0
UMI
0
OF HOM
TIM

OF FOOD Y T M D URIN
OR E BRITI H 0 UMBI

Jul ia Ru

ll

THE I
EMITTED IN P R TIAL F LFILLM
T
THE REQ IREME T F R THE DE RE OF
MA TER OF CIENCE

F

IN
COMMUNITY HEALTH SCIE CE

UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
December 2 0 15

© Julia Russell , 2015

AB TRA T

earch ught t
pl r th e nal dim n i n f ~ d curity [! r p ople e p ri ncing
n their health and w 11 -b ing. ata
n
in Prin
and th
w r c llect d u ing a m difi d appr ach t c mmuni ty mapping, a [! cu gr u and semipl h ve a wide ari ty f trategie that th y
tructur dint rvi w . The r ult indi at that
[! d. h r
a a tr ng d ir [! r m r ulturally appr riate [! d t be
mploy to ace
pr ided thr ugh haritabl [! d ai d and r parti ipant t be me m re actively ngag d in
producing th ir wn ~ d. h ical n ir nm nt , cial en ir run nt and relati nship were
£ und t influ nc what[! d pe pl c n urn d and th re re imp rtant ea nal trend in food
availability and ac
h li ti c appr a h that can ace mm date c mplexity i nece ary
t impr
D d e urit and health, thu th pr m ti n f Indi genous fo d sy terns and
lndigenou ~ d
ereignt are
n a imp 11ant future directi n .

II

BL

T

F

T

..

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

T

T ...................................................................................... .. .... ... ..... ........... 111
. . . . . . . ... . .......................................................................................... .. . .. . .... . ........ V 1

..
.... ······························································································· ··· ··············· Vll

W

M

H PT R 1 :

R

l . l Re

al ,

ar h

T ............................................................................................. ... ..... ...... !
.................................................................................... ..... ......... l

TI
u

ti n and

1. 2 M ti ati n fi r th

p

ifi

............................................................. 3

iti nalit y f R e earcher ............................................... 5

H PT R 2: IT R T R

R

I W ..................................................................................... .
d

t m

............................................................................. 8

2.1.1 H ealth ................ .................................................................................................... ... ....... 8

2.1.2 H

n

............................................ ... ... ... .. .... .......... .. .... ..... ... ............ .... ..... .. ... ... 10
............... ............................................................... ······ ··· .................... .... . ] 3

2 .1.4 H

n

2.2 Food

curity and

, F od and Health ................................... .. .............................................. 15
d P liti c ................................ .. ....................................................... 1

2.2. 1 Th Ri ght to Fo d ... ..... ............... .................... ................... ....... ..... ............................... 20
2 .2.2 Food

itiz n hip .. .......... .. .......... ..................... ... ........................................................... 23

2.2.3 Food Ju ti ce ... .... .... .... ....... ....... ............. ... ... ........ ........ ..... .................... .. .. .... ............. .... 25
2.2.4 Food

overeignty ... ... ... .. .. ........ ........................ .... ........ ...... ............ .............. .... ............. 26

2.2 .5 Indi genou s Food
2.3 Food
2. 4

overeignty ...... ...... .... .. ........................... .. .. .. ...... .. .... .. .. ...... .............. 28

ystem as a Contex t for H ealth and W ell -being .. .. .... ..................................... .. ....... 31

onclu ion .. ... .... ... ..... ... .... ....... .... ........ ...... ....... ........... ........... ... .... .... ........ ....... ..... ..... ......... 35

H APT R 3:

T UDY

N TEXT ...... ............ .... ... .... ..... ........ .............. ....... ..... ..... .... ....... .......... 37

3. 1 Food Security and Poli cy at the
3 .2 R egional
3.3 Prince

ational, Provinc ial, and Regional Level ...................... 37

ontext ....... ..... .. ... .. ...... ....... ............ .... .................... ........ .. ........ ... ........................ 40

eorge .... .. .. ....... .. ........ .. ..... ..... .. ...... ... ...... ... ............ .. .... ........ ....... ........... .. ... ............ 42

3.3.1 Phy ica l nvironm ent ... ...... .. ...... ........ ......... ... ....... ... ..... ....... ....... .... .. .... ....................... 4 2
3.3.2

ultural

3.3.3 ocial
3 .4

nvironment ....... .. ............... .. .... ..... .... ..................... ... ... ................................. 43
nv ironm ent .. .. ... .... .. ........... ........ .. ... .... ........................... .................................. 44

nc lu ion ...... ... .. .. ....... ... ... ... .... ........ ...... ... .. .. .... ..... ....... ............. .. ...................................... 4

H APT R4 : M TH

Y

N

M TH D .. .. ..... .............. .. ......................................... 4 9
Ill

4 .1

rv1 w fR

4.2
4.2.1

ar h

ign ............................................................................................. 49

ial Th

ry ......................................................................................................... 5 1

on D

1 nizing M th d 1 gi

...................................................................... 52

4. M th d 1 gy ....................................................................................................................... 5
4.3. 1

a

4 . .2

tlu1 graphi In ight ................................................................................................... 55

4.4

tudy R

arch .................................................................................................... 54

mmunit Mapping

M difi ed

ppr ach ...................................................................... 57

4.5 Re earch Pr ce , Timelin and Pha e .............................................................................. 61
4 .6 amp ling trateg and Recruitm nt.. .................................................................................. 64
4 .7 Data

ll ection ................................................. ................................................................... 66

4.7.1 Parti ipant
4.7.2 Focu
4 .7.3

b

1

ati n ................................................................................................ 66

roup with

mmunity Mapping Parti cipant ................................................ 68

emi- tructured Interview ........................................................................................... 69

4 .8 Data Tran cription and Anal y i ......................................................................................... 70
4 .9 Re earch Rig our .................................................................................................................. 73
4.10 Ethical Considerations ....................................................................................................... 74
CHAPTER 5: FINDING

AND DI CUSSIO

.......................................................................... 76

5.1 Pmiicipant Demographics .... .. ............................................................................................. 76
5.2 Northe1n Exposure: Food Security, Health and W ell-being while Homeless ..................... 79
5.2. 1 Food Availability and Access- "We get food every day, every which way!" ............. 79
5 .2.2 Food Quantity, Food Quality and Health - "It's less nutritious, but it' more filling" .. 91
5.3 Food Fight: Homelessness and Relationships across Social Strata ...... .. ........................... 102
5.3. 1 Relationships with Non-homeless People- "It' kinda the whole continuum of the
homeless and poor stature in life" ........ ............................................................................... 102
5.3 .2 Relationships betw een Homeless People - "A street people welcome wagon!" ........ 112

5.4 Street Food: Physical Environments, Sea anality and Relation hip s ............................... 118
5.4.1 Downtown- "What am I doing here? This i where I don't belong" .......................... 118
5.4.2 Transportation - "Walk, walk, walk, walk, carry, carry, can y" ................................. 124
5.4.3 Natural Environments and Well-being - "Look at the birds and it's like I'm home " .128
5.5 Indi genous Food Systems: Multipl e Envirorunent and a (Re)Emergent Food y tem "It'
. h 1t
. ........... ...... .............. ........ .... ... ... .... .... .. .. . 13/_
.
. [!oo d, .tt s everyth"mg th at goe wtt
not JUSt
ab out
I

II

IV

L

HAPT R6 :

··································································································· 140

6.1 tudy finding in r lati n t th R

ar h

ue ti n ...................................................... . 140

6.2 M eth d 1 gi alln ight .................................................................................................... 145
6.2.1 Particip ant R

ruitm nt. ............................................................................................. 144

6.2.2

arch M th d t the

dapting R

6.2.3 M emb r

h eking and

nt

t f tre t

i ~ ........................................ 146

ll w-up ............................................................................. l48

6.3 tudy Llinitati n ........................................................................................................ .. ... . 150
6.4 Recommend ati n ............................................................................................................. 152
6.5 Ar a

f Futur R

ear h .................................................................................................. 155

6.6 Final Rem ark ................................................................................................................... 156
REFERE

........................................................................................................................... 158

APPEND I

............................................................................................................................ 184

APPE DIX

: Requ e t fo r upport and Letter of upp rt .................................................. 184

APPENDIX B :

B

Re earch Ethic Board

pproval. ...................................................... 187

APPE DIX C: Recruitment Po ter ......................................................................................... 188
APPENDIX D : Info n11ation beet ................................................... ....................................... 189
APPENDIX E: Con ent Form .............................................. ............. .. .................................... 192
APPENDIX F : Semi-structured Interview Guid e ................................................................... 194
APPENDIX G : Research Assistant Confi dentiality Agreement .......................................... ... 195
APPENDIX H : Supplemental Info nnation : Connnunity M apping Schedule & Detail of
Individual Interviews .......... .............. .. ..... ........ ....... ... .. ............. ..... ......... ...... .............. ............. 197
APPENDIX I: PDF Selected Exercpts from the Book created with Parti cipants ................... 199

v

LI T OF TABLE
Tab! 1: v rvi w ofr ar h pha
............................................. .......... .. .............. ... .......... ...... 63
Tab! 2: Parti ipant d mo raphi for rh diffi r nt primary data oil tion m thad ............... 73
Table : Leng th and typ of hom l n
exp ri n db parti ipant ...................................... 74
Table 4: Participant e p ri n d h alth condition and th onn ction to emerg ncy food aid as
id ntifi d by parti ipant .............................................................................................................. 91
Table 5: mmunity mapping . h dul ...................................................................................... 197
Table 6: Th numb r ofparti ipant at a hint n ·i 1-1' and th parti ipant s lee! d lo ation and
food ............................................................................................................................................ 198

VI

LI T OF FIGURE
Figure 1: "An c logi al fram
rk d picting th multii le influ n
on what p ople eat" from
tory tal. (200 , p. 2 .............................................................................................................. .
Figur 2:
rthem H alth I I C area . dapted fr m
rth n1
alth, (n.d.a) ....................... 41
1gur 3: eature f participant ' D d a ail a ilit and acce pathway in Prince eorge ..... ..

vii

LI T OF A RONYM :
BC: Th

anadian pr vmc

CFAI:

Illin unity

FNH : Fir t

d

ation

f

riti h

lum Ia

tion Initiati

ealth

uth ri ty

FNFNES: Fir t ati n

utri ti n

n 1r run nt tud y

HEAL: H althy ating and

cti

Living

LGBTQ: Le bian,

ay,

ual

ran gend r, w - pirit,

ontrol,

cce

NH: North rn Health
OCAP: Owner hip

ron

PG: Prince George
PHSA: Provincial Health erv1ce Authority

SAD: Standard Ame1i can Diet

VIII

ueer,

uestioning etc.

ACKNOWLEDGEM NT
I would like t

t nd my inc re t thank t all f the p a11ici ant in thi r earch, nn ,
an-' ' K athl n Jam
i a, M ami , M ary M 1 dy, har n and Zack.
ur t ries and y ur idea for a bett r futur . It
gener u ly sharing y ur time
wa a pl a ur t w rk with y u and ur nthu ia rn D r the pr j ect wa very enc uraging.
To m y the i up erv1 or r. M arg t Parke thank y u D r y ur upp rt and guidance along the
1 t year . incer t thank as
way . I am am az d by h w much I ha 1 amed fr m y u th
well go to m y c mmitt m ember r. h re Healy and r. eil Han! n.

Invaluable fin an ial upp rt D r thi re earch wa pr vided by v ral ource , th e Univer ity of
lumbi a thr ugh th Re earch Pr ject ward - pring 20 14 omp etiti on, the
N 11hem Briti h
onference Travel ward and th
raduate ch lar hip 20 14, from r. M argot Parkes to
facilitat c nference attend anc and fi nally fr m th Anne Fergu MacKay Gr undwater and
Mmiel Ro s Groundwater Bur ary fo r
mmunity Health tud ents.

IX

CH PTER 1: I TROD U TIO
ignifi ant limitati n t impr
h m el
r

n

1

ap

ing [!

r und r tand ing f [!

ar her and chariti

. Kn

pl during tim s of

ernm nt , h alth care pr v id er ,

d
p

f h m el

popul ati on na iga te ea

urity [! r p

d

ple ' [!

d acqui iti n trat gi s, and how

nal and dail barrier t impr ving th ir [!

nutriti n i limit d, de pit num r u int 1

nti n t redu

d ecurity and

1nalnutriti n in thi p pulati n

(Tara uk Da hn r Po land ,
hamel

pl ar m r limited in their abili ty t c ntr l th ir D od supply, including

ne , p

what th y can ace
Thi r

, purcha

, prepar , a e, hunt, [! rage, gr w and , ultimately, con um e.

arch t ok place in Briti h

lumbi a' 'northern capital' of Prince

eorge (P )

(See ection 3.3) a place with varied approache to addre ing food ecurity i ue and a large
homele

population. The city ha a t tal populati on of approximately 7 1 974 people ( tati tics

Canada, 2015) and in 2010 , 361 individuals w ere counted in a one day censu s of the hom eless
population (Kutzer & Ameyaw , 201 0). However, e timate of the number of p eople w ho are
homeless in PG are as hi gh as 1050 (The Stone Soup Proj ect, 201 0).

It is necessary to consult people with lived experi ences of homele sn ess to better
und erstand the severity and consequences of fo od insecurity, and th e extent of th eir acces and
utilization of the food syste1n. Understanding the acquisition strategies, and the m ean s through
which food is available, are important because they influence b ehaviours, including hi gh-risk
behaviours (Tarasuk et al. , 2009). A s th e most visible and reco gnized elem ents of the homeless
food system are charitable organizations, the different wa ys in which peopl e who are homele s
obtain food outside of charity may be overlooked .

1

c nt

t, [i

1nmunit h alth and

d i " ital t

plain that "th g al f fl

d nd ating

ell -b ing" (Rich

ithin m an

, 1

9,

.2

1

b riginal c mmunili

w rld " Martin, 2 12, p . 2 11 . 1artin · id nli fi ali n f ultural imp 11ancc f fl
mmuniti e i

pe iall 1mp rtant

ithin thi

l

pr vid a

d th ir camp

pra ti
d pl ting D d uppli
rge ar

Addre ing H m el

m an area .

n a ea

ting th at the maj rity [ p

ation backgr und (Prine

d fl r

tud y.

lumbi a i a pia e where pn r t c

in Prin

. Martin

culture, uph ld ultural traditi n , and tr nglh n cultural kn wl dge ab ul the

mean l e

Indi g n u

f

ulturally, but, regard!

Th m anmg urr unding ating and pr paring [i

2

nizati n ,

ir t

ali n p e pl e

nal ba i , in part t av id
pl e ex periencing homele ne

e rge

mmunity Partner

fa

ir t

n

2003), thi cultural elem ent prov id e in ight int potential [i od u

and preference, elf-provi i ning, and receiv ing gift

3

[ fl od, which influ ence fo d ec urity and

4

food citizen hip .
Practicing one' culture i an important component of well-being. The We te111ization of
Indigenous diet ha had evere health con equence and ther are increa ing call for
Indi genous people to become food overeign 5 in order to deco lonize fo d y tern . Acce s to

1

Aborigina l: In the Canadian Constitution refers to First Nation s, M etis, and Inuit peoples {Government of Canada,

2013)
2
Colonialism : "A process that includes geographic incursi on, socio -cultural dislocation, the establishment of
external politica l control and econom ic di spossessi on, the provisi on of low -level social services and ultimately, the
creation of ideological formulation s around race and skin colour that positi on the colonizer at a higher evolut1on
level that the colonized" {Kelm, 1998, p. xviii)
3
Food sec urity : "Wh en all people, at all times, have physica l and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutnt1ou s
food that meets their dietary need s and food preferences for an active an d healthy life" {Food and Agncu ltu re
Organization of the United Nation s, 2006, paragraph 1)
4
Food citizenship : "is defined as the practice of engaging in food -related behaviours that support, rather th an
threaten, the development of a democratic, socially and economically just, and environmentally sustainable food
syste m" {Wilkin s, 2005, p. 269) .
5
Food sovereignty : "is the right of peoples to healthy and culturally appropriate food produced through
ecologically sound and sustainable method s, an d their right to define their own food and agncultura l syst ems" {La
Via Campesina, 2007, para . 3)

2

culturally appr priat D d

1.1 Re earch

oal

Th g al

Qu

ill h lp t r duce th h alth in quiti

tion and p cifi Obj ectiv

f thi r

y t m

arch ar t addr

pe pl , and t impr

the health and w ll-b ing f h m le
p

pl experiencing h rn 1

th d fi ci ncy f kn wl dg ab ut the D d
und er tanding

p r n . Th

in P

dimen i n of :D d (in ecurit . The ea
intere t within thi

pl wh ar

faced by

f h w l cal £ d y terns impact

e g al will be achieved by ngaging with

1 arn about th

n ir nrn ntal,

cia! and cultural

nal element of fo d ace s i an area f particular

tudy becau e it had n t b n previ u ly tudi ed in relation to h m ele sness.

The aim of thi re earch i to identi fy a p tenti al trategy to impr ve the health and well -being of
homele

populati n in northern B

through increa ed awa rene

and und erstanding of

participants' experience and desire regarding food availability, access and use.
The questions and obj ectives which guided thi re earch are·
Research Questions:

1: What are the experiences with food security of people who are homele in Prince
George, and what are the perceived effects of these experi ences on their health and wellbeing?
II: Does the food system and food ecurity of homeles peopl e differ throughout the
year? What accounts for the si1nilarities or differences?
III: In regards to the food system, what do people experiencing homelessne s see as
positive, and what changes do people desire? What does this suggest in terms of
programming and policy development?
To answer the research qu estions this stud y was designed to meet the fo llowing objectives:
•

1. To complete a review of literature on food politics and ocial-ecological systems as

they relate to health and well -being for people who are homeless.
•

2. To describe the foo d system of homeless people in Prince George throughout the year
including temporal variability.
3

•

p
•

4.

d crib th c nn

in Prine
•

and utilizati n f differ nt kind

m e tigat th a ailability a c

ti n am ng .D

lf- r v1 1 nmg f fo d .

d, h alth and w 11-being that h m le

pe ple

rge id ntif within th ir li
cial, cultural and en ir run ntal fact r that in.Ou nc the .D

5. To d t rmine th

p 1 in rin e
Th r earch bj
provid d in

rg , including

ple in Prin

f fo d and

ti

hapt r 4 ( ee

w rea chi
hapt r 4

rg .
d thr ugh a D ur-pa11 pr j e t d tail

f whi ch are

abl 1). Th fir t pha e includ d a literature review,

relation hip building, btaining 1 tt r of upp rt and Re earch

thic approval ( ee Appendix A

and Appendix B). The econd pha e includ ed p arti cipant recruitm ent ( ee Appendi x
modifi ed community mapping and

d

),

mi- tructured interviews ( ee Appendi ces D-H). In th e

third phase the interview were tran cribed and parti cipant were contacted to review their
individual transcript. Analysis and coding took place and a seri es of thesis drafts were
written. Participants contri buted to the development of a results dissemination pl an and decid ed
that creating a book using their quotations and community maps w ould be appropriate (See
Appendix I). The fin al phase involved the book di stribution to pa11icipants, the thesis defence,
and results dissemination. Critical ocial theory ha been used to theoreticall y infonn this
research. This research also draw s on literature concerning homelessne s, foo d issues , health,
and the connecti ons to physical, social and cultural environm ents. These different areas are each
important for understanding the complexity of food systems for hom e]e s individual .
For the purpose of this research, the fo od system of people experi encing homele sn ess
includes all food and foo d products that are availabl e fo r purcha e, distributed , prepared and
consumed, during peri ods of hom elessness . Food security and foo d citizenship activiti e both

4

influ nc

and ar

rall fl

hap d by th

en ir runent . Th t nn fl

d

tern wa ch

fl d a being r at d within a dynan1ic
food y tern within fl
y t m rather than empl

t m and ar m d rat d by

d

n becau e f th imp rt.an

a di ta

in their fo d y t m r gardl

f

of c n ptualizing

t m fr m fi ld t fl rk and the pr m ti n of 1 ca l

ereignt framew rk .

d

cial and phy i al

ithin my re earch I e amin th fl

r ca ll in rd r t includ
h n they ha e c n umed it.

identify alm n a a p311icularl imp rtant fl

d

rything the pa11icipant id entify
r exampl e, participant m ay

urce, but m ay rarely have ace

to it. Thi

differ from a di tary recall , whi ch i limited t mp rally and m ay n t refl ect change
the p r onal ignifi cance of fl

d, or h w fl od wa

d

ver time,

btained.

The term fo od cap i al o appli cable within thi re earch and can be u ed
interchangeably with food y tem . F od cap e are defin ed by King (2009) as, "the way m
which food is produced purcha ed or obtained, prepared, and consum ed, and the relati onship
between food and the individuals of the community"(p . 2 11 ). Foodscape stu di e of eatin g in outof-home envirorunents, such as school , are increasingly investigating how the foo d provided
affects both the individual and the envirorunent (Mikkelsen, 2011 ). Mikkelsen (20 11 ) writes that
m any contributors to the concept of food scapes are working to bring power dyna1nics to the fore
and chall enge how food is produced and consumed. The tem1 food envirorunent, is used to refer
to the food available for purchase in a given area, thus excluding food avail able through other
means (Mikkelsen, 2011). Kelly, Flood and Y eatman (20 11 ) propose that food envirorunent
m easurement m ay not devote suffi cient attention to the local context.

1.2 Motivation for the Research and Positionality of Researcher
Describing m y position and motiva tions as a researcher provi de important context for
the research, and also d monstrates respect and re ponsibility to there earch proce s and

5

participant . My p
ra ism in the

iti nalit i duall im

anadian tat and W e t m r

haped i1np rtant a p

t of th r earch pr

m th d 1 gi al implicati n .
tigmatiz d r putati n

r tw

h re man

f th hi t ry f c 1 nizati nand

ar h traditi n , and becau
e

and c ntribut d t th d

m y life circum tance

1 pm nt f

ar , I li ed in a 1 w inc me neighbourh

d with a highl y

f th r ear h participant fr qu entl y vi ited r lived.

Further ethn graphi in ight r g ding thi
My intere tin :tl

rtant b cau

p ri nc ar includ ed in

hapt r 4.

d r lat d i ue ha ari en fr m my wn ch ice t :tl 11 w a vegan di et

and my c nc 111 with the indu tri alizati n and c rp rati zati n f the gl bal :tl

d ystem . I was

th fir t p r on in m imm diate famil y t earn a univ r ity d gree and m y und rgradu ate
education wa in intem ati nal de elopment and environmental cienc . I have w rked in
ilviculture organic agriculture and with marginali zed p pulati on . I recogni ze th at I am an
out ider to the tudy region and that I have th e privileged po iti on of researcher on thi proj ect.
Research traditions have been Eurocentric and coloni al, and as a person of European ance try, I
acknowledge this history and took efforts to avoid reproduction of this. As a wo man, I have been
mindful of how gender performance hap es interaction and perception . My po itionality
influenced not only what individuals cho e to share with me, but also how I interpreted it.
I have previously und ertaken research on foo d secUJity with Bolivian street youth. This
experience shaped m y current ideas surrounding homelessness. Li ving and working wi th the
youth for a year, I came to see the social elements of food con umpti on, and how these were a
determinant for food choice within their sub-culture. There are similarities between the Bolivian
and nmihem B1itish Columbi an context, including a hi tory of colonization, and associated
W esternization of traditional di ets. A a result of different cultural and individual factor , it

6

b cam cl art m that it i imp rtant £ r p
articulat th ir £ d y tem and t be
Thi th i b gan

m

pl t a

tud y' r

arch r p

and a d cripti n f the tud c nte t in

hapt r . h lit rature r

iti nality, a literature review in

envir runent and hea lth. Th meth d 1 gy and meth d
cia! th e ry a a len i intr duced,

hapter 2

i w i c ntr d on

1 gical,

n

role of critical

ti n and objectives,

arch qu

which ar £ 11 w d by a tatem nt f r

home!

curity, t

ngag d £ d citizen .
f th

ith an

th ir wn 1 v 1 of fo d

cial and cultural

ecti n £ 11 w, m

hapter 4, where the

ith an explana ti n f h w ca e tudy

re earch and ethn graphy were drawn n t in£ rm the re earch. Fo ll wing this, the modifi ed
approach to community mapping i

xplain ed. The meth d l gy i then connected to the

method of participant ob ervation, focu group and emi - tru ctured interview . hapter 5, the
findings and di cu ion, pre ent the food y tern, the effect on health and well -being, and the
role of social, cultural and enviroru11ental force in influencing the food system of the
participants . Chapter 5 positions the findin gs in relationship to the literature, and in parti cular in
regards to Indigenous food systems. The thesis ends with Chapter 6, the conclu sion, which
includes a summary of there earch, limitations and reco1m11endations.

7

H PTER 2: LIT R T RE R VI W
Bu ilding n the intr du ti n in
flit ratur that

hapt r 1, thi ch pt r pr

r drawn n t inD nn th r

atnin in gr at r d pth th c nn cti n am ng h m
ial, and ultural n ir nment that e pie

phy i al

2 .1 Health Homele
1

Thi

ne

cti n m lud

ar h de
n

id

ar

w f th pnmary

1 pm nt. In thi

, D d p litic

h pt r I

health, and th

up y.

and Food y t m
an

e1 te

f the c r c nc pt

y tern . It begin with an intr du cti n t th

c ia! det rminant

f hea lth, hom le ne s and D d
f h alth and empow erm ent

which are imp 11:ant topic D r und er tanding health a influenc d by y tern dynami c .

2.1.1 Health
Increasingly in the We tern world th e c ncept of health i viewed in a more holisti c
manner. In 1986, The

ttawa Charter of H ealth Promotion establi hed health as "a posi tive

concept emphasizing ocial and per onal re ources, as well a phy ical capaciti e " (World Health
Organization, 1986, p. 2) with a set of necessary prerequi ite resources which are required to
favour health. Rather than regard health as simply the ab ence of disease, health is seen as a
combination of the physical, mental and social well-being of a p erson (WHO, 20 12). This vi ion
is more akin to the holistic manner in which Indigenous ideologies env i ion health (Martin Hill,
200 3; Metis Centre, Nationa l Aborigina l Health Orga ni za tion , 2008 ; R ootman & O'Neill, 20 12).
The social detem1inants of health are broadly defined as the condition under which
people live, work, grow and p lay (World Health Organiza tion (WHO), 2010). According to the
Public H ealth Agency of Canada (20 11 ), the following are 12 key deten11inant of health:
income and social status; social suppot1: network ; edu ca tion and literacy; employm nt/working
conditions; socia l environment ; physical environments; personal health practice and coping

8

kill · h althy child de

1 pm nt· bi logy and gen tic nd wment · health erv1c ; g nd r; and

culture. H alth in quiti e ari
Rootman,

up ' r ' &P der

experi ncing h mel
inequiti

ne

i a prima ry~ u

r di ad antag

fr m unfa ir ad antag
n,20 12) .

m oci ty ( 'N e ill ,

id ent in thi li t f 12 fact r n ted ab ve, people

m a face multipl barrier t health quity. R edu ing health
f th fi ld f h alth pr m ti n (

, 19

). Three key cone pts

in health pr m oti n which ar imp rtant ~ r thi re ear h are emp werment, the

cial

det rminant of health and ca ll fl r a

gical appr ach t h alth (Roo tm an &

20 12· W orld Health

6 .

rganizati n (W

In addition to con idering
advoca ted ince the

ttawa

cial d t nninant

' e ill ,

f health, and the socioecol gical approach

hater f 1986, thi re earch draws from th developing field of

eco y tem approache to heal th (ecohea lth). cohealth empha izes a holistic appr ach to health
and is a benefi cial lens through which to approach complex problems, by examining the
interconnections among health, eco y tem and ociety.
As Parkes (201 0) expl ains "[e]cohealth is based on the recognition of ecosystem s as li fesupporting found ati ons fo r health and well-being, building on long-standing know ledge of the
links b etween health, comn1uni ty, environment and econom y, and the overlaps between health
and sustainability" (p . 3 ). Ecohealth has roots in development, public and environmental health
(Charron, 20 12), and thus is well suited to discussions of health, environment and food . Parkes
explains that ecohealth is especially applicable "in communities facing rapid ocial and
ecological change where concerns regarding health, environment and inequities are
intensified"(p. 3) . Such is the case in northern BC, where the land being developed are
Indigenous tenitories and Aboriginal conm1unities are often everely impacted, regardless of
what each First Nation in the region's individu al stance on development is. Ecohealth en1pha ize

9

integrati n , appli ati n and ngag m nt in r

ar h and pra ti c and c nfr nt challenge with

div r ity, m rg n e and r ili en

(P rk

att nti n t th e imp rtanc

t m within etting (P ar

f

that

an empha i

cur m ec

thi re arch c h alth h a influen
animal mi grati n and pl ant gr

h alth appr ach

1 gi a l appr ach

H rwitz (2 009) are criti cal f h
proc

, 201 0) .

e plic itly draw

H rwitz, 2 00 ). Park

and

ften neglect th multitude f

n b ing plac ba ed . h erefore, within

d m c n id erati n f the ea

nal pr ce e of climate,

th, in dditi n t

from holiday t hunting cycle .
An ecohea lth appr ach i

aluabl w hen w rking w ith i u e related to food politi cs

becau e th e principl e of ec health, a de crib ed by

han n (2 01 2) , f y t m s thinking,

tran di ciplinarity, u tainability, g nd r equit y, oc ial equity, particip ati on, and know led ge-t action, are de igned to deal w ith comple ity w hich i inherent in is u e related to food
production, di tribution and consumption. Ecohealth considers both th e environmental and social
aspects of su stainability (Charron, 20 12) which m akes it especially well suited to addre sing the
social and physical components of the food system .
2. 1.2 Homelessness

Hou sing is a social determinant of health , yet rates of homele sness are increasing in th e
w ealthy, industrialized n ation of Canada (Pmier, 2004). E tin1ates of the number of Can adians
who are homeless are in the tens of thousands (Hw ang, 2001 ). However it is unknown precisely
how m any people are homeless becau e estin1ates are dep end ent on th e number of people who
access servi ces (Hwang, 2001) . For instance, it is suspected that in T oronto, O ntario , up to 75%
of homeless you th do not access overni ght shelters (Hwang, 2001 ). Thi s suggests de pite the
existence of en rices for p eople who are homele , people m ay not alway choo e to, or be able

10

to a c

the

r

n ne

wa n t unc tmn n fi r p e pl
would ace

a hn r and T ara uk (2002) fi und that it

ampl , in th ir tud
h are h m 1

t ha

t

h

e b twe n which erv1 ce th y

each da . It i i1np miant t in e tiga t th fac t r that can influ en

rv1c acce

and u e when e alu ating and de igning pr gram1ning and t en ure that p e pl with lived
ne

exp n nc
hom e!

n

H mele n

und er-hou

ented in re

ar h . R

p ecting peo ple w ith experience of

m ea n including them in deci i n m aking pro e e , n re earch team s, and in

policy d vel pm nt fi r fi

ituation

ar e repr

d

curity i ue ( lli t Jayatil aka,

r wn, Varl ey &

orb ett, 20 12) .

exi t in di ffer nt fi rm . Pe ple wh are living in precari u h ou ing

p erhap with friend

r fa mil y, r in un afe li ving c nditi n , are con idered to be

d and in dan ger f lo ing their hou ing (Hwang, 200 1). Tho e w ho are leeping in

the treet or ta ying in helter are con id r d the ab o lute hom ele
absolute homele

(Hwang, 200 l ). Th e

are often more vi ibl e than th e under-hou ed and thi is the group w ith whom

the majority of studies on homelessne s and health have occulTed (H wang, 2001 ). Kutzer and
Ameyaw (201 0) report that 27% of re pondents in the Prince G eorge H om eless Count
experience absolute homelessness .
The length of time and frequency of homelessn ess one exp eri ences is furth er classified as
cyclical, chronic or temporary (Grant, 2011 ). Cyclic hom elessness is a condition where an
individual m oves between periods of being homeless and hou sed . Chronic hom elessness is longterm homelessness . The participant inclusion criteria of this research included people who had
experi enced an y fmm of homelessness for longer than 6 m onths in PG.
In the W estern world, single m en tend to make up th e m ajority of people within hom eles
populations. In Vancouver, 70% of the hom eless populati o n fa lls into thi s category (Hwang,
2001) .This is important to note becau e gender, sexu ality and relation hip status are determinants

11

nd n
defi

impl binar

la ifi ati n .

r p rt that am ng

b ri ginal p

e uall and g nd er di er

rt

ho id nti fy a L

1an,

th e had di ffi ul ti

e plained h

id ntit and ft ntim

d , and

riginal

h

hi h

t

na

il (20 14)

upp rt

n

gr at t ri k [! r h

pl , th

m lc

trum that

ar

lndi g n u y uth artici ant

a ,

ran g nd r

- pirit,

u

r, tc.

in the T r nt

h l ter

au c f their ex ual/g nd r

[! It a[i r and le

unc il , 2 14 ).

upp rt et

lC

that homel

n

m ntal illn

, addi ti n, p

nz ie , Ruth er[! rd, W l h,

rn a b c nn ec ted t

th r

cl

n and R

i l determin ant , including lack f edu cati on,

rty and hi g h unempl ym nt rate .
anadi an

hi gher rate of hom le ne

k (200 ) argue

amo ng lndigen u p pul ati n . In Briti h

ciety ha led to

lumbi a, g vemm ent

ac tion led to the de tru cti n f ub i tence life tyle , whi ch neces itated greater depend ence o n
the tate (Alfred 2009) . The tate ub equ entl y focu ed erv ice in larger centre to increa e
both migrati on to urban areas and ettled life tyle ( !fred, 2009) . A cknowledgem ent of thi
hi tory of colonization i nece ary when con idering current erv ice D r the hom e le . Ae ro
C anada, people of A boriginal descent are o ften overrepre ented in hom ele s populatio n . For
exampl e, Toronto's homeles population ha 10 time more Abori ginal peopl e than th e
proportion within the general population (Hwang, 2001 ).

6

Two- pirit: "Hi tori ca ll y the term i based on a per on· in clinati on toward ce rtai n ro le . re pon sibiliti es and
behav iours seen as traditi nall y male or female. It is n t based up n ne' s choic o f ex ual partn er or gend er
preferences a these are Western co ncepts. It i a gift th at, in a lot of case. , was thou ght t be
di coverabl e at childh ood.[ .. )the Two - pirit ro le was ne to be celebrated be au se of the abd1t to . ee and fulfill
male and female per pecti ve and respon. ib il1ti es. Imp rtantl y today, Two- pmt en ompasses the spmtual
co mponent oflndi genou identiti es" (Toront o bori gi nal upport er 1ces oun d, 20 14, p. 3 ).

12

b riginal id ntity h uld influ nc £ d aid £ r h m 1
r comm ndati n made b Indig n u

h lar, aiaiak

col nizati n , and imultane u ly impr

ing ph

traditi nal di t.

llan and

akam t (2 14

hould focu on gend r and al

expen nee and d m n trat
ll an and

lfr d (2009) £ r v r oming

i al and m ntal h alth, i a r turn t a

p

iii ally r commend that d c ioni zing

that " b rigi nal w m n a

n ultati n

a helper " (p . 0) .

r p

ith p

pe pl , a am ng the

rv1 ce

e ing ervice w uld be rec gni zed

pl e peri ncing h mele ne

b th h n urs their lived

t.

akamot (20 14) al o

pl ain h w c 1 nizati n

Aboriginal w men wh were p werful , c ntral t
argu ed that today thi m anife t a bl am e on

ught t destr y the r le of

and re p cted within their co mmuniti es. It is

bori ginal wo men fo r "elevated rates of m ental and

social di tress unfolding in their communiti e while imultaneou ly ignoring hi torical, social,
and environmental factor "(Tait, 2009, p. 1970) .

!len and

akam oto (20 14) expl ain how

current discourses of homelessness and service de ign continue to rein fo rce this message while
negative experiences of care "could compound personal and societal experiences of coloni zation
and racism" (Allan & Sakamoto, 2014, p. 72). On the other hand , accessibility can be enhanced
through care that is genuine and accepting (Allan & Sakamoto, 20 14, p. 72) and hom eless
Abmiginal women were found to actively help and upport one another.
2.1.3 Food Systems

Food and agriculture policy is presently heavily influenced by powerful corporations and
lobbyists, such as the Dairy Fanners of Canada (The Lobb y Monitor, 201 3; Vongdouangchah,
2013) . While the UN Special Rappmieur on the Ri ght to Food, Olivier De Schutter (2012), ha
suggested that Canada could promote access to healthy, sustainably produced foods, he

13

a know l dg
trad agr

u h a in tituti nal ' bu 1 al' 7 practic

that appr ach

ment . H w

r, imilar appr ach

ha

be n tak n, wher

uld c ntrav ne fre
ch

1 b ard c nn cted

chool feeding pr gram dire tl y with 1 cal agricultural pr due r ( 1 ck et al. , 200 ) . Initiative
uch a thi can 1mpr

macr -1

1[! d n ir nment by fav uring mall cale, 1 cal,

u tainabl producer .
H althy c mmunity [!
debate ver the r le f [!

d

d charit

m are u tainable for human and the environment. There
mm

ing t ward thi g al. The [! rm that aid i often

provided in i n t u tainabl e for tb c n umer, th e envir nm ent, r the charity it elf. There i a
growing recognition that impl y pr

iding em rgency [!

d aid n t onl y fa il to addre

the

tructural a pect of food in ecurity and h m le ne , but it can contribute to worse I ng-term
health outcome for tho e reli ant on food a i tance (Rock, 2006).

om e argue that th e

provisioning of food charity reinfo rce dominant power relation hips within ociety because
those in positions of pow er choose what is provided as aid , how, when, with what frequ ency, and
if the recipient is deserving of aid (Curtain & Heldke, 1992 ; Tarasuk, 2001 ) .
However, individual control over food choice and suppl y is not a panacea becau e foo d
choice is largely shaped by societal pressures and forces . In much of the world , agriculture ha
9

become industrial and the population is und ergoing a nutrition transition (Marmot, 2007).
People are eating more processed food which is hi gher in calories and fa t, while being lower in
nutrient , with resultant health impacts (Mam1ot, 2007). As the Ontario Healthy Communitie

7

ln st itutionai 'Buy Lo cal ' pra ct ices: " Due to the reach, influence an d extent of procurement and th e me as urab le
econom ic difference of buying local , m any arg ue th at focusi ng mo re procurement dollars on local compan ies 1s a
good strategy fo r econom ic developm ent. Th e rat ion ale is t hat m ore m oney kept in a local economy p rov ides m ore
jobs, tax dollars and w ealth to support oth er bu si nesses" (Du ffy & Pringle, 2013 , p. 7)
8
food aid and food charity are used interchangea bly in th is th esis.
9
Industri al agriculture: "th e syst em of chemica lly intensi ve food pro duction developed in th e decad es after W orld
W ar II, f eaturing enormous si ng le-crop f arms and anim al prod ucti o n facilitie s" (Union of Con cerne d Scientists, n.d.
par a. 1)

14

c aliti n found " n unheal th di t i 1

ft n a matt r f p r nal ch ic and m r

functi n f ocial and c n mic in qualiti

" (2 0 6, p. ). R

imp rtant b cau

"[a] ce

t

d, ffi rd abl ~

g

than health education " (Wilkin

n

d y t m

1

very

m r diff~ r nee t what e ple at

d mak

M nn t, 20

tru cturing ~

ft n a

p. 2 ).

2.1.4 Homelessness, Food and Health

H mele n
fa ce barri er in ph y ical
When peopl e

acerbat

ell-b ing, and pe ple wh are home]e

train n hea lth and

ocial and cultural nvir nment that other citizen d n t experience.

h ar homele

b c m e unwell th ir ability t acce

limited (Hwang, 2001 ). Individu al wh are h m le
general populati n, including high er rate of illne

hav

p

medi cal ervice can be

rer hea lth utcom e than the

and m 11ality (Hwang, 200 I ). imil arly,

when a per on ha limited food acce , or can onl y acce

~ od of inadequ ate qu ality, it leads to

poor health and w ell -being outcom e . In tum, poor health inhibits a per on's ability to navigate
social and environmental challenges to acquire appropriate and suffi cient foo d . Improving food
security and food citizenship for people experiencing homele sne s can contribute to better
health outcomes through the prevention of illness and increased feelings of well -being, while
addressing detenninants of health and empow ering peopl e.
The factors that shape an individual's nutritional needs are compl ex and va ri ed bu t
homelessness likely increases caloric and nutrient requirem ents due to high levels of physical
activity, insuffi cient amounts of sleep, and exposure to extreme temperatures which are typical
experiences of people experiencing homelessness (Darmon, 2009). Rates of substance use are
high among hom eless popul ati ons which is signifi cant becau e substance use decreases
micronutrient availability and body ma s index (Dann on, 2009; Sealand, Haugan, Erik en,
Smehaugen , W and el, Boluner & Oshaug, 2008).

15

urr nt t

1 D r mea uring and under tanding D d

are in ufficient (H Hand K nned
populati n ha

Hwang, 2011 . R
din

f [i

high 1

t f tr t liD ,

ear h ha indi a ted that h mele

urit and malnutriti n ( li , hahab ,

ara uk, 199 ; Hamlin, M er i r,

Muynck 2004· Ant niadi

curity in th c nt

hijima, & d

' dard , 2 006 ; H !land et al. ,

20 11 · Hwang, 2001 ; Tara uk t al. , 200

. Thi am ct ph y ical health a well a m ntal and

1 impa t

elf-effi acy and beha i ral capability (MiewaJd &

ocial w 11-b ing, and negati
entre D r u tainable
countle

mmunity

ev 1 pment, 2009).

o d and health are c nnec ted in

way , but with marginaliz d p pulati n , th re i a tendency t reduce th e c mplexity

of thi relation hip to a D cu on either nutriti n r hunger.
Food aid, which focu e excl u iv lyo n nutriti n, may exclud e oth er imp rtant
component of health uch a cultural element (Da1mon, 2009). Food charity, which focu es on
the provision of the mo t nutritious food to the neglect of other element associated with eating,
is reminiscent of the biomedical justification of improving hea lth statu that ha often been used
to rationalize colonial policies

el on, 20 12). Therefore food charity should be critically

examined as an approach, to understand the motivations and culturally engrained preconception
that it envelopes .
There are cultural and social elements embedded in both preparing food and eating food
with others. Riches (1999) refers to these as "integrating forces" (p . 206) within a society. These
cultural and ocial elements are an important aspect of the mental health benefits which come
from food. Preparing one's own food can also provide an individual with a sense of pride and
autonomy. The unique politics and economics of the street influence consumption of food by
homeless people. A better understanding of the food systems of the homeless, including the role
of trading and sharing food , i crucial when planning food charity to avoid potenti all y eriou

16

h alth c n equ nee . Yet ft nth re i little c n ultati n with h m ele
their need and d ire wh n d

el ping~

p opl in r gard to

d p li cy (H alth Pr m ti n R

arch

entr , 2005) .

Appr aching the well-being f h mele

indi idual fr m a m re h li tic tandp int would be

ad antage u t impr ving th ir ~

curity.

om meth d
in~ rmal channel ,

of~

d

d acqui iti n by h mele

uch a r cei ing ~

Alth ugh th y ma y ha e ther m an

indi idual remain invi ible through

d fr m fami ly r friend , r by elf-provi ioning.
f pr curing [!

d, many h mele s pe ple do rely heavil y

n charitabl e~ od d nati n (Mi wald & Me ann 20 14; Tara uk, P land,

aetz, Booth, &

Dachner, 200 ). Howe er, the h m 1 s are al

limited in what they can acce

in this rea lm .

Charitable food ource can be diffic ult to acce

depending n phy ical distance or operational

times . Often aid organization e tabli h uniqu e eli gibility criteria regardin g who may receive
their m eals (Miewald & McCann, 20 14; Tara uk et al. , 2008) . Therefore access to food charity
may depend on willingness to attend reli giou s services, fitting within a certain age group, or may
be based on merit that has been predetennined by the provider (Dachner & Tarasuk, 2002) .
Setting conditions to receive assistance is problematic because it impacts the individual's right to
food .
Charitable food providers are trying to meet the need for food with limited resource and
voluntary labour. Although homeless populations are not homogenous groups, and nutritional
need vary between individuals, there is usually only a single meal option offered. This is
problematic because it does not allow for consideration of taste preferences, ethical, religiou , or
health related restrictions in diets (Me ntee & Naumova, 20 12). This ystem exhibit an
oversimplification of the compl exiti es between food, hea lth and well-being. As mentioned there

17

i a t nd n y t r due

t

d

curity t hunger rath r than r

try, 2 11 ).

det nninant of health "( o ter, K 11 r, McK e,
2.2 Food

ecuri ty and Food Politic

lncrea ed fo d

curit 1 ad t 1mpr

being. Th c n ept f indi idu al t
at a colle ti
re id ent

gm z th c nc pt i a "k y

d ecurit , d crib d in

hapter 1, can al

be c nceived of

1 vel a c mmunity D d e uri t , which i defined a "wh n all c mmunity

btain a afe, p r

nall y a ceptabl , nutriti u di t through a u tainabl e fo od ys tem

that rna imize healthy ch ice , c nununity
(Dietitian of

m nt in th quality f n ' hea lth and well-

If-reli ance, and equal ace

fo r everyone"

an ada, 2007, p . 1). F 11 wing thi definiti on community foo d ec urity means

that:
The ability to acquire foo d i a ured; F od is obtained in a manner that uphold hum an
di gnity; Fo d i sufficient in qu ality and qu antity to sustain hea lthy growth and
development, and to prevent illne and di ea e; Food is produ ced, p roce ed, and
distributed in a m anner that doe not comp ro mi se the land, air, or wa ter fo r future
generation (Conununity N utriti ni t ouncil of B , 2004, p . 3 ).
The British Columbia govenunent end orses the F AO definiti on of foo d ecurity described in
Chapter 1 (Foster et al. , 2011 ), whil e the c01nn1unity food security definiti on above has been
advocated by BC's Provincial Health Services Authori ty (PH A , 20 15) ( ee Chapter 3 ).
According to the definitions above, having food that meets an individual's ethical, mora l
and religious foo d preferences is a legitimate component of foo d security. McEntee and
N aumova (20 12) found that, because of a lack of und erstanding of food insecurity, a conunon
attitud e that exists is that people in need should sim ply be grateful for any food they are given
tlu·ough foo d charity. This attitude suggests that a person' needs or preferences are insignificant,
which m ay be dam aging to a homeless individu al's sense of self and emotional or mental well being.

18

In c ntra t t fl

d

urit , fl

f nutriti nail ad quat and afl fl
fl

d in

ciall a cepta 1 wa

d in curit i "d fin
d

11 hite, 2
iding fl

hi h ar

Wi k , 201 ; Ri he

).

aum

rt

n,

ull cn,

Mhurchu , 201 0;

cmm ental, have limited re

urce ,

rp rati n fl r d nati n

d y t m and

rporatc d nati n are ftcn [ fl

ked r n ar e ' pirati n and

& Wick , 201 0; Me ntee

ft n

).

d are ft en n n-g

and ar fr qu ntl d pend nt n the indu tri al fl
(Lundahl

aila ility

" ( ara uk, 2 0 1, p. 4 7 . ack f finan cial re urce

B c kei, 2 11 ; W bb
that are pr

Jiain

r limited r unc Iiain bili t t a qUir ac ptabl

k, 2 0

id ag n i

a limit d run

d-like pr du ct ,

n id r d ·\\a te pr du t' by th d nors ( und ahl

a, 20 12). Thu chariti e

ft n have little inilu nee ver the

nutrition and qu ality f the mea l, which imp act the hea lth [ th
Ame1ican context, corp rati n are reward d for pr

e c n uming the fl

d. In th

iding donati n via tax incenti ve and

reduced waste di po al fee , whil e improving their corporate im age as ociall y and
environmentally re pon ible (McEntee &

aumova, 20 12; Tara uk, 2001 ). Wh n donating fl od,

en mi ng optimal nutrition or cultural appropriatene

for peopl e in need may not be con id red

a important a eliminating produ ct , which are near expiry or are over tacked, from tore
shelve (McEntee & Naumova, 201 2). As one author write about private emergency food aid in
the fonn of food banks, aid i disa sociated from what th e cli ent require in that the amount and
kind of a sistance received i "driven not by their need for food o much a by foo d policie and
practi ce designed to maintain operations in the fa ce of a limited, hi ghl y variabl e, and largely
uncontrollable upply of food donation " (Tarasuk & Eakin, 2003, p. 15 11 ).

UITent food aC ty

regul ati n regarding donati n often nece itate that th fl od citizen donate ha been
produced, and purcha ed, within a fram ework f indu tri al agricultur and co rporate control.

19

epti n t thi
t gr w pr du

t d nat t charitabJ m al pr gram (

verth le

thi

m n an

iet

tandard

and in re ingly rgamz ti n ar en
mg p

ral n ir nm nt pr m te the
and di pl ac

tr diti nal diet and th a

and ar m r like]
nt e '

ciated cultural,

eri u ramifica ti n a it

in whi h pe pi e bee m m re fa mili ar with a parti ul ar .G d

influ n e life! ng .G

M

nful, 2014 ).

n umpti n f a h m genized

and piritual el m nt . Thi appr a h t meal planning ha

charit

uraging gardener

ntinu c n uming it,
aum

haritabl e [i

n when th ey bee me ind pendent f .G d

a, 20 12) .
i i ning y tem may ha

broad r n gati ve con equ ence , beca u e

th y create d penden e n an un u tainabl e y tcm and de clop a patcm ali ti c attitud e t ward
recipi ent

f D d charit y, p

pi e are u uall y n t ac ti vely engaged in thi

component of th ir fo d y tem (Tara uk, 200 1). Thi i a lo t pp rtunity [! r kill building,
creativity, ocial interacti n, nutrition educati on, and cultural and piritu al well -bein g.
Melanie Rock (2 006) de cribe how a ta kforce on hunger and ocial development in
Montreal developed a li t of food that hould b rejected by foo d chariti e a donati on , and
provided a rational e forth exclusion of each fo od on the li t.

hariti e

ometim e appeal for

certain food s that are in hi gh demand , but they can also expli citly refu e other , whi ch would
force corporations to recon id er their poli cie around food donati on. The list devel ped by the
ta kforce considers the influence of food produ ct on per onal factor of the rec ipi ent , uch a
future purchase patten1 and the development of food kill and cooking abilitie (Rock, 2006).
2.2. 1 The Right to Food

The numb r of anadians who acce
2010, over 5 000 peopl e receiv ed .G

pri va te emergen y food aid i grow ing. In March

d from B

fo od bank , which are non-goven1mcntal

20

erv1c

(F

t r tal 2011 ). In

through Privat
th

nit d

anada, and man

m rg n

d

ati n , all p

ple ha

en hrined in the

th r countri

d ( nit d

nant n

and ratifi d the d clarati nand the c

cial and

c n m1

cording to

ultural Right .

ati ns, 2013) a
anada ha

igned

nant (Riche , 2002) . hi s ri ght e i t at all time and is

not d p ndent n an indi idual fir t becoming h u
under tand be au e it pro id

ften

ati n , 201 ). The right t D d i

larati n f Human Ri ght in article 25 ( nit d

111

w 11 a the Int rna ti nal

It i the federal g

aumova, 20 12).

) (Me nt
a Ri ght t

, D eding th 'hungry' i

d. he ri ght t D d i imp rtant to

the ju tificati n D r cri ti ci m [the inad equaci s of D od charity.

ernm nt' re pon ibility to en ure thi ri ght i m et for peopl e unable to m eet

their own need (Riche , 2002) . tate mu t re pect, protect, facilitate and provide the ri ght to
food ( ffice of the High

1nmis ioner for Human Right

n .d.). A the ri ght to food and the

evo lving conceptualization of health both include per onal elements, uch as culture, simply
providing food that is nutritionally sufficient for urviva1 is not sufficient from a ri ght to food or
a health perspective. However, if homele

people were found to be food ecure, then the

Canadian government would have little obligation to intervene in this area.
According to the UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, Canada has generally
made sufficient efforts in protecting the right to food internationally, but not domestically (De
Schutter, 2012). The right to food has not been added to the Canadian Charter of Ri ghts and
Freedoms and First Nations people are patiicularly vulnerabl e to food insecurity (De Schutter,

2012). Ensuring the right to food for people within the Canadian state serves as a fonn of
primary prevention for a vast number of ailments including disea e frequently experienced by
homeless individuals. Some of the primary disea es associated with food insecurity include:

21

malnutriti n, b ity typ 2 di abet

HI

infecti n and p

r m ntal health (

rt n et al. , 201 0;

Tara uk 2001) .
ch lar m upp ri

fthe right t ~ od argue that

n urn r have nl y limit d amount

of p wer whi h i ba ed nth ir ability t ch

n t t bu y certain[! od and t purcha e

oth r in tead W 1 h

c nan , n can ee h w hom ele

have 1

M a Rae, 19

). In thi

pow r, a they rn a b unwelc me in c rtain

purcha e r tran p rt go d . If they are r c iving ~
go hungry. H we

individual

tabli hment , r lack the ability to

d aid , they m ay have the opti n to ea t or to

r, ther ar peo pl within rganization who are w rking t take advantage of

the potenti al fo r mpowerrnent.
approache to hom ele ne

n

ampl e of a pl ace u ing innovative and locally adapted

and foo d i ue i the Homele

While Hanlon, Ro enberg and

ard en Project in

alifomi a (20 10) .

la by (20 07) de cribe v Juntary service prov id ers as hav in g the

capacity to be re ponsive to need becau e of th eir grassroot nature, fu ndin g chall enge have
been describ ed as leading to competiti on between organi zati ons that are attempting to access the
same pool of financial re ources . Hanlon et al. (2007) also go on to describ e the concept of
insidious rationing among organizations who lack capacity to meet demand . Hanl on et al. (2007)
describe how some volunteers at the e organi zations m ay choose not to adveriise their
organization's services and instead selectively prov ide services to peopl e they choose. Thus those
who benefi t do so largely due to chance, or social connecti ons. Actions such a these can further
infringe on the right to food.
Although humans have a right to food, there is a "marked relationship between social
inequ ality and foo d (quantity, qu ality, type of foo d consumed, style of it consumption)" (Riches,
1999, p . 206) . This social inequality leads to increased health inequitie experien ced by peopl e
who are homeless. As human ri ghts are not granted on the ba i of wealth, pow er or privil ege,

22

the right to fi

d, and with it th r p n ibility f [i

d citiz n hip , mu t b e tend d to all

m mb r of o iet including th home!

2.2.2 Food Citizen hip
W 1 h and MacRa e ( 19

bey nd

con umer , but d e n t m
r pon ibiliti

) argu e that th anti-hung r m vern nt aim t emp w r

. A they put it "[f]

n urn r t citizen hip , which ha rights and

d citiz n hip ugge t b th bel nging and participating, at

11

f the r lati n hip (p. 241 ). he c nc pt f citizen hip i rel vant tope ple wh are
they are ft n e clud d from th r fi 1m

home]

f participation a m embers within

society. F od i an imp rtant rea lm in whi ch to challenge di emp werment and marginalization
becau e:
Food, like no other commodity, allow for a politica l awakening, as it touche
our live in o many ways . Food citizen hip draw s on and helps nurture
authentic relation hip . It ha the potential to generate active citizenship ,
rather than the tri vialized notion of citizen hip that aul (1995 , p. 168)
describe , in which our involvem ent i reduced to "isolated act[s] of vo ting
and .. . voluntary activities (Wei h & MacRae, 1998, p. 241 ).
Food citizenship advocates choosing food that are produced in a sustainabl e, ethi ca l
manner (Wilkins, 2005). A passive eater may be unconcerned and unaware of how, by whom,
and under what conditions their food is grown, processed, and transpoiied . Through food
citizenship, social justice and the environmental sustainabili ty of food system s can be improved
(Welsh & MacRae, 1998). The concept of food citizenship strives to transfonn consumers, with
little power, to participants in the food system (Wilkins, 2005). This happens when con umer
engage in dialogue regarding their food, and either produce their own food or u e their financial
resources to suppmi pra ctices and bu sines es that fUJiher their ideal (Wilkins, 2005) .
Whil e the term food citizenship may sound unrea listic for people experiencing
homelessness, the actions proposed for food citize n hip are ca1able to be suitable for the

23

indi idual and the c nte tin whi h th
make fo d choic

li

on, 2011 .

communi ti e

20 12). Pe pl hav a r 1 on ibility to

whi hare u tainabl (Wilkin , 2005 ), but th y mu t be encouraged in

making re p n ibl deci i n thr ugh the
Finla

(Wilkin

tabli hment f a upporti e nvir nment (Horwitz &

d citizen hip acti n ar m re healthy and u tain able for individual ,

and n ir nment (

A tud y b W bb rand

ilkin , 20 12).
ollahite (2 00 ) d m n trated that c ncem about food quality,

production and farming practi ce were c mm n am ng low- inc me head
participant e pre
input

f h us hold. M any

d cone rn o er geneticall y m odi fied rgani m , pe ti cid e , chemical

antibiotic and hormone in th ir food, but were unabl e t affo rd organi c produce

(W ebber & Dollahite, 200 ). Webber and Doll ahite (200 ) al o noted that, although the e lowincome people have per onal experi ence with inequity, and would pre um abl y not w ant to
perp etuate inequity they are unabl e to afford products that were certifi ed fair-trade, organi c or
that uphold their ideal s about agricultural animal welfare. Often times, produ cts of thi s nature
were not available for purchase where the participants hopped (Webb er & Doll ahite, 2008).
However most participants in the W ebber and Doll ahite (2 008) study were not
particularly concerned with where their food was produced. Some people did m ention the
importance of supporting local farmers, and the negative social , cultural and economic
consequ ences of 'bi g box' stores. Participants described local food as tasting better and being
fresher, which w ere desired traits (Webb er & Doll ahite, 2008).
Participants in the W ebber and Dollahite (2008) research also obtained food infon11ally
through "gard ening, anim al husbandry, fora ging and hunting, and bartering activities" (p. 196)
and were found to rely on bartering and networking more than middl e class families did . This
research explored the role of these informal fo od networks to develop a more compreh n ive

24

und r tanding f the £ d y t m

indi idual ,

pr

u r earch ha prima1ily

expl r d £ od availability thr ugh ch rity.
and it i Imp rtant .G r h m 1

With ri ght com e r p n ibiliti
in th ir £ d

t m, to ha ve

b cau e the h m le

v ic and defend th ir ri ght

are af.G rd d littl p w r

ithin

individu al t be active

bvi u ly, thi i chall enging

ci ty . However, there are pe pl

m vement around thew rld whi ch aim t take c ntr 1 f

'

d y t m and recla im fo d

overeignty, wh rea incr a ing c rp rat c ntr I er de the e concept (Riche , 1999).
International m

ement

uch a La

1a

ampen ina, unite marginalized pe pl e , pea ant and

mall cale agri ulturali t t reclaim their food y tern .

2.2.3 Food Ju tice
In the W e tern context, peopl e involved in the food m ovement tend to be middl e class
Cauca ians (Alkon & Agyeman, 2011 ). However, a the W eber and Doll ahite tudy
demonstrates this is not to suggest that other groups are not concerned about food issues. In BC
there are many groups that are working pecificall y for Indigenous food ystem , including the
Indigenous Food Sovereignty working group, and the Vancouver Island and Coasta l
Communities Indigenous Food Network. Indigenou s food sovereignty has also been examined
by food policy groups such as Food Secure Canada (Food Secure Canada, 20 13).
Demanding food justice benefits both marginalized producers and consumer . Food
justice is:
Increasingly substantiated by racial and income- based exclusion, food ju tice
operates to prioritize just production, distribution, and access to food within the
communiti es being impacted. This is the focus of the food justi ce movement,
thou gh environmental and economic benefits often result from the e effort a
well (Me ntee & Naumova, 20 12, p . 237).
The food justice movement i driven by the peopl e, is holi ti c and place based, and it
resists the commoditisation of food (Bamdt, 20 12). Furthermore, "by linking low-income and

25

mm rity p pulati n

with alt rnativ

prioritize human w 11-being ab
(M

nt e &

&

aum

aum

m

f :D

d

r ducti n and c n umpti n , advocate

pr fit and al ng ide dem

a 201 2, p . 2 7) .

ualit

f .D

ratic and

d i a c mp n nt f fl

ocial ju tice va lu
d ju tic (Me nte

a, 201 2) .

The level f attenti n to pecifi c gr up r individu al .D

d n ed and health quity can be

evaluat d u ing Paty huck' (2 0 11 c ntinuum f hea lth equity f h ea lthy eating and .D
ecw·ity. The continuum build
the linkage between .D

n the them e

f critical

d

cial theory but pecificall y c n id er

d ecurity and h alth equity. In thi framew rk , acti on are evalu ated

and range from uni ver ali m/c 1 ur blindne

t di ver ity/cultural competency to anti -

raci m/anti-oppre ion. A component f fo d ecurity i en urin g that minority group have
acce

to appropriate food . Exampl e of an anti -oppre ive approach to food are:
recogni[tion] that raci m function a a barri r to cormnunity elf-determin ation and selfsufficiency and que tion white-dominated food initiati ves. Reduce food strategie '
dependence on corporate food indu try donations that do not meet the need for nutriti ous
culturally approptiate food " (Patychuk, 2011 , p . 41 ).

Increasing access to country food s, for lndi genou p eopl e who want them , improves food justi ce
because, as one Elder cited in Elliot et al. 's tudy expl ains, "Traditional foods should not be a
privilege (for the wealthy) , it should be available for all!" (Elliott et al. , 201 2, p . 6) . However,
Patychuk's schema is limited in that it does not explicitl y promote the involvem ent of people
who would be the recipi ents of food aid in the proposed actions.

2.2.4 Food Sovereignty
The concept of food sovereignty is based on a premise of environmental and social
sustainability, including wom en's rights (Grey & Patel, 20 14 ; Wittma n 2011 ). Increa ing food
sovereignty leads to improved interactions between humans, animals and environment, and thi s
naturally leads to a cha ll enge in the preva iling iloed thinking abo ut these different aspec ts of
26

"

t m . Th m

foo d

em nt t ward

comp n nt of th ho li tic~
f p opl

and g

~

r qUir

d
o

d y tern .

r ignty i a c nc pt that "~ cu

mm nt t det Imine th 1r wn ag1icultur

envir nment , and m de

f pr du ti n.

c tnmunity in olv ment a a

d

y tern , [!

on the right

d market ,

reignty i a radical alt rnativ t c rporate-

led, n o-lib ral, indu trial agriculture!! (Koc;:, umn r,

in on, 201 2, p . 85) and i usuall y

a ociated with mall- cale fa1ming and 1 calized produ cti n . Working within a food overeignty
framew rk would in lud a
control the current~

t f tak h ld r wh are much different than the takeholder who

d uppl y in

current large scale corporat

anada. An increa e in fo d overeignty would mean that the

takeh ld er would 1 e power, influence, and pr fit. Food

overeignty would not nece arily occur with th achievement of~

d ecurity, but a food

sovereign place hould al o be food ecure. Food overeignty would al o lead to a more
egalitarian distribution in power and control over the food y tern, and more local knowl edge
and involvement in food production. De pite these promising benefits, the current English
language research on food overeignty and health equity is minimal (Weiler, Hergesheimer,
Brisbois, Wittman, Yassi, & Spiegel, 2014 ).
Food sovereignty is rooted in place, so in a food soverei gn scenario peopl e would be
reliably able to access local food. Food is not just available in a place, but is also of a place.
There is a connection between what is available and where one is. While homeless people are
often confined to one area of a city, the food that is avai lable to them i neither reliable in supply
nor is it likely to be a product of the place, due to the neoliberal policies that see corporately
controlled food donated to charities .
The principle of sustainability is closely linked to food politics. Healthy social-ecological
systems depend on the susta inability of the food supply and vice versa (Declaration ofNyeleni,

27

2007) . It c uld be argu d that u tainabilit i th dri ing [! rc b hind fi

fi od

eking long-t rm

er ignty i

and indep nd en
health f th
yeleni fo d

111 c

mmunitie

luti n t fi

pr er e g netic di

n ir nm nt ( e larati n f
v reignt i fi cu

d r quir m ent

alu ed a

y tem thinking of fi

d

which fi ter w 11-being

r ity in plant p cte

' leni , 2007) .

d n the ntir ty f the

being r ducti e, each c mp nent, wh th r that b cl imate, fi
con umpti n patt m

d overeignty becau

cc rding t the

people dming time of hom ele ne

111

d gr wth, fo d pr paration or

a ntra t t how emerge ncy fi

ften perate

eclaration f

cial-eco l gical y tem . Rather than

ntributing t the wh le ( eclarati n f

reignty i

and pr t ct the

yeleni , 2007). The

d aid provisioning for

wh re the ignificance i pl aced on hunger

or nutrition. How ever, h m ele ne , hunger and poor nutrition are all indi cators that a system i
not functioning prop erl y rather than b ing i a lated i ue .

2.2.5 Indigenous Food Sovereignty

Indigenous food overeignty is described by the Indigenou Food ys tems Network a
a specific policy approach to addres ing the underl ying issues imp acting Indigenous
peoples and our ability to respond to our own needs for healthy, culturally adapted
Indi genous food s. Community mobilization and the maintenance of multi -millennia!
cultural harvesting strategies and practices provid e a basis for fo rming and influencing
policy driven b y practi ce (para. 1, n .d).
Inherent in this definition are four key principles of Indigenous foo d sovereignty. These are:
sacred or spiritual, participatory, self-detennined, and policy related (lndi genou Food System
Network, n .d.). Coloni al control was exerted by banning important cultural event such a the
potlatch, among other practices connected to food . This ban is a fonn of symboli c violence,
because it positioned European foo d cultures as inherentl y better. As Mcllwraith (20 12) writes,
food cultures that involved fora ging were considered impoverished by co lonizer .

28

Indig n u [!

d

reignty i a aluabl c ncept b cau

and it hed light nth h alth inequiti
Indi g n u D d

er ignty "pr

it i a m an

fa ed b Indi g n u peopl . Morri

id e a re t rati ve fram ew rk fi r a c

f dec 1 nizati n
n (20 11) say that

rdinated, cr

-sectoral

appr ach t p li cy r D nn in D re try, fi herie , rang land, en ir nmental c n erva ti n , health
agri cultur a well a rural and c mmunity de e1 pm nt" (p. 10 1).
that Indi g n u fl

d

r y and Patel (2 0 14) argu

reignt cann t be di c nne t d fr m larger "cultural,

cial, and

p litica1 r urg nc " am ng t Indigen u p e pl e (p . ). H wever, Mi ewald and Me ann (2 0 14)
ugge t that initiati

t m ake the city r D d y tern m re environmentall y fri endly are at

tim e conflat d with increa ing ocial j u tice, o it i nece ary t be aware of the di stinctions.
The Indi genou D od

er ignty m odel pr po ed by

lli tt et al. (20 12) posits that th ere

are overarching oluti n that will lead to increa ing traditional D od access . T he olution
offered are empow ennent, knowledge renewal, and renewal of fa mil y and community
relationships.
Based on Elliott et al. 's proposal s, Indi ge nous food system offer an eco log ica l
orientation to fo stering both environmental and social determinants of health , noting that,
"Indigenous food system s include all land, soil , water, air, pl ants and animals as well as
Indigenous knowledge, wisdom and values. These food systems are m aintained throu gh our
active participation in cultural harvesting strategies and practices in the fi eld s, fo rests and
waterways which represent the most intimate way in which we interact with our environment"
(20 12, p . 98).
Dawn Morrison writes that, "Indi genous cultures are shaped by our unique re lationship to
the land and food system s within our respective traditional tenitories" (20 1 1, p . 97) . he goes on
to explain that "the und erlying principles of Indigenous food sovereignty are ba ed on our

29

r pon ibilitie to uph ld ur di tin t ultur

and r lati n hip to th land and fl od y t m . "

(2011 p. 97). urth nnore, "fl r m ntal h alth biol gical and nutrit:i nal m chani m may be
in eparabl fr m the cultural and

cial a pe t

f traditi nallifl tyl

ample, the Whapmag o tui

cone I t m

t cl

r

to engag in land ba d acti iti

" ( arle, 201 , p . 4 ). or

related t 'h alth ' nece itate the ability

, in luding hunting, ha ing belt r and ea ting appr priate fl

d

( rey & Patel, 20 14 .
R

earch that

amined .G

d ecuri ty n a Fir t

ati n re rvati n m n rthem B

found

that th comn1unity m emb r had a trong d ire fl r nutriti n edu cati n pr gram which were
r f1 ctive of th ir

ati n · w rldview and no t ba d n We tern knowledge sys tem (Tobin,

French & Hanlon, 20 10) . Ind ed, Patychuk t al. (20 11) tre

that Aboriginal elf-

detetminati on i a nece ary part of health promotion. Promoting and wo rking fro m a framework
of Indigenous food sovereign ty i challenging. However, culture is a oc ial determinant of health
and adequ ately addressing social determinants of health requires recogru tion of levels of
complexity in ecosystem s and social systems (W ebb et al. , 20 10) .
There are many sm all changes that can be readily implem ented to begin the proce s of
decolonizing food system s. Aboriginal foo d cultures have successfully been incorp orated into
large scale food provision in the Kahnawake Schools Diabetes Prevention Project and the andy
Lake Health and Di abetes Proj ect (Elliott et al. , 201 2). Indeed, Northern Health addresse the
benefits of institution serving traditional food and acknowledges that, "There are impotiant
social, cultural and environmental dimensions to all stages of the foo d chain and each has the
potential to support or undem1ine individual, comn1unity and cultura l hea lth" (Northetn Health,
201 2, p .11) and that "[l]ocal food and food systems can also promote diverse health functions.
Participation in food procurement and preparation can serve as a premise for shating, celebrating

30

and maintaining traditi n , and tr ngthening
indi idual r 1 and re p n ibiliti

cial n tw rk and pr m ting awaren

mmunit " (

in th

f

11hern H alth, 2 12, p. 12).

2.3 Food Sy terns a a Cont xt for H alth and We ll -be ing
In publi hea lth, and
111

p iall h alth pr m ti n,

ngage in dail ac ti iti

hi h p

fac t r int ra t t af[i ct h alth and
[i r thi

c nt

ell -

re ear h and 1 ca l fa

and participant ' li
t in

. Thi

hapter Thr e.

examine the infl u n
(Poland & D

f th

ll1

r

ial

nt xt

hi h en ir nm ntal, rgani za ti nal and p r nal
e rge 1 th

ing" W I , 1

ifi t th
tting i di u

tti ng ar "th pl c

etting

it and r gi n uniqu ely hape th e [! d y tern

d m t rm

1al, cultural and envir nm ental

I gica l m del [! r hea lth pr m ti n tak setting int ace unt and

ntir

y t m n health, including cultur , tru ctur and hi tory

ri , 201 0). The e etting can th en b u d t und er tand health di tributi n trend

and interv nti on effectivene

(Poland

o ri , 20 10). Poland and D

ri recomm end [! tering

u tainable hea lthy etting by building n a et to prom te change, bein g pl ace- ba ed, takin g
into account 'whole y tern 'while recognizing individu al contri buti n , and "conn ect[ing] li ved
experience to that of other and to the practi ce , tructure that crea te and u tain inequity"
(20 10, p . 28 9) .
arter, Duboi and Tremblay, (20 13) recentl y co mpl eted a review of literature
sunounding pl ace and food ecurity. They detem1ined that mo t tudi e are nabl to incorporate
the neces ary amount of compl exity to ad equately ex amine the level of environmental influ ence
on food ecurity ( arter et al. , 201 3 ). How ever, re earch by Kirkpatri ck and Tara uk (20 I 0)
found that, for low -income famili e , the proximity from their pl ace of re id nee to low-co t
grocery tore , food bank and community garden had no influ ence on their level of food
ecurity. he e ervi c

were clu ter d in area of low oc ioeconomic tatu , but the efTect on

31

th p pulati n wh actuall ace

Tara uk,

rge a ther i clu tering of fl od security

201 0) . ituational imilariti
r lat d

wa unkn wn Kirkpatrick

d th

rv1ce in an area that i 1 w- ine m e nd includ e m any h Iter and ther ervic

for

individual wh ar h m el
Inform d by exp ri enc with th er etting £1 r hea lth pr m ti n, developing a ettingsba ed approach t

u tainabl [!

d

tern (and m

ing t ward [!

inter enti n on multiple le el . t ry, K aphing t, R bin
ecological fram ew rk of [!

n- ' ri en, and

d ch ice ( ee Figure 1 bel w) offer

al. ' (2 00 ) fr am work addre e the

d

vereignty) will require
lanz' , (2 00 8)

ne uch appr ach . tory et

cia! environment (and the phy ical envir runent to an

extent) and attempt to explain di ffe rent elem ent of[! od ch ice. H owever , the fram ework fa il
to empha ize the importance of the natura l environm nt to food securj ty, food justi ce and health .

32

,----------,
oess
1
•

•

1

•

I
I •
I
I •

I

I

I

I •

I

'--

•

I
t
I

•
• Su

rrn

Go

n

nd

poltU<.:at stl'OdU:r&~
aJld po!sae'S

ood as.

•

afi(.'il$

ogtem$
• HEm
care
ems
• Land "*se and

-rans-ponatwn

~---

•Ro~ m®ettflg

t
t

•S~al suppcwt J
I
(1
_ _ _ _ _ _ ..J

•SodaJ~s

'

• Family
• • Friends

• Peers.

Figure 1: "An ecological framework depicting the multipl e influences on what people eat" from
Story et al. , (2008, p . 23).
Ecological models have been criticised for not making the linkage between levels
explicit, becau se they are difficult to test, and fail to emphasize w hich factors are the most
influential for individuals (Winch, 20 12). Furthem1ore, they may not accurately define systems
for p eople who live outside the boundaries of the norm (Winch, 20 12). Expandi ng on Story et
al.' s model, and informed by an ecohealth and socioecological settings approach, thi re earch
considers the natural environment, and the ability to hunt, fish, and forage.
Seasonal dynamics within the food system are ano ther example of the importance of the
natural envirorunent and the value of a combin ed social and ecological orientation to food
systems. As will be expanded in Chapter 3, the vari ation between seasons is especially r levant
in Prince George. Food security can be affected by seasonality in multiple way . Fore ample,

33

r

arch indicat

that in

n n an tat

wh r p

pl had hi gh r hea ting c

enior citiz n w r m r lik ly t b £ d in cur b
rd

t in the wint r,

au e th y redirect d th ir finan cial

Kant r, 2006) .

many p

pl n1ove betw

r ourc

£ r £ d t ward hea ting

p riod

f b ing h u d and being h m le , it i imp rtant t r m mb r that pe ple may have

dif£ r nt c

t a

n

ciated with each ituati n.

tud y condu cted by W ebber and

ll ahit (2 0 ) had participating h u eh ld record

data in the ummer-fall and winter-early pring. The author did n t r p rt ignificant
difference betw en the ea on . They n t d that participants w re not enthusia tic about the
notion of eating

a

nally, but that h u eh ld wh participated in programs th at provided th em

with coupon to fanner ' mark t were able to uppl ement their£ od purchase durin g the
growing ea on (W ebber & D llahite, 200 ).
easonality is al o important becau e the phy ical environment ha historicall y provid ed
local First Nations in northern BC with adequate sustenance to m eet th eir needs and theoretically
could be a source for self-provisioning of food . Thus, bound by seasonal changes, foo d and
lifestyle became intimately connected:
For Canada's Aboriginal peoples, hunting, fi shing and gathering practices fonn
an integral part of their culture. Not only is there a high dependence on food
thus acquired to maintain their traditional and preferred di et, but also for many
Aboriginal peoples the food procurement and distribution process is the way
through which societal values, such as sharing, are transmitted
(Robe1ison, 1991 , p. 14- 15)
Throughout time, the foods people consumed have been what they have been able to
forage , fish, hunt, or grow on the land and water, immediately sunounding where they live,
shaping the development of culture.
People often associate sp ecific places with their identity, and thi relationship is o
important that it ha s been argued that pl ace "can be seen as a centre of human meanin g,
34

int nti n and alu

" (Wind

r

M

y, 2005, . 14 7).

Thi relation hip i amplifi d b twe n Indig n u cultur
d pend d nan intimate kn wl dge f th land cap and e
dditi nally, the piritual imp rtance f pi a e cann t b
homele ne

and D d ar imp rtant t c n id r.

abl t acce

traditi nal D d

thi affect

r pre entativ of id entity.

and th land . urvival hi t ricall y
fan area.

1 gical pr ce

rl ok d. Relation hip to place,

h n pe pl are di placed they are n 1 nger

r hunting or fi hing gro und and they ar

marginal area . Thi inju tice ha c n qu nc
Homele

d i al

ften fore d int more

~ r [! od securi ty an d health equity.

p pulati n may b con idered di placed pe ple (M urphy & Tobin, 2011 ), and

en e of elf and belongi ng (Vandermark, 2007) . As fo d i linked with pl ace and

culture, eating local traditional food , may help pe ple feel a greater en e of conn ection to
cmnmunity and ociety. Vand rmark (2007) state th at, "ex ternal obj ect can ex tend the en e of
self to the group , for example, ethnic food "(p . 244).

onnecting to one's culture is a manner

tlu·ough which people define identity and increase sense of self. Food is a cornmon cultural good
that people have an intimate relationship with a they consum e it, and sub equently shape their
bodies based on consumption practices. Access to land and th e connection to food ecurity is
complex. For example, even people who actively gard en may not be food ecure, although they
are producing food (Gorton et al., 201 0) . Indigenous people in the United States found that a
access to land was gained, the preparation time required to prepare traditional food emerged as a
barrier (Gorton et al., 20 10) .

2.4 Conclu sion
The review of the literature in this chapter has highlighted the complexity of the
interrelationships among homelessness, food politics, health and environment.

tudies which

synthesize and integrate across these themes are needed to better under tand the e perienc s that

35

peopl ha e with fi

d y tem during tim

indi idual who ar h m el
and c ntr 1 within

h uld al

n
dri

ci ty mu t b addr

. The e p ri nee and valu e of

future re ar h and , in parti cular is ue

d. In

hapter

ur, I will e plain h w th r

f pow r
arch

meth d logy and d ign are u ed t achi e

thi g al, but fir t further c ntext n theca e tud y

location of Prince

ical and nvironm ntal settings is provid ed in

eorg and the

cial, ph

hapter Tlu·ee.

36

CHAPTER 3: T DY

0

T

T
f the literature a it r lated to h m 1

hapt r Tw c ntain d a r

ial and ultural nvir nm nt in h alth and w ell -being. Thi

f phy i al,
chapter pr

id

pertin nt c nt

tu al inD rma ti n r gardin g the dif[t r nt macr and micr 1 v 1

influ nc

that hape th

3.1 Food

ecurity and Polic at th

ne t

ne , [t od

n ir nment

1 [t r m ea uring [!

Canada in the 1970 , to tra k the c

f pe ple li ing in rinc

rg .

ational Pro incial , and R gional Level

d ac e ibility i th h althy [!
t f h althy [t

d ba ket, introdu ced by Health

d ver time ( ietitian of an ada, 2011 ).

The ba ket i m eant t be repr enta ti e of an average diet ace rding t

anada' foo d guid e

u ing onl y tapl e food , o it i not adju ted to dietary preference or pecial need (Di etitians of
Canada 2011 ). The m onthl y co t of thi ba ket for a ingle adult male aged 3 1-5 0 in B

is

$243.59, which is roughly half the amount of money that a single person wi thout dependant
would receive on social assistance (Di etiti an of Canada, 20 11 ). T he cost of purchasin g foo d
would be high er for people experiencing homelessness , because w ithout a place to live and cook
they are unable to save m oney by purchasing in bulk, by refrigerating leftover foo d, or preparing
food from scratch. When food is prohibitively expensive, people may compensate by purcha ing
lower quality foods and/or consume less fo od, consequentl y j eopardizing their health and wellbeing (Cook, 200 8; The Stone Soup Proj ect, 201 0) .
In Canada, a tenth of all househo lds are considered food insecure (Cook, 2008; Pedersen
& Bocskei, 2011 ). The hom eless and people of Aboriginal descent are among the populations at

hi ghest risk for food insecurity (Pedersen & Bocskei, 20 11 ). Among urban population aero
the country, Abori ginal Canadians have a hi gher risk of hunger than non-Abori ginal peopl e.

37

In B

fo d

curity i

Mini try f H alth r gard it a n c
c mpr hen i
ad

popular r pla

ard a ~ cu

y tem whi h i

4 th Pub 1ic H a1th

n c mmunity fi od

ociation f

curity whi ch, i an increa ingly

m nt for harit and individu al c ntr d anti-hung r programming which hav

d p liti i ed hunger (
food ecurity trategi
that addre

c k i, 2 0 1 1 . In 2

(P eder n

cated for a hift t

ar fi r a public h alth car

k,200 ;W il er et al., 20 14). In

, public h alth unit are a k d t add

t th ir r gi nal health plan , leadin g to th devel pment f program

both imm diate n

d and und erl ying i sues c ntributing to fi

d ecurity ( ook,

200 ).
nder the core fo d ecurity pr gram, th B

M ini try f Healthy Living and

created the Community Food Action Initiative (CF I) (B

Food ecurity

port

ateway, 2011 ). The

CFAI is a public health program de igned to "increase fo od ecurit y at the population level wi th
a focus on vulnerable populations, including children and low-in come parents" (Cook, 200 8, p .
13). There is an Aboriginal H ealth Initiative Program run by V ancouver

oastal Health which

includes teaching people about acces ing traditional food, and training in gardening (Cook,
2008). However, the initiative do es not include programs specifi cally for individu als during
times of homelessness. Although anecdotal evidence is positi ve, th e program 's ability to affect
poverty related food security issues is considered minimal, but more research is needed (Cook,
200 8).
Communities can find support for initiatives through CF AI or, in northern BC, through
the Healthy Eating Active Living Network (HEAL). Thi includ s financia l support for project
being developed by c01nmunity orga nizations (Northern H ea lth, 2008). Food security related
action taken by public health agencie in B

have included: writing po li cy document ,

38

tabli hing c mmunity gard n

funding c mmunity ba d rganizati n w rking in ft od

curity and including xplicit language f [t

d ecurity in ffi cial p

iti n pap rs. Th

ari u 1

c 1 gical fram w rk f [t

d ch 1ce,

acti n

n

approa h

mpa

m t be appr priat t addr

majority f em erg nc [t
rv1c

within th

high .

relying n the

d

multipl influ nee .

curity r lated initi ati e are n n-g

pite th e

e

the

effmis, the

errun ntal and the demand for

cc rding t H anl n t al. (2007 , th pr

in ial government i incr a ingly

luntary ect r t provid e

the p pulati n .

The recently e tabli hed Fir t

c ial erv1c

ati n H ea lth Authority (

prograrmning that wa pre iou ly d livered by H ealth
Branch- Pacific R gi n . The F H

t

HA) ha taken over the

anada' Fir t Nation and Inuit Health

ha publi h ed a rep o1i entitl ed Healthy Food Guidelines, in

which they advocate for Indigenou Food

overeignty stating th at it includ es, "th e elem ents of

sacredness and elf-determination" (John on , 2014, p . forward) . In addition to th e nutritional
benefits of traditional food s, the FNHA promotes their con umption for ph ys ica l activity and
spiritual grounding, for community food security and for greater su stainability (Johnson, 2014),
but also acknowledges that environmental changes have led to increased diffi culty with their
procurement (First Nations Health Authority, 20 15).
The results of the First Nations Food , Nutrition and Environment Study (FNFNES) from
BC indicated that most First Nations people on reserve wanted to consume more traditional food
(Chan, R eceveur, Sharp, Schwmiz, Tikhonov, and Mimeault, 20 11) . In general, traditional
foods are "high in animal protein, nutrient rich, and low in fat or high in marine ource of fat"
( arle, 2013, p . 2). A third of respond ents in the FNFNES understood the health and nutrition
aspects of traditional foods, with another 22% beli evi ng the e foods to be safe and natural (Chan
et al. , 20 11).

39

n mnp tion of traditi nal [!
alm nand d er b ing th m

d

a found t b gr eat

t c mm nl y at n traditi nal [!

t in th

ummer wi th moo e,

d rep ti ed by r pond en t ( han

et al. , 2011 ). Thi c ntra t with th r 1 cal hi t ri al refl ecti n , uch a a rep 1i by a

T' nn h ld r, at a uni

h eid li

r it e ent I att nd d , that June wa tra diti nall y a m nth of famine in

their tenit ry.

na

week and m

and d er n

rag , parti ip ant in th

engaged in the [! llow ing acti iti

111

rep rted ating aim n nee a

han et al. , 2 11 ). T h r pond ent al o

er tw

: fi bing ( 5%), harve ting w ild pl ants inc luding benies

(33 %) and gard ening (2 %) ( han et al. , 20 11 ).

ther tra diti n al foods c n um ed incl ud ed;

fi h, ben-ie , land matnm al , beach foo d , w ild pl ant , mu hr

m , bird and tree foo ds ( h an et

al. , 2011 ). When a ked w hat th primary ban ier preventing peo pl e from eatin g more traditional
fo od were, the pa11icip ant reported prim arily a lack f pr p er equipment and transp ortati on
(Chan et al. , 2011 ).
3.2 Regi onal Context
Vancouver and Vi ctoria, which are among th e largest and m ost populous cities in
outhern BC, are the primary locati ons w here hom elessnes h as been studied in Briti sh
Columbia . There is, however, a different contex t in notihem BC, and seasonal access to foo d
differs in a northern climate. Fmihennore, residents of north ern BC have been fou nd to have
hi gher levels of food insecm-ity than southerners (BC Mini stry of H ealth, 20 ll ). For this
research, northern BC communities are defined as those w ithin th e region of the Notihem H ealth
Authority (See Figure 2) . Northern H ealth is one of fi ve region al hea lth authoriti es and it erves
approxim ately 300 000 people (n.d.b.). The service area is approximately 600 000 kilometres
squ are, w hich includes rural and remote communi tie , although the hub of operation i located
in Prince George (N01ihern Health, n.d .b).

40

Fi gur 2:

rth m H alth

In north ern B , ea
in th

rv tce

rea.

dapted fr m (

rthern Hea lth, n .d.a)

nal change are m re ignificant t D d uppl y th an in urb an area

outh of th e pro in e. Du to a m ail er p pul ati n and be ing more rem ote, n rth ern B

al o ha le

connecti n t intern ati nal .B

d m arket . In th e n rth , th ere i a redu cti n in

cho ice , m re ex pen ive and po rer qu ality of fre h fo d (Th e to n

oup Pr ject, 20 10) . Poor

winter weather can delay hipm ent of pr du ce leaving gr eery tore

he lve noti ceabl y bare.

Seasonal change al o includ e animal mi grati on and plant grow th patterns.
homeless popul ati on , and hom ele

ea onal effect on

popul ati on ' re pon e to these affect , have been

unexplored until now .
Re earch that examined food ecurity n are erve m n rthern B

fo und tha t the

community member had a trong de ire for nutrition edu cati on program which were reflective
of their worldview and not ba eel on W e tern know ledge y t m (Tobin et al., 2010).

ulture i

a ocia l cl et rminant of health and th re i increa ing recognition of it importance for health. For
exampl e, th e Northern H alth Po itio n on Hea lthy

41

ating de cribe how healthy eating can

"c ntribut t

kill d

lopm nt and u p rt th pra ti ce and c ntinuity f traditi nand cul ture "

(20 12, p. 1).
Th

rth 111 H alth P

iti n n Hea lthy ating r

ecurity which i d fin ed a including D d a c
Health, 20 12a) .

orthem H alth al

r

n ct a h li ti appr ach to food
afety and u tainability (

that [!

gmz

rth rn

d ecurity includ e c ncetn about

cultural a c ptabili ty (i . ., that the particul ar way in which a cultu ral gr up btain , prepare ,
di tribute and con urn

[!

di

igni fi cant) and

cial ju tice fi r pr du cer and consumer

orth rn H alth, 201 2).

3.3 Prince George
Du e to it not1hem locati n, it
large home!

tatu a a hub in the regi n, a gr w ing 'food cene', and a

population, Prince Ge rge pr vid e a umque etting fo r thi re earch. Whil e fo d

is readil y available in PG , it i uncertain what foo d i actuall y avail able to peopl e experiencing
homelessness. As W ebber and Dollahite expl ain, "[f]ood choice i influ enced by the "food
'context' (physical surroundings and ocial clim ate where foo d might be acquired)" (2008, p .
188). The centralized manner in which social services are provided today in Prince George is in
contrast to how the First Nations in this area lived before contact with Europeans, when they
moved their villages seasonally to avoid depleting resources in a ingle location.
3.3.1 Physical Environment

Prince George is located in the Fraser Basin in the montane cordillera ecozone (C han et
al. , 2011 ). The summer is short but warm, whil e winters are long and snowy (BC Mini try of
Forests, 1998). The city is surrounded by the forests of the sub-boreal spruce zone, and forestry
has been a primary industry of the region, along with some beef and dairy farmin g (BC Mini try
of Forests, 1998) . ln more recent years, there has been expansion of oil and natural ga

42

p rati n . Wildli:D in th regi n in lud d
w lve

:D xe , b ar , c y t , h

ptan11igan (Briti h

lumbia

, m untain g at, carib u , lk,

p, tt r , mu krat, rapt r ,

ini try fWat r, and and

umm r, alm n pawn in the ra er Ri
Within th city limit

r, m

f Prince

ngbird

h rebird and

1r r tecti n, n.d.). During th late

r ( a1ner e ani Tribal
rge, th [!

ugar ,

ouncil, 20 11 ).

d y tern includ

a limit d number f

small rind pend nt gr c ri e , everal difD rent up rmark t chain , mall fam1 r markets, and
r taw·ant downt wn and lining th mai n art rial r ad . Whil many of the e 1 ca tions ar
acce ible by publi c tran it, th tran it chedule i li1nited on evening and weekends, when
many route run redu c d p rati n , if at all.

3.3.2 Cultural Environment
Colonization and dramatic chan ge in life tyle severely di rupted Aboriginal food
sovereignty and had deva tating effect on health and well -being. Prince George i located on
Dakelth land (PG CP AH, 2003 ), and on land expropriated from the Lheidli T'enneh Fir t

ation ,

at the confluence of the Fraser and Nechako Ri vers. The total size of the Lheidli T'enneh's
traditional tenitory is over 4 .3 million hectares (TourismPG , 20 11 ). However in 1911 , the
Lheidli T'enneh were forced off the site where th e city now stands by the threat of destructi on of
their property through burning (TourismPG, 2011). Similar forced di spl acements have happened
in other areas of northern BC as well. The experience of the Cheslatta T'en, whose land was
flooded by construction of a dam, is another example of displacement in the northern BC area
(Windsor & Mcvey, 2005).
The Dakelth peoples' traditional food system include : salmon, whitefish, trout, deer,
moose, duck, geese, berries, and a wide variety of plants. The Carrier Sekani Tribal Council

43

bpag d

ribe h

w d in relati n hip t th

th

cha-K h "the ri

hang

r in th di tan

"(

T

2 11 ):

ak ' t, "autumn ", i v.h n v. tra It th
e ha- h' 111 ny lake. In Khit, "wint r",
w [! II \ traplin
av r and mu krat. and r turn t th lak s in sprin g, ' lulh, [! r
hunt d du k and g e e in th
ha- h'
u k rfi h and tr ut. Traditi n II ,
a an tua [! r mi gra t ry bird . , hin ." umm er" i when
mar he n ar
nd rh [, n
th aim n arri . Thi i
t im rtant re urc (
, 2 11 , para. 5).
H

e er, und r th

tr ng inilu n e f th

[the

m1 i nari , and Indi an ag nt
(

T

ur p an c 1 ni?er , incl ud ing fur trader ,
ak lth pe pl e b came m re sedentary

2011 ).

3.3.3 Social Environment

Th city f Prin e
( tati tic

anad a, 20 15 ).

(Milligan &

tati tic

rg ha a p pul ati n [ 7 1 974 and 33 990 pri va te dwelling
ppr

imat ly 11 % f citizen in P

anada, 20 10) whil e, within the

hare increa e to 1 % (No rthern Hea lth, 20 12). Th e
11 % in the 5 year leading up to 2006 (Milligan &

are f Ab rigin al decent

rthem Hea lth ervice area overall , that
bori ginal p pul ation f P

tati ti c

increa ed by

anada, 20 10). With in the censu

agglomeration of PG, 89% of people peak Engli h a their fi r t languag ( tati tic
20 15 ). The majority of people in the

anada,

orthern Hea lth ervice area are empl oyed in the re ource

and ervice ector . Prince Ge rge ha received nati onal medi a attenti on in recent year becau e
of Maclean's ma gazine's con i tent ranking a one of anad a' mo t dangerou citi e (Mac I an·
Magazine, 201 2). As the large t city in northern B , PG today is a pl ace where peopl e mi grat to
acce s ervices that are unavailable in mail er town or on re erve . There are many oc ial
en r1ce avai lable in P , and high level of tigma a ociated with ce11ain neighb urhood
(H ealy, tuart, apo tin ky, Joyce, & Lucier, 2006) .

44

Highwa
that

r 40

1 , kn wn a th High\ a

n murd r d in thi r g1 n
during th
eg

k ff

mg r

earch t

k pla e

urin g thi time a tri al wa he ld in

, and

dy

[ three

ne g irl ,

ata ha

hm

arn r

kani

ring and umm r [ 2014 .
a

g n e m1

ir t

f

mn r g irl , m n

ati n p e pl , h a
rv ice , 2

n i ted f th fir t d

nn
nt n e (Fund aL 2 14 ). In lat 2 14, harg

tw

f th r mainin g un

ekani Family

rv1

1 d murd r

tim at d

rg . It i

fT ar , run thr ugh Prin

m e n and

li e ( und a l, 2 14 ).

egeb k ff

w r la id aga in t an th er m an , in

a ft er th ca c had be n p n ~ r ~ ur decad e ( a rri er

, 201 5) .

Thi a p c t f th

c ial and ultura l conte t f P

i re leva nt t th ere ea rch beca u e [

len e th at w m en e peri ence, e pec iall y th

e wh o are A bori g ina l,

treet in ol ed , or 1i ing in p

erty . Thi re earch t

trial , and many peopl e who ar

treet invo lved ha ve been , and c ntinu e to be imp acted by, th e e

k place during th e time of th e Legeb k ff

ca es. Warning ign are po ted along High way 16, but hitchhiking re m ain a dail y reality ~ r
low income p eople, because there are few o ther opti on fo r travelling fr m re erve o r rem o te
location , without a priv ate vehicle.
A introduced in Chapter 1, there are hundreds of peopl e w h o are ex p eri encing
homeles ne s in PG . During the cour e of thi re earch , I spo ke with p eopl w ho a id they h ad
o bserved that more under hou ed/homel e

p eople w ere mi grating to P

sp ecul ated it was due to economic sh ift in the northern region . Prine

to acce

ervice a nd

eo rge ha an array of

enfJ ces pecifi call y fo r m arg inalized , h m eles , and und er-hou ed peopl e . There are at lea t 10
agenc1e whi ch provide p riva te em ergenc y foo d aid . (Prince

eorge

ommunity

, e m ent and

A cti on N etw rk, n .d .). Service ra nge fr m w ekday m al , t food hamp r , to a so up bu . The

45

majority f th
in P

£ d

1

ice agencie and th r er i

are 1 cat d in th d wnt

primary plac

that h m el

Th P

rrununit

majority f h m le

m rgency £ d er 1c

n c r . Th

p

£ d in th d w nt wn neighb urho d .

pl
ddr

ing H m el

n

a i tance (2 9%), and 22% am m n

thr u gh c ll ectin g b ttl

tore in d wntown P , alth ugh n t very ne m a ha e acce
uch a c n em enc

the area of low inc m e n ighb urh
re taurant , and at low c

11 (20 1 ) indicated that the

r

rge recerv me m a i tance (55%), or di ability

pe pl

d wntown core, other place

w ere a sumed to be th

.

here i

n e larg gr eery

t it. Whil e it i central t the

t r s and fa t £ d re taurant are closer t

d . Fo d m ay al

be purch a ed at d ll ar tores,

t tlu- ugh a c ok training pr gram . It i w rth n ting th at m an y of th e

sm all er tore selling fo d frequ ntl y change their regu lati on regarding bringing bags or
backpack into store a theft prevention m ea ure . The e m ea ure m ay impede acce

by

hom eless people who c arry their belongings w ith th em .
There seem s to be burgeoning intere t in local food in Prince George, a

hown through

the increased growth in local farm ers m arkets (Connell & D ewar, 20 12) . T here are m any
initiatives underway with the intention of improving food security. These range from con1munity
garden proj ects, fa1mers' m arkets, community kitchens, public lectures on growing, preserving
and selling foo d, and campus food system s proj ects. For instance, the city ofP G h as inco rporated
food security issues into its Integrated Cmm11unity Sustainability Planning Process (Picketts,
201 2). Citizens have also demonstrated interest in em ergency food aid provided in PG . For
example, at the time of w riting there w ere initiatives under development to reroute leftover food
from UNBC to St. Vincent de Paul, and the pre-m ed club at the univer ity also organizes
monthly volunteer sessions at St. Vincent de Paul. The right to foo d i gaining recognition

46

through a m

m ent t

ntr n h the ri ght t a cl an, afe en ir 1un nt and :B

barter (P PIR , 2014 . Th annual "M arch

gain t M n ant "

£ r the pa t

ral y ar , i an

ampl e f a mall

re earch ha b

n informed by tud ie and ini tiati

c ntinu d need £ r pr j ct t [i cu

n h m le

al

cial capital 10 and £ d

hich ha taken place in P

fil rt t ward il od

v reignty. Thi s

alr ad underway. H wever th r 1 a

il d

curi ty and il

Kirkp atri ck and Tara uk, (2 0 10) [i und tha t th re wa a p
perception of

ity

d in a P

d citizen hip .

itive a

ciati n betw en 1 w

curi ty, but thi relati n hip wa mitigat d by household

ocioeconomic factor . H m el

indi idual in Prince

e rge m ay n t differ greatl y in current

ocioeconomic 1 vel , but th r

p tenti al £ r a tl y different level of

cial capital, w hich

influence whether an indi idu al i the r cipi nt of a gift of£ od, or where th ey can acce

food.

P1i nce George i an expanding city wi th new housing development located further from
the downtown core. Larsen and Gilliland , (200 ) have indicated that with the suburbani zation of
cities comes a loss of sm all grocery tores, food retailers and supermark ets in downtown areas.
This can make access to food di ffi cult fo r hom eless popul ations and create a 'food desert 11 ' or
alternatively 'food swamps

12

' both of which are situ ations where access to healthier foo ds i

limited, while unhealthy food options are easily accessible. Food access i further compli cated as
individuals who appear to be homeless may feel sti gmatized when they attemp t to shop in
gro cery stores.
Previous research indicated that people exp eri encing hom elessnes in PG have limited
knowledge in regards to healthy food and food preparation (The Stone Soup Project, 20 10) . Thi

10

soc ial cap ital: "noneco nomic fac tors to explai n the success of cettain economi c processe , [...] co ncepts such as
trust, partici patio n in civil society and social networks"(van Kemenad e, 2002, p. 4) .
11
Food desett : A foo d environment whi ch is void of fresh, healt hy food options and i. typi call y located in lowerincome areas (Ko<;: et al, 2012).
12
ood swa mp : A locati on where ease of access to un healthy food , typifi ed as betng hi gh in ca lories, sugar and
odium, is greater than to hea lthy foo d (Behrens & im ons, n.d) .

47

lack of kn wledg

mbin d with limit d tran it pti n , wa :D und t lead t hi gh r food c

forth h m le . Re p nd nt
c nvem nc
t n

tor

than tra

t und it a ier t bu m re e p n i

1 t gr cer

the comm nt w re relat d t [!
chatiti

n in Prin e
iti n

fp

eorg wer c n ult d, in 200 ,

r t kn w ab ut h mele n s,

veral f

d, pecifically increa ing pr du ce and nutriti u food at [!

, including cultural! appr priat [!

charity opti n for pe ple

d at

and try t d t 1min what they could eat (The

oup Pr ject, 20 10). Wh n h m 1

about what they would lik peopl in p

prepared :D

ho ar int

t

d pr

icat d (P

iding le

junk[!

d

d, and having more fo d

P H, 2003 ).

3.4 Conclu sion
Thi chapter ha pr vided the c nte t of there earch a the basi of a more integrated
ocioecological approach that refl ect the id ea id entified a prioriti e in the literature review
(C hapter 2) including the ocia l, phy ical and cultural environment a important to food security
and food y tems. Understanding the context of Prince George and northern BC i al o important
because of ongoing effects of colonization which are exp erienced today (DeLeeuw, Cam eron, &
Greenwood, 2012). The next chapter outlines the m ethod ology and th e m ethods that were part of
this research process, including the measures that were taken to faci litate participation of people
expe1iencing homelessness.

48

H PT R4 : METHODOLO Y
Th pr
r

i u thr

arch. Thi chapter

DM THOD

chapt r intr du

d th rati nal , primary th m

ntain a d cripti n f the th

, and c nte t £ r the

retical appr ach that influenced the

arch wa c nducted .

re w 11 (20 1 ) define

a meth d 1 gy a the pro

f re arch that i de ided n g1 n th phil

phical a umpti ns

of the r

ciat d di ciplin

h 1 e f meth d and th mann r in

arch rand their a

logic, i cont

t p cific, and u

one goe about und 11aking r
re earcher' philo

hi h th r

an m erging de ign
arch (

b

re well, 20 1 ). It i the way in which

n, 1999). he ch ice f the ry 1 reil ctive of the

phi al a umpti n and th

that it influence the qu

. It may be chara terized by the u e f indu ctive

ry ma y be u ed as a len to guid e the research, so

tion that ar a ked, and the verall re earch de ign ( re well, 2009).

The relative ignificance of theory i conceptualized in several way and , althou gh
theory can beau eful guide in re earch Dob on ( 1999) cautions that it hould not be o stri ctly
ascribed to that it prevents alternative interpretations from em erging within the tudy . Thu s I
have drawn on theory to inform my study, however my research de ign wa fl exibl e to allow for
the emergence of alternative interpretations as they arose. In this ection , I will begin with a bri ef
overview of the overall research design, follow ed by a more detail ed explanation of the
theoretical perspectives I drew on and the methodologies that have informed the research. The
section concludes with specific details regarding the methods used for data collection and
an alysis.

4.1 Overview of Research Design
The primary focus of this research is on a group of people who are vulnerable and
m arginalized within society du e to vario us social determinant including hamel ssness and
racism. This stud y explores the issue of oppre sia n within the food sy tern and the health and

49

well -b mg c n

qu nc

drawn n critical

[! r p

ial th

pl e

ri n ing h mel

ry [! r m th

hich from the tim

r ti al p r p cti

f th phil

ne
.

e

ryday liv

riti al

cial th

. hu , I hav
ry i born

f

ph r Kant, ha c m e to b "aim d at a critiqu e

criti al r a

n,

of e i ting

c1 ty, with th g al f the mancipati n f human b ing fr m a vari ty of arbitrary

and (c 11 cti

1)

lf-i mp

ed re tri ti n

nth ir abil ity and ca pacity t f1 uri h and expre

th m el e equitabl , freel , and auth enticall " ( arr 11, 2 12, p. 7) .
ann (20 14) e plain that

Miewald and M

geographi ca l re earch in the pa t, it ha
mapping. Th author

h n [!

d acce

ha been the [! cus f

fte n been quantitati ve and hi ghl y depend ent on

tate that thi appr ach a! n i unable t addre

i ue ther fore identifying a gap. Thi and th ir pi temol gy f
them to utilize qualitative approach

I

the compl ex ity of the

cial c n tructi ni m , has led

them elve (Miewald & Me ann, 20 14).

In an effort to fill thi gap in the li terature, thi re earch wa likewi e a qu alitati ve
end eavor. This stud y ha been informed by the m ethodologies of ca e study re earch and
ethnography. Prince George, British Co lumbia, as the geographically defi ned ca e stud y, serves
as an instrumental case. Informed by these m ethodologies, the overa ll research de ign was
focused on a modified approach to community mapping, in ord er to begin an expl orati on of
major them es in a manner that was inclusive, and enabled the p miicipants to influ ence the
direction of the research . The data coll ected through this research were rich, qualitative data.
M ethods used to collect data were elected to ensure that the participants' rea lity was abl e to
emerge tlTiough the fmdings. These m ethods included a focus group and one-on-one interviews;
where parti cipants were encouraged to self-de cribe points of relevance to them . The one-on-one
interviews allow ed for in depth di scuss ion and elaboration of reoccurring theme that emerged in
the larger group setting.

50

Th r

arch wa al o upp rt d b

th r data

ethn graphy including participant b

1

additi nal data

ide c nt

urc al

e pand on data pr
4.2

ritical

hel

d pr

11 cti n m th d drawn fr m

ati n and fi ld n t
t p

( r tty, 1 9 ).

n rating thi

ific inD nnati nand t c nfinn and

id d b th participant .

ocial Th eor

I ha e ch

n t draw n criti al

cial the

t inD 1m th de ign f thi

tudy b cause

of the oci tal marginaliza ti n f pe pl wh ar h mele . The earl y rigin of criti cal ocial
theory are in the

rk of Karl Marx , and the

social th ory wa later influ nc d by the phil
critical ocial the ry i al

rman

rankfurt ch

1during the 1930s. ritical

pher Pabl Freire ( ickin

n, 1999). Today,

een t be highl y relevant t the field of health prom tion ( an 11,

20 12) . Critical ocial theory examine the individual, ocietal and hi tori cal factor of
oppression. It propo e that a dominant group i ab le to determine the norms of a society and
exert power in order to enforce these norms while devaluing the norms of the oppressed groups
leading the oppressed to internalize the negative self-image that is created (Dickinson, 1999).
Dickinson ( 1999) also proposes that the oppres ed group can become empowered through
mutual respect and collaborative action, and emancipated through critical elf-refl ection,
conversation and action for change.
Individuals who are homeless tend to be both oppre sed and exclud ed fro m participating
as citizens within society. Deci ions about many intimate details of their lives are often made for
them. Control over food is of particular imp01iance because of its connection to mental, ocial,
cultural and physical health and well-being. Eating is a very intimate act and connects nutrition,
infectious food borne disease, globalization, climate change and economic (Wa ltner-Toew s,
2009). Friere proposes that the oppressed may internalize both ideas that the oppre ors hold

51

11 a th d

ab ut th m which are ft n n gati
thu wi h t bee me th

t !ling of th di tributi n f p

r thr u gh ut

iti nalit (

ar h that u e criti cal

). hi i c nn cted to di t becau e

c1 ty.

ickin

n , 2 0 ; Ree e ,

lb rt, Kup er,

H dges, 200 8) . The

c ia! the ry i t re eal the way pe pl e are oppr s

develop wa y too ere me thi d minati n ( ickin
critical ocial th

or and

plore h w p wer and ppre sion are m anife ted within

cia! the ry 1

ociety ba ed n p
g al f r

f th oppr

t eat, i a way t dem n trate id nti ty, and wh at i available to eat i al o

what ne ch

ritical

( r tty 1

ppre

ire

d and to

n 1999) . Within thi research , I draw on

ry t con ider inter ecti n of ppre i n , patern alism , freedom , cla , gend er

and ethnicity in th e framing, analy i and di cu i n of th
proces e of coloniali m are relevant w ithin Prince

tud y. Hi tori cal and ongoin g

eorge, wi th their c ntinu ed ex pre ion and

the enduring con equence for Indi genou p eople .
4.2.1 A Note on Decolonizing Methodologies

It is not uncommon for peopl e who are homele s to be m embers of minority
population(s), w hether racial, or sexual , for example. It is important to be attenti ve to power
dynamics, issues of access and control and to ensure fairn ess and reciprocity in research
(Government of C anada, 20 13). A ll participants in this research self- identifi ed as having either
First N ati ons (Status and N on-Status Indians) or M etis heritage but m ay or m ay not identify with
a particular Indigenous conununity. It is important to acknowl edge th e significa nce of these
dynamics b ecause there is a long history of exploitative research that has taken pl ace 'on'
Indigenou s p eoples (Schnarch, 2004 ). Although I have no t specifica ll y u ed a decolonizing
m ethodolo gy, as a non-Indigenou s research er, I have taken steps to avoid reproducin g an

52

e pl itati

r lati n hip and ha

be n in£ rm d b r ading

nd

loni ing m th d 1 gy

thr ugho ut th r
I draw n d
c ntrol a ce

1 ni ing m th d 1 g1e wh n c n id ring th e principle of own r hip ,

and p

that the participant ha

e 1n(

ir t

ati n

gr at r c ntr 1in th r earch pr c

own r hip o er th kn wl dg th y hared and h
they cho

ntre, 20 5; chnarch, 2004), t ensure
r e ample, participant have

they are credited; during the consent proces

e to be identifi ed by a fir t name r by p eud nym . Wh n citing their pecific

knowledge within the the i and in any ub equent literatur pr du ced, participants are
acknowledged by the nam e elected- actual or p eud nym . Where parti ci pant revealed
information of a en iti

or potentially cond emning nature, I u ed discretion with this approach

and did not name participant .
Both critical and decolonising approache are al o relevant to -and often u ed in- food
tudies .... and also 'food citizenship' where active invo lvement in th e food system is favo red over
"passively consuming" (Welsh & MacRae, 1998). Comn1unity mapping is well suited to a
critical social theory research perspective, because it is recognize that man y research method s
are facilitating the "reproduction of systems of class, race and gender oppression" (Crotty, 1998,
p. 15 8), while a critical social theory perspective aims to challenge these systems.

4.3 Methodology
Informed by the ideas of critical social theory introduced above, I will now introduce the
methodologies of case study research and ethnography that have infom1ed the design of the
research and the choice of methods.

53

4.3. 1 Ca e tudy R e earch
r

11 de crib

a ca e tud a
r n

vent acti it

h n "th r

r m r indi idual "

tudy i th "pre£ rr d trat g

hen "h

the£ cu i

h n m n n

n a c ntemp rar

ca e tudy re earch £ u d n th int
th city f Prine

org , B .

Thi i why the primary them
connected to the

" r

11

h

ithin

II

ar h r e pl r

r well 20 9, p. 15) .

in argues that a e

qu

ed [ ... ]and when

ti n are being p

m real-li£ conte t" 1994, p.l ). This

lay f pe pl e p riencing h m le nes in 20 14 within

hapt r 2, f h mele n

cial, phy i al and ultural n ironment

of data collection were u ed to fully de elop theca e. In ca
records interview , ob

nte t p cific ( r well, 20 13 ).

uch, th re ult w r highly
from

in d pth a pr gram, an

fP

, .D

d, and health w r e

m

hapter 3. Multipl e fonn

tudy re earch , data ma y includ e

rvation and phy ical artifact ( re well, 2013 · Yin, 1994 ). Thi 1s

con istent with the data collection outline of this research. Theca e tud y m ethod has
successfully been u ed with other health related re earch ( reswell , 2013 ). The choice of using a
case study is most appropriate when there is little known about the phenom enon (Yin, 1994) and
this is the situation with the sea onality of food system , food security and food citizen hip for
homeless populations, and the subsequent effects on health.
Creswell (2013), explains how an instrumental case is one that has been selected in order
to study a specific issue. The case is selected to illu strate the issue, but not becau e there is
something unique about that specific case. Prince George is an instrumental case because the
food systems of homeless populations have been understudied , especially in regard to
seasonality in the north. Case study was chosen because it allowed for inve tigation of the
multiple levels of influence in the lives of the homeless in relation to food choice, and required
context specific in-depth analysis . This is necessary as otherwi e one ri k becoming blind to the

54

r ality that " ppr

i n ha m n fac

and c n

rn fl r nl

e p n

an b c

ti

b

f th

19

f ther
p. 1

). In additi n t th

fl atur

f a - tud r

n fl nn f ppre i n at the
nn

ti n b tw en th m " ( ro tty,

arch, th r ea rch ha al

be n

inform d by ethn graph .

4.3.2 E thnographic In ight
tlu1ograph i a fl nn f r ear h m th d I g wh r in there earcber tudie a cultural
group tlu· ugh in-d pth in
thi appr a h i t de

tiga ti n in the fie ld

r a pr 1 nged peri d f time. T h purpo e f

1 p an und r tanding and de cripti n f the gr up under investi gation

( re w 11, 2009 ; D n co mbe, 2007) . It in

1 e m eth d

uch a partici pant observati on,

int rview and fi eld n te that imm r e the re earcher in thew rid of the gro up and encourage
critical refl ection and ongo in g ob ervati n ( re well , 2009) . thnography va lue the tud y o f
everyday events and occunence (D n combe, 2007) . As Den com be (2007) de cribes m odern,
"[ e ]thnography generally prefers a holistic approach which tre es proces es relati onship ,
connections and interd ependency among th e compon nt part " (p .62) . E thnographic research it is
analytic, critical, can lead to theory development, or be used to test theori es (Den combe, 2007) .
This study was not an ethnography, rather I drew on ethnographic teclmiqu es such a participant
observation in order to develop a more ful som e und erstanding of the participants' experiences
with food during times of hom elessness.
As mentioned in Chapter 1, I lived as a student for two years in PG . During the time I
was a student in Prince George I was acti ve in the cormnunity through both work and
volunteering. I worked for the city as a lifegu ard w here I frequently interacted with low income
and at risk populations. I vo lunteered, among other pl aces, with the Prince George Native
Fri endship

entre in 201 3, working in food related progranuning. In 20 14, I vo lunteer d with the

55

Fir Pit, which i a cultural r
lunch

and nack ar

1

ur

ed at n c

Th n ighb urho d I li

2006

1

mg

11h wher

d in wa 1 w-ine m and highl y ti gm atized.

4 D m al ), th unempl oym nt rat

th labour D rc (B

iti e

t t pa11icipant .

en u data , the m dian inc m in th neighb urh

913 mal

abu

centr , and a branch f P

tat , 20 1 ). The turno

d in which I li

d wa

ccording to

20 369 ($25

a 12.2% and 29% f p e pl e were n tin

r rate £i r dw !ling wa

i lence and crim w re c mm n, and m y life wa

ry high . ub tance

ft en directl y impacted by th e

activiti e . Through thi unint nti nal e p rience, I ga in ed ignificant in ight int the lives of
people expeti encing hom el

n

and p verty in Prince

e rge.

The participant and th ir famili e were m y neighb ur . They lived in the apartm ent
aero s the hall, and in th building aero

the treet. It wa n t uncomm n to enco unter

participant in m y dail y life, which wa of great significance to thi s research . I often saw peopl e
who lived in my building attending charitable food programming where I vo lunteered and other
neighbours explained their inability to access food aid for a vmiety of diffe rent reasons.
These are some ethno graphi c insights about the neighbourhood that info rmed m y
interpretation of events. The most conunon question I have had when discussing m y research
thus far, has been related to how I 'gained' trust and access to participants. Where and how I lived
was a large contributing factor. My experiences provid ed invaluable insight in to the realities of
cyclic homelessness and poverty in Prince George. These local interactions and my previous
experiences were incredib ly advantageous wh en I engaged with peop le who were experiencing
or had experiences of homelessness in Prince George.

56

4.4

Modified

ommuni ty Ma ppin

intr du

pp r a h

ti n 4.1 thi

din

tud [! u

d n a m difi d

thn gra hi e appr a h

appr ach t r
m apping i link d w ith th
int rvi w ,

nununity m apping

p cific ata

lle ti n m th d u ed in thi r

mi - tru tur d int rvi w and

backgr und t

1runum

kno 1 dge and d

m ap m g a an ap r a h t

rib e k

The m dern u

rti ipant b rvati n . T hi

impli ati n D r r

f map in health re

baring and e

d

arch i

ithin a health re ar h cont

have tend d to fo cu on the detrimental a pect

mmunity

arch f .G cu gr up
cti n pr vide

hanging c rmnunity

arch de ign.

ft n attributed t J hn n w in 185 4

London, England a h m app d a ch 1 ra utb r ak t 1 cat the
2011 ). When u

.

t, ma p
f place F

urce f infection ( oster et al. ,

h wing health r lated ubject m atter
ter et al. , 20 11 ).

ommunity

mapping i a timely meth d becau e health p licy m akers are using health related m aps with
increased frequency; the vi u al nature of m ap i an appealing way to quickl y, and effecti vely,
share infonnation with audi ences from a wide vari ety of background (Fos ter et al. , 2011 ).
Where maps were once u ed by the co lonizer to dem onstra te elitism and dom ini on, they
ar e now b eing used as tools of social ju tice (Lydon, 2 00 3) . Lydon (2003) describ e how
Indigenous people worldwide are presentl y using m ap s to define their territories and sp aces of
being and how "mapmaking has been a key foundation for the recovery of th e cultural and
econmnic power they lost over one hundred years of colonization" (2 003, p .9).
While the maps them selves w ere not analyzed as data, they were used to help facilitate
discussion in the fo cus group and the semi-structured interv iews. T he m aps fea ture prominently
in a results dissemination throu gh the development of a book (See Append ix I). Community
mapping was selected as one of the methods of data coll ection because it i con idered

57

tran par nt, inclu i
2010· W

t nd

method that

and mp
d

d n, 200 · Mi wald Iban z- alTa

ataly t

entre, 2 09 . h e ar important qualitie for r

f ri tical

p nd t th u

h li ti and pl ac ba ed nature dri ing [!
principl e

f tran paren

mapping i an

ial th

ry.

d ju ti e, and becau

, in lu i n and mp w rm nt,

cell nt t

1 [! r

ploring [!

d p li ti

Fm1hennore, it requir

-ba

arch

mmunity m apping hare the
it i al

p siti n d on

arndt, (20 12) ugg ts co1mnunity

within a c mmunity.

mmunity mapping i an appr priate m th d t e pl re 1 u
"grounded theoretically in pla

urn r

ering (

f pl ace becau e it i

d m ·ironm >ntal ducat ion" ( arndt, 20 12 p. 73 ).

refl cti n to con ey indi idu al experience . Vand ennark suggests that,

in torytelling, "r f1 xi ity an b a healing and n rm alizing proce
(2007, p.245) with hom ele

in mental health care"

ind i idual , and can help erv1ce pr viders to view cl ients in a new

light. Creating maps is a fo rm of torytelling whi ch i repre enting human relati onships with the
environment. Vandennark (20 07), goe on to say that "[ e]ncouraging disp laced persons to
describe and consider their own experiences can prom ote a psycho ocial transition back to a state
of health and belonging" (p . 246).
The northern location and environm ent of Prince George, a relatively small sized city,
affects foo d systems for everyone in the city but, as Winchester (2005) expl ains, even peop le
living in close proximity to one another experience the sam e environment and events differently.
Modified community m apping was used in this research to help highlight an otherwise invisible
perspective of the food system .
Homeless people living in the sam e area may have shared experience , creating a
geographi c and situational community. Community m apping has been uccessfully used with
homeless groups to help m ake invisible components of their lives visibl e to the wider population

58

( utb rl t, Tremblay, & Yat , 2007) b
VanWyn b rgh

au

it refl

t p opl ' liv d

p n nee ( m den &

2005) .

Paradi (2000) argue that re arch

ith h m le

particip ant , or nth

ubj ect of

h m ele ne

i " p ciall y p litical becau e it in rea ingly i u d by g v rnm nt to

legitimize th

ery c n mi p licie that cau e h m ele ne " (p . 54) .

fl cu may r inforc nega ti e p rc pti on

f pe pl e p riencing h mel

nan ow re earch
, and lead t dam aging

p licy de elopment (Paradi , 2000) . herefl r it i 1mp rtant that a re earcher takes an approach
tore earch that c n id r the c mpl e ity, and tructural fl rce , th at contribute to hom elessnes .
The pa11icipant were enco uraged to con id r car fu ll y what they would like to m ap , and how
they could capitalize on the opp rtunity to expre s them elve , their concerns and need , a
de ired.
Community mapping pl ace pm1icip ant as active m embers within there earch, whi ch
both engages participants and helps them to maintain interest in th e research acti vity.
Comn1unity mapping ha s led to increased group cohesion, raised awarenes of issues in the
community and led to greater empowennent of pm1icipant (Blanchet-Cohen, Ragan, & A m sden,
2003; International Fund for Agricultural Development, 1999).
Community mapping and decolonizing methodologies are both de igned to empower.
(Barndt, 2012) . Cmmnunity mapping can be used to redu ce "w id espread sense of alienati on, lack
of voice, and dissatisfaction with community services" (Amsden & V an W ynsberghe, 2005, p .
358) . In some First Nations cultures of British Columbia, maps are consid ered an interface fo r
different realms of existence, including the spiritual and phy ical (Blanchet-Cohen et al. , 2003 ).
The maps may "represent th e relationships betw een patial/phy ical lements, cultural va lues and
abstract ideas" (Blanchet-Cohen et al. , 2003, para . 6). Furthem1ore, vari ou gro ups have

59

u c

y t m

fully u ed cmrununit mapping m th d t 1nap multiple c mpon nt

W t nd F

atal

d

a an appr priate m th d throu gh
(Blan het-

hen t al. , 200 ).

tran fer a greater d gre

fp

In their mapping w rk
participant . I felt that 1

t

hi h t

ntre, 200 ).

erall,

n tru ctiv di al gue with par1icipant

atalyz a

r m re pe pl w uld b t

m eaningful , inclu ive and c heren t di

i 1th

ry b ca u e it

tructured than an intervi w .

r t participant a it i
lanch t-

d

mmunity mapping i seen

a m th d, it i well ui ted t cri tica l

ith hildren,

f dif£ rent£

hen t al. (2 00 ) had gr ups f 15 t 20
m any parti ipant to be abl e t have a

u i n in the il cu gr up

I e tabli hed a m ax imum o f

10 participant .D r the c mmunity mapping. Ten parti cipant i generally the upper limit for
focu group (Patton, 2002).
During the community m apping the pat1icip ant were a k ed to draw (or write) elements
of their fo od y tern . The modified community m apping u ed the questi on of "what is?", "what
could be?" and "what should be?" outlined in Valeri e Brow n's "Social Learning piral" for
appreciative inquiry, in ord er to gain a ri cher sense of the food systems homeless people in
Prince George use throughout the year and their effects on health and well -being (Brown, HarTis,
& Russell , 201 0). The qu estions proposed by Brown were selected du e to their relevance to

exploring complex probl ems and their application in a range of work addre sing health,
environment and community concerns (Brown et al. , 201 0).
Par1icipants began with two blank bristol board s and hand drew the maps. Therefore, the
final products are personal, the creation process was accessible and each pat1icipant is able to
identify their contribution. Hand drawing m aps was practical and inclusive, because literacy or
computer skills were not necessary to pm1icipate. The m ap were not used as data, and therefore

60

ar n tin lud din th th
r

i . H we

r u ed a a p int f r fer nc during the

r, th map

pp ndi I).

arch and help d t inD rm th int
Pe pl

ften find r c iving D d harit , u h a thr ugh D d bank , demeaning,
pl e acquir ~

(Tara uk, 2001 ) and thi can influ en

h wp

fo d pr curement trat gi

up kit h n and D d bank . It i important to c n id er

be

the e 'in i ibl ' fac t r becau

nd
th

h lp hape the fo d

r ceptive to being a ked ab ut th m dir ctl .

d. he h m 1

hav a vari ety of

tern, th ugh pe pi e may n t be

ith c mmunity mapping, pe pl can expre s

them elve through art and d cid e what they w uld like t explicitl y di scu , r to leave
repre ented in v i ual form nl y.
4.5 Research Proce , Timeline and Ph a e

Data collecti on point with the parti cip ant included th e ori ginal meeting to di scu s the
project, community mapping and focu group exerci e, then an individu al or partnered interview
depending on the interviewee preference (See T abl e 1). Thi was fo ll owed by transcript
checking, book development and fmally casual discu sions about the research that occulTed
between May 1st and August 3 1st, 2014 . Participants choose which elements of the research they
would take part in, so some points of data collection have more participants than others.
The research process consisted of four phases (See Tabl e 1). The firs t phase involved the
completion of a literature review and defence of the thesis proposal. Follow ing thi I applied to
the UNBC Research Ethics Board for ethics approval to begin the research. The UNBC REB
made some suggestions for refinement and clarity of the stud y, and after a round of revi ion I
reapplied to the REB and was granted ethics appro va l (S ee Appendix B). Next was relationship
building with cmrununity partners, who helped provid e insight into the loca l context, and also
assisted with promotion of the event among their program attend ee (See

61

ppend ix A) . The

d th c mmunity mapping, D cu gr up and int I iew . Then in th third
pha e th intervi w were tran crib d and partic ip ant were
tran ript and a draft f th b
took place, and a

n

able 1, pha

k(

f th i draft

ere

upport wa of-D red .D r participant
how v r n

n m ade u

i w th ir individual

pp ndi I).

naly is and c ding

ritten.
ith lit ra y chall enge t re i w th

f thi a i tance.

re i wed th ir tran cript and 5 pr

ntacted t r

f the 11 p op l wh p articipat d in interv iew , 6

id d fee d ack, alth ugh nly ne p r

(a con ection fa gramm atica l n r). T

e d cuments,

n requ e ted a change

participant kept th eir tran cript after review . The

other parti cipant w h re i wed their tran cript

lected to return th m to me fo r sa fekeeping.

All of the participant re iewer de cribed how unu ual it wa to read their peech a writing and
ome felt elf-con ciou about it.

verall parti ip ant were pl ea ed w ith what they had said

during the interview.
The fourth pha se of the proj ect involves the the is defence, book di tributi on to
participants and sharing the findin gs with local organi zations, community partners and oth er
hom eless individuals (See T able 1). Ba ed on input from the participants, a book was agreed
upon as the best method . Participants will be given access to all final docum ents and m edi a
produced as a result of this research . The results will be published after the defence as research
articles and will include rec01runendations to inform f-uture food security programs and erv1ces
(See Table 1) .
Dissemination of results through conferences, community events, academic and popular
publications, and policy forum s has begun to occur and more is anti cipated. At the time of
writing I had presented the results at the

ana di an Association fo r Food Studies 2014

Conference, the Indigenous Health and W ell -being Initi ati ve Fieldschool, 2014 and The 5th

62

bi ennial c nfl rene

f th lnt rnati nal

iati n £ r col gy

H alth.

mi ng th tran cript

ch eking and ca ual c n er ation participant w r c n ul t d n what they £ lt wa m

Table 1: Ov rvi w of r
Pha e

1
1

1

2
2
2

2

2

3
3

3
3
3
4
4
4

arch p h a

. a ti1•iti

t

and parti ipatio n
Who i Involved *

Action and M ethod
Phase 1: Summ er -Fa ll 2013
Literature review and defence of Thesis Proposal, obtained letters of support .
Prior to the commencement f thi research I ent letters of Intent to the -Lheidii
T'en neh Fir t at1on notifying them I wa. gomg to be condu cting re. earch 10 the1r
traditional territ ry. etter ere aL sent to the 1rst at10n . Health Auth nty,
amer- ekani Famd erv1ce and the Pnnce eorge at1 ve Friend h1p entre
(Appendix A) .
Received UNBC REB approval , certificate number E2013 .1211.120 .00
Relatio nshi p Buildmg (Appendix B)
Pha se 2: Spring 2014
Began regul ar volu nteering w1th local food provider.
A k organization to recommend potential partiCipants .

Participant Recruitment -Meet individually with potential parti cipants
(Appendix C) .
Snowball . ampling a needed.
Partici pant Observation begins.
Co mmuni ty Mapp ing and Focu Gro up (Appendice D E, F, G, H ).
Partici pant Ob ervation .
Semi-structured interviews (Appendice D, E, F, G, H ).
Participant Observation.
Presentat ion at the Canadian Associatio n fo r Food Stud ies.

Pha se 3 : Summ er 2014-Summer 2015
Transcripti on and Coding.
Preliminary Analys is, Co nsul t about boo k developm ent.
Consultati on with Parti cipants about Results Di sseminati on (Feedback Sess ion).
Presentati on at Co nferences.
Member Chec king (n=5). January 201 5- update to two parti cipants in person.
Analysis and Write- up .
Finali sati on of Drafts.
Phase 4: Fa ll 2015
Di stributi on of Participant Boo k (See Appendi x I).
Thes is defence.
Results Di ssemin ati on.

JR,
JR

JR, local aid
orga n1zat ions
JR
JR, local aid
organi zations
JR, Participants

JR, Participant ,
Research
Assistants
Participants
JR - convenience
co n ult w/. orn e
participants during
Interviews
JR
JR, Participant
JR
Participants,
JR
JR

JR, Particip ants
JR
JR with without
Pat1JC1pants
*Note: Input from the Thes is Supervisor and Committee Members was received at regular point throughout this
proce

63

4.6 amplin g trat gy and Recruitment
Parti ipati n in th pr j
and had

p ri nc d at 1 a t

Participant had a rang

f

t

pen t indi idual

m nth

n

p n nee

ne

1

1 em nt

and dift rent 1

a

ith ' tr

h were 1 year

f age r ld r,

within th pre 1 u five y ar .
fr m ab

lute t hidden h

n

t lit '. P artici ati n wa entir ly v luntary and

parti ipant w r a ar the c uld withdr w at an tim fr m th re arch .
p nr

mg appr

recruitment thr ugh purp
ba i with h mele

i

thic Re i w

al fr m the

ard, I began participant

ampling ia c mmunity rgani za ti n that work n a re gular

indi idual and had bee m e familiar with thi r earch during the initial

coping pha e ( ee Table 1). While the rganizati n wer

upp rtive of the re earch and posted

recruitment poster , no participant were ugge ted . I plac d recruitment p

ter throughout the

downtown area in public pace , at pecific organizati n and al o more broadly in urrounding
neighbourhoods.

everal participant were recruited through the posters and each of tho se

individuals recruited others to participate a well. Snowball sampling became the primary
method of recruitment. Snowball sampling wa ideal because it relies on ocial network as
opposed to technology. This is suitable to the context of street life, because people who are
homeless tend to have limited access to technology but they often have well developed social
networks (Bar-on, 1997; Makiwane, Tamasane, & Schneider, 20 l 0) . There was a lot of interest
from people within the 48 hours before the conununity mapping event, and unfortunately several
people were tmned away once capacity was met.
Upon making initial contact with the potential participants, I ananged a date and time to
meet with them to discuss the project. I met participants in parks, office of ervice providers,
and at their accomn1odations. As a safety precaution, my partner at the time, wa awar of when

64

I anticipat d r turning fr m a h m
a c 1nn1odate m bility i u

ting.

ibilit in me ting l cati n wa un

k appr

pl th

ne h ur (

rtant t

pl ' daily r utin s.

and to b minimall di ruptiv t p

pot ntial pat1icipant br ught ther p
1n eting

hi f1

had re ruit d t th m

m

ting. Th e initial

Tabl 1, Pha e 2). Pot ntial participant were

provided with pr j ct in~ nnati n he t and a c n ent [! rm ~ r the community mapping and

:B cu gr up ,

1ni- tructured int rview , and feedback e ion (

I read the pr j ect in£ nnati n h
they a ked t read it n their wn

ee

e

ppendi ce

and

).

t and the c n ent £ rm ut loud t participants unles
and

pp ndi

ppendi

). The ethi cal implications of

thi re ear h were e plained and th e p tenti a1 pa11ic ipant had the opportunity to ask qu estions
and provide ugge tion . Thi enabled me to gauge their intere tin participati n, which wa
helpful to gain a en e of who w uld be pr ent for the mapping. I ex plained the community
mapping procedure, emi- tructured interview

feedback e ion and plan for the developm ent

of a final product. Many participants tated they had participated in research proj ects before so
they were fatniliar with the procedures we were going throu gh . If the individual decid ed to
participate in the project, and they met the eligibility criteria, I provided the patii cipant with the
date, time and location of the community mapping event.
Honoraria were provided to community mapping patiicipants in the form of 20 wotih of
gift cards to a nearby grocery store. Another $10 gift card to the same grocery store was provided
for the interview, and again if they reviewed their transcript. Gift cards, including for food, have
been used before as a fo rm of compensation in research with homeless populations (Benzies et
al. , 2008; Breuner, Barry, & Kemper, 1998).
Keeping with the them e of the research, foo d was provided at the co1nn1unity mapping
and also during the emi-structured intervi ews fo r those who wanted it. Eff011 were made to

65

n ure th rewa
nt. Thi

th

with all rgi

ari ty in th £ d pr

id d t th map ing and £ u gr up £ r the durati n f
pl c uld at wh nth

that

t:rateg
r p cial di tar

n ed

uld b abl t j

ackn wl dge that pe pl ha e th ir o n ta te
4.7 Data

1

th

e

gr up in the m al , and t

nd pr [! renee r gardin g £ d.

oil ction

ata fr m th
b

111 th

w r hungry, and

ation, r c rd d in fi ld n te , a

£ cu group. heR

c ll ected through participant

rrununity mapping
ell a

udi rec rdin g

f gr up di cu sion , and the

ar h

day, et-up forth lun htim m al and partic ipated in th mapping activity ( ee
and Appendi H) . The data collect d fr m th
a recorded by the digital recorder ( ee

ppendi x

emi- tructured intervi w wa primarily verbal,

ppendix F). I uppl em ented thi with fi eld note

f

non-verbal data including body language. Participant observation occuned imm ediately before
the community mapping, during the set-up time, semi- tructured interviews, and initial meeting
to screen participants. The actions and di cussion that occuned both before and after the
primary data collection events were a rich source of data . During the data collection period I
collected local news stories and publications which were related to the themes of homelessness,
food systems and health, this helped to provide a better sense of context for the other forms of
data (See Chapter 3 ).
4. 7.1 Participant Observation

Pmiicipant observation is an im portant component of ethnography because it involve
research in the field (Denscombe, 2007). In this study, data gathered throu gh patiicipant
observation are supplementary to the primary data that were collected through the community
m apping/focus groups and semi-structured interviews . Complementary data i additional

66

d cripti e data c 11
additi n t

t d ut id th pn m ar data c 11

b rvati n that c urTed durin g engagem nt with parti ipant , I al

unc ntr 11 d b ervati n in publi pl ac
year I li
lunt
1

c

ti n m chani m (K a111 , 2005) . In

. thn gra hi in ight

d in m y apartm nt near a ti gm atiz d area f d
ring in Prin

nt wn

u d

r gan1 red fr m the two
and my tim

rg . Thi m th d i fav urabl in thn graphic r

pent

arch b cau e if it

rt, it i n t di ruptive t th natural etting and h uld n t alter behavi ur f p e pl e und r

ob ervati n (D n c mb , 2 07 . h
which would ccur naturall r gardl e
When a ti

r ti call th

ituati n und er b erva ti n h uld be one

f the re earch er' pre nee ( ensc mbe, 200 7).

eeking t c ll ect data, I a ted a both a c mpl ete observer and an

ob erver-a -participant at time (Kearn , 2005) .

a c mplete ob erver I phy icall y pl aced

my elf in a public location where I felt I wa likely t w itne

a phenomenon of interest, and I

placed m yself in a location where my pre ence was minimally disruptive to others around m e
(Denscombe, 2007). This occuned during walks throu gh the downtown core and whil e attending
community events. While I was volunteerin g with aid organizations, my positi on as observer-asparticipant was overt by di cussing m y re earch plans w ith others (D enscombe, 2007).
The data from participant observation was reco rded in fi eld notes, which are detai led an d
descriptive (Patton, 2002). I took fi eld notes aft er events or interactions I witnessed that were
significant to the research themes during m y tim e as a complete observer and al o an observeras-participant. Recording notes during observation is recognized as potenti al downside of
observer-as-participant work as the researcher may be unable to record sufficient notes because it
may interfere with their role as a participant (Yin, 1994 ).
Both Yin (1994) and Denscombe (2007) describe how participant observation is a way in
which the researcher's bias can be introduced into the research, because when the researcher

67

, th

int rpr t th ph n m na th
cti

what th y ar witn
ord r t help £ u th
th th m e

1 r m mb er ph n m na th y d

nal

p n n

t e plain

m to be ignifi ant. In

n, I p aid p arti ul r attenti n t ph n m na that w r linked to

b

utlin d in the lit rature re i

f th re arch a

aro

during th c mmunit mapping and

bia

b d

ribing m p

ma draw fr m their p r

, a well a em rg nt them

m1 - tru ctur d int

iti nali ty (R :G r t

that

iew . I hav b en vert ab ut m y

hapt r 1).

4.7.2 Focus Groups with Community Mapping Participants

cc rding to Patt n, D cu gr up generally invo lv "bringing togeth r p e pl e f simil ar
background and e peri enc

t parti c ip at in a gr up interview ab ut m aj or i sue that affect

them " (2 002 , p . 23 6). F cu group ar e a di tinct D nn f interview, where p arti cipants are able
to li ten and react to the comment

f oth r gr up member . Individual are encouraged t refl ect

upon their own idea , and although each p arti ci pant' id eas m ay be influ enced by ther
participating in the fo cus group , convergence of id ea and op ini on s i not a goal of th e foc us
group (Patton, 2002). As the facilitator I ensured that all parti cipants had a fair opportunity to
speak during the fo cu s group that follow ed directl y af1er the c01nmunity m apping proces
(Patton, 2002) .
The focus group discussion w as centred upon what had been mapped and wh y (See Tabl e
1; Appendices D , E, and H)

13

. Thi s is cons i tent with Cam eron's obse rva ti o n th at foc us groups

are a useful tool for data collection because "the multipl e m eanings th at p eopl e attri bute to
places, relationships, processes, and events are expres ed and negoti ated, thereby provid ing
important insights into the practice of knowl edge production " (2 005, p . 11 7) . Indeed, th e

13

Within the Informati on Sheet and Co nsent Form the fo cus groups are refen·ed to as 'group shari ng' fo r partic ipant
ease of understandin g.

68

infl 1111ation a1ii ipant

har d

metime c ntradi t ry and it an d great! betw

a

n

indi idua l .
fl cu gr up fl 11
to reflect n th th m
c mmunity map

ing th mappmg

id d parti cipant with an pp riunity

th y and th r participant ch

and t pr

id input n there ear h pr ce , the R
am r 1 a th pa1iicipant (

part in thi c n er ati n and had th

Appendix H) . Th map that parti ipant
the pariicipant ' per pecti
proc

rc1 e pr

. Th combin d t

al

earch
ppendi

t

k

and

d were u d t guid e the interview to ensure that

d pict d in their arti tic reati n r main d central to th e inquiry
hniqu

f fl cu gr up (directly aft er the c mmunity mapping) and

emi- tructured int rview (in th week and m nth that fl 11 wed) provid ed greater insight than
a ingle form of data collection due to the dynami c in each cenario (larger group v . indi vidual
or paired interview ).
4. 7.3 Semi-structured Intervi ews

The use of interviews is con istent with both ca e stud y and ethnographic re earch
methods. Interviews can be a good method to demonstrate value andre pect for the participant's
experiences and opinions because they allow for greater depth and nuance than other form of
data collection, due to the open-ended questions and fl exible design (Dunn, 2005) (See Appendix
F). There were a total of 11 interview particip ants, of whom 9 participated in the community
mapping while the rem aining 2 onl y participated in interviews (See Table l ). The tenth mapping
participant consistently expressed interest in participating in an interview, and we scheduled
several times to meet. However they cancelled due to unanticipated life events, and the interview
was not conducted (See Appendix H).

69

The ne- n - n ,
participant'

mi- tructur d int rvi w

h i e. My riginal g al

attri ti n ( amer n, 200 7 . H w

w r c nducted within that tim fram e, itt
all participant .

m

within on w eek after th

a t c ndu t th

nt in rd r t r du

c mmunity mapping

re c ndu t d in a 1 cati n f each

k

r, whil e

m

m nth t c mpl ete intervi w with

t participant had r at d m ap , th y had ngaged with the is ue in

ad ance of th int rview

h

and I took handwri tt n n

mi - tructur d intei 1e
nk

p int and n n- erb al data ( unn, 200 5) . I cho e to use th e

emi- tru tured interview t clmique t all
dep ending nth an wer pr

were r c rd d w ith a digital rec rd er

fi r fl e i ility in the interv iew progre i n

id d by th e intei iewee (Dunn, 2 05) . I had an interview guid e

but, if participant had created a m ap then the m ap wa u ed a a di cu ion tartin g point. The
interviewee knew they w ere abl to rai e topics out id e of the p ecific lin e of qu e ti oning
(Dunn, 2005 ).
4 .8 Data T ranscription and Analys is

Thematic analysis i de cribed as a "method fo r id entifying, analy ing, and reporting
patterns (themes) within data . It minimally organizes and describes your data set in (ri ch) detail"
(Braun & Clark, 2006, p . 80) . I elected this method of anal ysis because it is a fl exibl e, iterative
process that is commonly used in qualitative studi es (Braun & Clarke, 2006 ). U ing th ematic
analysis would allow me to begin analysis of the data set from the interview s and community
mapping while the research wa ongoing, and to cross reference the em erging codes and them e
with my field-notes and pa1iicipant observation to check for consistency (Braun & Clarke, 2006;
Patton, 2002).
I transcribed the focus group and interviews data sets verbatim . Personally transcribing
the recordings allowed me to become familiar with the data (Dwm, 2005) . Transcript were

70

numb r d with a k
interview

that pat1icipant nam

er n t in lud d n th tran cript.
,Id

r gr up r parin r d int rvi

id d t pr

me

id ea h indiv idual a tran cript

with nly th part that th y h d p k n . If it
tatem nt of ther peak r( ) wer paraphra d r left in if they were
id ntifying.

ft er tran cript che king, I r ad th tr n

in th data (Patton, 2002) . I read fir t at th
b thin tan e making n t

a Im

note of detail that b ga n to re

urfac le

d along. I al

ry h rt and n n-

ript multiple time t bee ming immer ed

1 and then r read D r de per m eanin g , in
r ad and reread my fi eld-n te and mad

nat with th em rging th eme fr m the initial stage

f the

tran cript anal y i .
A I read throu gh th tran cript , I coded the data by hand , hi ghlighting phra es and
marking code in the m argin
complexity (Braun &

f the text. Many phra e received multipl e codes because of their

larke, 2002) . Once I had fini hed coding the tran cript , I u ed a word

processor to group all imilarly coded pa ages together. I reread all of the passages und er each
code and refined the codes for consistency and integrity of the code. Once I was satisfi ed with
the codes, I could see cl early em erging patterns and I began to group them together as possibl e
themes. The validity of these them es were strengthened when I compared them to the existing
literature of homelessne s and food access. I then selected quotes that I felt were the most
demonstrative of the theme. I once again refeiTed to my fi eld-notes to assess whether th e them es
I had identified within the transcripts of the community mapping and interviews, aligned w ith the
observations I had recorded. This process is consi stent with the phase of thematic analysis
outlined by Braun and Clarke (2002).
There were two kinds of codes that em erged within the data: descriptive and analytic .
Descriptive cod es are understood at the surface level, whereas analytic codes are und erlying and

71

r quire int rpr tati n, whi h ha

m rg d thr ugh d ta anal

imp rtant n t only :D r th me id ntificati n but b
mu t w rk
produ

ith and t b gin t

rganize th data (

db children ab ut n ir nm ntal hange,

a them had a d a11h f data it
Thi wa theca
interview

au

i (

it r due

2005).

ding i

th am unt f raw data ne

p , 2 0 ). In th ir tu ly D cu ed n map
lanch t-

a p t ntiall r pre ntati

hen et al. (2003) [! und that wh n

f th D ling

with th c d of c n-upti n after th c mmunity mapping.

f th participant .
uring the

it merged tr ng1 a a maJ r c nc rn f th participant , but initially nly 1 per

poke about it in th c mmunit mapping.
four different kind

trau

nd

n

rbin, ( 1990) rec mmend searchin g for

f th me in th data: c nditi n , int racti n am ng actors, trategie and

tactic , and outcome .
The theoretical ori ntation of critica l ocial the ry al

haped my interpretation of th e

data by looking at experience of power. I also earched for potenti al them es related to key areas
of the literature, while remaining flexible to allow participant generated them e to emerge. My
experiences of participant observation and field note influenced my analysi and interpretation.
Although this research has been primmily inductive, there were dedu ctive elem ent parti cularl y
as related to the gap in the literature on homelessness, food systems and health as discus ed in
the literature review . Finally, I took note of any outliers, which are themes that stand out as
different from the rest, and attempted to detennine how they relate to the larger body of data , if
possible.
Once the coding and theme identification were complete, I examined the con istency of
the results compared to the existing literature and then looked for ways in which there ults were
able to add to the literature to help reduce the gap in knowledge (Patton, 2002). I noted that there
was resonance with patte1ns and themes that arose from the participant observation and field-

72

n a pra ti al 1

1, b

li y mak r and aid

n t . I c n id red th u

fuln

organizati n (Patt n, 2

2 . The map w r n t u

d fi r analy i in th th

k, in

articipant , fi r r ult di eminati n .

th d

1 pm nt fa b

f th r ul t

rdinati n

ith th

but w r u ed in

4.9 Re earch Ri gour
n e th tran 1ipti n
r

1 w and

a c mpl t , participant

(

id d the pp rtunity t

parti ipat d in a well a the emi-

erify tran ript fr m th gr up

tructur d int rvi

er pr

abl 1 . Infi rmed by the fi ld-n te and participant b ervation, the

merging r ult fr m the c mmunity mapping/fi cu gr up and emi- tru ctured interview were
ummariz d a a et f th m

. Th parti cipant w rea ked to hare their idea fi r refinement of

there earch th me ( ud a wad, 20 12).

mment eli cited thr ugh re pond ent validation were

cla1ifying and influenc d the data analy i (May & Pope, 2000).
The five participant who provided feedback on the tran cripts also provided feedback on
the development of a book to be used as a form of results development and a keepsake for the
participant . They were plea ed to ee their quotes and images from the map in the book draft,
and were happy with the acknowledgement page where participants were listed- with their
cho en name as contributors. This is also justified based on conversation with the participants
throughout the research process and what was agreed upon in the consent fotm. A draft of the
book with photos, maps, quotes and explanations was shown to the participants. The book will
be printed and distributed to participants in fall 2015 (Refer to Table 1). The book ha been
designed to be interesting, relevant and accessible to other homeless person and to
organizations. The patiicipants generally agreed with the primary theme proposed for the book
but also wanted a more positive pmirayal of everyday life. Patiicipants contributed suggestion
about aesthetic presentation, plam1ed to create more drawings and discus ed where th book

73

h uld be di tributed one it i

rint d.

multipl tim

with id a il r d

4.10 E thical

on id eration

Ir

1 ping a t ry (

iv d ethic appr

al fr m th

ppendi B) and it wa ren w d in th
from

B , I b gan th pr

n parti ularl

e

nthu ia tic parti ipant c nta t

e

pp ndi I) .

R

arch

thic

ard in

m

ril f 2014 ( e

pnng f 201 5. h rtl after r c i ing thi c appr val

f r cruiting pa11icipant il r there ear h.

Parti ipant

dire t

n fit fr m p articip ati n in re earch. The particip ant

rep rted having 'a 1 t of fun'

nJ ying th i1

d, and il el ing plea d they were abl e to contribute

to the proj ect they aw a a wor1hwhil e au . he mapping and bo k development were an
opp011unity for p

pl e to creati el expre

di emination of th re ult

their xp ri ence . The re earch proce s and fin al

hould erve a a plat£ rm fo r the pm1icip ant to have their voices

heard by audiences that they are not usually abl e to co mmunicate with as equ als because of
power imbalances within society (Paradi , 2000). Participants will al o receive their own copi es
of the book, and people spoke with excitement of being abl e to show their fri ends or famili es.
These documents, especially the book, which i highl y visual with photos and quotes displ ayed
prominently, may help to dispel negative stereotyp es that influence how other indi viduals
interact with people who are homeless because of the personal and compelling nature of the
information provided.
Written informed consent was obtained and none of the participants expressed a
preference for verbal consent. At the conununity mapping workshops the importance of
respecting the privacy of other pat1icipants by not sharing per onal info rmation from the
workshop and fo cu group was discussed. However, all pm1icipants were infom1ed that

74

an n)'lnit during th c mmunit mappmg c uld n t b guarant

d, du e t the group nature f

the etting.
ithdra

If th participant had wi hed t
contacting th community rganiza ti n
conta t me n their behalf, in rd er t
al

w lc me t c nta t m dir

fr m the re earch , th y had the pti n f

h kn w f th r

~ n11all

ithdra

earch and a king the rganization t

fr m there arch. Participant wer

tl .

Th re earch data will r main in a 1 eked draw r in the lab ratory of m y up erv1 r,
Parke , at the

ni er ity f

rth m Briti h

lumbi a.

between the principal in e tiga t rand the upervi

r ( ee

r.

rigina1 data will nly be shared
pp endi x D and App endix

). In the

umm r of2014, I pre nted the initial finding ofth re earch t my the i committee based n
preliminary data anal y i .
A di cussed in ection 4 .2. 1, I have taken steps to build relation hips in thi s re earch
based on reciprocity and respect, and drawn from deco lonizing m ethodo logies to guid e m e.
Participants retain ownership over their id eas, knowledge and the artwork they created . The
maps will remain in the locked cabinet until 5 years after the date of the community mapping, at
which point any maps that have not been requested by their creators will be destroyed . Thus far
two participants requested their maps be returned to them and they were. Out of respect for the
participants, the participants have been identified in thi s thesis by a nam e of their choi ce, rather
than my creating pseudonyms (For further details See 4 .2 .1).

75

HAPTER 5: FI DI

DDI

10

h participant tran ript fr m th
and c mpar d t th th m
b rvati n (

hapt r 4 .

uniqu l n thr u gh whi h ~
tru ctured t pr ent th r
literature at th

nd f ach

that em rg d

ithin th fi ld n t

and thr ugh articipant

h aggr ga t d finding indi ated that h m el
d

tern

an b e peri need and und er t

arch finding and di cu
ti n. Th

the

pr vide a
d.

hi

hapt r IS

m r lati n t relevant area

f th

hapter b gm w ith an verv1ew f th e p arti c ipant

demo graphic , including the natur and l ngth f h m el

ne

ach p arti c ipant xp eri enced .

The e dem graphic had an imp rtant influ nee n the int rpretati n of th e findin g .
Th finding are th en pr

nted in r lati on to th e main re earch th em e

health and w ellbeing ( ection 5 .2); food , relati on hip and h m ele sne

o f~

d ecurity,

( ection 5.3 ); and food ,

physical environment and relationship ( ection 5.4) . Within each of the e them es, ea onali ty
and Indigenous food system s em erged a important ubthem e . The th em e are co mpl ex and
interconnected because they exi t as component of a food system .

5. 1 Participant Demographics
There w ere 12 re earch patiicipants. There we re 9 people w ho patiic ipated in both the
community mapping and interview, there was 1 person who onl y p articipated in th e community
1napping and 2 p eople who only participated in the interview (T able 2) . T w ice as m an y wom en
as m en patiicipated overall (8:4) . In particular, partic ipant age, gender and culture were
impmiant influences on the interpretation of the findings.

76

Tabl 2: P arti ipant d mo raphi

fort h diffi r nt primwy data c II

tion m th od
und

Rang

*
ommuni ty
Mapping

11 identifi

10
men
2 m en

Interview

11

7
w men
4men

ar
+ 20- 0
y ar ld

h maj ri ty f p rt1 1pant wer
ir t ati n ( tatu and
n- tatu
Indian ), 1 particip ant id entifi d
them elf a Meti , nd 1 participant
had mi d uropean and Indi g no us
heritage

*There wa at tal f l_ participant
There were 9 people who participated m the c mmun1ty mappmg and interview
There wa 1 per on who only participated In the community mappmg
There were 2 eo le who only artic1 ated m the mtervJew.

The majority f participant we re middl e aged pe pl between 40-65 years f age, w ith
adult children, whil e orn e had grandchildren and great-grandchildren . Parti cipants were
primarily from nearb y Fir t

ation re erva tion or sm all town , although several had lived a

far away as Vancouver, the prairies, and the

nited tate of America. Som e participants had

moved to Prince George for work, or to acces servi ce , while others anived by chance. The
majority of participants have experienced long-term cycli c hom elessnes , commonl y panning
decades as shown in Table 3. Among the participants who were hom eless fo r the fi rst time, their
experiences have been long-tenn (2 years).

77

Nature of
Homelessness
nkn n

Pa11icioant

Years Homeless

1

nkn

2

"Coupl e yea rs"
"Six months the first time"

3
4
5

n

2
2

6

2

7
8
9
10

4
4
14
"My entir li~ 5 ut of th la t
'
10 years
"Entire life", las t 27 years in PG
"Entire life", last 14 years in PG

11
12

II

According to definition of hom 1
were in ituations of abso lute homele sne

ne

ParticiQated In
omrnunity mapping
(CM)
CM and Interview
CM and Interview
CM and Interview
CM and Interview

Cyclic
Cyclic
Cyclic
Fir t time, long
term
Fir t time, 1 ng
tenn
Cyclic
Cyclic
Cyclic
yclic

CM and Interview
CM and Interview
CM and Interview
Interview

Chronic
Chronic

CM and Interview
Interview

de cribed in

CM and Interv i w

hapter 2, 64% of the parti cipant

during this stud y. Pm1i cip ant were livi ng, or had

lived in, shelters , single rented rooms, hostel , motel , apartment , wi th fa mil y or camp ed
outdoors. Pm1icipants had also experienced extend ed periods of time when they were
hospitalized or incarcerated . All pm1icipants id entified limited financial resources as a serious
issue in their lives. Four pm1icipants reported they received social assistance, four disclo ed they
were on disability and four stated that they made money through binning. Other rep011ed sources
of income include volunteer work (n= 1), working odd jobs and seasonal work (n= 3 ). Some
pm1icipants rep011ed multiple sources of income. Pa11icipants' previou occupations have
included various positions in the food industry and retail , as heavy equipment operators, a medic,
general labourers, and a hunting guide. One pm1ic ipant was retired. Participants described their
daily lives as busy, with work, volunteering, classe or appointment .

78

u

1011

anadian cen u indi at d that th re wa a high lev I f h u mg

Data from the 2006

in tability am ng the Indi gen u p pul ati n f Prine
that wer

ignificantly 1

e rge, and thi p pulati n ha me me

er than [! r n n-In di g n u citiz n (B

tat , 201 0) . The participant

dem graphic refle t th e tr nd . The

ur e

repor1ed ar

m rep rted durin g the 2010 Prince

imil ar t the

urce

f in

Count ( P H, 20 10) . H we er, the har
cla ified a ab olute h m le

f inc m that the participant in thi re earch

f parti cipant in th h mele

wa much 1 wer, at 27%

P H, 201 0) .

Chapter 2 Indi gen u pe pi e are gen rall y o err pre ented in h mele
participant demographic

ugge t the am i tru e in Prince

eorge H m ele

c unt wh were
menti ned in
population and the

eorge, where onl y 11 % of th e

overall population i Indi genou (Milligan, 2006).

5.2 Northern E xposure: Food Security, H ealth and W ell-bein g while Hom eless
This section presents the uniqu e trategies and barri ers related to food avail abili ty and
acce s that are fa ced by people during tim es of homelessness . Thi s i not an exhausti ve li st of
food services offered in Prince George, but is refl ective of the experi ences of those who
participated in the study. Despite the availability of food access pathways, the parti cipants in thi
research were found to be highly food insecure. Food quantity, quality and cultural
appropriateness were central concerns held by the participants. Furthennore the parti cipant are
living with health conditions that are ex acerbated by poor diet, and in tu111 face increased barri er
to food security because of these health chall enges.

5.2. 1 Food A vailability and Access- "We get food every day, e very which way!"
Initia l descriptions of the availability of food for people experiencing hom elessness in PG
were vari ed. While volunteering and when I chatted with peopl e about my research, a common

79

r frain I h ard wa that 'Y u can't tarv in Prin
ciated

ith [!

they had n diffi culty obtaining[!

d in P

the hall enge that ar a

ub equentl y re

al d i u

their [! od ace

and [!

wi th b th Ii

rg !'.

many of

d quantity and qu ality, and participant d cribed that

participant repo11ed fr qu nt hunger, n t ha ing Ii
rt t

r, thi quip b li

n am ong parti ip ant wh initially tated

d ace

d uppl wer um li ab l .

appropri at , and ha ing t r

w

m th d

pit the initial illu i n of Ii

d availability,

d that wa cultu ra lly r nutriti nally

f acquiring fo d that are ti gmatized and un afe.

Some participant conn ct d umeliability in a[!

d uppl y t a c n tant need n their pm1

' cramble' for re ource , thu inhibiting them from impr ving their situation.

ne participant

expl ained, "W e get food ev ry day e ery which way ' " (Kathl een, Interview) whi ch, hint at the
reality, that participant employ a wide variety of trategie in ord er to acqu ire foo d. Whil e
volunteering with a food provider I came to learn that people would attempt to circumvent
hunger by attending multipl e lunches that were staggered at different times throughout th e
afternoon. Others engaged in daily binning to emn money, and a single day with out binning
resulted in hunger. Inconsistent food access and frequent hunger m eant that severe foo d
insecurity was normalized for the particip ants and a great dea l of time and effort were devoted to
accessing any foo d that was available.
Participants identified a vari ety of issues that m ake access to foo d challenging, including
phys ical baniers such as transpm1ation, the hours of operation of service providers, shelter, and
lack of financial resources. Other pmiicipants described how they went to food providers because
they were hungry even though they were concerned about physical violence from other patrons
that could befall them while there. All of the e other challenges impact acce s and u e of food
and affect health and well -being in a negative manner. It is important to be aware of the reality

80

that£

d in

urity i n t th

nl

hall ng that p

ple

p ri ncing h m 1

contend with n a daily ba i , but that it i int rc nnected with all th r a pe
£ d in curity mak

ith th r hall ng

fth d cripti n

Anal
mechani m

d aling

f £ d acqui iti n.

introduced in thi

f£

f li£ . H wever,

m re diffi ult.
unc

dace

haract ri tic

mu t

n

f .D

ered

era! charact ri tic of the

d a ailability and acce

pathway ar

ction, in relati n t the .D 11 wmg haracteri tic : formal and informal;

int ntional and non -int ntional; food focus d and non -food focu

Furth r detail ab ut the

d; desirable and undesirable .

theme ar then pr ent d in relati n to a depicti n f how these

theme relate to each oth rand th pathway between them, £ 11 wed by a di cussion of the e
fmding .
The fir t characteri tic i formal food acce , which I have defined a acce
through ervice provider regardle

to food

of their programming mandate. This is consid ered formal

acces because the number of meals served would be tracked to report to funders or to estimate
budgetary needs. The food that is provided formally hould al o be prepared in a manner that
conforms to FOODSAFE regulations and would be required to meet other provincial and federal
regulations regarding processing, storage and distribution. This is in contrast to informal food
access which is unregulated such as eating discarded food out of garbage bins.
Formal food provision services that were accessed by participants include: a food bank,

soup kitchens and bread lines, drop in meal centres, community centres, homeless shelters and
cultural centres. Formal food charity options may require that the person seeking food is
registered with the providing organization, or food provision may be ba ed on the recipient's
gender, health, income, age or number of dependent children in the recipient' care.
Patiicipants also procure food through i11fo rmal and independ ent mean . Some people

81

gr w fo d in

mmuni ty gard n

ther fi h d. P

hil

pl purcha d [!

abl t .

th r m thod

f il!{ormal t

da c

includ gift

trang r

binning, t aling b ing gi

n left

r [!

wild or ultivated [!

d through friend , fa1nily, and

d fr m r tam·ant , pan handling and eating

d that ar a ailable in publici acce ible 1 cati n th.r ugh ut th city,

uch a gard n and b rry bu he .

ne particip ant' e peri nee d m n trat d

informal m chani m c nn ct d t tradi ti nal [!
he had lo t r gular ace
However dming an

f [!

d wh n they w r

m at

t nd d tay in the h

da c

m

v ral f the e

t fir t the participant e plained h w

her br ther, a hunter, had pa ed away.

pita!, an th r relati ve had br ught her m

e meat

and salmon which 'kept meg ing for a m nth'. Later, although he wa li vin g on a very limited
income he put 200 into the butchering of a m

e with th e under tanding that orne of the

meat would be shared with her. Th.i wa a igni-ti cant fman cial train, demonstrating the
importance of moo e a a food ource for thi participant, and for her family.
One pair of pmiicipants explained that peopl e will save and share foo d with their fri end s
and partners, but that trade in food was limited. However, the informa l foo d econom y has risk
as participants knew of situations where people would engage in exual intercourse in order to
obtain food , or where stolen meat was being sold on the underground market. Infonnal foo d
access pathways appear to be more seasonally dependant because of the variability in wild foo d
availability. Informal work, such a binning, is also quite different depending on the eason as
Dean-"0" explains; "People think that it's the smnmertime and I don't have to won y about the
bottles being fro zen or anything like that, eh. But in the sunm1ertime's a different cup of tea,
you've got to worry about the th.ings going rotten, and you've got to won y about the bee ,
everything after the sugar, eh" (C01nmunity Mapping).

82

I ha e u d th t 1m food fa u d t d crib an rganiza ti n r
d' "tre i pr

iding ~

fa u din lude

dt p
nt

pl inn

d uch a a ~

id fl

ample

attending la e but leaving nc the br ak tim meal i
mean that the indi idual acti ely

include coming acr

wild fo d , r gift

D e irabl food acce

1 a ce

the per on eeking food nor will it cau

d, but wh re the primary rationale

in tanc , food may be pr vid d a an

d pr

incenti e ~ r attendance, r a part fa c 1 brati n.

ace

n

d banl<. Wh r a the at g ry f non-food

r pr gram that happen t pr

behind th programming i n t ~

nt where the rai

f thi fl 1m f acce s include

rv d. The term intentional food

ught ut fl od, wh rea non -intentional access could
f~

d fr m tranger while panhandling or binning.

to fl od in a manner that is n t an affront to the dignity of
them hann . Undesirahle fl od acce s i food

procurement through mean which a per on would not choo e if they had other option . This
includes theft of food . D e irable method of food acces are more likely to contribute to food
secmity compared to unde irable food access 14 . D e irable means of food access include
gardening, hunting, fishing and gathering foods. These were things that enabled the participants
to be actively involved in food production or preparation. Parti cipant reported ab ent but
desirable ways of infmmally accessing food from their home communities at potlatches, or after

a hunt, as they had accessed food in the past. Participants also mentioned desiring access to and
use of non-food related traditional plants. While several people were seasonally gardening,
harvesting berries when available, or occasionally fishing, the rest of the desirable activitie
were noticeably absent from the cuiTent food system described by the participants. This was
partly due to limitations of the urban environment in which participants live.

14

It hould be noted that th e term desirable is relative. Theoretically any food charity would be undesirable because

a food secure (and soverei gn) population would not require food charity.

83

Th limitati n on fl
the exp rienc
had

da c

wh n li ing in th urban nv1r 11111 nt are

fa couple wh camp d ut id

f th city limit during the mnmer. While they

p ri nee hunting trapping netting fi h c

urban ar a, n municipal land , th
Thu , in ord er to ace

fl od

e1 1c pr

king and gard ning, within the c nfin

of the

wer largely pre ented fr m engaging in th e ac tivitie .

ithin th

forb ttl e and can t retu111 fl r th d p
they w nt t

mplifi d by

id r D r a meal.

it , th y chang d their b havi ur. hi c uple binned
it and th n purcha d pr pared [i

d [i r th e day, or

lth ugh they id enti fied abund ant fl

d ource and

fl od tora ge pti n in th natural en ir nrnent ut id e f th city, they were unabl e to make use
of them, e en thou gh th y were I ping 'rough '.

the m aj ority of the participant had grown

up growing, hunting or fi hing fl od, circum tance

imilar to the e, were not uniqu e.

The finding pre en ted above dem n trate and exempli fy characteristics of food acces
used by participant . These characteri stic can be organi zed into contrasting pairs of formal or

informa l,food foc u ed or not foo d foc u ed, in tentional or non-in tentiona l, and fin ally desirable
or non-de ira ble. This provides the ba i to consider how pathways of foo d access ari e fro m the
relationships among these features.
A schematic was develop ed to represent the pathways through which particip ant were
abl e to access foo d (Figure 3). This schematic extends conceptu alizati ons of how peop le acce
foo d during times of homelessness to a more nuanced representation that takes into account
multipl e aspects of food access. Each pathway was mapped to an example of a food access .

84

ili ty and acce

1

in Prince

3

t

Informal

2

''
5 "" IUndesirable
,*"'
,,

Desir ble

2

--,

.-------...
Food focused

~,

,'

6

I

.

Non -food focused

method

umber

3
4

5
6

on- food related skills training session

Sea onality i a di tinct and important feature of this study that is woven throughout the
findings and importantly moderates the food access pathways. The desire for, and use, of country
foods which have specific windows of availability tlu·oughout the year is an example of the
importance of seasonality to food security. Ho wever, in regards to food access, the participants
unanimou ly agreed that summer was the easiest time of the year to be able to obtain food . In the
summer, participants described being able to support themselves more easily though sea onal
work or camping. Participants described a range of factor that made them more vulnerabl in
the winter and impact food access, including transpotiation, safety, finding indoor housing and
heavier loads while binning. Food provision was found to be more crucial in the winter and

85

e eral fo d e1 ic pr vider

f[! r additi nal m al e1 ic

r

t nd ed h ur , alth ugh thi

wa n t m ntion d by th participant during th c nununit m apping or interview whi h took
plac in th

pring and umm r.

Mami e explain d h w different time
relat d acti itie

"Back h me

f th

ar are appr priat [! r diffe rent £ d

u c uld g hunting and tuff[ ... ] In the ummer, lik thi , we

make dry m at"(M ami , Intervi w) . Three participan t menti ned
moo e m at, carib u, d

r au ag

w a not a regular or reli abl
Cultural practi c

urc

or pepper ni thr ugh another 1 cal service pr vid er, but it
f D d, w hi h wa di tre ing .G r parti cipant .

may crea te' ea

nal' dynami c , D r examp1 holiday in the

calendar are recognized and c I brated by many chariti es.
influence fo od acce

a onall y acce ing either

hri sti an

one particip ant expl ains thi s

becau e " lm o t every ne of the e gener u pl aces present us w ith

beautiful Ea ter Thank giving, Christma and Halloween dinners and gift . I love them all for
all the ir help .' ( haron, Co mmunity Mappin g). Howeve r, many of the e erv ices are also c losed
on holidays and hold the large m eals in advance of the holiday, limiting access and
unintentionally promoting unhea lthy food eating patterns of binging then potentiall y fas ting.
There may be changes in donations fro m corporations after holidays, or increased donatio ns fro m
the public around Christmas. Lisa noticed shifts in produce avail ability, and increased use of
canned and frozen food in the w inter around holidays;
Y eah, definitely a lot less salads. Yeah, we're abl e to get a lot of lettuce in the summer
time. Um, but I think with the, the amount of donations they have, they also do the
Clu·istmas hampers. I think that mi ght take a lot of produ ct away fro m the meal
production, to go into th e boxes, so it is definit ely som ething, w hether it actu ally affects it
or not, I'm not sure. But it definit ely gets spread thin. And then after Christmas, people
that were donating so mu ch with their rosy feeling before Chri tmas are like, 'oh, I did
my part' and then the cupboards are bare. (Lisa, Interv iew)

86

R

ntl a farm r' market

up n r gram ha run in th

menti n d ha ing parti ipated in and b ing

pl ea

parti ipant wer

na il .

u

nthu ia ti ab ut ea ting

d harit pr

2.2.0). The mean
forD
alway

d

ith the

p ri nee. h P

1011

The findin g r garding ~
[!

d

umm r whi h ne parti ipant

id e n

f ac e

da

e

and nav iga ting th

c iall y crea ted en ir run nt f

in ight r gardi ng e era l key theme m
t [!

urit a d fined in

dd

hapter 2 (e pecially 2 .1.2,

ribed b the pa tiicipant d n t m eet the requirement

h pter 2 be au e a c

meth d and th D d available i n t

aD , acceptable, and nutriti u , n r i th e quality and quantity uffi cient ( ee 5.2.2).

The e r ult add t th r bu t b dy f literature that ha D und th at people wh are h m eles are
food in ecure

li tal. , 2004;

nt niadi & Tara uk, 199 ;

achn er & Tara uk, 2002;

armon,

2009 ; Hamlin, Mercier, & B edard ; 2006; Miewald & Me ann 20 14; Tara uk, Dachner, Poland ,

& Gaetz, 2009).
The finding al

reinforce them e r p rted by Kirkp artrick an d Tara uk (2009), who e

re earch with hou ed, low-income parti cipant found that people lived in a "'hand to m outh '
existence, characterized by the u e of a wide diver ity of strategic to obtain mall amount of
food for immediate con umption" (2009, p . 1440) . Miewald and Me ann (20 14) and Tara uk et
al. (2009) found that, although food charity wa heavily relied on by their participant , acce s
was limited by lack of proper identification or failure to meet eli gibility requirement , . o
patiicipants made u e of alternative strategic of food provi ioning including pur ha ing food
and binning. Miewald and M e aru1, who e w rk was ba ed in Vancouver, had a pat1icipant
rep rt that th ey "can't tarv e", word that wer ech ed by a Prin e

rgc pa1iicipant, de pite

food acces di ffi culti e in both location . While thi re earch uppOii the c arlier findings, it
doe not n ce arily m ea n that th e loca ti o n ar th e arne or that the skill rcquir -d to sun ive 111

87

ach place are tran t rabl . Ind e d
differ nt e peri nc
Fre Pre

with [!

n

da c

m an

h had been h m 1

in b th iti

in each 1 ca ti n, a rep 11:ed by T r

had va tly

a Mallam in the P

(Mallam M ar h 2 , 20 14).

A number f tudi
pr gramming t a

ugge t that 1 cal rga niza ti n intenti nall y pr vide [!

d at th ir

id parti ipan t dr p u t, r t h lp particip ant manage the hung r that

pr vented th ir ability t partic ip ant and learn (Miewald & M
Proj ect, 201 0). In thi

ann, 20 14 ; The t ne

tud y, the p articip an t 1 u e f training p r grmn [i r [!

up

d w hich fo llow th e

pathw ay offormal, non-foodfo us d, und irabl ( ee Figure 3 and Ta bl e 4) ex tend pa t
research b y confinning pr gramm er 1 u picion that fo d provi ion wa tied to attendance at
non-fo od fo cu ed pr gramming ( ton

up, 20 10) .

Theft of fo od fo llow th e Figure 3 p athway f informa l, undes irable, food focused acce s.
Theft and p anhandling rates were m enti oned les often as m echani m of obtaining foo d in this
research than in the study by T arasuk et al. (2 009). This could be a result of the sm all size of
Prince George, w here such activity would draw greater negative attention to an indi v idual, and
where parti cipants are more at risk if they di sclose this behaviour.
R ecent research b y Holland, K enned y and H wang (20 11 ) suggested that, w hen evaluating
foo d security of hom eless p eople, references to purchas ing foo d should be rem oved from the
m easurem ent tool becau se of the high use of charit abl e fo od ervices. G iven there ults of thi
research, it would seem unwise to remove this entirely becau se, although purchasing food was a
less common strategy for procuring food , it was still used by participants . Indeed the results of
the stud y, resonate with the findings o fD annon (2 009) w here homeles participant were found
to purchase up to 15% of their dail y consumed kil oca lori es .

88

lth ugh Darmon (200 ) ugg t that in France la k f m ney 1 the primary rea on
that h m le

pe ple go hungr , the finding

f thi re arch ugg t that ver implifi
d with, ameliorating hung r.

the

r

comple ity of force that c ntribut t

r ar m

participant in thi r earch e

with th financial capacity t pur ha e food , factor such

n tho

a the ability to pr pare, t re or tran p rt D d were imp rtant, trength ning earli er findin gs
from P

(The t ne
Pr

up Pr je t, 20 10).

iou r earch by W bb r and

ollahite (2 08) [! und that infi rmal economi es among

the poor existed in th e D rm of bartering. Participant in thi research mentioned network for
baring food and traditi nal Fir t

formal capitali t y tem . The

ation

barin g y tem , which both operate ut ide of the

n twork , and the trading of food, were desirable but

infrequently used. The r ult in regard to informal wi ld fi

d procurement are imilar to studi es

that examined how low-income, rural people were m aking u e of the informal food economy,
including engaging in gardening, foraging, and hunting (Buck-Mcfaden, 2015; Webber &
Dollahite, 2008) .
Story et al. (2008) suggest that the food and eating environments of a person likely have
greater influence on what they eat than individual factors such as knowledge, skill s and
motivation. These fmdin gs are supported by what participants in thi research described. Story et
al. (2008) explain that, "Individual behaviour to make healthy choices can occur only in a
supportive environment with accessib le and affordable hea lthy food choices" (p . 245). Income is
sufficiently low for participants that it greatly restricts what they are able to purcha e, and the
environment of food providers is not supportive to the extent that is needed . Thus participant
invest a lot of time and energy accessing food in way that are expected of hom le s people in
urban settings, even if they are less desirable (i .e. hunting is yielded to binning or panhandling) .

89

Th
n re er

han tal. ' (20 11) tud
in B

b ri ginal p

pl

n uming traditi nal D d but wanted t be c n uming m re.

w er

Participant in thi r

f traditi nal D d c n Uinpti n D und

arch e pr

b ri ginal people ft n lack ace

ed a tr ng unm t d ir t acce

traditional D d . Urban

t traditi nal D d in g n raJ becau e f the co t, di tance

and pot ntial di c nne ti n fr m famil and c mmunity ( han t al. , 2011 ; lli tt et al. , 20 12).
The fmdin g

xt nd

han et al. '

not abat when pe pl m

200 ) w rk b

ugge ting that the de ire D r wild food doe

rve t the city, but that acce

precipitou ly d creas

while h mele . Th finding al o upp rt thew rk f t ry et al. (2 008) that point to incom e,
race and ethnicity a important influence in foo d ch ice.
That man y de irable m ean of btaining D d were mentioned but rarely practiced
uggest not only a lo

of culture in dail y life, but al o a dram atic di fference between

participant ' current and ideal diets. When an y peopl e are engaging, even info rm all y, in the
monetary economy in order to upport them elves, the am ount of tim e available for maintenance
of other skills decrea es. So although the coupl e who was binning were al o avid hunters and
fishers, they ma y lose these cultural skills through lack of use.
In this stud y eating seasonally wa fram ed diffe rentl y than it would be fo r an average

urban consumer and was more connected to fi sh and animal migration and the associated tasks
and traditions that foll ow. This research suggests that the ways in which peopl e obtain foo d may
be connected to geographical location, whereas culture m ay influence whi ch foo ds are de irable.
Seasonality is generally overlooked in other studies relating to homeles ness and foo d access but,
as the findings suggest, it is a strong influence on participant lives . For example pmiicipant in
this study engage in fi shing or berry picking although thi s was not fo und in Vancouver, another
city with a hi gh percentage of Aboriginal people within the hom ele

90

popul ation (Mi ewald &

anc u

th

M

ann 2014) .

r1

rp

pl li ing in that r gi n may ha

pri r t bee ming h m 1

und

and th t m

had 1

e acti iti

[! a ibl ,

wa y

f btaining food

differ nt

a onal traditi n .

peri nee with th

rate limate w uld ha

may be 1

Th utility f Figure

i that it d m n trat

h w n t all [!

irabl e, that charitable [!

d i n t nl fr m

up kitch n and that there are different

dimen i n

f ac e

d aid may nece arily be

to fo d that r i t impl cla ificati n. The community m apping,

int rvi w and participant ob rva ti n r

eal d a c mplex [!

d y tern th at i influ enced by both

ocial and phy ical environment which are elab rated n in th e ecti n that follow . The
availability of health y and appr priate [!

d is di cu ed in the nex t ecti n .

5.2.2 Food Quantity, Food Quality and H ealth- "It's le
The previou

nutritiou , but it' more .filling"

ection di cu ed h w parti cipant de crib ed acce sing food , whil e bri efl y

touching on issue related to quality and quantity of foo d a well . In this ection, th e findings and
discussion are oriented to is ues of food qu antity, fo od quality and health . A discussed in
Chapter 2, food security is a determinant of health.
The participants primarily felt that the food they were provided through foo d aid
worsened their health outcomes and their health influenced what they were able to access and
eat. Participants identified a variety of health conditions including: mis ing teeth, back injury,
chronic pain, pre-di abetes, lactose intolerance, gluten all ergy, heart disease, and rheumatoid
arthritis, as impacting their lives. Alcohol use was conunon and several people highlighted it a a
serious personal issue. Substance use was also common, however people more frequently spoke
about the substance use of others as opposed their own.
Health conditions, ce1iain medications and missing teeth made it very chall nging to ea t,
and this was a source of anxiety while eating in the common lunchroom . The e factor deten ed

91

pm1icipant fr m ace
to the rul

ing fl

d aid

f eating in place may r quir that p

Participant d cribed being pr
rec iving tr atm nt at r habilitati n
r garded a

hen it had t b eat n where

ntre .

gain an excepti n

nal medical hi t ry.

id d fl od whil incarc rated, h

up ri r in qualit c mpar d t fl

in uffici nt, alth ugh uppl m ntal fl

pl e reveal their per

rv d.

pitalized, or while

en rally, th fo d provid d at in tituti n wa
d erved by chari ti

d c uld be purcha d by th

. H wever quantity wa
wi th financial re

urce .

Thu participant prefl rred to eat th m re filling meal avai labl e a chari tabl e fl od alth ugh
participant con idered the e m eal le

hea lthy. However, even when attending charitabl e m eal

program , quantity of food wa a c ncem of participant who had to empl y strategies in order
to eat enough. For example, "They fl ed yo u there, but yo u can't get econd and y u 're till
hungry. o you still have to go out omewhere el e and get orne food" (Mamie, Interview) .
One participant explained how "The food, that, that they feed you in th e helters that get,
gets a person sick. And , I mean for life, you know , like ah, .. . Yeah, like it stays in your bod y for
life, after they feed you that, kinda poi on stuff' (Jam es, Interview). The foods mo t often
provided at charitable food programs are foods made of simple carbohydrates, including bread,
muffms, doughnuts and cookies. Monotony was of great concern to the participants and
participants were concerned with the effects on their physical hea lth. Lisa explained how :
"There's always bread around, but you can only eat so much bread before your pancrea gives
out!" (Lisa, Conununity Mapping) . Anne noted that at one of the places she attends there are
frequently celebrations that include, "cake, stuff like that. And they had an open house, it' hot
dogs and cake again" (Anne, Interview) . While the organizers may be able to go home to cook a
balanced meal, many of the participant rely on events of thi nature for complete meal .

92

m participant try t a ti
t r

i t.

n the ther hand Za k

1 a

id eating 1

nutriti u [!

plain d, "I d n't g t en u gh g

d but al

d [!

d

found it hard

I'm n t going to

r plac it with bad £ od ju t t [! el full ri ght. " (Za k, Int r i w ). w parti ipant di cu ed
c n id r acce

h w thi ha chang d th ir p ercepti n and they n
The participant wh r p rt d mor
bank

r hamper , "

tho e who had pace t

ari t in di et were th

y u'r n t m aking the am
t re and pr p are their [!

The fo d that i pr

to h althy [!

wh were abl t ace

d a "treat" .

£ d

ld thing all the time" ( nne, Intervi ew ) and
d.

id d thr ugh £ d aid c ntain m any c mmon allergen and/or

ingredient that ma y tri gger£

d en itiviti e

phy ician recommend ed to one parti cipant that

he eliminate gluten and dairy from her di et. In fo llowing thi advice, she can no longer eat m ost
of the m eals served at chariti e . Another parti cip ant explained th at although she wa lactose
intolerant, she would eat the food provided even though it would m ak e her ill , temporaril y
decreasing health and mobility, becau e it redu ced hunger and tas ted good. Consumpti on of foo d
was impacted for everal participants who reported not eating during time of increased
substance use. Although they m ay not have felt hunger they still exp erience consequences
including m alnutrition, which makes the food they do consume particul arly significant, and
emphasizes the necessity of healthy food being served in em ergency food aid .
When Anne was ask ed about sources of protein in fo od charity she explained, "Oh, the
food bank does that, chickpeas, stuff like that.[ ... ] Ah, except nobody likes chickpeas" (Arme,
Interview). In terms of access there is "N o m eat. Not even m ystery meat, you know those canned
stuff. I'm so desp erate sometimes I'd eat that. .. The onl y one, that ah , provides a pound of
hamburger is the centre" (Arme, Interview ). The centrali ty of quality meat to a good m eal was

93

r peat db many of th participant

and Ann [I lt her m di al c ncen1 were

acerbated by

lack of meat in h r di et.
The participant

h wed a tr ng pr [I r nc [I r m ore culturally appr priate food and

£ d r lated acti itie t be a ailabl t them . har n " i h[ d] there wa wild m eat and utd or
acti iti e and barb equ

" ( bar n,

mmunity M apping) . Wh n a ked ab ut the avail ability f

traditional food tlu· ugh £ d harity, p articip ant

plain d h w

flour n a regular ba i t m ake bann ck 15. H w

r, [I r the m

m e pl aces pr vid ed en ugh

t part traditional food acce s

wa infrequ ent and ft en by chanc . Parti ip ant ackn wledge that traditional food is le

readil y

availabl e c mpared to £ od pr duced a pa11 of th e indu trial agri culture system . The times that
traditional food were availabl e w rea prominent hi ghli ght.
At other times, the food peopl e found de irabl e were avail abl e through aid organi zations
but regulation around serving the food prevented acce s. For exampl e, when there were
lefto vers at one location, the oldest leftovers were served first, even if someone requ e ted a
different lefto ver di h. Participants saw thi as probl ematic, and many peopl e identi fied taste
preferences and health concerns as reasons why a lot of food was wa ted.
Several participants acknowl edged that the foo d provided was often corp orate donati ons,
which explained why some food s were avail abl e and not others. Pm1icipants were wary of the
motivations behind corporate donations to charity expl aining, "they donate for a tax wri te-off
and they get it all back. And it's like .. they're the only ones winning, m an" (Melody, Con1munity
Mapping).

15

Bannock : "is a traditi onal pan-fried bread ado pted into the Native North Am erican cuis in e in the eighteenth
century fr om th e Sco tti sh fur traders' "griddle scon es. "" (Watts & Watts, 20 11 , p. 130)

94

one rn ab ut fo d aD ty furth r influ nc d p rc pti n
orne participant
whil

nc rn

ther were m re

re mm r
n u . Wh n

uch a co

f ri k t phy ical h alth.

ring D d r pr viding erving uten il

m et [! r h r inter i w M ami

plained;

W went there [! r br akfa t they had mu h, th y had t a t, but th toast had m uld. But
th y till gi e it ut. H e D und m uld n hi t a t.
m uld n min , lucky (!au h.s'). But
w hy feed ld bread, ld m uld br ad t tr t pe 1 le?
d kn w h w th y c k, what
they c ok it, r if th y e en wa h th ir h and . tu ff like th at, y u d n 't know (M amie,
Intet iew ).
Food poi

ning wa a dang r that participant ei ther ri ked r w nt hun gry. A K athl een

expl ained :
Yeah, cau e it ah, th y erve back the bad meat wi th, and uh, w hen it's green. And you
know, th n wh n p opl ar drunk th ey d n 't care what they eat, th ey eat it anyway.
[ .. .]I'm lik 'that' gro don't eat that!' but they are hungry, right " (K athl een, Interview) .
Other p311icipant

aved and wiche throu ghout the week, to ea t ver th e weekend when food

access wa dimini bed.
These fmding are synthe ized in Table 4, w hich shows the hea lth conditions that were
mentioned by pm1icipants as influencing their ability to acce

or eat cer1ain food , as well as the

conditions participants perceive to be caused by the foo d they are eating. No t having enough
foo d, being allergic or intolerant of the foo d tha t is avail abl e, or the mem ories assoc iated with
certain foo ds (e.g. , residential school di ets) can all exacerb ate the strain on menta l hea lth.

95

Tab] 4 : Participant xp rz 11

d h alth condition and the 0 1111
id ntifi d by parti ipant
mg
n umpti n

n umpti n

tion to m r

Influencing
t

11

y fo od aid a

Influenced
by
to F
W eight

p ndenc
Hyp rten i n
Pr matur d ath
M alnutriti n
Fo d P i ning &
Mental
Health

che ing/ wa ll w m g
afety

egati
Anxi ty
Monoton y - b red m , lack
of appetite
Conn ction/Di c nnecti n
to community
Extreme w eight
flu ctuations
Anorexia

F

fallin g
T
heavy

d

on em
-depr ion led t
overeatin g j unk food
piritu ality/Reli gi n
-influ ence w here
peopl will go/eat
tigm a and
EmbaiTassm ent

Poor
percepti on
of di et
P ercepti on
that all
hea lth
chall enges
are related
to lack of
access

As Table 4 shows, for th e participants there is a direct link between foo d and physica l
and m ental health. The vast majority of p articipants were co ncerned w ith th e impact of the foo d
they were provided on their long tenn health and well-being. In one parti cip ant's view, the
hom eless were only fed enough to survive, nothing more.

D iscussion
T he findings revealed fo od quantity, food quality and food ju sti ce issues, including that
p eople did not al w ays have the capacity to m ak e info1n1ed choices about what they were
consumin g, or to consume healthy food . Thi s inj ustice is cotrunon throu ghout the North
Ameri can food system where th ere are m arked di fferences in healthfu lnes of foods that are
marketed and consumed by upper clas consumer compared to food s that are market d towards

96

and ften

n urn d b 1

r Ia

c n um er ( hri- acha pati et al., 2 14 ).

me parti ipant th t the pla
en ugh quantit
d harit ,

[i

upp 11 Dan11 n'
en ifth [i

mith (2005) [! und that di

d pr

r pan 1

m t be upp rt d b th e d
while incarcerated, h

th r hand ,

th at fed the be t quality m al did n t pr vid

200 ) a umpti n that a! ri n
id d i

n th

d m y n t be m et thr ugh

i e nutriti nally uffi ient.

in qu lit b twe n [!

d pr

ikenb rry and

ider can be e ere, and thi

crip ti n pat1icipant in thi r earch gave f m ea l pr vid ed

pitali zcd r ac

, ing chari ty.

nti nade and

ara uk ( 19

) [! und th e

nly avai lab le in relati ely m all am unt , s the
food pr vided may n t b

uffi c ient t qu ell feeling

Tara uk et al., 2009b ). Thi i
thi

f hun ger ( ntoni adi & Tara uk, 199

uppo11 d b th wide pread r p rt

f hun ger by participant

tudy. Thi c uld inad v rt ntl y re in[! rce th e legi tim acy f ervm g p

people experi encing home!

tn

rer quality[! od to

ne , becau e p artici pan t equ ate feeling full wi th ea tin g "better"

meal .
While in tituti nalized, being pro id ed nutriti ou food i an a pect of the government
respon ibility for the ri ght to food , but it i not adequate if th e portion are in ufficie nt.

iven the

prop011ion of incarcerated people who are Aboriginal i mu ch hi gher than among th e general
population and Aboriginal people al o tend to have fewer financial re ources to purcha e
supplementary food , this is a food justice iss ue. Thi

ituati on i worth noting b cau e of th

hi tori cal abuse of the human ri ght of Aboriginal people, for example through the withholding
foo d from First Nations peoples during famine which wa u ed a a tactic for "clearing the
p lain " and coloniza tion (D a chuk, 20 13 ).
Patychu k et a!. (20 11) argue anti-raci t fo od 1 rovi ion i a health equity i sue, and aL o
that A boriginal p eo pl e in

anada fa ce y temi c raci m . Diabete and obesity occur at hi gh rates

97

m

b riginal populati n and ar c nnected t th nutriti n tran iti n fr m traditi nal di t and

life tyle t We ten1 di t and m r
participant c n ern ar und an

d ntary li£ t le
rabundanc

p r p cti

of th W

pro ide£

d that ar culturally appr priate.

arle, 201 ). It i imp rtant t con ider

f refin d i1npl carb hydrate from th

terniza ti n f lndi gen u di t , and th nee

ity [! r £ od pr vid r to

f pa11icul ar c nc 111 are the "five white in : f1 ur,

alt, ugar, ale h 1 and lard " ( lli tt t al. , 20 12, p. 5). The e £ d were tapl e
colonizer ' and today'

tandard American

iet (

).

f the early

th parti cipant rep rt, man y of the e

food are th mo t r adily available t pe ple n the tr et. Miewald et al. (20 10) worked with a
homeles populati n that wa

imilarly c mp

ed of prim aril y Ab riginal hom eless people and

thi research extend their work by ugge ting that n t onl y nutriti n hould be con id ered but
nutrition within a framework of cultural appropri atene

of food aid .

Anxiety around food and healthy eating i describ ed a "ontological insecurity among
post industrial eaters" (Dixon et al., 2007, p. il24) due to "decline of traditional culinary culture
based on seasonality, locality and self ufficiency" (2 007 , p . i 124) and competing health
infonnation. Pm1i cipants in this research were concerned about gaining access to specific foods
which were primarily seasonal, traditional foods , and decreased access to flour ba ed food
products. Pm1icipant dietary preferences may have been influenced by dietary trends including
gluten free eating. Several pm1icipants were particularly concerned about consuming bread . An
emphasis on whole food s, such as traditional foods can provid e the consistent dietary
infonnation and connection to culture that can help alleviate these concen1s.
The findings hi ghlight the dilemma that, even if charitable food programming wa
nutritionally compl ete according to W estern nutrition recommendations, it may not be
appropriate from the context of healthy traditi onal Aboriginal diet b cau e of th empha

98

m

W

t rn nutriti n n 1 w animal fa t, fruit and

g tabl

are thou ght t pr

ide a pr tecti

h alth ffj ct D r

(Dam1nan ,

id

Kuhn! in, 200 ). Pariicip ant

h alth . Th

c ncern ab ut aut n m y and h alth ar

am ng th rati onal D r Indigen u D d

c n um th m

b ri gin al p
n

[! od w uld upp01i th ir

that th

YITII t ma tic of D d inju ti ce and are also

reignty ( rey

F od pre£ r n e are imp rtant 1 ment
willing t compromi eon qualit

in di et ( arl , 2 0 13). Traditi nal di et

fD d

P atel, 220 14 ).

curity.

r

n11e thi m eant he is

f m ea t rather than at egetarian m eal . Whil e, a a vegan , 1

view d th pro v i i n of chickp a a a p

i ti e thing, it i c learly depend ant on c ulture and

experience and accord ing to Ann ' c mmen t, apprecia ti n f beans and legu m e is not common
am ong the p eopl e he kl1ow . Fr m aD od ecurity per pective, th e foo ds availabl e need to b e
culturall y appropriate and oth r research ha fo und having an elem ent of choice was very
important to peopl e receiving foo d aid (Eikenb erry &

m ith, 2005) . As Di xon et al. expl ain,

"unequal access to the ava il abl e di etary diversity, calori es and gastronomically ati sfying eating
exp erience leads to nutrition inequalities and di et related health inequity" (2007 p .i 118). T he
desire fo r culturall y appropri ate food and the relative lack of availability, combined w ith the
availability of onl y a single food option at charitable foo d prograrruning, is what Patyc huk et al.
(20 11 ) describ e as universalism and colour blindness .
The participants saw the food they w ere provid ed in the fo nn of foo d ai d as negatively
impacting their long-term health. Ind eed the least costl y foo d ava ilable through the industrial
food system is often poor quality, hi gh in saturated fa ts and refin ed carbohydrates, and contain
few er vitamins and minerals (Datnman, 200 8). It is often thi s poor quality food that is s rved
throu gh food charity (Lindberg, Whelan, Lawrence, Gold , & Friel, 20 15) and thi s lead s to poor
health outcomes. Like participants in the tud y by Miewald et al. (20 10) , PG parti c ip ants also

99

r p rt being

rv d p iled :D

d. Participant c n id r thi eli r pectful and i danger u for

immun c mpromi eel indi idual
p ople wh are hi ghl y :D

uch a th

w ith HIV r

d in cure may at D d that m ak

The finding in thi Prin e

I

(Mi wa le! et al. , 201 0) . Y t,

th m unw 11 to avoid hunger.

rge tudy r inD rce e tabli heel id ea that :D od in ecurity

exp n nc d n t nl y in relati n to :D

d quanti ty but al

uncil f B , 2004 ). The imp rtance f :D

qu ality ( ommunity

utritionist

d qu ality wa evid ent in many f the ways in whi ch

food consumption influ enced phy i al and m ental hea lth (Ta ble 4 ). The ten i n that arose in
thi

tudy b tw een fo d qu anti ty and qu ality ech Mi ewald and Me ann ' (20 14) finding that

complaint about quality of :D

d ar e oft en al

accompani ed by expressi n of gratefuln ess. The

participant are provid d mergency fo d which temp orarily deals w ith one aspect of food
in ecurity - hunger - but doe not addre

the other aspects of foo d ecurity and is thu not taking

a holistic approach to health as eli cu eel in ection 2.1.1. Lack of foo d security adds to the other
compounding determinants of health faced by participants - homeles nes , gender, and
Aboriginal status. These fmdin g support the findin g that inequ ality may have a greater ro le in
unhealthy diets than personal choice (Ontario Healthy Communiti es Coalition, 2004) which is
important for understanding the dynamics at play within the entire foo d system .
The desires expressed by pmiicipants have been long- tanding issues among people
experiencing homelessness in PG (CPAH, 2003). Dowler and O'Connor (2 01 2) explain that
emphasis on individual food choices in neoliberal societi es ob cures societal probl ems with food
and the necessity of states to address violations of the right to food . An attitude that a person
should choose not to eat a food if it is unhealthy fo r them, but not providing different food to
facilitate a more appropriate choice, i a way that dominant society places blame on the les
pow erful to legitimize negative hea lth co nsequences (Dickin on, 1999) .

100

parti ipant
d nati n includ

u p ct and ther auth r ha

building a p

iti e c rp rat nnag (Me nte

2001 ).Th maJ rity of participant '
in P

'

d r

nat with pr

p n n

ithin the c nt

power tructur

ing t

with ace

i u re earch that has t und t

(Ha an em
Ha anein (2003) d crib

c n luded th rati nal b hind making

t

d

ara uk,

d thr u gh charitable assistance

d charity t b di

mp wenng

f th cunent c rporate agri-fo d yst m , which

a b mg ympt mati

. The d nated t

aum va, 20 12;

f

rall i ue

f

cietal organizati nand

ft n c n um d by the parti cipant are frequently grown as

monoculture to maximize pr du cti n and ec n mic benefi t[! r larg co rp rations. It has been
commonly found that t

d aid t nd t la ck fre h pr du ce ( arm n, 20 09; Miewald &

entre for

u tainable

ommunity De elopment, 2009). Parti cipant are concerned that, beca u e homele

people are le

re pected within ociety, they may b provided with food that i lower quality

than would be erved to people with hi gher tatu within ociety. The e entiments support the
ob ervations that low income and racialized people tend to have poorer access to healthy food
than White and wealthier individuals (Patychuk, 2011 ).
McEntee and Naumova (2012) theorize that what one becomes accustomed to eating as
food aid is also what they will continue to eat afterwards because of familiarity . Several people
chose Tim Horton' as the location for their interview . However, contradicto1ily many people
expressed disdain with the abundance of Tim Horton's leftovers at food charity, citing health
concerns. This contradiction between desires and actions reinforce the importance of changing
what foods are available as food aid. Many participants describe how they eat based on
availability; that is, when unhealthy food choices are readily available they can be difficult to
avoid. This lends support for Story et al.'s (2008) explanation that presenting healthy food

101

prepar d in an a c

ibl mann r ha b

the pre enc of unhealthy fl

n h wn t influ n

em rgency fl

d aid in th fl rm f fl

Tara uk and

akin (2 00 )

dii

r m vmg

d.

The finding of thi r earch upp ri

11

c n umpti n a d

ara uk and

d bank i "di a

akin'

20

) c ncern that private

ciat d fro m cli ent ' need 11 (p . 15 11 ).

pl ain that th am unt and kind fa i tance the h mele

n n t by their need fl r fl

d

much a by fl

receive 1

d polic ie and practice de igned to

maintain operati n in the face fa limited, hi ghl y ari abl e, and largely unc ntr li able supply f
food donati n 11 (p . 1511 ).

n umer wh d nat fl

regulation around donati n

ften nece itate that consumer donate food that ha been

d may fl el emp wered t help , but

produced and purcha ed within a framework of indu tri al agriculture and corp orate control.

5.3 Food F ight: Homelessne

and Relation hip aero s ocial trata

Analy i of the tran cript and fi eld -notes ( ee Chapter 4) indi cated parti cipant
experienced distinct patterns in relation hips both with the non-homele s, including the general
public and staff at servi ce provid ers, and with other peopl e ex periencing hom elessness. These
relationships were significant in connection to food acce s for the parti cipants. Accordin g to
participants, personality conflicts and abuse of power were factors that prevented or impeded
access to food including chmitabl e food programs. On the other hand , access to foo d wa
enhanced by caring relationships, generosity, and a sense of being respected. The next sections
present find ings and discussion on the social relationships of pmiicipants with experience of
homelessness and how they are able to infl uence foo d access.

5.3.1 Relationships with Non-homeless People- "It's kinda the wh ole continuum of th e
homeless and poor stature in l~fe"
Relationships with non-homeless people frequently facto red into discussions of fo od
access with the pa1i icipants. People who work at ervice provi der , as well as the general publi c

102

t a1

er

t nt, often

D lt acut ly awar

rv a gat k

. The

riminati n, including

ding to b ha e and appear in certain way , in ord r t fill a rol in

ithin b th g

ce. Parti ipant are further di tre

nun nt and harita ble ervic . H w

negative experience , many pa11i cipant
homele

and th m elv

peri n ing thi p wer differential a di

bed emed 'w rthy' f charitabl a i t
a c rrupti n

D r th parti cipant . Th participant

fa p w r differ nti al b tw en the n n-h m 1

parti ipant d crib n gati el
c ntradi t ril n

er t D d ace

oci ty and

d by what they vi w

er, le pite the primarily

har d t rie of unex pec t d kindn e s from non-

people who hav att mpted t augm nt the parti cipants' ~

d acce .

Pm1icipant primarily beli eved they were di criminated again t beca u e th ey were visibly
homele , although is ue

un unding raci m were rai ed by a few of the pm1i cipants. One

participant felt that lndi genou people' live are 1

va lued, and that it i ex pected that

Indigenou people will experience negative outcomes . As Kathleen explained, "They don't give a
shit, they just laugh 'Oh, another brown down' " (Kathleen, Interv iew). Pm1i cipants frequentl y
felt they were negatively judged by non-homeless people when they were attempting to access
food, through panhandling, binning or at charities.
The power of the non-homeless is used to modify the behaviours of the homeles and
restrict or enable access to food. Society exerts pow er to limit behaviours that they find
unappealing. To the general public, binning may be perceived as a nuisance behaviour, whi le to
binners it is a survival tactic. Mamie and Dean-"0" recognize that locking dumpsters is an active
attempt to restrict access to resources, and it forces them out of the downtown area. Locking
dumpsters was pm1icularl y distressing for the pm1i cipants because they felt they were doin g
enviromnentally friendly work of community benefit, and it makes it difficult for binner to
suppot1 themselves. People experiencing homeles ness are al o e eluded by the non-homele

103

when they ar

n a an unde irabl pr enc . Ma1nie

plain thi

ccur wh n home!

p opl ar gath red t g th r:
they a k y u t m ve
Y u tand ut ide th ir t re th y think y u're d ing m thing
along. nd that mak me reall ang1 [ ... ]That' why I ay w 'r lik cattl . treet
p ple ar like that. Y ah, u it n p t, y u it anywhere e en n the gra and you
get hara ed y u g t t m
along t the ne t p t. op will t p by you and tell you to
m e t an th r p t (Mamie, Int 1 i
Thi

peciall y diffi ult :G r the parti cip ant b cau e they ha e ery limited tran p rtation

opti n and they n ed t remain cl
A a general rul , Zack beli e
o long a peopl e who were h m le

e t the erv1

they acce

( ee 5.4 .2) .

d the public w uld treat pe pl e wh were homeless well ,
e hibit d the trait or behav i ur that th publi c fl und

acceptable. Wh n he i panhandling on the treet co m er , Zack is m eti cul ou in what he wears
becau e, a he explain , when h i dre

d nicely, it look like he i 'go ing som ew here in li fe' ,

but when he is not dre ed neatl y people think their money cannot, or should not, help him
anyway. Anne found there were limitations to this and th at peopl e can also discriminate if they
think people who are homeless are dressed too well. If a homeless person acts the part, they are
deem ed 'worthy' and they are given food . At the same tim e, participants described thinking that
when the general public helps the homeless, they do o in order to fee l better about them elves .
For Lisa, help from the general public was something she thought was depend ent on cultural
fa ctors that influence giving around holidays. She explained that peopl e fe lt good w hen they
donated food around Christmas and they think that is suffi cient to address the probl em of hun ger.
However, after Christmas, Lisa reported the food avail ability decreases.
Overall , the participants found that it was di ffi cult to predi ct the outcom e of interaction
with members of the general publi c, so most parti cipants acted cautiou ly, ena bling the nonhomeless to retain more power in the relationship . Zack explained how he would sometimes
panhandle on the street corners and would be given food by member of the public. He would

104

in i t the cho

what to buy b cau e it i their m n

ating 11 Lik a bagel

r cof:D e, r ju t

deci i n making becau

h had an gati

but thi u ually meant h w uld end up

m thing r gular 11 (!au h ). Za k learn d t
e p ri nc wh n he h ne tly e pr

unender his

ed hi d sire for

cigar tte and wa t ld :
'Well I wa g ing t gi e u thi 50 d ll ar card but I am n t g ing to supp rt y ur
cigarette habit'. Yeah ... W 11 h h uld ha ju t aid it [n J in t ad f ju t aying 'Well, 1
wa g ing t d thi ' (Zack, Intervie ).
Peopl wh are panhandling may b mad t think they ha e aut nomy and power when they are
a ked what they w uld like, but that facade nly la t a 1 ng a they ch
The public i not n ce arily willing t help unl
The gen ral public b th tak
homele ne

e the right an wer.

th y perceive it a being an acceptable need.

pity and di criminate again t individual experiencing

and are able to u e their power to either as i t or impede homeless individuals.

Some participant de cribe being given food by m ember of the publi c or re taurateurs .

ften

these interactions came as plea ant surprises. Yet, even peopl e who are well intentioned are not
able to help unless they understand the circumstances in which peopl e live:
Like this little girl , oh she was o cute, that time we were in the dumpster up by Uplands
and she came out of an apartment with a bunch of food to cook, and she asked u if we
wanted it. We didn't have no place to cook that (laugh ) but we just accepted it anyway to
make her think that we had a place .. .(laughs) Oh, we gave it to a fri end (Mamie,
Interview).
Mamie was not able to benefit from the gift because it was inappropriate to the circumstance m
which she lived , but she was able to share it with someone else in need ( ee Section 5.3 .2) .
The majority of the participants also described feelings or instances of perceived
discrimination and challenges with pow er imbalances when they were accessing re ources.
M elody felt that the voices of the homeless are unheard and ra ti onalizes it using social
hi erarchies explaining, 11 Becau e they're people on the streets, junkie , crack head , who' gomg
to li ten to us? 11 (Melody, Community Mapping) .

105

Th participant

xplain d man wa

in whi h they felt pe pl in po iti n

f authority

abu ed th ir p wer. Two participant de cribed th ir p rcepti n that erv1c pr vid r try to
control homele

mu t 'play the game' and fit pre crib d r I
th ught thi wa an intenti nal ta ti
acce mg

m peopl e feel th y

pe ple' acti n rath r than a i t th m with th ir n ed
111

rder t acce

erv1ce .

n the part f erv ice pr

t lea t two participants

id er to di uad e pe ple from

rv1ce .

When one participant v lunteered at a charitabl [!

d pr vid er

he [! und it was a very

di re pectful pla e t w rk and o n di continu d v lunteerin g. he parti cip ant reported
volunteer and patr n alike were treat d p

rl y, and patro n ' live were crutinized to determin e

if they 'de erved' they food they cam e for. The parti cip ant
a primary concern that led to confli ct with peopl e in p

tre ed how feeling di re pected was

ition of auth ority or the publi c. The e

expetience were often contrary to the re pect peopl e may have on the street.

avigating the e

relationships was challenging for participants who de crib ed trying to constructi vely work
through issues they were experi encing without uccess. Participants describ ed how negati ve
experiences, and instances of discriminati on, contributed to a deteriorati on of their health and
well-being.
Several participants found that there was a general fear of speakin g out about this
treatment although there was an appetite for change. Other pariicipants felt uncomfOiia ble, due
to fear of being judged when their hunger led them to access foo d at reli gious foo d provider
though they w ere not members of the faith.
Many pmiicipants al so thought personal confli ct w ith staff members led tore triction on
service access that would j eopardi ze their health and well-being. Pati ic ipants explained how thi
was an abuse of power becau se it would leave p opl e, including wom en and people with

106

di abilitie

vuln rabl e t th w ather vi 1 n

participant

xpr

ed how thi led th em t beli e e that s m

mpl yee at erv1c provid r did

pl ace

reinfi rc d for the particip ant thr ugh the pr

i ion of unh alth y and p iled fi

t rai

d.

id r were ft n train d b cau e ev ral

participant were deeply cone rned that th empl y
The participant fi lt p w rl

mg

e , which i an idea that i

not car ab ut th health and w 11-b ing f p

R lati n hip with taff at ervi e pr

fo d . he

ual a ault and unab l t ace

contravened th e rul e of their empl yers.

th ir concem with the taff, a one pmiic ipant explained;

"Ye , cau e what are th ey g in g to d ? If pe ple argu e with her th ey are g ing t get ki cked out
and banned . o if it' kinda th e w h le continuum of the hom ele s and poor stature in life, you
ju t have to take a lot of tra h to get an ything" (Li a, Interview) .
Participant al o acknowl edged th at, at times, th ey contraven ed th e rul es of organi zation
they w ere attending but thou ght the con equences were exce ively h ar h . Parti cipant lives were
constantly under surv eillance and they li ved in an atmo ph ere of regul ati o n. Persi tent issu es
regarding behaviour at service providers w as seen as contributing to apathy on the part of the
organizations' staff. Although one particip ant explained she respected th e service provid ers w ho
"don't put up with nonsense" , there was a sense that leni ency was needed. Striking a balance
b etw een power and respect is the issue that rem ains:
It's simpl y th e control issu e. Um ..and of course stress as well, it tress to give it [food],
and the hampers and to serv e in time and hope th ey have enough protein in it fo r p eopl e
to live, and that kind of thing. And of course every pla ce do es h ave to have gu id eline ,
can't just have a free for all , and run in the kitchen and grab whatever you want (laughs).
But it's just, I don't know , the overall attitude. I thou ght it would be m ore caring and
nmiuring but not so much (laughs). (Li sa, Interview)
Pmii cipant concerns are not directed solely towards the foo d providers but th e entire
societal system they are trying to naviga te. However, th e p arti cipants do have frequent contact
with food provider , w ho form a pa1i of th e larger ystem . For examp le, several people were

107

unabl t a e

fi d at c rtain 1 ati n becau e the ha n id entificati n, r becau

regulati n hange (whi h participant
Furth nn re participant
d

pr

n that nega ti ely impa t th m.

iewed a di criminal r .
fru trati n

h n th

ral parti cipant
ntribute t

are n t gi

n legitimate an w r . hi

th h

, abu e f p w r, and it fi ter th
fg

f

rnment and

d n t kn w th rati nale b hind

~ It wh n they d

a k qu e ti n , th ey

id pread on m ab ut di re pect fi r

en. th at c rrupt indi idu al are w rking in

n th r parti cipant

pl ained h w he aw c rrupti on

in the y tern :
Ah , everything' meeting , th y ha hundred f meeting get n thing d n , but
meanwhil e th y get h n rarium and all thi tu ff fo r getting nothin g d ne, j u t fl r
m eting. et to fl y to anc u r, get t fl y t
ict ri a, all n, what'd y u guy d ? h,
got drunk (/au hs). Yea h. nl e y u're the ne that' getting the hon rarium and get t
go t the meeting and g t paid , it d e n't help anyb dy. 1 gue th at' the way th e game
i pl ayed and you have t pl ay al ng t get th crap . Wh atever. .. I'm happy to get any
kind of crap ( nne, Interview).
ne participant acknow ledged that a lot of po itive work i being done, but expl ained
that, among the taff, "o ne bad apple ruin the whole bunch"' and it cau ed them t lo e respect
fo r the agency at which the taff worked. The pa11icipant expl ain ed how th y were caught fo r the
crime they had conunitted, they went to jail and they 'did their time' whil e they fe lt that peopl e
who were not homele

were above the law.

Despite the challenges, and in addition to frustrati on, participant in thi

tud y al o

experienced gratitude for emergency food aid . The e are emotion that appear to be at odd , but
which were often felt imultaneou ly by the participants. ome pm1icipant hav built po itive
relation hips they value at different food provider . De pite the chall enge , pa11icipant
ackn wledged that aid organiza tion have very difficult role to pl ay and th emp loyee ,
experience hi gh level of tre s on the job. hristine ex pl ained how he fe lt he should, "ju t be
thankful that the e peopl e ar there. Like he aid , I'm very thankful too but, I wi h there wa JUSt

108

mor . M r . Th y' r ju t d ing th be t th
po iti

and negativ a p ct

th partic ipant in thi r

can" ( hri tin ,

f r lati n hip with n n-h mel

arch ar dir

tl link d t ~

da

1nmunity M apping). Th
p

pl that are e perienc d by

and wer a pri1nary t pi c of

c ncen1 in th parti ip ant ' li

Thi

ecti n ha e pl r d ho

incl udin g~

place and t dift rent re

urce

unaware of the r ali ti e

f h m el

mi perception . P

pl th n u

p wer dynami

n

influ ence r inhibit acce

t different

d. Thi i in part du e t the fact that peopl e are

and interacti n with h m ele

people are haped by

their p wer t try and c ntr I and r~.- trict homele

indiv idu als

and the e action are i w d a mi guid ed and unfa ir by the m aj ority of participant .
The patiicip ant ' en e that they have a r le to play i akin to recognition of oppression
within ociety, where oppression i defin ed a "one gr up pre cribing the behavior [ ic] of
another" (Dickin on, 1999, p . 143 ). Dickin on (1999) argue that w hen th e domin ant culture
labels coping mechanism as 'bad', it leads to los of motiva ti on among t people w ho are
marginalized. Furthern1ore, being denied access to place that non-hom eless people are readi ly
allowed to be is a dehumanizing and tressful experience that contributes to fee ling of ill will
and negative self- image.
Eikenberry and Smith (2 005) found that, at times, homeless people m ay choose not to
follow rules that they believe are problematic. The patiicipants in this re earch actively made
choices to reclaim some of their personal autonomy and they were aware of the repercu sion
thi s would have in tenns of restricted access to services or troubl e with the law .
When patiicipants de cribed mental health and well -being challeng s, they often
connected negative feelings to experi ences of discrimination o r ineq uity. imilar to findin gs
repotied in Amsden and VanWynsberghe (2 00 5), many parti cipan t expres d feeling of being

109

out id r

a lack f

atmo pher c m

ice and di ati fa ti n with c mmunit
fr m r lati n hip and re p ct

fVlC

lternativ ly, p

itive

n when the people had little under tanding

of ne an ther' li
Participant in thi r earch w r m
fi r fi

influen ed ch ice f
The e entiment w re al
ba ed in Vane u

t one 111 d with being r p cted and thi
d, a did a en

f afety and ocial atmosphere.

har db parti ipant in the tudy by Miewald and Me ann (20 14),

r. Thi al

upp rt th finding

f

llan and

akam to (2014), where

participant de crib th i1np rtance of focu ing n treating individual wh are h mele

a

equal and explaining how negative beha i ur impact thers.
The contradictory exp ri nee and relati n hip with charitable food provider that
participants in thi

tudy experience were al o rep I1ed in the Miewald and McCann (20 14)

research. The homele

have le

control over their own bodies, which creates a conflict betw een

a desire for independence and al o dependence on those in pow er (Dickinson, 1999).
Participants' negative experiences with rules, regulations and bureaucracy lead to frustration,
which, Dickinson (1999) explains, can contribute to negative behaviours or attitudes that render
people less effective at creating the change they want to see, and feelings of poor self-esteem that
reinforce the power of the dominant group. That is, the pm1icipants explained how they often felt
disempowered to influence the change they wanted.
Several people repm1ed having had negative experiences with staff while attending food
charity providers. This contributed to decreased desirability of these options but not necessarily
decreased use, as suggested by the high rate of acce s to charitable food . As Allan and akamoto
(2014) explain "a focus on increased direct and positive communication could go a long way

towards uprooting and tran fon11ing unhealthy or harmful power dynamics" (p. 73) . Food ac ess

110

and hung rare p litical and ar r
H ldke 19 2) . Min ring th
th

aling ab ut p wer relati n hip within

pen n

ci ty ( urtain

f participant in Mi wald and M e ann's (20 14) work,

articipant in thi re ear h fa c d chall nge du e t b ing bann d fr m food acce , att nding

religi u ly ri nted fo d harit

rgani zati n , and th chall ng

f needing t acce

ervtce

but not bel nging to th targ t d m ographic.
one 111 ab ut changing regulati n regardin g identificati n wer al
reporter Tere a Mall am ' in e ti ga ti n int fi
upport Mi wald and M

e rge (March 28, 2014) and

ann' (2 0 14) findin g that the en vir nment of fi

con tantly changing. The findin g
availability and food acce

d aid in Prine

d cumented in

d chariti es i

f thi re earch hed light n th e di fferences between food

and the importance of p wer relation hips to thi dynamic and why

peopl e m ay be hungry de pite the exi tence of a number of ervice prov id er . Thi s led to
di cussion of choice in regard to attending [! od provider . Parti cipant felt th ey did not
actuall y have a choice, but gave into playing a role. Particip ants in other research expl ained, they
do not speak up about this, when the food is free (E ikenben-y & Smith, 2005) . These findin gs
contribute to reducing the gap in knowledge regarding how or why hom eless peopl e choose to
access certain food provid ers, identified by Mi ewald et al. (2 0 10) .
Having had previous negative and abu ive experience means that the participants are
less likely to be trusting of motivations of others in positions of power and less forgiving of
mistakes or incidents, as described by Allan and Sakamoto (2014). The participants repo11 that
service provid ers think the issues pat1icipants raise are minor whil e they are serious to the
pat1icipants - for example giving vague answers to qu estion . These difference in perception
could be attributed to different life circum tances shaping interpretati on of event (Dickinson,
1999). Years of experiences have al o resulted in mi strust and fru tration with the sy tem .

111

D pit thi
e

m an participant id ntifi d p

mplary, and h ld re p ct [! r. Pe pl e tii d t att nd the pr gramming at rganizati n wh re

th y £ lt r p cted and thi i
Mi wald and th
a

pl and pla e whom th y b li ved to be quite

rt that m ore p

upp011 d by fi nding

entre£ r u tainabl

f Mi wald andMc ann (2 014)and

1n munity
tw

iti e r lati n hip can d

power wh n peopl e wh ha

le

1 pm nt (2009) .

p w r feel th

ickin

n ( 1999)

n pe ple with different am unt of

are heard and re p cted by th

e with power.

5.3.2 Relationships between Homeless People- "A street p eople w elcome wagon! "

During the community mapp ing, interview and partici pant b ervati n, it became
apparent that many pe pi e
with one another.

p ri ncing h mele ne

veral participant were re lated t

in Prince

eorge have clo e social ti es

ne an ther, orn e through bl ood, but

everal consid ered one another adopted relatives . Am ngs t the parti cipants there were three
couple , a pair of si ter , cou ins, fri end , acquaintances and everal peopl e who live and tay in
the same shelter .
When talking about food m any particip ants spoke of their fam ili es wheth er it was
regard ing their sister's garden , rem embering fi shing with siblings or holiday dinners with their
parent. Many of the w omen spoke of their own children, grandchildren and families an d the
impact that being hom eless had on their relationships with them . Several peop le felt their
families' situations were equal to , or not much better off than, their own situation . The women
who pm1icipated in this research frequ entl y cited the teachings of their grandmothers as
important factors which have shaped th em into the people they are today. By acknow ledging
this, they are honouring generati on of wo men before them . Fm1hermore relation hip with other
homeless people were very va luabl e, suppot1ive and info nnative and food had an imp011ant rol e
in these relationships.

112

R lati n hi

are incredibly imp rtant in pe pl ' li

exp n ncing hom le n
and the u e of£

in Prince

d. Th participant al

ar often c mpa ionate t

ard

e rg

hap

b th h w p

d cri b h w p

n an th r, e

and th c nn ct dn

ofpeopl

ple int ract with ne an th r

pl e e p rien ing home!

ne

in P

n if th y ar not c nnected. Th women m

particular pok of and dem n trated, their c mp a i nand caretaking.

!though they

wer e periencing h m le ne , thew men were willing t make sacrifices to help

them el
oth r .

While inter 1ewmg a gr up f thr e participant , ne parti cipant g t up abruptly and left
the table. When he retwned to th interview hortly thereafter, he expl ai ned what had
happened:
Melody: That little kid ju t come in here with a fu ckin g ti ck. Yeah, Did you see that?
Three little boy came in here, and one of th e kids had a tick and walked into the toy
room and walked to the till and then, like, I know that kid wanted to do a robbery for a
fucking burger (laughs). And I just gave him my, I gave him my fucking burger.
Julia: Was it someone you knew?
Melody: No. But that wa me probably when I was a kid [ ... ]I sai d, 'hey, hey, hey you
with the stick' I told him. He tmns around. Takes it, 'thank you' . Like sweet, eh? Yeah.
That's what it's all about, man. You gave it to me, I gave it to him . M aybe he won't be in
pri son with me in twenty years (laughs) (Melody, Interview) .
This scenario demonstrates the deep conce111 this participant, a wom en, held for the
welfare of others and the significance the participant ascribes to food and life ou tcomes. The
women in the research demonstrate their concern for others by haring food, both before and
since becoming homeless . Prior to becoming homeless, two women had volunteered at charitable
food providers and another had arranged for hunters to provide wild meat to Eld ers. Since
becoming hom eless, one woman had volunteered at an em ergency food provider, and two were
growing food at a comn1unity garden and donating it back to the helter where they stayed .
The women explained that, if they were wealthy, they would u e their money to help
other people experiencing hom elessne s by creating fo od banks, operating a free shuttle bu , or

113

op rung a helter ~ r

b 1iginal pe pl in n ed.

at a meal pr

ider wh r

he

lunteered

the meal wa

a tly impr

d

h n he did

For the participant , p
c nnected her wn p r
wh n I am helping

1 a

plained h w h wmg r p ct ~ r patr n

a her main pri rity and h found th ov rall tone of

iti e caring relati n hip led t fe ling

f emp werment. Mary

nal well-being wi th her caring relati n hip [! r oth r , " nd I feel like

meb dy I am helping m y elf ' (Mary, Interview) . Mary explained her

rationale for participating in thi r
better~ r the next generati

ar h pr ject, "M y c ncem , if I can, in some way make it

n, that I will d my be t t ace mpli h that" (Mary, Interview).

In regard t th larg r homele

community, there are conventi on in place to enabl e th e

more vulnerable to be a is ted, Darrell e pl ain ed h w an example of thi would be letting Eld ers
be served food first , or to move up to the front of the line at food provid er . Sharing knowl edge
was a very important upport for peopl e, e pecially those who found them elves newly on the
street. Mary described how other peopl e who were homel es helped her when he first became
homeless, and how this was a positive experience for her durin g a tumultuous time . he
describes it jovially as being like "a street people welcome wagon! (laughs)" (Mary, Interview).
Sometimes access to food was impeded by people who would break th e convention of
behaviour expected of people waiting to be erved a m eal. While relationships can strengthen
food access for those involved, they can threaten access to food for others. Often times people
cut in line and used relatedness to other people in line as their rationale aying, "'Well, that' my
cou sin , come on over here' .'Well that's my auntie', oh well he's got aunties, and holy smokes,
you got a couple generations in front of you, before you know it" (Danell, Community
Mapping).

ther participants were concerned that acce s to food was hampered for the mo t

114

vulnerabl by oth r who w uld pr t nd to b injur d or di abl d to g t t the front f th lin
Danell' phil

Di

u

phy wa "Well, if th y'r hungri r than I a1n, g ah ad" (Danell, Int rvi w) .
ron

Participant w re ft n acti ely c ncerned with improving the welfare of ther pe pie
around th m and th need
homele ne

f ther w r c n tantl y di

u

d in relati n t food acces and

2009) rep rt that ocial upp01i is an imp Iiant

determinant of h alth D r Indigenou pe ple. The patiicipant n t nly ha ve compl ex live and
role that they are enacting n a dail y ba i , but they ha ve clear and c n tructive id ea for how
ervice could be impro ed if they had the financial r ource t do so t be of grea ter ben efit to
other . Participant re pect for one another, and the importance of relati onship , upp rted the
findin g that the dynamics betw een people on the treet are an important consid eration when
planning programming ( tone oup 201 0) and can be tron g, caring relations (Eikenbeny &
Smith, 2005). The importance of relation hips for people who exp erience hom elessness in PG
extend Masuda and Crabtree's findings of "paradoxi cal relation hips" w ithin the Downtown
Eastside in Vancouver, to this northern city. D espite the negative associations at both location
they are also able to find "acceptance, solidarity, and conununity" (Ma uda & Crabtree, 2010, p .

661).
Food access, availability and use were not tand-alone issues in the li ves of the
pa1iicipants but are connected to pow er, relationships and respect. Past research ha indicated
that food is used as a tool for building relationships. For example, de Oliveira ( 1997) found that
street youth in Brazil used gifts of food to foster relationships and create a ense of equality.
Pmiicipants repmied saving food for others in E ikenberry and Smith' (2005) research. Thi
supports the finding of other re earch in Canada which suggest that positive ocial
relationships decrease severity of food insecurity ( ook, 2008).

115

Th e p ri nee of w men
and akamot (20 14) that

ho participat d in thi re arch support the finding by

b riginal w men e peri ncing h m le ne

with thew !fare f th r and t

are deeply con erned

k a 1 ader hip r le t a i t and care £1 r ther . tudi e
£1 und that worn n were m re likely t

including £1
llan and

lien

f

hare re ource ,

d and w rk t geth r while on the tr et, a c mpar d to men (Tara uk et al , 2009) .
plain that a ne e ary comp n nt f dec 1 nization are repre entati n

akam to

Aboriginal women in re earch which "h nour th
(20 14, p . 5 ) and t

f

trength and agency of Aboriginal women"

hatter th " ne-dimen ional " repre entati n of h m eles Ab ri ginal

women. De pite facing ever chall enge including vi lence, exual a au lt, discrimination, and
health problem the women in thi re arch were concerned about the well -being of others and
the larger community.
The women how how they valu e the peopl e they are interacting with, embracing roles as
helpers. This serves to decolonize and destroy the "cunent discourses on homelessness [that]
obscure, erase or ignore the agency of those who are homeless, resulting in services that can
inadvertently imply to service users that they are helpl ess and reinforce feelings of grief,
isolation and marginalization" (Allan & Sakamoto, 20 14, p. 77) . Many participants are presently
active and interested in becoming engaged in the activities that are part of traditiona l food
systems, such as sharing of food and cooperation. This is a mean of reclaiming the power and
access to traditional food systems that colonization aimed to destroy. As part of this reclamation
of pow er it is impo11ant that safe spaces for Two-Spirit and LGBTQ people are actively fostered,
and to recognize that Two-Spirit peopl e held significant community positions in many Fir t
Nations prior to colonization. So for example, women's groups shou ld be open to lesbian,
bi sexual , transgend er women and Two-Spirit peopl e.

116

Indig n u fi
but al

r ignty i n t limit d t what fi

d

d are culti at d, cau ght and eaten,

include who i perfotming th w rk and h w they d it. The r le of Indi gen us women

pri r to c 1 nizati n wa

n

argu that w men wer di pla

r ulti ati n and harv e t, but

r y and Patel (20 15)

d by c 1 nial agricultural practices that a crib d th e e rol e t

m n. Martin (2 0 12) e plain that, "th g al f fi
c rmnuniti e i t pro id a mean t e pre

d and eating w ithin m any Abori ginal

culture, uph ld cultural traditions, and trengthen

cultural kn wledge ab ut thew rid '' (p. 2 11 ). The r lati on hip va lu e of caring, c
re pect that parti ipant

peration and

p ke f and d m n trated through their acti on are also important

facet of Indigen u fo od o ereignty ( M rri on 20 11 ;

orthem Health , 20 12). The findin gs

uppmi Eikenberry and mith' , (2 005 ) re arch that peopl e who are h meles may have a tr ng
sense of community.
The rol e of family wa a factor that shaped a desire fo r hea lthi er foo d that one wa abl e to
procure oneself and to share with the community.

imil ar to the Miewald and M cCann (2 014)

article people sometimes received food from friend s or famil y m emb ers, and they also
exchanged information. Participants described ho w personality conflicts, a negative atmosphere
and unfair use of power were fa ctors that prevented or impeded acce

to charitable foo d

programs. On the other hand, access to food was enhanced by caring relatio nships, the genera ity
of strangers, and a sense of being respected.
Participants live in a 'whole system' perspective. During the interviews, community
mapping and other discussions with pa1iicipants, and despite a line of qu estioning that was
fo cused on food , the answers participants shared were about all a pects of life, because th e
relationsrups are tightly coru1ected. To answer a qu esti on about food , pa1iicipant

ometimes

began speaking about their childhood, their current relati onship , and the place they live. This

117

ech

a rep rt b th H alth

went to peak with

unci! f

anada (20 11) wh re imilarly wh n th re earcher

b riginal practiti n r and c mmunity m mb er ab ut matetnal and child

health th di cu i n c ntr d n wid er i u

(

1 n, 201 2). In thi way, the participant

implicitly d crib int rc nn cti n betwe n h alth in quitie ,
environment a being int rr lat d d t nninant
W in tein, 200 ).

Parke (2 11 )

pl ain

fr m the natural n ironment. In the [! 11 wing
highlight why th

cial inequiti

f h alth

ciety and the natural

el on, 20 12; Parke , anelli &

cial in quiti

are ften examined eparately

cti n, findin g ar pre nt d and di cus ed that

e p ri enced by parti cip ant need to be c n id ered within the

context of the phy ical en ir run nt a w 11.

5.4 Street Food: Phy ical E nvironm ent , ea onality and R elation hips
The pathw ay to food that are de crib ed in ection 5.2 are dynami c because they operate
within a system that includ e the phy ical and ocial environm ent that con titute th e context in
which participants live. The contextual elem ents and ystem dynami c th erefore pl ay a large role
in the food security of the participants. To consider foo d ecurity and foo d choice without takin g
into account the additiona l factors of social and physical environm ents would result in a limited
understanding of the complex circumstances that the participants navigate throughout their live .
5.4.1 Downtown - "What am I doing here ? This is where I don 't belong"

Story et al. 's (2008) ecological fram ework emphasises that foo d choice i shaped by the
larger food system and the individual, social, physical and m ac ro levels of influence ( ee Figure
1, hapter 2). Story et al. 's (2008) description of the physica l rea lm i oriented toward the urban
social environment, but fo r the purpo e of thi s research I ought to expand beyond thi to
investigate how the uniqu e contex t of a city, the local clima te, weather, flora and fauna al o
contributed to food choice as factors related to th physical environment. Thus th physical

118

n ironment includ

th built en ir run nt, th natural en ironn1ent and th influ nee of

weath r and climate, while al
Th

p n n

taking int ace unt ocial relation hip .

participant had in phy ica l

pa t hi t rie and, in parti ular, th ir percepti n
influence of the

tting w re m ediat d by th participant

I

f h me. he phy ical nvir runent and

cial r alm [! nned

tting that mentally and phy ically could be either

chaining or enl1an ing t th h mele

parti ipant well -being and that c nnected t acce
I

to

£ od and hap d the[! d y tern .
For the majority of th particip ant the urban envirorun ent, particul arly downtown Prince
George, wa a ociat d with di placem nt, exclu i n, and behav iour that were hannful to health
and well-being. Downtown P

i where the majority f food pr vider and ocial en tices are

located o most participant fe lt they had to pend time downtown. However, at times
participant also ought to e cape, avoid and were actively expell ed from the do wntown area.
Limited transportation options excluded participant from accessing food and also concentrated
people in the downtown core. Downtown was a place that participants associated with substance
abuse, interpersonal conflict and violence. The climatic variation throu ghout the year
compounded many of these challenges. In contrast, participant viewed the natural enviroru11ent
as a source of health and well-being, throu gh healing, the provi sion of wild foods and medicine,
periods of independence from social services and cmmections to home. The seasonal changes in
the natural enviroru11ent were viewed in relationship to traditional foods and food related
activities.
For the parti cipants, the ability to prepare food was connected to housing. One participant
alluded to the centrality of being able to cook when she described the shelter where she lived
sayin g, " We have sa fety. We hav e our own kitchen" (Li a, Community Mapping) . The ability to

119

har £ od wa connect d t h m and ocial relati n hip with family and c mmuniti
m participant

the haring f £ d wa highly alu din th ir h me c mmunities, such as at a

p tlatch. Pa11icipant d cribe h w ft n p
or buying£

dt

. For

at.

om pe pl li

pl ar D reed t cho

d in relati

other findin g h It r wa b th a daily and

e betw een paying their rent

ly tabl alth ugh temp rary helters but£ r

a nal tru ggle.

m ng the participants with acce

to co king facilitie ther w re oft n other barri r , in luding the frequency at which they
m ved, th chall ng

face mm dating e ery ne in community living, r unpredi ctability of

what wa a ailable at the£ od bank that limit d their use f common cooking areas.

orne

participant went to food provider becau e th y enj oyed the company whil e there.
For orne, choo ing not to stay in a helter wa th e prefeiTed housing option. As Mami e
de cribed "The helter, it' a littl e depre sing taying there, because there' too much fi ghting,
argue for food and tuff like that" (Mamie, interv iew) . Whil e women's only mea l and shelter
have benefits they also separate hetero exual coupl es, crea te diffic ulti es for gender nonconforming and transgender people, and inhibit the ritual of eating to gether. For one couple, it
became normalized to sleep outside together and get picked up by the police to spend a night in
jail for trespassing rather than be separated.
Not having one's own home was detlimental to family relationships. As one grandmother
exp lained, "Miss my family, spendin g time with my kid s. 1 don' t do that anymore, cau e I've got
no home" (Mamie, Community Mapping). Dean-"0", explained that the winter brings dramatic
changes to his daily life and hou sing needs, which impacts his family :

I usually sleep outside when it's warm enough, and when it's too co ld , it get too cold, I
usually then, I start couch surfing with my family . And I don't really like to ask my
family for help cause, like ah, ah, they're not much more better off than I am (Dean-"0",
onununity Mapping).

120

me p
P

pl ar n t h u d th

e pen n

citiz n . The h iter and other

e tended p riod of tim

downt wn in a uniqu way compared t rest of the
are located h re and pe pl who are h meles spend

tre tin luding 1 pmg r ugh .

n th

The downt wn area i a phy ical etting wh re m any
general publi c
di f~ rent d

th r p

pl

h ar h mele

d auth rity fi gure . Thi

pending on th circum tance f th per

envirorun ent of d wnt wn P

cia! interactions

cur with the

etting i va tl y

n wh i pre ent in the et1ing. The physica l

wa de crib d nega ti ely by participant . Li a expl ain ed that

"downtown with 1 t of empty 1 t fill d with tra h.
tra h, weed everyw here" (Li a,

f park 1 t fill d with needl e and

ommunity Mapping) . The va t maj orit y of em ergency food aid

providers in PG are located in the downtown core. Whil e downtown was ge nerally accessible
phy ically the act of going orb ing downtow n had negati ve con egu ence to m ental well -bein g.
As one parti cipant explained, "Ju t rea l, real spirit and , and strength are titl ed fo r me" (Lisa,
Community Mapping) .
Living in an atmo sphere that pmiicipants viewed as negative had effect on indi vidual
behavioural choices, resulting in different level of hann and patterns of consumption. For some
it was increased consumption of junk food as Lisa explain , "Cause definit ely when I am in a
downswing I make the wrong choices if they are avail able to me. I eat a whole bag of cookies
instead of having some potatoes or something (laughs) " (Lisa, Interview) . The social services are
located downtown so it draws a specific crow d to access them. Dean-"0" acknowledged that this
crowd also influences hi s behaviour:
I go out, I make about $30-$40 dollars a da y, and ah, it more than supplies us
with what I need for ba ics, like to get smokes, or whatever, but it keeps me
sober eh, cau e uh, I'm bu sy at, usuall y about six hours a day, I'm away from
downtown . Cau e otherwise if I'm downtown I'm around where everybody'
drinking and once that happen than I don't rea lly have to worry about food

121

becau e th g ernment gi
rything up nth hill.
Participant de rib d h w they t

an-" "

k effi rt t limit their

including Dean-" ", "W g t t g t out f t
town a littl way th y w n't b th r
Dan 11

d actually giv m a b d and
mmunity Mapping).

u, eh " (

p

n cau e that' wh re all the crazie are h?

(Int rvi w). He e plained h w h tri
off there' no u e t g t up

utta

an-" ", Intet iew) .

plain d h w d wntow n "there' a 1 t f de pr

know they won't 1 k at y ur eye , th y'll m

ur t th e d wnt wn ar a,

ed pe pi e. Y u kn ow . Y ou

tl y 1 ok d wn at th

id walk r w hatever "

t c pe wi th the negative atm

phere; "I ju st let it lid e

t. If y u g t up et ab ut everything that happen d wn there yo u'd

go cra zy" (Dan ell Interv i w).
The negative el m nt of downtown includ e ph ysical vio lence. Zack elaborated on th e
phy ical danger of the downtown environment by aying:
Sometime peopl e cl ash, ar gue . Som etimes peopl e are strun g out, start arguing wi th taff
so ..A lot of times yeah . om etime I just don't go there because I don't want to see
people. Certain peopl e, whatever, at that point in tim e. ther time I j ust ay, 'Hey, I need
to go'. Even if they are there. And even if something mi ght happen. Because I'm hungry
Julia: Are there peopl e that are lookin g fo r a fi gh t with you?
Zack: Y eah, with anybody reall y (Zack, Interview).
M amie believed that it was not the people, so much as the essence of the pl ace that was
problem atic. "No , I don't know how it is. It's just the spirit, I can fee l it. In the town, around thi
People around ...It's evil downtown[ ...] Yeah, so I just eat my foo d as fa t I can and get out of
there" (M amie, Interview). Although downtown is a place that Mamie and Zack both find
negati ve, they feel they h ave little other choice than to go th ere for fi od . However Mary
suggested how the situation could be ameliorated thro ugh enhanced social relation hips:
Basically it just all comes down to ah, being abl e to , ah communicate to one another and
respecting each other. Helping each other, lov ing one another, you know . If there was
more love, like there should be more laughter[ ... ] the negative ah, wav that uh i around
the bowl in Prince George would disintegrate all that positive calm would come m . But
that's me (laughs ) (Mary, Interview).

122

H w

p 1i nee with th urban n ir nrn nt w re n t uni er allyn gative, e pecially

wh nth re were connection to natural n ir nment , whi hi the focu of ection 5.4.3.
u
111

1017

andennark' (2007) tud y

ral parti ip ant in thi r earch m nti n d feeling

a en e of di plac m ent and n t-bel nging in th e c it

n ir mnent.

tory et al. (2008) explain

how th phy ical, ocial and indi idual en ir nrn nt interact t influ ence D od ch ice. In thi
ca e, the phy ical en ir nrnent
helt r

b ing hou

f pa11icipan t are frequently chan ging a they move between

d , and 1 eping r ugh, and the finding indi ca te that D od acce s shift as th e

physical environment hift , but that, at tim e , th e s cial env ir nn1 ent ha greater influ ence on
fi od choice than the phy ical environm ent.

Participant de cribed downtown a a place that ha an array of i ues from negati ve
ae thetics to phy ical vio lence and the e are impo11ant influence on food acce . Northern
Health acknowledges that, "There are important social , cultural and enviro nmental dim ensions to
all stages of the food chain and each has the potential to support or undermin e individual ,
community and cultural health" (20 12, p. 11 ). The negative atmosphere led to decreased social
interaction, which is clearly a detriment to pm1icipants (See Section 5.3.1.).
The participant experiences of a negative atmosphere downtown reflects what Friel et al.
(20 11) describe as "systemically unequal distributions in pow er, pre tige and resources
associated with relative position in the social hierarchy whether at an individual or group level"
(p. 864) . Thus other people do not face the same physical and mental challenges that homeles
people do when downtown, which is another way in which the same physical settings has a
unique influence on different people.

123

pe pl ha e b

ar n 1 ng r able t a

pe pl ar di plac d th
gr und

n c n ider d di plac d p
e

ple (Murphy &

traditi nal [!

obin, 20 11 ). When

d , hunting or fi hing

and th yare oft n fore d int m re marginal area and thr ugh thi th y have

exp rience d wnt wn that th r d n t.
together to influen

t

d, health and

Lh dli T'enn hand ther ir t
c n equence D r D d
Poland and D

cial, phy ical and cultural dynamics interact

h

11 -b ing.

ati n p opl e in

reed di plac m nt i what

anada. Thi i an envir 11111ental inju tice with

curity and h alth equit (Ma uda
ri

cuned with the

rabtree, 20 10) .

(20 10) ugg t that using a etting approach in publi c hea lth hould

include working n the peopl e and the

tting, und er tanding local context and working

collaboratively. The participant in thi re earch intuitively identified with this recomm endation ,
and the finding

how how th phy ical etting and ocial a pect are connected within the

participant ' live

5.4.2 Tran sportation - "Walk, walk, walk, carry, carry, carry"
The significance of the downtown core was likely du e in part to the fact that the
participants had few options for leaving downtown. Transportation was a serious concern held by
all the participants and was especially prominent during the community mapping . Transportation
is the way in which people are able to move thou gh physical environments, it can allow them to
control where they are, and without transportation people become contained in an environment.
This can greatly influence how a person experiences the setting they are in. As established in
Section 5.2. 1, people who are homeless in PG have a wide variety of strategies they use to obtain
food, and these necessitate travel throu ghout the city. Transpmiation strongly influenced where
participants lived and if, and how , they accessed food aid .

124

F r many participant th tim

p nt in tran it, wheth r walking ron th bu , i

exce iv , ometime requiring th m to p nd all day tra
acce

v ral m al a day. Participant all t

lling betw een

tra tim b cau

rv1ce m rd r to

th y have to mrive in advance to

av id line and to btain [i od bet re it i all di tribut d. imited tran p rtati n ption
ex a

rbated the hall ng

f bringing D d t their h m

with heav y 1 ad fr m the [!

or heltcr . Pm1icipant had difficulty

d bank, r bu ying gr c rie , e peciall y those with phy ical

limitati n , [! und th y had diffi ulty wa lking t

ervice . Li a expl ained that to be homeless and

acce ing food mean a p rp tual cycle of "walk, walk, walk, carry, carTy, carry " (Lisa,
Community Mapping) . ome peopl e went through a great deal of tro uble to get to fo od provid er
but it did not guarantee t od would be acce ibl e, and participant explain ed being turned aw ay
when charities ran out of food to di tribute. haron de cribed the tep

he took to acce

the

food bank, including orne of the point of diffi culty and the resulting consequ ences;
You have to have to pa ck your bag and go do wn to the shelter to get bu s ti ckets,
sometimes they don't beli eve you[ ... ]. Older peopl e, see th em all the tim e. There should
be a shuttle bus or something. To go up there, once a week or tw ice a week (to the food
bank) . Just m eet at a cer1ain spot and go up ... Cancell ed appointm ents because of that.
Because I don't have no rid e to get up there (Sharon, Interview)
Dean-"0" described how binning is easiest in the summ er wi th a bicycle, and more
chall enging in the winter hauling fro zen bottl es. However, with limitations on bringing bikes and
bags insid e various locations, the cyclist was unable to keep the bike in his possession for very
long, and this non-food related regulation ended up influencing his foo d access .
Feeling safe while walking on the streets was a transpm1ati on concem year round . Peop le
felt vulnerable because of unmarked crosswalk , dangerous and disrespectfu l drivers and
ti cketing campaigns against jay-wa lkin g th at th ey fe lt targeted them . "You can try and walk
across the crosswalk , you can be halfway across it, and somebody want to, that' s dri\ ing, the)

125

h

ju t pull ut ri ght in front of

u" (Darrell , Int rview) . Ther w a

ome e a p ration am ng the particip ant wh th ught that th cr
for the

anad a Winter

am

walk w uld be repaint d

and n t becau e f th dang r t citizen , e peciall y th

e who are

Tran p rtati n in th win ter wa m r dibl y limiting [! r particip ant who are old er or
ha e ph

i allimitati n , and [! r

h m phy ical inj urie and accident are c mm n. During

winter, it wa hard to get up and d wn hill that un und d wnt wn, re ulting in mi

eI

appointment and i lation. Anne tated, "t u e a cane, and using a walker and a wh elchair was
impo ibl e in fi e feet f now" (Anne,

ommunity m apping). Li a lam en ted, " o many peopl e

were falling and hurting th m el e . Y ah, e peciall y old er people. And yea h, it' just not
cleared, it' reall y hard to go out ide becau e you are o cared yo u are going to fa ll and hurt
yourself ' (Li a, Community Mapping).

lack of now clearing and the ub equ ent risk of injury

to pedestrians wa something that the participants fo und disrespectfu l.

Discussion
The findings resonate with the findings that transportation was a significant obstacle in
being able to access the food (and services) needed by peopl e who are hom eless or low income
(Cannuscio, W eiss & Asch , 2010 ; The Stone oup Project, 20 10). Participants in previous
research who lived in large metropolitan cities with more transportation options a! o found that
travelling to different services was a large impediment and a time consuming venture
(Eikenberry & Smith, 2005; Mi ewald & Centre fo r Sustainable C01rununity Development, 2009;
Tarasuk et al. , 2009). Dixon et al. (2007) explain that access to food can increase dramatically
with access to a vehicle. Pati icipants in thi re earch suggested they would benefit greatly from
shuttle bus services, an approach whi ch is already being trialed in low income communities in
other cities (Story et al. , 2008).

126

Phy icallimitati n in luding tran p rtati n ha

£ r enior itizen , and p e ple wh ar di abled (

been h wn t af.G ct di tary pattern

k, 200 ; Miewald &

01rununity De el pm ent, 2009). Regul ar and r liabl e ac e

t

many comm nly pre crib d m di ati n £ r lder indi idu al
upp

ed t be tak n

De

lopment 2009).

ith £ d

An empl yee of a
becau

k, 200 ; M iewald

1 1c p ro id r in P

ntr £ r u tainable

m al i al o important becau e
r pe ple living with HIV are

ntre £ r u tainable

e pl ained h w p

mnmunity

pl e hould n t g hungry

th y could g t three meal a day th ugh the ervice provid er (M all am , 2014 ). imilar to

other tudi e , participant in thi re earch de crib ed m ving from ne ervice provider to anoth er
throughout the day, creating rout

that peopl e fo llow ( loke, May, & John on, 2008 ; Mi ewa ld

& McCann, 2014 ). Thi impact health and well-being when people are con trained to an

atmosphere they ma y find unplea ant or where they engage in self- de tructive behavio urs and it
leaves little time for peopl e to pursue anything else (Mi ewald & Centre fo r Sustainabl e
Cmnmunity Development, 2009). DeVerteuil and Wilton (2009) describe thi s as creation of
sp aces of "abeyance" to regulate where peopl e who are homeless travel which creates
contradictory spaces that people depend on although they di like the restriction .
Research on food dese1is often considers how far p eopl e must travel to purchase food and
the ease with which they are abl e to transpmi food (Larsen & G illiland , 2008). Geo graphic
location is more problem atic when access to transpmia tion is limited (Jaio, 20 12; Larsen &
Gilliland, 200 8). Thus people who are well off but live fa r away from grocery stores are not
usually considered to be at risk of food insecurity because they can drive to acces food . Food
deserts are measured using a one kilom etre wa lk or a ten minute bus ride combined with a 500
m etre walk. if the trip to a grocery store exceeds these limits it is con idered problemati c for food

127

ace

( ar n &

illiland 200 ).

kilometre walk wi th h av gr

n

n if fl

d i a ailabl within a hort r di tance, a n

, in th wint r, fl r an elderly, di abl ed h mel ss per on i an

enorm u barri er t food acce
The e p eri nc

f the e Prince

that peopl wh are hom 1

rge parti cip ant r inti rc finding in ther tudies

pend much f th day walking from one pl ace t an ther and

trat gicall y purcha e li ghter fo d in rd r t tra n p rt them m r ea ily (The tone oup
Proj ect 201 0) .
were limiting fa

a nalit wa a!

imp rtant t tran p rtati n, becau e the c ld , ice and snow

t acce ing fo od. Th

finding carry impli cati n for tory et al. ' (2 008)

framework of food choice, including th value f ex panding the environm ental ection to
con ider the ea onal dim n ion .

5.4.3 N atural E n vironm ents and Well-b eing- "Look at th e birds and it 's like I'm h om e"
Whereas participant a ociated the urb an ( e peciall y downtown) environment with
certain moods and states of being, nature was id entified as a source of healing and in piration .
This sense of wellness came from spending time in nature, as well as thro ugh the benefits of food
related activities such as gardening or hunting. The participants recognized the effect of the
natural world on their well-being and acti vely ought it out to improve their mental state. As
Mary describes, "If I'm reall y, really upset then I go for a walk. I grab th e dog and go for a wa lk.
Look at the scenery. Look at flow ers, looks at the sky, look at birds and then it's like I am back
home" (Mary, Interview) . As Mami e explained :
Where they have those little walking paths, I go through there, tho e tree . I walk through
there and I feel so calm. And my spirit feels awesom e. I don't know how to describe it. I
just walk throu gh there and I just feel o calm. And I think abou t home. To me I don't
know about others, but to me if I feel depres ed or hurt or something, I ju t, ven if I go
through the park I just w alk through the park and it does omething to my spirit. I feel
better (Mami e, Interview).

128

Mary and Mami both
and conn ct itt their hildh

th ir time in nature a being r ju
d h me . W 11-being c m

outd or a ti iti e , and pa1iicipant

i w a ti iti e

fr m b

ut f d

nating during l w p int
ommg ngag d with
h alth y.

B ing abl t pro id [! r on elf thr ugh h m gardening i a pa time that i mis ed by
eral p arti ipant . Li a u e gardening, in pa1i, a a pr
engaging in nega ti
ource of m dicin , [!

entati ve m ea ure t keep fr m

b havi ur . Thu the na tural w rld ha man y r le .G r the participant a a
d, tranquil ity and en e f h me.

Living in the urb an en ir nment r the natural nvir nment wa n t necessarily
con idered mutu ally

clu ive by particip ant . Thi wa fac ilitated by ome avail ability of food

within the city limit

e peciall y berry bu he and place to fi h. orn e parti cipant fe lt c ntent to

live in the city, and did not think it limited their acce

to traditional foo d or medi cines. Durin g

her interv iew M elody hared that she had know ledge of the u e and preparation of traditi onal
medicines. When I asked if it was diffi cult to be able to get out on th e land in order to retrieve
materials she would need, she explained how she was on her land already and she could count on
the river to supply her with what she required. At least one foo d p rovider is provi ding
opportunities for homeless people to get out on the land by ho ting fie ldtrips co llecting
traditional fo ods and medicines, such a berry picking, sage picking, salmon canning and salmon
fi shing.

Discussion
There is a large body of literature which has found that there are positive benefits from
spending time in nature (Grose, 201 0; M all er, Townsend , Pryor, Brown, & St Leger, 2005;
N 01ihe1n Health et al. , 20 12; Townsend & W eeras uri ya, 20 10) . Approache

uch as wildemes

therapy have been benefi cial for at-risk population in the pas t, and are connected to outcomes
such as spiritual and psychological hea lth (Largo-Wri ght, 20 11 ). As pmiicipants seek out conta 't

129

with natur in ord r t impr

th ir m

d aid

1c

1

me rp rating e po ure to nature int pr gralTilnmg.

c uld p t ntially b

me place ha ve att mpt d t do thi

rt f acti ity encourag

through urban agriculture pr gram . Thi

nhanc d by

healthy eating, gentl

i e and community r lati on hip .
Th conn
(Kirmay r, 1mp

tion b tween land and h alth i particul arly tr ng for Indi genous p
n, &

arg , 200 ; Riehm nd

R

, 200 ; Wil

pl

n, 2003). N rthem Health

(20 12b) rec gmze the importance f th e e c nnecti n , which have been outlined in their
po ition pap r n the E m •ironm nt a a

on text for Hea lth . urther ugge tions includ e ervmg

traditional food in ho pital a "a way£ r

b ri gin al and non-Abori ginal peopl e to reconnect

with the land or eco y tem, tradition and community. Thi connecti on m ay help to heal
individuals communiti e and the environment "

orthern H ealth, 20 12, p. 7). Th at the homele s

participant felt at 'home' when in nature i al o important to con id er from the perspective of
shelter design, supportive housing design and a health context of providing and access in g food .
These initiatives may fo cus on accessibility to service providers and transit routes but the
findings suggest that a fo cu s on natural setting would also be very benefi cial. Thi idea
resembles past efforts to locate hospitals in areas of abundant nature in ord er to faci litate health
(Northern Health, 201 2). Promoting access to wild foo ds, cultiva ting and tewarding natural
settings that are a source of food will enable participants to have greater access to food they feel
are healthy. This could simultaneously contribute to improving the mental health and well-being
related conditions that can impede access to food fo r the pati icipants.
The interest pmiicipants expressed in undertaking outdoors activity, the connections
parti cipants mad e betw een being in nature and positive experience , and th negative
connotations with being in the downtown core all suppoti La rgo-Wights' claims that natural

130

tting enhanc and pr m t h alth, whil

etting v id f natural 1 ment can have

detrimental h alth con equ nee (20 11 ). Larg -Wight (20 11)
hav implicati n t h alth beyond direct e p

plain h w built environment

ure t c ntaminant . H we

r, built

envir nment can b impr v d by incr a d "availability f h althy ch 1ce , afety, mix d
de igned land-u e, en 1rorun ntal u tainability and t ward hip and th e pp rtunity for nature
contact" (Largo-Wight, 20 11 , p . 42) .
Participant in thi

tud y e pre

d h w park and trail through natural areas were

re torative forth m, e en if th y w r n tabl e t leav the city. lntere tingly th se re ult differ
from there ult of Ma uda and

rabtr

(20 10), wh b und that, for pm1icipant in their

research, the ocial a pect that came from park a place t gather with others was the primary
value of the park. The natural , 'green' element of the park
participant in the DTES in Ma uda and

rabtree'

eemed to have less valu e to

(20 10) re earch, compared to the parti cipant

in this research who needed the olitude of green paces. This could perhaps be attributed to the
differences betw een population living in large m etropolitan areas compared to the small er
northern city. However, group pa11i cipation in environn1ental activitie can enhance
connectedness between participants (Townsend, 2011, p. 111 ). This is important as participant
also emphasized the importance of relationships and positive social interactions to their overall
well-being. Pa11icipants desired more than 'green spaces' within the city but also contact with
nature beyond the city. Townsend and Weerasriya de cribe this as wild nature, "nature in an
environment that develop s spontaneously and can be maintained with minimal management
(natural rivers, marshy woodlands)" (201 0, p. 3).

In this research, pm1icipants id entifi ed setting that were draining (downtown) and
enl1ancing (being in nature) as integral to their mood and outlook on life with r percussion

131

ranging fr m hunger to i lence, and incarc ration.
tory t al. (200 ) do

ace unt £ r influ enc

anti cipat d the ec logical fram work of

n D d ch i e fairly well.

rep 11ed h re ugg t h wev r, the framew rk h uld b
natural en iromn nt and
included int

a

nality. 1 ment

pand d t includ acce s t the

f the natural nvironment that could b u efully

tory et al.' fram w rk include lim at , w ather, ace

medicinal plant , local a ailability,

the finding

o y tem , and

to land , edibl e plants,

a nality.

The en ir nment i m r than a ource f hazard D r th e participant . The participants'
strong de ire to eek out natural pace when they were feeling 1 w and the trength they drew
from their time in nature r onat

with a m re holi tic und erstanding of the natural environm ent

as a source of w llbeing and healing (Parke , 20 11 ). The e findings also highlight the valu e of
including eco y tern more explicitly within healthy ettin g approache (Parke & Horwitz,
2009), and a more explicit recognition of the natural environment a a co ntext for health
(Northern Health, 2012). Interrelation hips are of utmost importance to a holistic und erstanding
of food systems.

5.5 Indigenous Food Systems: Multiple Environments and a (Re)Emergent Food
System - "It's not just about food , it' s everything that goes with it"
The quote included in the title of this section echoes the title of the Stone Soup report
from 20 10. As the participants described, food is impacted by, and impacts, many different areas
of life and is a good place to stm1 to improve health and well-being holistically. In her dream for
the future, Anne touched on the interconnections between food, culture and community health
and well-being:
M y dream is actually .. .. m y family has, uh, doe a lot of hunting and fi hing, annnnd
(1 5:22) .. ..they can share their dry meat, their moose meat, their dry almon, and betw een
the people on my rez bac k home. Ammd they have the old potlatch ystem . And they also
have the old Indi an M edic ine w hich, they've tried to get me on but..um. I love fi shing, I

132

v berry picking, and I lo e ha ing a gard n. I u
mmunity Mapping)

d to ha

a garden (Anne

Mo t participant e pre

d h w th y th ught 'the ld w ay ' (hunting fi hing, mall cal e

farming) of btaining t

d w re m r healthful t r p

her childh

pi and the envir nm nt. In refl ecting on

d Li a e plained h w th r wer c nn cti n b tween h er[! o d, famil y life and

Indi gen u cultur and expl ained it wa
c01mecti n and an envir nmental c n

n ir nmentall y u tainabl e and h ealthy. These
m w r ech

d by M amie:

urture the dream, th at' wh ere I m from , bet re I nd up n th e treet. I'm going
home, li ing th way I u d t , workin g. I like to w rk. Hiking, I like to hike. I get m y
own food that way . It' cl an, it' n t chemi cal mix like w hat we bu y in the tore ri ght
now . Camping, I lov camping, and I 1 ve trapping. In the w inter I do that a lot. I used t
'til I end up out here tu c k. Fi bing, I do th at a lot. uiding. I love guidin g. Taking out
hunter . And picking berri and liv ing off th e land . That' wa bet! re I end up on the
street. I done all that and I mi it a lot" (M ami e, ommunity M apping).
A participant who w a abl e to acce

traditi onal m edi cines reported th at they h elped her

immensely. Another participant compl ain ed about barri er to acces ing traditi onal medi cines
b ecau se of their monetary value within alternative m edicine and contradictorily their devaluation
within W estem m edi cine.
M any p articipants also expressed con cem s about the ways that animals and plants are
raised in industrial agriculture and the human health con sequences they beli eve resu lt from
consumption of such foo d, "W ell look how bi g all the kids are these days . It's from the all the
steroids in the chicken and the m eat because they want it to grow super fast.. . From eating so
much meat! It's so pumped up with chemi ca ls, it's te rribl e" (Me lody, Community Mapping) .
Some p eopl e contrasted this with how they grew up hunting, growing and harve ting food,
"G row ing things is really what I miss, a lot. Like yo u say withou t all the processing and
chemi cals" (Lisa,

ommunity M apping) . T hey expl a ined the many way of pre erving and

storing food naturally.

133

aring fl r th

nvir nm nt and caring fl r p

pl and the h alth f b th wa

c nn ct d. Mamie recall d h w he had n e taken the initiat to pr vide [i

een as

d for others while

w rking a a hunting guid :
Th part that I r ally didn't like ab ut that i um, taking out hunter they ju t take a tr phy
and they l ave th m at. Ah, th y ju t take ff the kin and h rn and tuff like that. ...
Like then t hunt, th n t day we tell th m we want the m eat. Y u guy g t th e plane,
we took all them at and bring it t ur p t and p a it ut t all the ld ers there. o they
did! Till the hunting ea n cl ed. W e out there fl ur month (Mamie, Interview).
Mami fllt a re pon ibility to n t wa te the meat, and the them e f taking nly what ne needed
from nature wa al

ech ed in her tat m ents ab ut her trapline and ga rd ning, with the

ugge tion that thi left healthier and m re u tainabl e environments.
People thought that traditi nal fl od were n t onl y better ta ting and hea lthi er but were
also a manner in which to connect with their culture. I a ked one participant if having traditional
food would influence h r attendance at certain ervice provid er , to which he replied ,
"Probably, becau e I would , I'm working on gettin g back in touch with my cu lture. My heritage,
urn, like ah, the, the food part of it. Like at potlatches. I haven't gone to a potlatch yet and that i
just one thing that I am working on. I got to get there, I will. " (Mary, Interview) .
Participants became empowered and engaged when they were actively involved in food
citizenship activities. Participants expressed a desire to garden and over the course of the
smnmer some participants did become quite active with gardening. Fm1hennore the pa11icipant
were sharing the food they grew with the shelter where they lived, and it was subsequently used
in the preparation of mea ls.
Pat1icipants also had suggestions for ways to become involved in the food ystem,
ranging from urban agriculture, to Dean-"0"' sugge tions about a coupon ystem where people
co uld redeem coupon for "real mea l " at re taw·ants, "So it orta made you a bit more, ah, acti\ e

134

in what y u're eating during th da y in t ad of ju t getting what
II

II

r th y give y u ri ght?" (Dean-

ommunity M apping) .
M ary xpl ain d even if pa11icip ating in thi re earch i a mall tep and he ca n help

ther to have better ac e

to :D

d

he thi nk that i imp rtant and w 11hwhil e. " t lea t I'll

ha e left eed for omeb dy 1 e to c m al ng and pick up that

ed" (M ary , Intervi w). By

joining in thi re earch, the parti cipant w r bee ming invol ed in the po litic
de c1ibed d irabl e di t a tho

f food. They

which includ e traditi nal D d and wild m at , whi ch are

prioritizing local fo d y tern , eating m re who! D d and le

pr ce sed D ods, avo iding m at

raised in confw d animal feeding peration , and D !l owing ea

nal trend in avail ability.

Di cu ion
The participant in thi re earch live in both world , the We te111 and the Indigenous, and
thi is the complexity of the era we live in. W hile participant

aw things as hou ing in the ci ty

and fm ancial resources as potenti al solutions to orn e of th e chall enges they fa ced, th ese were not
end goals that were necessarily held by everyone. Proposing onl y solutions that promote W este111
ways of living and being is not only culturall y insensitive but tum a blind eye to the valu e and
richness of alternative ways of being. For example, pm1icipants spoke of acces ing traditional
m edicines when asked about food. Within m any Aboriginal cultures food and m edicine are not
as distinct as within Western medicine (Earle, 20 13) . Suppo11ing and respecting Indi genous food
systems is a way to decolonize (M oni son, 2011 ) and traditional food s often fonn ed the basis of
an econom y that was not an anged around money (Earle, 2013 ).
mpowennent, relationship and cultural connection were imp011ant themes that emerged
from the re ults. From survivors, to lifelong learn ers, there wa a trend of empowen11ent. For
p arti cipants actively seeking to connect with their culture, th re was know ledge renewa L and to
relationship of caring b tween individuals experi encing homele . ncs , there wa renewa l of

135

relation hip . The

are important th m

in th Indigen u .D

d

ereignty model of lli tt et

al. (20 12) r quired t incr a e traditi nal .D

d a ce . The M ntreal ta k.D rce (

d crib e c mprehen i e .D

m ething w hi h incl ud

d

cmi ty a

ducation and ocial ecuri ty (R ck, 2 0 ). Th ey d
"r p ct regi nal dynami c and di ffe rence " (R

e

agriculture, h alth,

rib d h w agri c ultural p licie

k, 2006, p . 3 7) . hi

hapt r 2)

hould

ould b both

ecolo gicall y and ulturally m ore appr pria t and imp rtant .D r a north en1l ca ti on lik Prince
eorg to enc urage 1 cal .D
When d

ribing .D

d produ cti n and c n u mpti n.
d acce , p311icipant

production, cultiv ation and harv

ting of th eir .D

di ets and a de ire for more diver e .D

pok of a d

ire to be acti ve ly engaged in th e

d . Par1icip ant

poke of th e m no tony of their

d offering w hi ch could upp ort biodiver ity w hich align

w ith practice in lndigenou food y tem and Indigenou Food overeignty. There was a sense
of di connection from the way they felt th ey should be li ving. M amie connected this shi ft to
urb an li ving and a W estern di et w ith poor health and w ith indu tri al agriculture where consum ers
are removed from their food system . P eople wanted to acce s culturall y appropriate services,
beyond food, including healing circles. In a review of traditio nal A borigina l diets and health,
Lynda E arl e writes that "It may be impossible or even und esirabl e to define the comp lex
nutrition al benefits of traditional food s separately fro m the health benefits of traditional food
system s" (201 3, p . 3).
Food system s should be a refl ecti on of th e local context in keep ing with priorities for
other health care and health promotion program s (W orld Health Organization (WHO), Health
and W ellness

anada, & C anadian Publi c Health Associati on, 1986) . The authors Weiler et al.

(2014), asser1 that "meaningfull y bringing food sovereignty principl

to bear on health equity

research and practice non etheles offers transform ati ve p otential in realizing health equity

136

tlu·ough the .D
desir

d y t m" (p.2). In thi re ar h, the cultural backgr und and the pecific

of the pa1ii ipant illu trate th imp rtanc and utility of an Indig nou food over ignty

framew rk. An Indigen u .D
a

d

ereignty framework i r

ea onality and the a ailabilit of c untry .D

andre pect are encap ulat d in thi appr ach
addre e c mpl

d a well a th i ue of pow r, relation hip
hich i critical of

cial pr ce es and which al o

ity and int rc nnectedne . Ther were many way in which .D od and health

w re interconn cted, and .D
thi

t d in place, and the factors uch

d

ereignty may help improve health equity for the participant in

tudy.
The theme rele ant t Indig nou food sovereignty that emerged from the fmdings

resonate with idea of food overeignty and traditional food availability that were di cus ed in
the tone Soup recommendation (20 10). The framework of Indigenou food sovereignty hould
be advocated and adopted by organizations providing food charity. This i because Indi genous
food sovereignty frameworks regard food as a sacred gift and the ri ght to food i an inh erent
element of this. Indigenous food sovereignty requires peopl e active] y participate as food citizens,
it promotes self-detennination and non-reliance on corporately controll ed food, and also the
movement works to reconcile colonial laws and processes with Indigenou food and cultural
values (Morrison, 20 11 ).
Indi genous food sovereignty fosters relationships, belonging and sustainability,
encourages re-skilling, connects people to the land, fights against the capitalist model of food
production and distribution, and thus directly confronts many of the issues that emerged in thi
research as paramount to participants. Grey and Patel (20 15) explain that many lndigenou food
cultures involve "environmental maintenance activities" (p . 9) . While being careful not to
feti shize and commoditize traditional or country foods , ea ting local foods from well-managed

137

fo d y t m i a u tainable way of ating.
benefit a

lli tt et al. (20 12) de crib

th

nvironmental

c iat d with traditi nal [i od y t m , '' traditi nal kn wl edge practices are clo ely

linked to environm ntal tew ard hip

tating th at it c uld h lp pr tecting b d

urce fr m

mi manag m ent, ver-e tracti n , and p llution" (p . ).
During di cu ion ar und fo d, the pa11icipant v ic d c nc rns about m ental-health,
well-being and ub tance u e, and di

onn cti n fr m tra diti onal way

f being. A

awn

MOITi on (2 0 11) e pl ained ".G r m ntal health, biol gical and nutriti nal m echani m m ay be
in eparabl e from the ultural and ocial a p ect of traditi onal li b tyle " (p. 4). Th e Stand ard
Ameri can Diet di place Indi genou way

f being that devo ted large p rtions of tim e to food

related acti vitie . When b th the nutriti onal and oc ial-cultural elem ent of Indi genous food ways
are removed from the live of Indigenou peopl e, th ey ex peri ence poor health and well -being.
The con equ ences of thi are compounded fo r peo pl e ex peri encing hom ele sness because
decisions around what food is erved through foo d charit y, w hen, and und er whi ch cond ition 1s
presentl y beyond their control.
The participants who were growing their ow n foo d at the community garden and
supplying their shelter kitchen with produce felt empowered by thi s because the conditions of
mutual respect and collaborati on were m et (Dickinson, 1999). Several participants either
presently were, or had at other times in their lives, grown, hunted, fis hed and foraged their own
food . That people were provided food that was highly processed and largely unlike food they
would be able to produce for themselves, peopl e become "di tanced" from their food, as argued
by Riches (1999) . The findings of this research, regarding the food kill s and know ledge of the
participants supp01i calls to challenge and counter the attitude that peop le who are economically
di advantaged are also ignorant of food preparation and nutrition knowledge. The e finding and

138

th n ti n that p
me fl

ple h uld ha

d charitie (Mi wald

ch i e in what they c n um are b ginning t re nate am ng
M e ann, 20 14).

5.6 Conclusion
Thi chapt r pr

nt d th finding and di cu

and fo d quantity fl r p ople e peri ncing h m le n
ocial and phy ical en irorun nt. In th n
addre

n un unding ~

d acce , fo d quality

in P , a well a the influ ence of the

t cha1 ter, th r ult are yn the ized to fl nnall y

the re earch qu e ti n and the finding and di cu si n are built up n into a et of

recommendation for fl

d pr

id r and g vernment .

139

HAPT R6 :

ON L

10

hi fin al hapter f the the i b gm with an
th y r lat t each f th re arch g al . hi i
in ight

ar a

~ 11

f future re earch and implicati n .

pro ide a et f r c rmnend ati n . La tl , I pr p

er 1ew f the r

arch contributions a

w d by di cu i n f the m eth d logical
ft rward , I detail th

f future r

tudy limitation and I

arch and c nclud e th

the i with a bri ef fin al tat m nt.

6.1 Research overview and contribution s to th e Research Qu estion s
Thi
Prince

tud y ha expl r d the ~

eorge, B

f individu al experiencin g h m ele ne s m

d y t m

and the related imp ac t on hea lth and well-being a described by the re earch

participant . The food y tem include th e ea

nal dynamic of availability, acce

and use, a

well as the physical , social and cultural environment of theca e tud y of P . This research
draws on the theoretical orientati on of critical ocial theory. A explain ed in Chapter 2, critical
social theory aims to expose the m eans through w hich power and oppression operate within
society. I drew on literature concerning homelessne , food i sues, health , and the connections to
physical, social and cultural environments. This re earch u ed aspects of ethnography and ca e
stud y m ethodologies with modified community mapping in ord er to explore the foo d system of
the participants. The fl exibility of this research design enabl ed the participants to creatively
explore and express the food related issues, challenges and successes that were most pertinent to
their lives. A focus group after the community m apping and su b equent interviews with
parti cipants revealed a dynamic and complex fo od ystem which requires a holi tic approach to
improve and enhance health and well -bein g in the m yriad of way they are interconn cted to
food through social and physical environm ents, and through the mind, body and spirit.
The Research Qu e ti ons introdu ced in

hapter 1 are as follows :

140

•
•
•

1: What ar th

e rge, and
b ing?
II:
e th fi d
tern and fi d curi ty f h m le p ple diffi r throu gh ut th
y ar. What ace unt fi r th imilariti e r diffi renee ?
III: In regard t th fo d y t m , hat d pe pi e e p riencing h m le ne
ee as
p iti e, and what chang d p pi e d ir . What d e thi ugge t in te1m f
pr gramming and p !icy d el pment .

In thi ne t ecti n the tud y finding
begim1ing with R earch
•

ple wh are hom 1 in Prine
p n nee n their health and w 11-

p n nc
hat ar th p rc 1

u ti n I (

re re i ited in relation t the re earch qu esti on ,
hapter 1 fi r the

bj ctive ).

Re earch Que tion 1: What are th e perience w ith fo d ecurity of peopl e who are
hom ele in Prince e rge, and what are th perceived ffec t of the e experi ences on
their health and well -b ing?

According to definiti n provi ded and literature reviewed in thi s th e is, the participant m
th1s study were found to be highl y foo d in ecure. Parti cip ant frequentl y have to make use of a
. wide variety of pathways to acce

foo d, however many of these pathways are neither reliabl e

nor socially acceptable (Mi ewald & M cCann, 20 14; T ara uk et a!. , 2008 ). Access to foo d wa
found to be highl y influenced by social relation hips, physical setting and seasonality.
Relationships and social netw orks were very important to the parti cipants (Allan & Sakamoto,
2014; B ar-on, 1997; Makiw ane et al. , 2010).
When the participants are able to access fo od, it is often of poor quality and/or
insufficient quantity. The pa11icipants connect the food they are eating with poor outcomes
t egarding health and well-being. Furthermore, participants describe the foo d as monotonous, a

lacking in sufficient amounts of culturally appropriate foods, and they were concerned with fi od
safety. The current food system is not meeting the right to food for patiicipants. In thi research
Indigenous people were found to be provided food that is cultu ra ll y inappropriate and damaging
to their health evidenced by the high rates of diabete , obesity, hypertens ion and heart disease
among Indigenou peopl e who con urn

imilar diets (Na bhan, 20 13). Providing the tandard
14 1

Am n an
it al

Cl

t att mpt

p

ntributing t p

Thi re arch ha

ntri uted t

ing the kn

d during tim

ne

£ d (Mi

ald

a ulturate p

r h alth and c

pl and

n premature death.

1 dg gap r und h w pe ple arc

n

ha e

f

ari ety fw ays t ace

Me ann, .... 14: ara uk et al., 2 0 b) . H we er, unlike ther tudi e

parti ipant w re fi und t pr cure fi
impact the I el f ~
awarene

t

he findin g w re UJP rt d by th e re ult

hi h fi und pe pl e p n en mg h mel

ther

•

hi h d minant

h i all r pr

ing fi

ace

) i a mann r m

1 t

d

d fr m the natural en ir nm nt. Thi wa n t fi und t

urit but i tmp rt nt in term

f great diffi r n

m ea

nal fi

f cultural und er tanding and an

d a ail abillty p tenti al and life tyle.

d y tern and fi d ecurity f h melc
through ut th year? Wh at ace unt fi r the imil ariti e or difference ?

Re earch Qu e tion II:

pc pi e differ

The fo d y tern doe di ffer thr ugh ut the year, however th e parti cipant remained fi

d

in eeure thr ughout the year de pite th e difference . ln regard to the fo d ys tem, wild food
acce

i increa ed throu gh th e warmer month , and during thi tim there are donati on of fre h

produce made to charitable food prov id er . orn e participant b..,come engaged in community
gard ening during the warmer month . ln orn e contra t to traditional food ys tem of the region,
the participant were abl e to obtain food with the mo t ease during th e ummer month . The
summer was al o a time of increased ind epend ence. Food acce

wa re tricted in the win ter due

to decrea ed avail ability of wild food , fre h cultivated foo d , increa ed tran portation
chall enge and an inability to tore or preserve food. Parti cipant b lie

there are increa 'e m

donati ons to charitabl e food provider around holid ay , e pccia ll y hri tma ' . However, the
participant repo1i the e peak are foll owed by peri od. of . carci ty. ModeL of food choices and
of etting for health would b nefit by taking into co nsidera tion the natura l environment and th,
cultural contex t of that environm ent. ModeL need to be responsive to seasonal it and the

142

differ nt way in whi h etting chang c
proc dur

•

do ha

li ally.

lth ugh th y ar n t tati c, p licy and

a t nd ency t appl br adl and fail t account[! r nuance .

Re earch Qu e tion III: In regard t th [! d y t m , what do p pi e e p riencing
h m el ne
a p 1t1 , and what cha ng d p pl de ir ? What does thi ugge t
in t nn f pr granuning and p licy devel pm nt?
The parti ipant th ught that ha ing m rem

very po itiv change. M
were very D nd f th

m nt in th ir D d y tern would be a

t participant had e penenc wi th gardening, hunting, fi shing and
acti iti

. M any participant v iced h w traditional D d y tern w r

much healthier than the indu tri al D d y tern ( e

hapter 2). Where p

or fi sh, there are bureaucrati c re tri cti n on thi behaviour

ple wo uld like to hunt

that peopl e have to modify th eir

behaviour away from traditional life tyles to urvive. Regu lati on al o m eans th at peopl e have a
more diffi cult time acce ing traditional m dicine becau e th ey are not within the rea lm of
knowledge of mo t W e tern practition r . The incentive to pre cribe may not ex i t and an
atmosphere of litigation could al o influence willingness to di stribute them .
Participants thought that sharing food and increasing accessibility of foo d aid generally,
and traditional fo od specificall y (including traditional medi cines), would be very positive.
Generally, the participants found that times when wild foo ds, especiall y wi ld meat, were
avail able at em ergency food providers to be the most positive a pect of charitable food
assistance. Participants desire increased access to traditional foo ds, which are intimately
connected to seasonal trends.
In te1ms of programn1ing and policy development, the stud y highli ghted that the phy ical
environment and culture are very important to consider when pl ann ing food aid, and
und erstanding how people may obtain food. All of the partic ipant were either First Nations,
Meti s or had mixed Indi genous and European ance try, and many d cribed a desire tore onnect

143

with th ir culture . Th participant were c nc m d fi r en irorun ntal well-being and felt an
motional c nnection t th land. They d cribed uffering fr m ill health du in part t the food
th y were on urn in g. Th e fa ct r t geth r ugg t that the W stem y tern of ·fi od
pr ducti n and m rg n y fi
for the participant . The

d pro

n t c nduci

cial y tern f the d minant

CI

to improved health and wellbeing
ty r m

e power, aut n my and

connection t the fo d y tern fr m th c n umer 111 c ntra t t lndigen u food y terns.
The participant d experience many [i liD
Homele s people are oppr

f ppre ion in their everyday live .

ed by cla , are racializ d, ma y have m ental health and substance

use challenge , phy ical di abiliti

, health concern and experience ge nd ered viol ence (Allan &

Sakamoto, 2014 ), but the participant have a budding awarene

of histori cal injustices and

strong de ires to hape a different future.
Respect among people, and for th e envirorunent, were important themes for the
participants and resonate with an understanding of Indigenous food systems introduced in
Chapter 2. The relationship between participant health, well-being and food security was found
to be reciprocal whereby participant health and well-being was impacted by, and also created an
impact on, food security. This interrelationship highlights the relevance of developing and
designing Indigenous food systems as one step toward improving health equity, decolonizing
services and simultaneously supporting more sustainable food systems for people and the
envirorunent. Developing and designing services that respect and understand Indigenous food
systems is one step toward fostering Indigenous food sovereignty.
The findin gs suggest that organisational effort to promote and enhance Indigenous food
sovereignty would be helpful for the participants in thi study b cause the food would meet the
desire they have for more culturally appropriate food, for becoming engaged with c n1munity

144

r may want t 1 arn , and for pr viding fo d the

and family

mpl ymg kill th y ha

parti ipant

i w a h althy. The participant di like that wa te £ d i c nsider d uitable food

for h m le

population . lndi g n u £ d

reignty chall eng

the corporat /capitali t control

f the food ect r, which i imp rtant becau e that mean that the ba i for c loniali m (profit) i
chall ng d. Pr m ti n of lndi g n u £ d y t m and food overeignty wo uld al
to e JTectinju ti c

inth £ d y tern ( lli tt t al., 20 12· M e ntee&

Finally, participant 'e pen nee

aumova, 201 2) .

ugge t that r lation hip w ith the general public and

food pr vider are often trained which can contribute to hunger. In term
development and progra1mning thi

be w rking

ugge t that regu lati on

f p li cy

hould be developed that ee the

mis ion of the organization fulfill ed while not jeopardi zing an individual' right to food if they
have poor behaviour or in ufficient identification .

6.2 Methodological Insights
The methodological in ights that I gain ed throu gh this research were prim aril y related to
participant recruitment, adapting research plans to the context of street life, m ember-checking,
follow-up and protecting p arti cipant identity.

6.2.1 Participant Recruitment
Insights regarding the parti cipati on of people experi encing hom eles ness or other lowincome participants began during the recruitment phase of the research process. During
preliminary discussions with potential patiicipants, several individu als cmrunented that they
participate in every research study from the uni versity that they are eli gibl e for. This was a
source of pride for som e participants, people reli ed on it to supplement their income in ca h or in
kind , and there was a gen eral atmosphere of tru st. This enthu iasm fo r participation and level of
trust was something that I had not anti cipated because of report of marginalized p ople, as w ell

145

a Ab riginal c mmunjtie

b ing untru ting f ( ft n Whit ) academic duet prevwu

violation of tru t and th lega y of c 1 ni zati n. It b cam cl ar that many pe pl w re
int r t d in participating in u1

y wh r they c uld quickl y be reimbur d forth ir time.

Wh n my re earch wa mi tak n ~ r a urv y n w that I wa recruiting parti ci1 ants pread
quickly and there wa a hi gh le el f int re t fr m p tential pa11icipant .
plaining th re earch v r the ph ne and m

ting with potenti al participants in

advance enabled m t gaug intere tin th pr j ct to en ure the parti cip ant kn w what wa s
being a k d of them . The intere t d pa11icip ant were given a pi ck-up loca tion D r th e day of the
community mapping work hop which, I believe was helpful to prevent a fl ood of peopl e
expecting quick urvey from interrupting the work hop and j eopardi zing pai1i cipant privacy.
The willingne s to participate in re earch is omething that re earchers mu t be attenti ve
to in order to ensure that people are not coerced into particip ation because of fin ancial incentives
(Paradis, 2000) and to full y consider the ethical implications of, in a sense, creating a ' market'
for research pai1icipants. It ma y al so be signifi cant because, if the same individu als are
consistently participating in research, a lot of info1mation may be being compiled regarding a
very small subset of the population. Tills is noteworthy, for exampl e, when researchers are
comparing their results to locally available literature.
Finally, as introduced in Chapter 1, a range of insights were gained by living in the
community where I was conducting the research. Even when re earch is not designed as an
ethnographi c study, living in the areas where research is conducted wi ll greatly enhance
contextual understanding of the research. This was certainl y tru e for this stud y and also provid ed
oppmiuniti es to follow up with hard to reach people in all phases of the r search. An alternati ve
to living in an area of research could be for researchers to volunteer. In this study both these

146

trategi

nhanc d th r

final pha

of di

ar h, and

minati n (

m e f th

tra tegi

hav al

be n influ ntial in th

Table 2).

6. 2.2 A dapting R e earch M ethod to th e onte t of S treet Life
During th d ign tage f the r

h m le n

that had

eluded p

arch, I read ab ut tudie

ple n the ba i

am ng pe pl wh are e peri ncing h mele ne
ord er to go ab ut their liv

. I de id d that r

potenti ally di cri1ninat ry and could al

f ub tan
and

f di ffer nt a p ct of

u e. ub tance u e i common

me pe pl e u

di fferent sub tances in

tricting pe ple fr m participating wo uld be

limit the r pr

ntativene

f the ampl e and other

re earch ha al o taken thi approach (Bourg i , Prince, & M s , 2004 ). M eeting with
participant on multipl e occa i n , t review con ent form , at the communi ty m apping, during
the interviews tran cript review, and in dail y life, I provid ed opportunities to check if
participant still wanted to participate in the re earch; if they were happy wi th w hat they had
already shared; and if they would like to change anything they had p revio usly bared or to add
anything else. These follow-up interaction , which took place over a fo ur month period
reinforced and strengthened the fo rm a l ' in fo rm ed co nse nt' signed by partici pants at th e start of
the study. The regular contact provided opportunities for pmiicipa nts to reaffinn their consent
verb ally. However had there been a single withdrawal of consent, I would have immediately
removed that participant's data from the research.
I origin ally pl anned to hold individual interviews with participants after the community
mapping and focus group session, but it was suggested by my con1111ittee members that peopl e
may be more co mfmiabl e in group interviews due to cultural norms of the region . This wa the
case fo r orn e parti cipants who requested that they be interviewed together, whereas other
preferred to be interviewed individuall y. As with the community mapping and focu group,

147

I a ked parti ip ant t a

during a gr up int I

w . I had t be attenti e t th fa t th at
c n

r ati n, but al
M

-B r th

re

m p

hat ther

pl rna b

aid during th

ntr !ling f th gr UJ

m e pa11i ipant rna n t b a talkati ve a

th r .

ting e pi e multipl tim

arti c ip ant .

in their li
to mi

b a ar that

id baring

pl ain d b th e parti c ipant , r lati n h ip and re

e t were k y va lu

. It wa n tunc mm n [! r participant t [! rget ab ut a m eeting we had aiTanged r

a m eting becau

arch ne parti ipant

m th ing I e th at cam up in th ir li fe . H weve r, durin g th
n i tent! m1

m e any n ti ce. Howe er, I c ntinu ed t b
enthu ia ticall y

pr

d

ra l m e ting we h ad aiTanged w ith ut providing
k m etin g w ith thi parti c ipant when th y

d int re t in hav ing an interview . I be li eve thi dem on trat d that I

va lued th ir opini n and that I wa in e ted in th e p roject.

f c ur e being left wa iting wa

inconvenient, but if a re archer believe it i trul y important to c n ult w ith tho e w ith li ved
experi ence , then I believe takin g thi ri k i nece ary. T he e tim e can be op portunities to gain
a greater depth of und erstanding of th e contex t of th e re ea rch, if on e aiTange to meet a p r on
omewhere they have elected, and can al o help re ea rcher to und er tand the unpredictability
of lifi fo r p eople experiencing hom e le ne s. Furthennore, it m ay provide an opp011unity whil e
wa iting, fo r in ightfu l info rma l conver ati ons wi th others w ho may happen to be at th e meetin g
locati on .

f course there are limit to thj , and time when it may become too unpracti al to

continu e, but re earcher

hould not be too qui ck to reach th e e limit , e pecially when

conducting ethnographic research .

6.2.3 Member Ch ecking and F ollow-up
A lthough th ere is emph a i o n the impot1ancc of member chec king in m any re ea rch
method b

k , there

em t be a dea11h of tud ie th at have used pm1ic ip ant chec kin g w hen

148

w rking with h mele

p

ple. Within n

p ople wh participat d eem d t
le

tr

t in ol

tudy that did u e pa1iicipant checking, the homele
a le

iew th

d which, and a the particip ant in that tudy them elv

were likely n t a r pre entati e ample ( u k, R ch n,
mmittee ofH althcare ~ r th H m el

HA

likely t remain hom le

recognition that h m le

avid

explained, m eant they

n, Me urd y, & M embers of the

-H u ton, 2004) . This i de pite

d in tudie

peopl n ed t be in

and were

f th e ir~

d security (Miewald

tal. 2010) .
I agreed in advan e with m mber ab ut ho w I would c ntact th em . Most p ople
provided me with ph ne number of ervice agencie they acce ed where I was able to leave a
telephone mes age reque ting that th ey r turn m y call , and avoided reference to the research a
much as po ible. Thi worked very well and I wa able to maintain contact with the majority of
pruiicipants in this way. Although I moved away from Prince George shortly after finishing the
research, I maintained the same telephone numb er so that parti cipants could follow-up wi th me if
desired. When I returned to PG briefly in winter of 2014, I was able to follow-up with two
participants to provide them with an update regarding the progression of the thesis writing.

An alternative to aiTanging individual meetings with pa1iicipants is to consider hosting
drop-in times at a library or other public space that is safe, readily accessibl e but also with a
degree of privacy. In that way the researcher can go and work there, even if no one else attends,
and participants have a window of time in which they could drop-in hould they desire .

6. 2.4 Protecting Participant Identities
As discussed in

hapter 4, I was aware that people taying in shelter , and moving

frequently, may Jose their transcripts if they chose to keep them, so the identity of the per on in
the interview was not pa1i of the tran cript. As there was a focu. group and ome group

149

I pr

intervi

id d a h parti ipant

ith nl a tran ript f

re 1 ft in nl if th

th r parti ipant 1 an

the th r p rti ip nt 1 r

th rwi

h 11
m

had be n r m

d in rd r [! r th tran cript t r mam

pr cauti n , m

t f th pa11icipant

tran ript
thi ,

ith th m be au

her a parti ipant

th

agu and n n-id ntifying,

d and I add d umman e
h r nt.

lth ugh I t

ed the ir tran cript

h

had n

h t th y and I had p ken.

h

ript with th

k th

t that

e

n t t tak their

afe pa e t st r th em . here wa

a pr ud t t ke th ir tran

f th t

n

epti n t

pecifi int nti n f baring it

w ith h r fri nd .

6.3 tud y Limitation
P1ince
becau e of the

rg 1 c n idered a centre o f th e n rth and i a de tinati n for h m ele
rvt ce

ffered . However, the e pen enc

northern town are n t full y r pr ented in thi

f h m e le

peo pl e

indi vidu al in m all er

tud y. Furth erm ore, th e ampl e ize [! r th e

community mapping event, and the number of p opl e parti c ip ating in th e emi - tru ctured
interv iew , wa

m all . Their ex perienc

of all hom ele

people in the city .

hould not be co n id red definiti ve of th e experience

M any of the parti cipant with experi ence of hom elessne

were fri end , relati ve and

acqu aintance of one anoth er. Cam eron (2 005) wa m that thi can lead to partici pant modifying
their contribution to the conver ati on to limit w hat one reveal or to align one elf with the
people w ith whom th y have relati on hip . It is pos ibl e this oc un·ed at the community mapping
and in th e group interview , however parti c ipant were p rovi ded amp le opportunitie to p ak
with me, if th ey had om ething they wanted toe pre

ind ependentl y.

I am a novice researcher but have been guid ed by my commi ttee member , who ha\ e
experi ence working on community-ba ed resea rch, and w ith m argina lized populations in Prince

150

e rg and

unding area . I nl y li

UIT

mpl te und r tanding f th 1 ca l

from ha ing a

ll e ti n t b th pr

data

data t achi e e the r
a ari ety f
( r

w

d inn rth 111

id e r dibilit

arch g a! ( r

and al

nt

£i r tw y ar thu I may be limit d
t. H w

r, I u d ariou £i nn

f

t en ure th at I had a uffi i nt am unt f

we ll , 2 1 ). he intenti n f thi wa t gain in ight fr m
re ear h r of in uffi cient data

ur

11, 201 ).
criti ci m f c mmunit -1

1d

el

ment rgani za ti n , including th

e whi ch

lf-pr vi i ning and emp w nnent, i that they till w rk within th e d minant oc ial
tru ctur

which ha e led indi idu al t b in a p

iti n t be £i

d in ecure (T ara uk, 2001 ).

T hi re arch can likew i e b criti c i d . tate leve l adv cacy and acti on are needed to bring
about ocietal change (T ara uk, 200 1).

ontinu ed pr gre i n t ward lndi gen u food

overeignty would require ev ntu al di mantling of ome f th e pre ent tate impo ed tru ctu re
( rey & Patel, 20 15), but Indi geno u food overeignty is a long term goal and not om eth ing that
can be achieved overni ght.
As this re earch was fo r a M a ter' the is, it was tempora ll y li m ited . Id ea ll y it would have
been ongoing with m apping event and interv iew over the cour e of a year to full y capture the
seasonal elem ents of food sy terns. A lthough the community mapping event and ub equent
emi -structured interview aim to capture individual's experience of food ecurity throughout
th e year, research indicates that elf-reported di etary pattern are infl uenced by an individual'
previous two-wee ks f con umption ( ub ar, Frey, Harl an, & Kahle, 1994) and therefore may not
accurately refl ect vari ati on thro ughout the yea r. However, ince the participant had e pcrienccd
1 ng-tenn hom e! sne

their re p n s regarding ea o nal change would b more informed

than those f omeo ne w ho had had ho rter e peri ence

151

r homelcssness .

6.4 Recommendation
n id rati n f both the ba kgr und f h mele
erv1ce pr

p

pl e and th g a graphic location of

h uld ccur in th de el pm nt f alter11ati e aid m del that are culturally

and n ir nm ntall y appr pria te, alth ugh th re w r diffe r nt pini n among the parti cipants
ab ut reli gi u or ulturall

iritual ri nt d ervic pr

id r . Th

orth rn 1-i alth P o ition

tat m nt on H a/thy Eat in already a kn wledge the valu e f Indigen u fo od ys tem £ r
norther11 re id ent in g n ral, and

pl ain h w "a a re ult of it in lu i n of game m ea t , frozen

vegetabl e and fruit , [ ating W 11 with
ma y be rel vant £ r man y

anada' F

d

uid e- Fir t

ati ons, Inuit and M eti s]

orthem r id ent , independ ent of ethnicity" (2 0 12a, p . 4) . There i

debate about the utility of thi foo d guide and whether the pro moti on of specific fo od , such a
dairy products or bann ck i in it elf neoco l nial ( rey & Patel, 20 14 ), and o it i not
necessarily the be t tandard through whi ch to repre ent a culturally appropriate di et.
The fram ework of Indi genous food overeignt y could be advocated and adopted by local
organizations providing food charity. Transferring power to particip ants is a way to begin
decolonizing services (Allan & Sakamoto, 20 14 ), and decision making processe must be made
transparent to participants. This also involves recognizing the strengths, indi vidu ality and
humanity of each person and continuing to develop low barri er services. The findings were
complex but the recmmnendation to promote Indigenous foo d systems accounts for that
complexity.
I recommend that the federal govern ment of Canada reco gnize the Right to Food and the
Ri ghts of Indigenous peoples. This would lead to the promotion and prot ction of Indi genou
food systems and respon ibility to provide an adequate diet for those who ar unabl e to prov ide it
for them selves, uch as the homeless.

152

rthern Health ~ ll

I rec mmend that
pli itl d

lar

erei gnt fi r p

pl

and

upp rt ~ r Indi gen u
h are h m el

t a numb r [ r lated

m
r p

the lead f the ir t

t

nl d

inherent! un u tainabl c nditi n

u tainability. In parti ular, thi
opp rtunitie t learn fi
rol e a

~

d aid i an pp riunity to

it ha e th e p t ntial t fo ter a m re

rv1 e pr

n 1r run ntal u tainabilit th at are imp rtant chall ng
y tern . In the

uth rity

reignt . Pr moting Indi gen u [! od

and a part f m rgenc

c ietal bj cti e .

tful n 1r nm nt G r

d

ati n Health

f fi

an c m by en uring p

within th e c ntemp rary G d
d aid it c uld build elem ent
pi e w h arc h m ele

f

have

d kill , and parti cipate in new way in em ergency D d aid , b yond a

nl y.
The rec mmendation to fo ter lndi genou F

d

r ignty may al o fo ter effi rt to

upport other area of need fi r peopl e who are hom ele , in cludin g th e need for increa ed
acce ibility, and acce

to kitchen , to ra ge pace and refri gerati on (

idea are needed to work around the e chall enge , a well a le

try, 201 0). Innovati ve

recogni zed concerns uch a

how hav ing pets, primarily do g , affect an indi vidu al' ability to attend foo d related event
(Irvine, 201 3). Whil e charitie in churche are common, considerati on of the pa t traum a of
re identi al choo l and di versity in reli gious beli ef and exual orienta ti o n may mean tha t
churches do not feel like w elcoming place to all p eopl e, though comforta bl e, afe pace are
necessary (Ostry, 201 0) . ome of the initiatives already und erway coul d be expanded to
hom eles popul ati ons, uch a conu11uni ty gard ening program . Increa ed contact with nature in
programming should be developed. While not directl y related to homeles ne , innovati\'e
programmmg, uch a th e pri o n farm co uld be reinstated, because of connecti n, to issue, of a
ietal ca le.

153

R

k (2 0 )

ar willing t a

r te, charitabl D

uld begin t r tri t what D d th y

pta D d aid , t b gin t reduc th am unt f unh althy D d that ar

rved . Wh n D d p li i

h uld n t nl y aim t

ar d

upp rt h m le

indi idual , but the ntir c mmunit D r a h alth y c mmunity D d y tern . hi may includ e
pr

i i n t pur ha

fr m l cal farmer

ag and empl yment tandard (

ur

pr ducing healthy D d in I ca ll

and fair

anada, 2 ll ). If the federal and pr vincial

hift agri ultural D d p lici

mm nt

g

d

ith re p n ibl e n ir nm ntal prac ti

and ub idi e , thi c uld lead t wa rd

u tainabl mann er .

There i p tenti al t de el p pr gramming th at take advantage f the intere t of
parti ipant in D d citiz n hip , culture and utd

r acti viti e to devel p D od p li cie th at are

of the pl ace they

ly wo rk aga in t ppre

rv , are u tainabl e and acti

nm

ciety.

Promoting Indigenou food y tem and fo d overeignty are tw method t do thi . Whil e
orne ma y argu e it i impracti cal, other organizati on ha ve found way to engage imil ar
population . Promotion of lndigenou food overeignty i a holi tic approach and thi s i
increasingly recognized as important for health and well-being (Grey & Patel, 20 15; Mart in,
20 12; MoiTi son, 2011 ). It is holi tic becau e of the oc ial, cultural and enviro nm ental fa tor that
influ ence the food ystem. With Indi genou food overeignty the entire communi ty benefit and
people fo ter crucial relation hip . Thi could be linked with the -u tai nable food movement, and
food sovereignty work within
1

anada , and with the Via

ampe ina, who are promoting the e

ue globall y.
Partner hips between govenunent and aid agencie could be benefi cia l if the charitabl e

D d service offered are well attended and r p cted by th e attendee . Inc rea ing acc ess \\ ould
b

ignificant pr gre

toward h !ping to meet the ri ght to food and , if well des igned, could also

154

r ate p

ttuniti

t unpr

e th r d t tminant

f hea lth [! r p

pl

h ar h m ele ,

in luding link with th r upp rting

6.5

rea of F uture R e ea rch
e ti n m lud d r

ac

during tim

r ear h . In thi

an ar a th at ha n t r

fh
n I pr p

ar a

f futur r

ea

nality f [!

d

ed adequ at attenti n m

earch th at w uld h lp c ntribut t th e

n .

D a ibility f th

to increa

mmend ati n [! r chang , th

utur r

ugg

acce

t traditi nal [!

t db

ll i tt et a!. 20 12 ), h uld includ e inve ti ga ti n of h w

d [! r

b ri ginal p

pl w h de ire it e peciall y [! r pe pi e

w ho m ay be c n id red hard -t -r ach p pul ati n , includin g pe pl e ex peri enc ing h m ele ne .
The co nte t in P

i rip e for devel ping Indi gen u [!

d

vereignt y, c n id erin g th at N rth em

Health i committ d to enabling hea lthy ea ting b y:
promoting a comprehen ive approach to hea lth y ea ting th at co n iders nutriti on,
food, eatin g competence, foo d y tern , community foo d ecu ri ty, plea ure an d
tradition , and how the e fa ctor influ ence health y ea ting ... coll ab ra ting w ith
external partn er to upp o11 conu11unity level, ystemi c change to enabl e th e
development and maint nance of su tainable fo d y tern and hea lth y eating
env ironment where people live, lea rn , wo rk and play ( orth rn Hea lth , 2012, p. 6 ).
A related avenue for future re earch i the analy i of food afety poli cie to determine how they
may re tri ct parti cipant invo lvem ent in food produ cti on and p reparati n , and how they re trict
which food are permitted to be served . R ecomm end ati on co uld then b developed to overcome
any challenges uncovered through re earch o n [! od afety po licy. The de e l pmcnt of a pilot
program or mod e l for charitable organization to move towards Indi genou s food SO\ ereignt and
evaluation would be va lu abl e to compar participant engagement and sa tisfaction.
recent review of[! od sovereignty, [!

s tated in a

d ecuri ty and health equity, there is a continued need Cor

re ea rch that va lu ate th e "effectiveness of food sovereignty interventions in addressmg health

155

bjecti

" Weiler tal. 2014 p. ). Fw1her re ar h in th fi ld f nutriti nal

uld b

aluable t

u p rt r rebuk th

Th r ar limit
lndig n u

[!

n [!

d

fr m a bi m dica l per pective.

laim in thi th

d a ail bilit

luti n will be needed a1 ng th way.

i n t, h we

r, a tati c ncept and i a I ng term g a1 that cann t

be a hi

ed imm diat 1 . h parti ipant

and al

t

er

[! und t

ha

w 11 d

cia] c nn cti n

k are f ne an ther, building n ther re arch, and again ugge ting that

Indi gen u

er ignt

d

uld b a alu able appr a h du e t it c mmunity ba ed and Je

indi iduali tic nature. Ther i a ne d [! r r ear h n [!
o ereignty in particular.
languag

-g netic

[! od

d

vereignty and lndi gen u

[!

d

r y and Patel (2 15) have id ntifi ed a recent increa e in ngli h

ereignty r earch a11i cle , but there i a c ntinu d need [! r inn vati ve co-

de ign d, long-term r

arch am ng rele ant gr up . In the c ntext of Prince

pa11ner could includ the Fri nd hip

entr , th F H ,

eorge, uch

H and r earcher from

B .

6.6 Final Remarks
Thi re earch found that acce , availability and u e of fo d are haped by environmental,
social and cultural factor . The participant who are homele
method to acce

in Prince George have a variety of

food including formal and informal means of food provi ioning. Although

there is a breadth of option for food acce , they are primarily poor options, which are
individualistic, do not fo ter community, and where the food obtained i often di conn cted from
Aboriginal cultures and the land. Du e in part to the e circum tance , the participants continue to
experi ence high food in ecurity and poor hea lth and well-being. In contra t, th participant '
vi ion for an id al food ystem i one which promote food itiz n hip, relation hip , culture and
su tainability whi le fo tcring health and well-being. Pmiicipant relationship with both nonh mele sand homele

peopl were imJ ortant in regard t food acce. but aLo related to

156

having a en

f c mmunit , b 1 nging and b ing respected. The phy ical nvir runent al o had

ignificanc t D d acce , a ail ability and u

whi ch differ

cultural n nn . Th e peri ence , m ti ati n and de ire
health and

11-b ing ugg t that Indigen u [!

mod 1 fi r c mpr hen ive l int rpreting th
The

d

ea onally and according to

f the participant regarding food ,

vereignty is an ov rarching explanatory

tud y r ult .

findin g helped t fi ll a gap in kn w ledge regarding the food sy terns of people

exp riencing h m 1
pru1iall und er t

ne , whi ch de pite the ignificance f fo d system to health, are only

d. P rticip ant

ee fo d citizen hip a a pathw ay to improving health and well-

being and their e peri nee hi ghlight the timeline

and relevance of fo stering Indi genou s food

sovereignty a a way to m eet multiple ocietal obj ectives. Food is interconnected with social and
phy ical en irorunents and creating more ju t and su stainable food systems will naturally
contribute to reshaping the ocial structure and improving the societal inju stices that influence
people becoming homeless. General awareness about our food systems is increasing and there
are diverse allies who are all striving for food system change, from small scale organic fann ers,
to Elders, and health authorities.

157

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c nd) . Th u and

ak ,

APPE DI
PPE DIX
Julia Ru

: Reque t for

upport and Lett r of upport

11, Ma t r'
h ,M
2

, Ph

Z9

ate

a me
R le
ddr
ecutive Dir ctor
T Whom it May

n m,

I hop thi letter find y u w II. I am a graduate tudent at UNB in the program of ommunity Jlealth
cience and for my Ma ter' the i re earch l am planning to tudy th complexity of food sec urity for
individuals who are h m le in Pnnce George . F d ecurity consider the nutritional , s cia!, cultural
and personal need of the people who are acce ing ~ d. I intend to I ok at what is available and
acce sible as food aid, and also how people who are homeless may be engaging in self-provi ioning of
food. I am also curiou as to how easonal differenc may affect food acce s in relation to change in the
phy ical environment (winter compared to umm r) and also the social environment (incr ased food
donations near holidays).
I have now begun the early stages of my proposed re earch focu ed n food ecurity for people who are
homeless in Prince George. My thesis comm.ittee has approved there earch proposa l and I am in the
process of contacting community groups related to the proposed re earch, as we11 as seeking approval
from the UNB Ethics Review Board to conduct thi project. s part of thi process, I am eeking letter
of support from organization that may find thi re earch to be of interest or value.
Thi letter is therefore to seek your support for thi project throu gh providing a Jetter th at out! in your
awarene s of this research. I would be happy to di cuss my propo ed re carch with you and to an wer any
que tion y u may have. If you are willing to provide a letter f supp rt , I am a\ailable to assist wtth th
preparation of the let ter if that wou ld help.
I I ok forward to hearing from y u and would b very grateful if you cou ld plea, e provide me wtth
TE.
confirmation that thi s lett r ha been received by
Respectfu ll y your , Julia Ru e11
If'y ou have any questions or concerns pleasefeelji ·ee to contact Julia Russell at russe03 (£lunhc ca.
or Dr. Margot 1 arkes (.\'upen·isor) at parkeslll ~l) unhc. ca. (!50) (){>{}- 6813.

184

N
The ath nnq P lan:,
1600 hmi Avenu
Pnnro G orgo, OC V?l 3G
Pho-. 250 564 3560
Fax: 250 563. 924
Web Site www pgn c.com
Ematf tnlo @pgnlc com

Abor

n
nal ln f '11 & r 11mlly

n

hi

eve .opm nt

n r
250 5 4 594 1

Ff1A'~~ho1~•P l oUgo

2fi0 56;>

K tso Yoh vlen ·s C n\re
a t e HeaJ,~g C ntte & Ab Ct- ld & You th Weltness
POF Abong•nal I lead ta n
Smoke~o use nestauran

250 .5 3 19 2
250.56-1 4324
2!>0.56.<1 '1.1 40
?50 5 i138R4
:>50 5 6? 2539
250 61d 7726

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?50 !)64

PC, Ab,qpn I 1-'eaf) '> 1Ar1

Reconnect 'oulh Servlr s
& Ca enng
·Koo HutJa Yo•• W omen·" C niH}

0 04

454

February 20, 20 14
Tulia Russell
c/o Dr. Margot Parke
Uni er ily of 1orthern Britt h
333 Universi ty \ ay
Prince George, R V2N Z9

o lumbia

To whom it may concetn:
Re . Master·s Thesis Rese~ch
"; !h~ Prince George N:-~tive Friendship entte, we have programming around foot! sec uri ty and
emergency provisions for community m embe1·s including a food bank, clot hing room, transport 11011
f>upport and winter gear We have many program which provi lc o pportumt ics in education, housing,
literacy, a nd health for urba n people.

ur Emerge ncy Resource. o rclinalor ha " orkcd with Julia Ru ssell in he past · in ou1 Community
Kitchen , Commu111ly G~:~rden, and pmtner hip in the Fmmer' s Ma1kct coupon program . We look
fan ard to working with he r again in the fu t u re in ·imilat o r new capucllies
We support Julia's research in our community around fo od security, 1\nd feel that the resu lt will be or
great interest, and vnlue o our organ izat ion. Please keep us updated, nnd h:t us k..now if more s upport 1s
needed.
Respectfully,

Erin And erli ni
Directo r of I Iea lth

185

'ommunit Partn r ddr ing 1f
c,c 107-76 0 t Patri k \ nue

1arch 17. 201-l
Julia Ru ell
o r. :viargot Parke
ni\l:r It) of orth rn Briti h 'olumbia
:3 ') l 'niYer it) Wa)
Prin ·e eorge. B
2 · 47.9
T \\'hom it \Ita.

on ·ern:

arch, "E:r:ploring the , 'r:asonal Dynwmcs of Food Security Among~tihe
Homele'is o(.Yorthern Bnti\·h Colwnhia"

Rc: ;\1a t r' The i R

'ornrnunity Partn r Addr ing llomclc ness (CPAH) i plea ·ed to upport the prop ed
re earch. of , 'B 'VI 'ter of ommunit) H alth . ci~nce . tudent Julia Rus ell. which i
entitled "l~~rplonng the, asonal Dynamic:.\ of Food ecurity Jmong.~t the 1/ome/e<.;s of\orthern
Brili.\h Columbia". \\ fir t learned of 1·. Ru " ell' · re earch early in 2013 v.h n he attended a
PAI-l meeting and gave a brief pre entation of her propo ed work.
Communit) Partner. Addre ing Home\e. _ne · i made up of a network of sen ice agencies.
municipal and pro\ incial government reprc cntativ . and interested member of the public that
are involved or connected to \vork around i.. ucs of homelessne . . Ms. Rus ell' work i.
therefore of strong intere t to CPAH and our m mbcr organizations. In particular. man) of our
organ inti on would be ver} inter . ted in the out omcs of the r~scarch a: we find that food
ecurity for those with limited income in Prince George is an ongoing concern. CPAH members
ha\'e e:prc cd kccnnc to cc this research undertaken b) M Ru ell. W look ton,ard to the
resull of thi re. earch, \\ hich we feel v. ill be of value to our organization and the communit~ .

inccrcl),

Patcman. Coordinator and Acting Chair
Community Partner Addressing llomelessne .

186

APP

DI

B:

B

R e earch

thi

Board

pp rova l

UNNERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
RESEARCH ETHICS BOARD

MEMORANDUM
To:
CC :

Julia Russell
Margot Parkes

From:

Greg Halseth , Acting Chair
Research Ethics Board

Date:

April 3, 2014

Re:

E2013.1 211 .120.00
Exploring the Seasonal Dynamics of Food Securi ty amongst the
Homeless of Northern BC

Thank you for submitting revisions to the Research Ethics Board (REB) regarding the
above-noted proposal. Your revisions have been approved .
We are pleased to issue approval for the above named study for a period of 12 months
from the date of this letter. Continuation beyond that date will require further review and
renewal of REB approval. Any changes or amendments to the protocol or consent form
must be approved by the REB .

If you have any questions on the above or require further clarification please feel free to
contact Rheanna Robinson in the Office of Research (reb@unbc.ca or 250-960-6735).
Good luck with your research .

Dr. Greg Halseth
Acting Chair, Research Ethics Board

187

pp

DI

: R ec ruitm ent Po ter

Partici. ants Wanted

F ·day, May 9th
llam - 2:30pm
P~rti ci~nts will be p ovided Lunch clnd c. smull honornriurn
Looking for Pa

ici.pa nt:s for a P oj

called:

" E •plori.ng he Seasonal o_ anlii cs o f Foo d Securit y a 10 1gst the H Ollle less in

Nor hern Britis

Columbia "

This p oject v.·Hl study food access at dtffere t times of he ea t~r people\ ho
a e hom-eless in PG. 'IJ,'e wi.U also explore effects o f this food access on ealth
and 'Nell-being.
If you have b~n homeless i.n PG . you re in vited to partictpa e

this p oje<:t and

share yo ur exper i ence ~

Participa nts 'lN iU ake part · n a group .ar project to ap heir e peuen<:es ,, -t h
food du ing tin1es o f homelessness. as.\" ell as a group talk a d intef'.•iew.
his project i.s be ing run by Julia RusselL a maste 's studen in Com
ealth Sciences a

For

unl •

UNB C.

ore de a il.s alb out the st ud _ and to lea n ho'-1\' ou can join please

call Julia by May 8th, at

or enlail

russe03@ u lbc.ca
Tlrtis. stud

as received -ethics de arance b • the UNBC R-e searc

188

E hies Board

APPE DI

D: Information

beet

Proj ect Informati
Project Title :

pl ring th

et for Participant

d e urity am ng t the H m l
a nal ynam1 c f
rth 111 riti h
lumbia

f

What i thi ?

Y u are in it d t
lunt r a a par1i ip nt in a pr ject that will e pl re difi~ renee thr ugh th e
rthe111
ar in il d e urit [! r h m 1 p pl 111
Thi pr je t i b ing run b Jul ia Ru
Pr gram at th
c1en
nt
r it f

tud ent in th e Ma t r f
rth 111 Briti h
lumbia (
).

The inD nnati n bared in thi tud y will b u d in Julia' ma ter' th
pap r , talk and at e nt wh r the r ult ar hared.
-----------------------------------------

mmunity Health

, and may be u ed in

think y u may like to join thi re earch.

arne of Contac t Per n)
How doe this work?

Pati icipant can choo e to drop-out at an y tim e without any probl em.

•

To drop-out contact Juli a or the rganization that connected yo u to there earch.

•

If you drop-out the infon11ati on you have given will be de troyed and wi ll not be pmi of
the results

At any time during there earch, you can a k qu e tion , a k for the tape recorder to be turned
off, or leave.
W hy do this Proj ect?

The reason for thi project i to b tter under tand the link, to health and wellb ing, and food
ecurity for homele people.
•

~

od ecurity i having enough g
and well.

d [! od, of the right kind , to ha e energ , be hea lth

189

Parti ipant n

ld r than 18

dt b

la t 5 year h m 1

r und r h u

ar

f age and ha

d in Prin

pent at 1 a t 6 m nth

uring the

rge (P ).

The project aim to find wh a t p opl who are hom ele
their food. Th er e a r two oa l of thi r
a rch.

in P

are eatin and how they get

p eopl f P
a nd what th ffect of thi i on
1. To e plore th e food of hom e]
health and wellb in g.
2. T o look at ocial a nd en ironm enta l factor th a t a ffect fo od cu r ity a nd food
p pi e in P a t diff r ent tim e in the yea r.
r elated a ction for hom el

If I volunteer in thi proj ct w ha t will! d ?
•

Y u

ill mak art ab ut [!

who ha

al

d and j in a gr up haring e ent wi th up t 9 th er pe pi e

been h m 1

•

You will have an interv iew with Juli a.

•

You will g t a gr up m

ting wher we w ill talk ab ut th e early re ult

f th e pr ject

Th a rt event and group barin g, wi ll b held at _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
and will take ab ut 3 h ur . Th ev nt wi ll in o lve :
d ( 1 h ur)

•

Drawing and making art related t [!

•

A lunch break with food provid ed ( 1 hour)

•

Group haring ( 1 hour)

The interview will take place in a public place you choo e. The int rvi w wi ll take about 1 h ur.
If you agree, what you ay at the community mapping/group haring, and the interview will b
recorded. The recording will then be typed up word for word, a an interview tran cript.
In transcripts and report you will be called by a fake name, unl e
process that you want your first name to be u ed.

yo u ay durin g the on

You wi ll ha ve a chance to go over the tran cript of the interview and group haring.
A i tant will read the e out loud if you want, and r cord th e change you ask for.
nly Julia Ru sell , Julia's r
w ill have acce s to th e data

arch up rvi

ata includes the vo ice r

rding and tran

The data will be kept in locked-up in
des tr yed .

nt

Re earch

r Dr. M argo t Parke , and theRe earch

ript .

r. Parke ' lab at

190

NB .

fter 5 ear th e data will be

Th data i

cr t but Julia will hav to r p rt t th pr p r auth riti

ify u:

1. Threaten to hurt omeone includin g our elf
2 . If you report child abu e.

Ri k and Benefit
There i !itt! ri k t

ing part f thi pr J ct.

lunt r ar a ked t re pect the pri acy [ th er and a o id haring th er ' per nal in.G and
nam ut ide f th
nt. Julia cannot promi e that yo ur n ame or what yo u ay in the
community mappin g or group barin g will be k ept ecret by other participant
Y u may b n fit by I arning m re ab ut [!

d, hea lth and wellbeing .

Re ult
Y u are invited t help with the de ign f how re ult are hared . Thi i a chance t reach more
p ople with your t ry, and to make mething that ma y help th er hom ele peo pl e and al
policy maker . The final product will be decided by parti c ipant fr m the group but could be for
example: a book, a You Tube video, or an art how .
By joining in thi project you will be haring important info that will help p ople lea111 about
food for people who are homele s in a mall Northern City.
Questions or Worries
If you have any que tion about thi s proj ect, plea e call either:

•
•
Julia's Research Supervisor, D.-. Margot Parke
• PH N
250 - 960 - 681
•

. . mail :

margot. parke ~l unb .ca

or any worrie or c mpl aint , plea e conta t th

•

PH N . . :

250- 9 0 - 6735

NB

mail :

191

Re earch

thic Board at

rcb ~l unbc .ca

APPENDIX E: Consent Form

c
'l

OJ

:t

1.J.fo;m.11J ac __ I hJ,"'@ ll.;l,.;t 1±1. (' b.\rs: @ o ) t.k
thJ; prtfJe< ~,~ iull:J R U

1

DG

DG
1

192

I I l11

Choo 1 option, eidl.H A or B, :md initial in the b<Jl: ne:rt to how :ou wmi·to~ idmiilied
in the final prodn :md in qli-o-t of ~t yo-u ~ aid . fi:!la] protlu...'"ts are- mmgs e the th~
or rF<..JIQm.

ru

I want to~ callEd In a fake n.a:IDf! .

.JE: f.1ke :::l!LJ:lE 15:

-------------------------{}It-----------------------(

I -w:mt t~ be c~ by mj reru fust: nmn~ e·rel)Vhf!Te i.:J.d uding m the
fuLJl resul and tba: EJ.a.:.1E •c :

e &plsimd til: w:..:ure of tlu.s reses:rC:l.o ±e p.a.'"ttl:JXUE 3lld
asked of~ as a p3rti~ .

2

193

=.be1~ t:J.ey J.:Lde:rst:m~ wh3t 13

APPENDIX F:

emi- tructured Interview Guide

Thi interview will take p ia e with th e participant 1\'lfhin approtimately 2 weeks of vvhen th y participated in th e
ommunity mapping s ssion. It ·will build on th e th eme that emerg dfrom th mapping, and g i1 •en the semi tru fur d natur of th e int n •iew th parti ipant ma.v dir t th e om · r arion to fo u on th eme and topic th ey
b lieve ar mo 1 p ertin nt. Th e s mi- tructur d, op en-end d proc ss allaH'S f or additional follo vv-up qu stions to be
added in a respon i1'e way in di cu sion with partic1pant .
To begin th interl'iew I will first welcom e th p a11icipant and reorient th em to th ideas offood security, and the
right to food. T11 participant ' 011 '11 map 11'111 be m ·ailable to reference during th e intervi ew. Th e interview will take
approximate ~v I hour.

Que tions
Participant Background

1. How long were you I have you been h mele ?
2. Have you pent that entire time you were hom ele in Prince e rge?
If no , what other communi ti e did y u live in when you wer homele s?
Did your experience with food security vary between these locations? Pl ease
explain why or why n t?
3. During which easons, or month of the year have you been homeles ?
4. How was your health during that time? What ro le did foo d pl ay in your health? How did food
affect your wellbeing?
Community Mappin g
5. Thinking back to the connnunity mapping you participated in, have your ideas around what
you chose to represent on your maps changed?
6. W as there anything that you felt you wanted to say that you did not have the chance to say
during the community mapping event?
7. How do you feel other participants' interpretati ons of the food system were similar or di ffered
from your own interpretation?
Additional Food Security, Food Citizenship Related Qu estions
8. Did your experiences with food access differ at different times of the year? If so how?
9. How did you obtain your food?
l 0. When wa it ea ie t/mo t difficult to get food, why?
11 . Is there anyone who gives you food ? Please explain
12. Do you get any food from the wild?
13. Is there anything else you would like to add that we have not ye t di cussed?
I will end th e semi-structured inler'.'iew by thanking th e parti ipant for th eir time and cm~linn
th eir contact details to arrange for th em to rel'iew their personal inten ·ieH' and cm7mwnity
mapping transcripts.

194

APPENDIX G: Research Assistant Confidentiality Agreement
Thi
tud y E plorin th
a anal Dy nami
of Food
curity amongst th e Hom l ss of
orth rn Briti h olumbia , i b ing und rtak n by graduat tud nt Julia Ru ell, in the M aster
of ommunity Health ci nc Pr gram , at the niv r ity f orthern ritish olumbia. Dr.
Margot Park
upervi ing thi w rk.
The overall goal of thi re earch are to fir t e plor the food ys tem of homeles people of
Prince George, and what the effect of thi i on th ir health and wellbeing. Second, to
determine the ocial and en ironmental influ ence that affect food ecurity and foodrelated behaviour for homele people in Prince eorge.
The tudy ha 4 bjective :
•

1. To c mplete a review of literatur

n £ d politic and

cial-ecological sy terns as

they relate to health and wellbeing for peopl who are homele
•

2. To de cribe the food ystem f hom le

people in Prince George throughout the year

including the level, and t mporal variability, of food security and food citizen hip
experienced by the Prince George homeles population and how this influences their
health and wellbeing
•

3. To document the availability, access and utilization of different kinds of food s and
food ervices by the homeless in Prince George including elf-provi sioning of food

•

4. To describe the connections among food , health and wellbeing that the homeless in
Prince George identify within their own lives.

Data from this study will be used for Julia Russell's Master's thesis and any associated articles or
conference presentations etc.

I, _______________ , agree to :
(name of research assistant)
1. Keep all the research infmn1ation shared with me confid enti al by not discu sing or

sharing the research information in any fo1111 or format (e.g. di ks, tapes, transcripts) with
anyone other than the Principal Investi gator;
2. Keep all research infonnation in any form or fom1at secure while it i in my pos e sion;
3. Retutn all research information in any form or form at to the Principal Investigator when I
have completed the research ta sks;

195

4.

fter c n ulting with th P1incipal In tigat r, era e or d troy all r arch infonnation
in any fonn r fon11at regarding thi re earch pr j e t that i n t r tmnable to the Principal
In tigat r (e.g. in£ 1mati n 11 d n c mputer hard drive).

Re arch

(print name)

(signature)

(date)

( ignature)

(date)

Principal Inv tigator:

(Julia Ru ell)
If you have any que tions about thi

tud y, pl ea e contact:

Research er:

Sup ervisor :

Julia Russell

Dr. M argot Parkes
(2 50) 960-68 13
margot.p arkes@unbc.ca

For any conce1ns or complaints, please contact the UNBC Research Ethics Board at
250 .960.6735 or reb@unbc.ca

196

APPENDIX H: upplemental Information Individual Interview

Tab! 5:

ommu.nity mappin

Time

Acti ity

Ongoin g

•
•

9:00am
10:3 0am

•

•

ommunity Mapping chedul e and Details of

ch dule

irculat thr ughth r m and an w r qu esti n , pr vid e
enc uragement and a 1 tance w ith mapping as needed
Tak 11 t
Arrive on site and set-up
Co llect parti ip ant , dr p at M , two trip , welcome and
introduction qu e tion intr du ce re earch a si tant , review
con ent form , pi ck out lunch, place ord r for foo d

11:15am

•
•

ta11 mapping
Take lunch order from each particip ant

1:3 0pm

•
•
•

Lunch delivery
Set-up and clean-up for meal
Unstructured lunch time and break
Group Sharing
Wrap-up, thank everyone, drop off individu als
Clean-up
Debrief and exchange notes

2:30pm
3:15pm
3:45pm
Followup

•
•
•
•

197

Who was
Involved
JR
JR, RAl ,
RA2
JR
RAl , RA2,
JR,
Parti cipants
JR, RAl ,
RA2,
Participants
RAl
RAl , RA2

JR, RAl
JR, RAl,
RA2

Table 6: Th e numb r ofparticipant at ea h in ten i w and th e participant ele ted location and
food
Number f
Participant

L cati n

Food/Drink

1

2

Tim H rton'

offee with milk,
breakfa t andwiches
with egg and ausage

2

3

Me onald

M cDonalds meals
with
ham burgers/ chicken
burgers, French frie s
and carbonated
bevera ges

0

1 (The particip ant

Tim Horton's

---------------------------

Interview

umb r

ml ed the meeting)
3

1

Shelter

Tim Horton's iced
cappuccmo

4

1

Shelter

Avocados, tortilla
chips

5

1

Tim Hmion's

Sandwich with
smoothi e

6

1

Local NGO

N o fo od or drink

7

2

Local cafe

Grilled cheese
sandwich ,
7-Up and Fanta

0

1 (The participant

McDonalds

n1issed 4 scheduled
meetings)

198

--------------------------

APPENDIX 1: Selected Excerpts from the Book created with Participants
The£ !lowing pag includ e erpt fr m th b k d v 1 p d with th pa11icipants. I hav
elect d pag that ar r pr ntati
f th
f the b k in rd r t pr vid e the
r 0 pag in 1 ngth o inclu i n fthe
r ad r a en e f what wa cr ated. The b
entire d cum nt a an appendi t thi th i i n t practical.

199

• 'Bei cR.g rouV\,ll( ................................................... 4

• WV1ere do Peo-pLe get Food? .............................1.1.
• Wltleit Food Ls AVeiLLei bLe? ... ............................ .1.G

•

Se~SOV\.,~LLttj LV\- NortltlerV\- 'BC ........................ 1._3

• Food CV1~~{ttj cV1~LLe~es .§ CoV\-CerV'vs .... ...... :::;_::;-

for tltle Future .......................................3_3
• lde~s for CV1~V\.,ge ............................... ..... .. ..... 42
• H-o-pe

• PlArtwL-peill'vts' Food M~-ps .............................. 45

200

L / k'....

ct.

/0 ~Co.

Eight of the participants were
women and the r maining four
were men. All participan had
Indigenous ancestry.
Some participants were parents
and grandmoth rs.
Many participants had come o
PG for work, and collectively ha
worked in a varie ty of field s

A

~,

k,l ;

~

before becoming homeless.

tp • -

(

,.

U .,.,....,

~ ,,.,

~

,I/~
(""" ~

'

..,.,

AK

~

st .r

tNNI

[AS

~~

~

(\0 t

201

#W'... , .

<If .... .-

202

.-

. . . . ."' ..
.

·-

•

p

bu in th stor rig no . amping, l lo e cam ing,
and I love rapping. In the wi er I do tha a lo . I us d
o, t ill I end up ou t h r . s uck. ishir g, I do hat lo .
Guiding. llo _ guiding. Takrng ou hun rs. And pic ing
b rries nd li ing off h land. T a 's '" s be fore I end
up on h s ree . I done II ha , and I miss i , a lot"

Fooo( aVvo( foo~ reLateD{ tra~LtLoV'vs etre
t~:porta V\,t to cuLture, weLLbeLVvg et ll\,fA ltleaLtV1

"Al mas
1Ia

ver on

203

nerous
1h b
1 tful
s r,
sand Hallo\v n
h n1 II f r all

Although participants were very grateful for what
1s available in Prince George, there are still

diffjcult challen

~, ftll\,d that tVIetJ

forge tltl eLr
c YLs LCi V\, vatues.,
~V\,d ~ 's ~t a verkj
-pos~ttve ptace to
have o go ~ 11\;c( get .

burttiu.-<..cra tc 11\.Lg 1tt VLA.CI re. ~
- A"'-11\-e

oct* - Ltsa

e) nJ

'!:' ? ( Jlj

fiJ!rl,vt

r

R•f,:fJ!. p

I t~Jtl(:~rie 0 jt. fl )
!- mb+ '-l.; /I> )o-- 3 ··')

)t l

I, f'J, r,J'

;

(/

;{

j

l

..d~ ~\o'

,. ..t'/'{'

/

J

J /f I

/

'

!

:

r;

/

/

,, '

/J ( r

r

~·v;(\.~0H

'7

;; 9 . !tte(
J (1'\ [l I I ~ )

,.
;t ') !rV

rv r

4

) 4 V4·v~"-lr~r::

VrMe,..,(

~i.

f" 4

j u. rv .f

YJ

\ r."r /..•f' t.

l' p ,,~

L

.. r r
r

,1

/I

I

I

I"

/

I

f
I

Em 't1 .e..J

(

(

I

I

'"!

~

'

" I

f!r/
I
)

f\}
,J

-f

\) }l\J

~

' l
[(

r

r 1 i ~ 11. t

(

I fl

I

If',
h

...r

.

p

# .

f I

f

1 1 ~

f (t b~ 1--t )

204

I

!~' { I

'P-

I

~

,.

.

I'

'' Too many hurd l es to get over
for food. First you 've got to go
in there and present ID. Then
you have to come back in the
afternoon and morn ing and

that 's all! We 're done .'}
- Sharon

....c ........

..,.

....~~·I
~~

.....

t"'<t"-W

.. ~ trre t he o~tj olt\.ls

"'WeLL Loo~ l1ow bl.g flLL
t¥te R.!.d& ~ re tlttese Gta tj s.

wtVv~~"' Jt\.~IA,H. Whoever do~te.s aU.

these froli\t ~.,whatever these.
orea~tz.m:-t.ov~ . &111\.d t he.v.. het:j
get ht(Y vt.W~tj bttc.~ as a a wti e
Metoli~

It's frol>\t t he tlLl the
steyo£t;(s. LV\, the cltttc~eVY

aff .., -

ttV\-~ tltte vv..tt.lt becrAuse

tV1etj w~IM: t to grow
sw:per fast ... From

'C, owL~ th~~s ts e&~ lLf.j wk£4t c -v..Lss, a

Lot. LlY<.e !10Ll s&tt-; wt hout aLL he
'})roetssL~ i-11'\4 c emLeals."'- t.lsa

e~tt~g so ~uc¥1 ~eat !

It's so pu~e~ up wtth
cktY\.tLca ~s.. tt's terrt Le. ~
- l'v\tLO~!j

205

•1 •

Participants repo1t
needina t eat n1ore
1ne t, especially
rnoose n1eat.

l

TheY are con erned
'
about getting enc uoh
protein.

~
1&<~

•

(;-.6

I•

\)()~

t

People lso report
f eling hungry b catL
the fo d a\·ailable fill:
hen1 Uf but, not f 1 .: s
1 ng " ~ 1neat \\·otlld .

~-")~.

206

JJD.c
UfWU
J

UNIVERSITY OF
NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

207