60
skills, and developing plays. The final day of the workshop was used for play rehearsal,
Forum rehearsal and the final performance. Throughout the four days, data was gathered
through focus groups with the workshop participants, participant observation field notes,
Forum Theatre audience interventions, and audience entrance and exit surveys facilitated by
the Collaborating Committee at the performance. A final data gathering point occurred by
way of audience survey participants responding to the final survey question asking if they
wished to be interviewed in greater detail. The following sections describe each process of
data gathering starting with focus groups, Forum audience interventions, audience entrance
and exit surveys, personal interviews, and finishing with participant observation field notes
because they run through all points of the research process.
Focus groups. The workshop was a four day process. The first three days were the
workshop and play building process. The fourth day was rehearsal and performance. Each
day began with an opening sharing circle and ended with the same. The focus groups for the
project were conducted via the initial sharing circle on the first workshop day and at the last
closing circle after the performance on the fourth day. The first focus group went very well,
with lively discussions and many stories. The final focus group was not as rich - this was
likely because participants were tired after the busy workshop week and the stress of a
public performance. In hindsight, I wish I had arranged for the final focus group to be on a
subsequent day. On the other hand, the Skills Link participants already had a full program
and it might have been difficult to schedule with everyone there.
Forum audience interventions. The performance consisted of two Forum plays
developed out of the lived experiences of the workshop participants. The audience watched
the plays once, while being invited to pay attention to moments of struggle within the plays.

61
If they had an idea about how characters might interact differently in order to have a
healthier or more positive outcome in the scene, they were invited to take note of those.
Then when each play was performed a second time, members in the audience were invited
to yell “stop” at the moment when their idea could come into play. The audience member
who yelled stop was invited to come into the “play” area and replace one of the actors to try
his or her idea by improvising with the workshop actors. Following the intervention, the
new scene was debriefed with the audience member, the actors, and in some cases, the
broader audience. The Forum interventions and debriefing were video recorded and became
part of the data for analysis.
Audience surveys: entrance and exit. Audience surveys were conducted at the play
performances, which were held on the fourth day of the workshop week at the Saik’uz Band
Office Gymnasium (which used to be a school). A member of the CCC greeted all audience
members as they came in to the Gym. She explained the purposes of the performances and
the accompanying surveys to be filled out before and after the performances. Audience
members that participated in filling out the exit survey were invited to put their name in for a
number of door prize draws. Every audience member participated in taking both surveys and
putting their name in for the draws. There were 19 participants in total for each survey and
the survey responses formed another set of data.
Personal interviews. Of the nineteen surveys collected for both entrance and exit
surveys, one survey from each was spoilt. Five respondents indicated they wished to
participate in an in-depth one-to-one interview. One of the three Indigenous respondents
did not respond to messages left via contact information. Two others agreed to meet for
interviews but did not show for the appointments. The two non-Indigenous respondents

62
completed personal interviews. A member from the Collaborating Committee helped
analyze one of the transcripts from these interviews, which provided rich context for the
study.
Participant observation field notes. The multiple sources of data gathering were
woven together by my participant observation field notes that I took throughout the research
process. Notes were made after meetings (in person or on the phone) with the CCC, Saik’uz
Chief, potential workshop participants, and other community members. Additionally, after
workshop days, performances, and other conversations that happened in community after the
performances I also made notes. Reflexive notes were included in the field notes to bear
light on why and how I changed processes to respond to the participant community.
Making reflexive notes after meetings offered me an opportunity to include myself in
the data (Richards, 2005). Richards asserts, “[tjhinking about reflexivity alerts you to the
need to reflect on the baggage you take in, the biases and interests and areas of ignorance.
But it also alerts you to the fact that you yourself are part of what you are studying.” (2005,
p. 42). A key turning point for the theatre workshop came as a result of working reflexively
within a community-based participatory research framework. As discussed earlier, Forum
Theatre plays are developed out of the struggles of the participants in community. However,
in my workshop, by the middle of the second day, it became very clear that the workshop
participants did not want to focus on their struggles. Some of the participants talked about
how they were trying to focus on the positives in their lives rather than the negatives and
asked if we could do plays about something positive instead of focusing on struggles. This
possibility was one I had not encountered in any previous Forum Theatre workshop so I was
not sure it could be done. However, the project, being community-based, needed to respond

63
to the workshop participants’ needs. By sincerely placing myself in the project, and being
reflexive about how I wanted to do things a particular way and how that did not match up
with the needs and wants of the group, I was able to find a new way to make Forum plays
that were drawn from the positive experiences of group members. Reflexivity, in this way,
contributed to a process akin to generative curriculum (Pence, Kuehn, Greenwood-Church,
& Opekokew, 1993). The participants gave meaningful feedback that allowed for their own
community needs to steer the delivery and process of the workshop. Finally, reflexivity
allowed for me to see the role I played in creating the stories with the group (i.e., the power I
had as the facilitator), and thus the responsibility I had to give space to the group to steer its
own direction.
Conclusion
The methods for this study were chosen based on their fit with decolonizing
methodological theory and intersectionality theory. The decision to use theatre was
reinforced by the efficacy of the creative arts to increase well-being for those who engage in
it. Forum Theatre, specifically, fit well within a de-colonizing methodology and allowed for
the complexities of participants lives to emerge throughout the workshop play-making
process. Within a Community-Based Participatory Research framework, de-colonizing
research practices were employed throughout the research undertakings, from the
development of the Community Collaborating Committee through the process of
recruitment, workshop and play development, performance, audience surveys and interviews
to, finally, the sharing of data analysis tasks. Reflexivity was an integral tool infused
throughout the research process that allowed for the researcher (me) to diligently reflect on
my role and the power I had as the researcher/workshop facilitator in order to work toward

64
ameliorating neo-colonial research practices traditionally embedded in academic research.
The findings from this whole process are discussed in detail in Chapter Four.

65
Chapter Four: Research Findings and Analysis

I
1

FACILITATOR: We noticed a big change from your character with that intervention.
How did that make you feel?

I

PARTICIPANT: [big smile] That felt pretty good, actually!

Introduction
Although there is sufficient evidence available that demonstrates Indigenous peoples
in Canada (and worldwide) suffer a greater burden of disease than their non-Indigenous
counterparts (Health Canada, 2014), it is useful to understand local contexts of that
experience because not all Indigenous communities are alike (Chandler & Lalonde, 2008).
My research explored the local context of anti-indigenous racism and how it was perceived
to affect the health and well-being of Indigenous peoples specifically in Saik’uz territory.
Then, I analyzed how the experiences of health and well-being were affected by the creation
and performance of plays borne out of the experience of anti-indigenous racism. The data
provided rich information on the intersections of intra (Saik’uz) and inter-community
(Saik’uz and Vanderhoof) experiences of racialized individual behaviour and racialized
systemic responses resulting in the experience of poorer well-being for Indigenous peoples
there. Furthermore, Forum Theatre in particular provided an experience for participants that
promoted well-being through the safety and trust that developed in the group, allowing for
the taking of risks in performing improvisational theatre. Forum Theatre provided an
opportunity to practice change that had immediate and positive effects felt viscerally by
participants. The theatrical performance in general was experienced as a more interesting
way (than presentations, for instance) of sharing cross-cultural experiences. It provided a

66
“mirror” for the non-Indigenous audience members to see themselves in community and
how they, generally, might perpetuate anti-indigenous racism. Conversely, the Forum
interventions provided opportunity for all to practice how they could change their personal
responses in order to have healthier outcomes for everyone. In Saik’uz territory, then,
theatre provides a rich alternative for creating community and sharing cross-cultural
experiences connected to anti-indigenous racism, and this promotes well-being.
This chapter will explore the themes that arose out of the analysis of the data
gathered through multiple research methods. The chapter begins with an analysis of the data
from the focus groups and theatre workshop. I then proceed with data from the Forum
interventions at the performances and audience survey responses. Reflexive analyses borne out of the participant observation field notes from throughout the research process are peppered throughout this chapter. The chapter ends with a synthesizing of the analysis.
First, however, I begin by explaining the process of data analysis.
Data Analysis
Using a General Inductive Approach (Thomas, 2003) to uncover themes across the
multiple sources of data gathered, I started by reading and re-reading the data. I highlighted
anything that spoke about racism, colonialism, colonization, prejudice, and discrimination
and categorized this under the heading of Anti-Indigenous Racism. Discussion about health,
well-being, wellness, disease, depression, anxiety, and “feeling bad” fell under the broad
category of Health. It appeared that community health was no different than personal health
in the focus groups, perhaps because it is recognized that many people struggle individually
with, for example, addictions, and participants intuitively recognized that as a community

67
health issue. With regard to theatre, distinctions in the analysis were made between the
experience of creating theatre in the workshop (gleaned from only the workshop participants
and reflexive notes), and the experience of participating in the Forum Theatre during
performance (gleaned from workshop participants, reflexive notes, audience interventions,
audience entrance and exit surveys, and personal interviews). I also re-read the data for
♦

new themes in relation to those listed above. Survey questions were open ended, therefore
survey data was analyzed in this way, too. To “open up the data” (Richards, 2005, p. 71),
reflexive memos were made about phrases or passages that were interesting from all data
sources and included reflective questioning about why it was generally interesting and in
particular why it was interesting to me (what Richards calls “moving up from the data”
(2005, pp. 71-72)). Through this process, I was able to uncover similar themes among and
between multiple data sources, which strengthened the trustworthiness of my findings
(Creswell, 2013).
Furthermore, throughout the research project I engaged in a process of reflexivity.
This enabled me to place myself in the analysis and check my motivations and possible
biases. I could adjust my approach as needed. The self-reflections were embedded within
my participant observation field notes throughout the recruitment, workshop and
performance processes. Reflecting on these helped to guide my next steps during
recruitment and planning for and during the theatre workshop. This resulted in further
development of insights about my role as a settler researcher in Saik’uz territory, and
specifically one that is also a settler great granddaughter from this area. These insights form
part of the learning in this project and are included in the discussion at the end of this
chapter.

68
Focus groups. Within the framework of anti-indigenous racism and health, the
findings from the focus groups are not surprising. They align with other studies that have
explored this question (Czyzewski, 2011). Anti-Indigenous racism is perceived as heing at
the root of addictions, poverty, poor education for Saik’uz Whut’en, lateral violence,
discriminatory practices in businesses in Vanderhoof and intergenerational dysfunction in
the Saik’uz community. One respondent lamented the lack of education about colonialism
in the public school system and intimated this was purposive: “it’s missing from our schools
too. That’s what I noticed in high school the education, what’s missing is what happened to
us every day... it should be there to help us heal ourselves ... but they’d rather close their
eyes to it, right?” (FG1, line 184). It was also seen as a disservice to non-Indigenous
students getting a well-rounded historical education, as seen in a statement from a nonIndigenous respondent, “it’s perpetuating white people not knowing what’s going on. I was
ignorant too and I remained ignorant until a month...ago” (FG1, line 189). Historical trauma
was discussed as something that negatively affected individual well-being and motivated
reactive racism towards non-Indigenous individuals, which then caused guilt:
I feel like I have a responsibility to ... defend [my family]. I’m never gonna let
somebody be that racist to me... It’s always there so if you be racist to me,
you’re gonna get it back like vice versa but like I try not to be so racist all the time,
only when it happens, but yeah, it does hurt peoples’ lives. (FG1, lines 252-257)
Lateral violence, as demonstrated in intra-community violence and exclusion, was described
as contributing to poor community health. The origins of community lateral violence were
unclear for the workshop participants from Saik’uz.
Generally speaking, findings from the focus groups pointed to the power of theatre to
present information in a more meaningful way that would engage audiences in learning

69
about the realities of the effects of anti-indigenous racism. The focus group participants
were concerned that there was not awareness about the realities of living with antiIndigenous racism, but that if education about this was imparted in an engaging way,
through theatre, that this might effect change on a community level: “With theatre, you can
make it real, instead o f just writing it down or ... having to explain it like that. Whereas
with the theatre you can actually put yourself in that position.” (FG2, lines 26-28).
Furthermore, theatre performance was identified as a meaningful way to get the two
communities together to bridge understandings. It was seen as safe. The Forum event, in
particular, was heralded for the ability of people to intervene to practice change.
Workshop process. The workshop process was integral to building the safety
necessary for vulnerable participants to take risks and resulted in the development of a
cohesive group of participants of varying ages and ancestries that respected and cared for
each other. The workshop process began with the focus group circle, and then proceeded
with theatre games, trust building exercises, improvisational theatre skill development, and
play development and rehearsal. Each day began and ended with an opening and closing
circle that allowed for sharing thoughts and feelings about the process. These also offered
me immediate feedback about the process, which I was able to reflect upon in my notes and
make adjustments, as needed. The process involved in developing Forum plays, then,
allowed for the building of social capital that contributed to the well-being of the group. It
also allowed for a reflexive process on the part of the researcher that honoured the
community-based approach in the delivery of the workshop.
The themes that emerged from the workshop data were those of safety and communal
experience contributing to well-being and social capital. All participants expressed positive

70
outcomes from participating in the theatre workshop regardless of whether they acted in the
plays or not. Most of the group knew each other beforehand because of their involvement
together in the Skills Link program; however, most expressed how this theatre process had
enabled them to learn more about each other and each other’s vulnerabilities, which created
safety in the group, and allowed them to take risks. Some of the participants shared how
they struggled with even talking in the circle to begin with, but were able to participate fully
by the end of the workshop. One participant, who had ‘sworn’ he would not be able to act in
a play, ended up doing so for the final performance. Furthermore, as one respondent put it,
“this week was really amazing like I had a lot of fun especially with all the trust.. .our group
came that much closer to each other, pretty much like family. . .[and] Everyone was there to
give a hug or something, a pat on the back when somebody slows down.” (FG2, lines 102104). Another key aspect contributing to the group process was the effect of playing and
laughing together within the workshop process. Playing theatre games and laughing
together was identified as something of worth within the group. While the participants were
mostly young adults, none of them had played running games19 for many years and these
brought back fond memories for many. In addition, the laughter involved in the circles and
in the games provided further motivation for participation and feelings of well-being and
connectedness to grow. Consequently, the group process built a bond that created
connections resulting in feelings of well-being for the group, which increased social capital
for people who identified as previously isolated individuals.

19 Running games include variations on “tag” that usually involve cooperative methods for “safety” ie. Fox in
the hole. Other running games, such as Fear/Protector, aid in creating understanding about the complexities of
lived experiences. In Fear/Protector, individuals choose someone in the room to be “afraid” of, and another to
be their “protector”. When the joker says “run”, the individual must keep his/her ‘protector’ between
themselves and the person they are afraid of. The result is typically that someone that one person is “afraid” of
ends up being somebody else’s “protector” - a scenario that is often played out in real life.

71
Play development. The workshop group developed two plays that demonstrated the
issues most close at heart for the majority of the group in relation to the effects of antiIndigenous racism on health. Both plays had substance use and violence in them; however
these were not their core themes. Nevertheless, this fact represents the acute issues of illbeing at play in community, and by which Indigenous peoples may feel they are judged by
non-Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory.
The play entitled “The Guys” depicted a relationship between two men: one
Indigenous and one non-Indigenous, and the effect had by a third man joining the two.
Initially, the first two young men talked about how they “used to be racist” toward each
other when they were in school, calling each other derogatory race-based names. Now,
however, it is clear they were friends, although their friendship seemed to be tentative and
based on shared use of alcohol and other drugs. When a third man - an Indigenous man —
joined them, a jealousy erupted from the non-Indigenous friend, who then tried to force
alcohol on the newcomer. The play ended with the third man yelling, grabbing the bottle
and throwing it forcefully to the ground.
The second play, entitled “The Store”, showed a non-Indigenous woman and
Indigenous man driving to the store to get some alcohol for the evening. They have a playful
and relaxed relationship. Once they arrive and prepare to go into the store, they bump into
an older non-Indigenous woman, who was distracted, clearly irritated and thus overreacted.
She yells at the man to “go home and look after your children”, which prompts a violent
reaction from him and lands her on the ground. His non-Indigenous girlfriend has backed
away and said nothing. Three Indigenous women are passing and go to her.

72
Both plays seemed straightforward, but upon reflection, demonstrate the complex
interplay of socio-economic and cultural inequities in community. For instance, the
participants from the Skills Link Program were part of an employment readiness and
training program, while the non-Skills Link participant was living on income assistance.
Therefore, a similarity between all workshop participants was that they may have been
living with financial challenges. This factor may contribute to a ‘poverty mindset’ (Payne,
2005) within the group that came out in the plays that were developed. Payne asserts that
one of the features of the poverty mindset is the “significance of entertainment: When one
can merely survive, then the respite from the survival is important. In fact, entertainment
brings respite.” (2005, p. 51). Substance use may be seen as effective “respite”. Payne
further adds that for men living within a poverty mindset, identity is tied to the “lover/fighter
role” (2005. p. 51); touch and space are used to communicate (2005, p. 52) and individuals
live “in the moment” with future consequences not being considered (2005, p. 53). In both
plays, these indicators are played out and attest to the impact that poverty may be having on
the lives of the workshop participants.
On the other hand, the effects of colonialism are apparent in both plays as well. In
“The Guys”, the scene begins with the two friends reminiscing about how they used to call
each other race-based derogatory names. Clearly, the boys grew up learning about
difference based on racializing others - a product that can be effectively argued is one
outcome of a colonial project intent on defining and categorizing people of Indigenous
descent. The effects of colonialism are further realized in “The Store” when, after the
woman has bumped into the couple she yells, “Go home and look after your children!” to
the Saik’uz man. The assumptions in this line are that he is not providing for his children,

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that his children are not being looked after by anyone else, and that he should not be going
out and buying alcohol when he has children at home. The ramifications of this line go deep,
and he is blinded with a rage that motivates him to push the woman down onto the ground.
These assumptions are also and importantly located in a colonial project (de Leeuw et al.,
2012) wherein Indigenous children were taken from their families and communities and sent
away to Residential School or, in the present day, are apprehended (de Leeuw, 2014). The
disconnection from their families began here and the recovery from this historical trauma is
slow and complicated. Nevertheless, some Saik’uz Whut’en perceive they are judged from
many sectors of the Vanderhoof community about their ability to parent as parenting is
perceived through the eyes of the settler population (Field notes, lines 228-230).
Consequently, colonialism and its negative effect on the well-being of the participant group
is a dominant factor in these plays.
Performance and audience interventions. The workshop process ended on the
final day when the performance of the plays took place in front of an audience. The
audience was comprised of nineteen individuals that came from Saik’uz, Vanderhoof, and
Prince George. In the first play- “The Guys”- there were two audience interventions; in the
second play -“The Store”- there were three audience interventions. Two themes emerged out
of the data from the interventions: the first was avoiding racism; the second was needing
interpersonal connections.
The first intervention in “The Guys” involved the audience member coming into the
action of the play from the beginning, when the two original actors were reminiscing about
being racist to each other when they were younger. The intervening audience member
changed the initial dialogue to exclude talking about prior racist behaviour and instead

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focused on current relations. During the debriefing of the intervention afterwards, the
audience member stated, “1 didn’t want to bring up racism. I just wanted to be like “hey
how’s it going’ and stuff’ (Forum Play video, 2013). The outcome of that scene was
transformed because actors and interveners did something together that was not connected to
substance use. However, it did not address the underlying reality of racist tensions. The
second intervention was more involved and had deeper ramifications for change. In this
intervention, the audience member talked about the racism, but decided to pass on smoking
the joint and offered an alternative instead - going for coffee. Then, when the third man
joined them later in the scene, the three had a more meaningful exchange about the tensions
they used to experience and how, now, they really just wanted to be friends. During the
debriefing afterwards, the actor who originally finished the play by smashing the bottle said
that he felt “pretty good, actually” with the change in scenario. His whole body stature had
changed, he looked relieved. The power of this intervention demonstrated the deep need we
all have to feel connected to each other: this is what people look for, and what helps their
well-being.
The first intervention in “The Store” was done by replacing the non-Indigenous
girlfriend just before the couple bumps into the woman leaving the store. When the couple
bumps into the woman and she reacts, the girlfriend intervener steps in between the two
people and holds up her hands. During the debriefing of this intervention, the original actor
said she could never have acted that way. Also, this intervention worked to diffuse the
situation perhaps because the intervener was a strong and assertive Indigenous woman. The
second intervener offered something different that demonstrated our need for
interconnectedness: she replaced the non-Indigenous woman coming out of the store and

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when she bumped into the couple and the man reacted, she apologized, said she was
distracted about something. The Indigenous man replied with “what about?”. This inspired
laughter from the audience but was a take off point for much discussion in later interviews
and analysis. The situation was diffused and nothing bad happened. In the debriefing of this
intervention, the man said that once the intervener was able to “talk me down” he was able
to not be so “pissed off at the world” (Forum Play video, 2013). This intervention was about
relationship to and ownership of our own behaviour. When we do that, we can be in
relationship with others and feel better. The final intervention in this play came at the
beginning of the play. The intervener replaced the girlfriend when it is just the couple
driving in the car to the store. She says she doesn’t want to drink tonight and gives reasons
why he should not either. Then she suggests an alternative - going to a movie - and after
some cajoling, he agrees. The violent scene at the store never happens because the entire
situation was avoided.
The theme of avoiding racism in this play emerges, interestingly, from the lack of
response on the audience’s part to addressing or intervening at the point in the play when the
woman yells, “Go home and look after your children”. This is in keeping with data from
other sources, indicating that the topic of racism turns people off. They do not want to talk
about it (Field note, lines 58-59; Forum Play video, 2013). It may also indicate that most of
the people in the room, including other actors, presume that the man does have children who
he’s not taking care of and disapprove of his drinking. This may be an indication of
internalized racism (Chavez et al., 2003) within the community of Saik’uz, a product of the
colonial project in Saik’uz territory.

Surveys. Audience members completed surveys when they arrived at the
performance venue, and then again after the performance and interventions wrapped up.
Tables 3 and 4 show the demographic information for the audience survey participants. The
majority of survey respondents (12) were living at Saik’uz First Nation, with all but one
(Metis) being Saik’uz Whut’en. The rest of the survey respondents (7) were of European
settler origin with most (5) from the Vanderhoof area and two from Prince George. The ages
of the survey respondents ranged from 20 to 72 years, with more females (12) than males (7)
attending. In my theatre experience, this size of an audience is small; however, because the
audience was not homogenous by gender or culture the survey data was still useful to
include in the data analysis. Furthermore, the survey data corroborated categories and
themes from other data sets, which added to the consistency (Guba, 1981) of the findings of
the research.
Table 4 Ethnicity and Residency
Live at Saik’uz

Saik’uz Whut’en
Settler origin
Metis

Live in
V anderhoo f/Area
F excluding
Saik’uz

Live outside area
F

5

2

11
1

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Table 5 Ethnicity & Gender

I Males age range (in years)
20-54

White

Saik'uz

mz

i Females age range (in years)
23-72

Metis

Following demographic questions, two open-ended questions were asked about how
anti-indigenous racism affects health and how theatre might help to re-create community
health. Themes connected to racism and health that emerged included: that health is viewed
holistically, affecting individual minds, bodies and spirits at the family and community
level; and that colonialism and anti-indigenous racism have negatively affected the whole
health of the Saik’uz community. The outstanding theme that emerged with regard to theatre
re-creating health (viewed holistically) was that theatre was an effective educational tool. In
the exit surveys, however, the major theme that emerged was that theatre created
relationship. Thus, these themes support the idea that indeed colonialism has caused
negative health effects on the whole health of the community, stemming from harms to
individual health of mind, body, and spirit en masse; and that theatre re-creates health by
providing education in an engaging way about the effects of colonialism and, most
importantly, re-storying relationships particularly between Indigenous and settler peoples.
Personal interviews. In-depth personal interviews were completed with two of the
audience survey respondents. Each interview respondent (one male; one female) was of
settler origin and lived in Vanderhoof. Themes that arose from these interviews were safety

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and community building. Both respondents spoke at length about the strength of Forum
Theatre to enable vulnerable individuals to take part in creating theatre in a safe way; and
were exuberant about the benefits of theatre for creating community while also acting as a
mirror for community. Theatre worked to create community by the very act of the audience
and cast participating and experiencing the performance in person, together. This was
juxtaposed to, for instance, seeing a movie, wherein the performance is separated from the
audience’s experience of it because the cast is not in the theatre. Furthermore, according to
participants of the in-depth interview, the Forum event provided an even richer experience
because of the ability of audience members to get into performance mode and improvise
ideas for change with the actors. On the other hand, one respondent felt that the Forum event
might put too much pressure on audience members who are not comfortable with making
interventions: “if they know that they are being asked to emotionally participate... you lose
a lot of people I think.” (Ill, line 49-50). Interestingly, the same respondent had this to say
about theatre acting as a mirror for the community:
“I find Forum Theatre... really moving and long-lasting.. .it’s impacted me in ways
that I take into my work... I saw myself [in the play]; I thought “Oh! My God!
[laughter] I’ve done that!” I think theatre helps you recognize the (really obvious to
some people) mistakes we all make in relationship building and just the dynamics of
relationships, it’s helped me see myself better. “ (III, lines 72-82)

Thus, Forum Theatre provided an opportunity for audience members to see themselves
reflected in the action of the play, and to practice change within the safety of the artificial
environment of the theatre.

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Conclusion
Analysis of data from multiple sources revealed five thematic categories. First, antiIndigenous racism can be understood as a root cause of ill-health in community. Second,
health is understood as an holistic concept encompassing physical, social, emotional and
spiritual domains individually and at the community level both separately and also together
at the same time. Third, a need exists for interpersonal connections. Fourth, avoidance of
talking about racism is an issue. And, finally, theatre is an educational tool that can create
safety build community. All of these categories relate to an overarching theme of
relationship.

I now turn to the final section of this thesis, in which I detail these findings as

well as some of the insights I gained through the reflexive process. I tie the data sets, and
my analysis of them, all together for a discussion about the implications of my research.

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Chapter Five: Findings, Insights and Implications for
Future Community-Based Work and Research

“If you look at the history of theatre... it has for centuries been not only
the possibility for escape but also the possibility of really looking at the
human condition... but in our current culture... it really provides an
opportunity for more communal reaction and that’s part of the thing that I
like about the theatre. Especially in a small knit community looking for
community health, more opportunities [are needed] for people to be
getting together and you know, dropping down their guard, experiencing
fun things but also difficult things together.” (112, lines 227 - 232)

The power to create relationships - or more importantly to change the kinds of relationships
we have with each other, i.e. re-create relationships - in Saik’uz territory is important to
community health because of the history of colonialism and the ongoing barriers to
acknowledging and addressing racism between and within Saik’uz and Vanderhoof. Indeed,
as one audience member noted, “[t]he memories reside in all of us and the health of our
community is dependent on sharing the memories and acknowledging each other
completely.” These memories may be at the root of “intergenerational dysfunction” (FG1,
line 55) manifesting itself in the Saik’uz community as poverty, addictions, lateral violence,
and family disruption. The power of theatre to re-create community health in Saik’uz
territory resides in Forum Theatre’s ability to create relationships. The practice brings
people together into a space where they safely create and share story and drama
communally. Forum Theatre also acts as a mirror for the community so that we see
ourselves in relation to each other. The various facets of Forum Theatre provide opportunity
to practice restoring relationships in the Forum interventions. Finally, Forum Theatre
allowed participants to share our experiences through theatre as a means to educate

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ourselves and others who are unaware and bring us all into relationship. Theatre is seen as
an interesting and provocative means to bring about social change by opening up
understanding between divergent audiences, and that creates new relationships, which
ultimately fosters well-being in community.
Community health might be improved for Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory
through theatrical presentations. They may serve to educate the public about the issues
Indigenous people live that negatively affect their health. Theatrical presentations may
elucidate the role that the non-Indigenous community could play in maintaining the status
quo that is oppressive to the Indigenous community’s health, and may envision a new, antioppressive way. Several respondents in both the focus groups and the audience surveys
stated that theatre could raise awareness about historical trauma caused by colonialism in a
more interesting way than traditional homiletic educational presentations. There appeared to
be a strong sense that lack of awareness about the effects of colonialism contributed to
ignorance and racist behaviour by the settler population in Saik’uz territory. Additionally,
some in the focus group criticized the public education system that excluded these stories
from public schooling in BC —an act criticized as being deliberate exclusion to keep the
general public unaware and inactive on issues affecting the lives of Indigenous peoples.
Furthermore, the gaps in education systems were seen as a loss for Indigenous students, too,
who may have little knowledge about the history of their people and families in the region.
Consequently, theatre was seen as an effective tool to bridge this gap in community.
The gap in understandings and relationships between Vanderhoof and Saik’uz, and
the neo-colonial social and health structures, which function in the presences of that gap,
may have created a sense of fear for many Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory of being

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perpetually misunderstood by the settler population. Theatre was seen as a safe way to
mitigate this fear, as the play development and performance processes provided safe avenues
to explore issues related to inequitable community health experienced by Indigenous peoples
in Saik’uz territory. One reason for this may be connected to the experience of Carina (from
Chapter 3) who, though she was a professional working person with status in the Saik’uz
community, felt anxiety when going in to Vanderhoof because she felt she could not depend
on being treated fairly and respectfully in local businesses and health organizations. This
experience, I argue, is directly related to neo-colonial ideas about Indigenous peoples,
particularly in a geography that depends on the availability of vast hectares of land that can
be exploited for agricultural, timber and mining purposes (see Brody, 2000) but which also
are non-treaty lands in Saik’uz territory. The power that I wielded as a settler researcher
was mitigated by adopting a community-based theatrical approach via Forum Theatre. The
stories for the plays came directly from within the workshop group, and the process of the
workshop was consistently checked on with participants during the sharing circles, creating
safety. This is exemplified in a comment from one of the workshop participants: “... first of
all, there was a lot of us dealing with issues of being freaked out about being in front of
people and stuff, so I think we dealt with a lot of good issues there.” (FG2, lines 60-61).
Furthermore, both the workshop and the performances were held at Saik’uz First Nation,
allowing for comfort for Saik’uz whut’en to be able to easily participate in either the
workshop or as the performance audience. Upon reflection, this likely created the
confidence needed for those in the group to take risks in the workshop and on stage, and
may be a contributing factor to the positive effects theatre had on the workshop group and
audience.

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Another contributing factor to the positive effects theatre had on the workshop group
and audience was the “playing” in both arenas. Many of the workshop participants spoke
about the value of playing games. They were reminded of being children again and this
made them feel “well”. In addition, the performance also involved “play”. Since any
member of the audience may later decide to intervene in one of the plays, the audience was
“warmed up” for that potential participation with a few short theatre exercises done while
standing at their seats. Although no one was obligated to do the exercises, everyone in the
audience participated, creating lots of laughter and getting the blood flowing. Theatre,
understood this way, is a healthy endeavour. Finally, the act of intervening also involved
“play,” although only in the sense that the intervention was not happening in real life, but as
“practice” for real life. Sometimes the interventions ended up being humourous, adding to
the playfulness of the performance experience. These factors may have contributed to the
emergence of play as important to both the workshop group and audience, and to the
confidence each group had in the processes before them, thus enhancing overall well-being.
For the workshop participants specifically, creating plays based on their own
experiences surfaced as an integral part of forming a positive view of theatre as an effective
means for re-creating community health in Saik’uz territory. Nevertheless, there was
resistance to forming plays out of the struggles of the group; rather, they wanted to focus on
the positive things in their lives. Consequently, I developed a loose script for them, based
on many of the stories they had shared already in the workshop. Given the option to do a
play that was written for them or do plays that they created, the group chose to do the plays
they created. This reinforced creative autonomy and led to a sense of pride - two factors
that likely contributed to well-being. Thus, creating their own plays proved to be a powerful

84
process that may have influenced the group to see theatre as an effective means for re­
creating community health in Saik’uz territory.
Finally, the Forum interventions were identified by both audience members and
workshop participants as an empowering process. One of the workshop participants in the
final focus group stated, “it just seems like those Forum kind of situations... people could
just do that in their life... They could take, you know their regular kind of person,... their
regular mode out of that situation and . ..do something different. And make it positive.”
(FG2, lines 63-65). For the workshop group, this was the first time they had ever
participated in a Forum Theatre event, so to be the actors on stage improvising with the
audience members for new outcomes to the problems presented in the original plays, and
viscerally feeling the effect of the interventions, was a very exciting and empowering
experience. Audience responses to the Forum play and interventions echoed those of the
workshop participants. Audience members identified theatre as a “vehicle to move us
through our emotions, memories and values. It can allow us to reframe based on a new
experience” (Exit Survey, line 33). Furthermore, theatre was experienced as a safe place to
give voice to people and to help the community “imagine something different” for itself
(Exit Survey, line 37). The majority of Exit Survey responses indicated that theatre was a
powerful and culturally safe medium for reaching the broader community in a way that
cooperatively worked toward finding solutions that were within the realms of the everyday
lives of those living in community, whether settler or Indigenous.

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Insights
In keeping with a CBPR approach, I invited Collaborating Committee members to
participate in some of the data analysis. One member of the Collaborating Committee
responded to the invite. She used the same approach to “move up” from the data when
analyzing one of the two individual interview transcripts. She shared her observations with
me and I incorporated them into the broader analysis. Her observations about the interview
data added richness to the analysis. The interview she analyzed was with a non-Indigenous
man from Vanderhoof. I chose to share that interview with her because the other respondent
might have been more easily identified through the transcript and I did not want the CC
member to surmise who that respondent was. Her observations about the interview included
sharing some history about the traditional use of theatre in local Indigenous communities
(e.g. Nak’azdli and Saik’uz - her two home communities); and learning that what she saw as
a “natural” response in one of the play interventions was not perceived that way by the
respondent. He attributed it to a difference in cultural response. Because she was unaware
of this difference, showing a gap in cross-cultural awareness that could be useful to
incorporate into further cross-cultural awareness. Had I not been fortunate enough to have a
CC member who wished to participate in some of the data analysis, this feature of the
learning would not have happened. Consequently, the CBPR approach allowed for a richer
contextualized analysis.
The context of the analysis came into play with connections made in my reflexive
notes between this research and a previous play I had written on the history of the peoples in
the Nechako Valley - Saik’uz & Settlers (Striegler, 2011). One of the outcomes of the
evaluation of that project was that community members wanted the show to be produced

86
again in a few years, because so many people who live in Saik’uz territory do not know its
history. Like any public awareness campaign, the messages may need to be experienced
often in order to have a broad impact on behaviour change. Considering the power of
theatre to bring people together in a safe environment to explore emotionally reactive issues
of anti-indigenous racism in a respectful and meaningful way, it follows that more
opportunities to present Forum plays in community may result in a greater likelihood of
change resulting in increasing health and well-being for individuals involved and the
broader community.
The final insight I wish to include as part of the findings of this research is one that
stems from my own struggles as a settler researcher in Saik’uz territory. Only through the
development of honest and humble relationships was I able to complete this project. During
the data analysis phase of the project I began to feel heavily weighted with the question of
what business I, a settler, had doing this work with Saik’uz Whut’en. I arranged to have tea
with one of the CCC members to talk about some of the analysis. I bewailed, “What am I
doing this for? I was not invited in; I invited myself in.” She responded, “And you were
given permission.” She reminded me that it was not only Saik’uz Whut’en that this research
served, but also the settler population. There had been settler participants in the workshop
and in the audience that benefited from participating and learning more about the realities of
anti-indigenous racism and benefited from participating in a theatre event to explore these
issues. We must be careful not to homogenize ourselves into exclusive geographies that
leave no room for the relationships that might be built or, as in my case, already exist.

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Significance of Findings
These findings came out of the use of a specific form of theatre in a specific setting
where the settler and Indigenous populations share a history and geography that has resulted
in unhealthy racist relations that can convincingly be understood as determinants of poorer
health status for Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory. Consequently, these findings are
significant particularly for Saik’uz territory and may not transfer to other geographies with
equal impact. Nevertheless, while there is vast variation between Indigenous groups in BC,
North America, and worldwide, Indigenous populations that have experienced colonialism
and continue to be governed by nation-states that do not recognize and respond to the
sovereignty of Indigenous nations share experiences with Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz
territory. These findings may thus translate into other Indigenous communities. Further
research on the impact of theatre in other Indigenous territories may be useful to explore this
possibility.
In Saik’uz territory, the significance of the findings indicate that more theatre to
create awareness about the issues faced by Indigenous peoples there would be a useful
endeavour to re-create community health that is affected by interactions with institutions in
the neo-colonial present, including the hospital, medical clinic, local schools, local
employers, RCMP and other arms of the justice systems including probation, child welfare
and income assistance. For example, Forum Theatre could be used as a “mirror” for a local
health institution, such as the hospital, to bring to bear the kinds of relationships staff and
administration have with Indigenous people who use their services, and through the Forum
interventions and debriefings, offer safe opportunities to explore the creation of new ways of

88
relating that could culminate in greater well-being for Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz
territory. One o f the respondents saw the benefit this way:
I’m definitely very passionate about theatre and its ability to connect to community.
So I think that this, as one form of theatre, is one that not only has the ability to
connect the community like ... regular forms of theatre do but in much stronger
ways between the actors and the people watching much more so just because of the
ability to actually get up on stage and bring your own story into the story. (112, lines
284-288)

Seeing ourselves “in the mirror” allows us to see ourselves in relationship to one another,
rather than merely looking out from where we are. The Forum event offers opportunities for
dialogue and change that may benefit Indigenous populations by responding more fully to
their lived experiences. Forum Theatre events may benefit the settler population through the
opportunity to re-create equitable relationships with the Indigenous community, ultimately
benefiting community health.
Moreover, Forum Theatre, as a useful method for exploring relationships particularly
in geographies where health inequities exist, could be used as an effective evaluative tool for
health organizations (or any organizations wishing to consult with communities they are
involved in and/or mandated to serve). Health and social service organizations dedicated to
collaborating with and serving Indigenous populations could employ Forum Theatre within
community. The plays produced by the community or population would yield outcomes for
the organization with regard to how its services, practices, and/or policies are affecting (in
positive, negative or other ways) the community. The forum interventions would supply
actions for improvements between the organizations and community. Consequently, Forum
Theatre could be a fruitful method for truly engaging community feedback.

89
Likewise, engaging the community through Forum Theatre Knowledge Translation
events may also provide effective dissemination of knowledge between academia and
community. As a “front line worker” in the Addictions field, for instance, I have
experienced the frustration (and heard the same from other front line workers) of working in
isolation both as a rural practitioner and outside the reaches of current research that might
help my practice. Sometimes research can seem not accessible “on the ground” when it is
written for an audience of other academics (i.e. for academic journals). Forum Theatre
provides an opportunity for sharing applicable research findings in community. Forum
Theatre offers space for actively engaging community in the creation of plays about the
research in question; and activating community responses to that research and how it might
be applied in community through the forum interventions. In this way, Forum Theatre could
be used as a safe way to effectively translate research knowledge to the community and
provide an opportunity for community to respond to the research.
Throughout these processes of community evaluation or Knowledge Translation,
Forum Theatre offers opportunities for relationship-building in a safe environment, which is
essential for de-colonizing institutional policies and practices, and enhancing well-being for
Indigenous peoples in Northern British Columbia and other geographies.
Summary
Anti-Indigenous racism affects the whole health of Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz
territory. In this research, respondents emphasized that their lived experiences of health and
well-being, and that of their community, played out via poverty, addictions, and violence
because of intergenerational trauma caused by colonialism and its present day

90
manifestations. The gaps between the health status of Indigenous peoples in Northern
British Columbia (including Saik’uz territory) and the rest of the population demand
attention. Though strides have been made to lessen the gap, more is still needed to increase
health and well-being for Indigenous peoples at the community level. My research explored
health and well-being for Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory, and sought to analyze the
efficacy of Forum Theatre as a method of exploration.
As a settler researcher, whose great grandparents came to Saik’uz territory in the
early 20* century on pre-emption claims, and who shares in the history of divisive and
exclusionary relationships between Saik’uz Whut’en and the settler community in
Vanderhoof, I was motivated to employ anti-colonial and anti-racist research methods to
respond to, and even to ameliorate, some of the effects of colonialism and anti-indigenous
racism experienced by Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory. Intersectionality theory and
decolonizing methodologies provided the theoretical bases for my research, which used
Forum Theatre to explore the effects of anti-indigenous racism on the health and well-being
of Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory. Creative expression has a multitude of benefits
for health and well-being on individual and aggregate levels. In Saik’uz territory, where
storytelling has traditionally been augmented by active role-playing, theatre was a fitting
form of creative expression with which to explore the effects of colonialism and antiIndigenous racism on health and well-being. Furthermore, community-based participatory
research (CBPR) offered an appropriate framework in which to use theatre as a method
informed by decolonizing and intersectionality theories.
A critical component of CBPR, and arguably any research arranged with Indigenous
communities, is the engagement of the community with the research project. The

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Community Collaborating Committee (CCC) from Saik’uz was essential to the success of
my research project, because of the commitment of its members to assist in the design,
promotion, recruitment, deployment and analysis of the research. Members’ assistance
added context to the research and richness to the findings. Additionally, my daily reflexive
practice during all phases of the research kept me grounded in decolonizing and
intersectionality frameworks and was elemental in maintaining CBPR principles throughout.
These aspects were especially important during the recruitment, deployment and analysis
phases of the research.
A Forum Theatre workshop with twelve participants was the catalyst for the
development of two plays about the effects of anti-indigenous racism on the health and well­
being of Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory. The workshop process involved sharing
circles, theatre games and play development exercises - all of which contributed to an
increase in group building and trust within the group. The building of trust in the group
allowed members - some of whom were initially anxiety-ridden about performing - to take
unusual risks in becoming improvisational actors in front of an audience. Moreover, risks
also involved sharing their experiences of anti-indigenous racism with each other so that
they could create plays together to perform in public. For many group members, this
involved allowing themselves to feel exposed and vulnerable - an emotional state that many
of them struggled with. Nevertheless, the safety established in both the Forum Theatre
workshop and the play performance venue, coupled with the elements of “play” in making
and experiencing theatre together, permitted group members to take those risks and also
encouraged the Forum audience to do likewise. Two separate plays were performed that
showed different circumstances and struggles related to anti-indigenous racism in Saik’uz

92
territory. Five audience members improvised interventions during various points of struggle
in each play, resulting in much laughter, some silence, and the growth of insight for cast and
audience members alike. In response to the Forum Theatre experience, themes arising from
the focus groups, audience surveys, and personal interview respondents reinforced that
Forum Theatre was an engaging way to create awareness and educate settler populations
about the realities of living with anti-Indigenous racism for Indigenous peoples. Further,
and most importantly, the findings from my research indicated that Forum Theatre, in both
the development of it, and its performance, created relationship.
While there is much research that points to the benefits that creative expression and
the arts have on health and well-being, it may be a challenge to articulate specifically how
the arts do so. My research findings indicate that Forum Theatre might do this by creating
relationship on three levels. The first is the relationship developed within the play
development workshop, which builds trust and safety and promulgates social capital through
a common shared experience. The second is the relationship developed between the Forum
play actors and the audience members who intervene in the Forum. This relationship is
developed together, when audience members intervene to change the action of the play and
bring their own stories into the story with the Forum actors. Finally, relationship that is
developed with all audience members regardless of whether they intervened, is done so by
experiencing the plays communally and in person together, responding and reacting to each
other’s laughter and silence and allowing themselves to be changed by what they see.
What remains is where to go from here. Since colonialism worked to divide
Indigenous peoples from their relationships with their lands, their families, and their culture,
and anti-indigenous racism continues this work, it follows that re-storying relationships

93
through theatre may be one way to redress the effects of these divisions on the health and
well-being of Indigenous peoples in Saik’uz territory. Re-storying relationships between the
broader health system and Indigenous communities using Forum Theatre for evaluation of
health systems, and for Knowledge Translation in community, has the potential to improve
health and well-being in Indigenous communities as well. Further exploring the
effectiveness of Forum Theatre to ameliorate and re-story the effects of anti-indigenous
racism in other Indigenous territories may lend support to its broader application. For my
part, as a permanent settler in Saik’uz territory, I will continue to do community-based work
in order to be able to answer the question, “When’s the next theatre project?”.

94
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APPENDIX 1

SAIKUZ RRST NATION
TRAOmONALTERRITORY