THE INTERNAL MOTIVES AND CONSEQUENCES OF UN PROJECTS :
EVIDENCE FROM THE TUMEN RIVER AREA DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME
by
Eenjin Batsuren
M.A., The State Pedagogical University of Mongolia, 1996
BA, The Foreign Language Institute of Mongolia, 1993

PROJECT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTERS OF ARTS
m
INTERNATIONAL STUDIES

© Eenjin Batsuren, 2000
THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
July 2000
All rights reserved. This work may not be
reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy
or other means, without the permission of the author.

Abstract
The Tumen River Area Development Programme is an ongoing process of building a free
trade zone in North East Asia, and is extensively funded by the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP). The value of this ambitious project as well as its motives and
consequences has been questioned and interpreted in both positive and negative ways.
Proponents of the TRADP consider it as a success of a free trade market. The opponents
criticize the project as an unprecedented waste of capital. Such divergent views reflect the
analysers' vision the world or rather their assumptions. The following is an attempt to give an in
depth analysis ofthese assumptions, based on the theories of realism, liberalism, Marxism and
feminism.

iii

Table of Contents
Abstract

lll

Table of Contents

lV

List of Tables and Figures

v

Acknowledgements

Vl

1.

Introduction

1

2.

Assumptions of Theories

4

2.1. The Realist View

4

2.2. The Liberal View

5

2.3. The Marxist View

5

2.4. The Feminist View

6

3.

The Tumen River Development Programme (TRADP)

8

4.

Analysis ofthe Tumen River Development Programme

11

4.1. SetofCriteria

12

4.2. Comparative Table of Assumptions and Evidence: The TRADP

13

4.2.1.The TRADP and the Realist Perspective

15

4.2.2.The TRADP and the Liberal Perspective

21

4.2.3.The TRADP and the Marxist Perspective

24

4.2.4.The TRADP and the Feminist Perspective

27

5.

31

Conclusion

Bibliography

34

Appendix A

38

Appendix B

39

Appendix C

40

IV

List of Tables and Figures
Figure 1

Structure of the research project

11

Table 1

Comparative Table of Assumptions and Evidence: The TRADP

13

v

Acknowledgements
The present work would not be available at its present level without the exceptional
assistance of Prof. Lawrence T. Woods and Prof. Fiona MacPhail. I also owe my
acknowledgement to all the staff of the Department of International Studies at the University of
Northern British Columbia, who supported me both emotionally and professionally during this
busy year of completing this research work.
My thanks to my family and all my friends, especially to my parents Dr.G.Eenjin and
D.Lhamsuren and my friends B.Ankhbayar and Ch.Darisuren, who have always encouraged me
in exploring new horizons.

VI

"All too often the debates about [international] trends are cast in terms of simplistic paradigms of
international affairs: a realist is said to underestimate the role of interdependence, or those neo
liberal institutionalists who assume the emergence of a regional community misunderstand the
continuing role of the balance of power. In the analysis that follows there is an attempt to take a
more integrative approach that does justice to the complex story of how the impressive
success in the [region] is beginning to transform international studies"
(McGrew & Brook, 1998, p. 316)
1. Introduction
The most comprehensive example of an international organization in the contemporary
world is the United Nations (UN), which was founded in 1945 after World War II. After fiftyfive years, the UN has become a giant system with numerous sister-organizations all over the
world (see Appendix A). Scholars like Amos Yoder (1997), K.P. Saksena (1993) and J. Martin
Rochester (1993) have studied this phenomenon. On one hand, they find that most contemporary
states join or seek to join the UN. As of 2000, the UN consists of 188 member-states (United
Nations, 1998). On the other hand, the UN is facing significant financial and practical problems
because its main contributors, especially the United States, are withholding their membership
fees, demanding reforms and budget cuts, and making it difficult for the UN to operate (Saksena,
1993) (see Appendix B).
This research project is an attempt to contribute to the explorations of the UN's
capabilities by considering the organization's practical rationale in Northeast Asia. For decades
the region was forgotten by the international community. With the accelerating process of
globalization on one hand and the over exploitation of the natural resources on the other, there is
little wonder such an expedition to the depth of the northern taiga has begun.
I have attempted to explore the rationale of the UN as an international governmental
organization, using four theoretical lenses: realism, liberalism, Marxism and feminism. The
technique of using multiple lenses was pioneered by Graham Allison (1971), who observed that
"alternative conceptual lenses lead one to see, emphasize, and worry about quite different aspects

of events" (p. v). Kelly Kate Pease (1999) has applied this technique to the study ofintemational
organizations. The advantage of such an approach is that it enables us to avoid the single minded
assumptions of an individual approach and gives us an opportunity to look at the same issue
from various perspectives. A broader overview of a complex, often confusing issue such as the
rationale of an international organization is thus ensured.
In this research, the four theories are used to analyse the Tumen River Development
Programme (TRADP), one of 5,000 projects implemented annually by the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) (Probe Alert, 1995). This project is presented in the form of
an extended essay and consists of an introduction, a discussion of the theories applied, a
description of my case study, the analysis of my case study through the theoretical lenses
provided, and a conclusion. To do this research I have gathered publications mainly from
published sources (e.g. newspapers, magazines, reports etc.) and interpreted them in accordance
with the theories applied. The key question examined throughout this project is: What are the
internal motives and consequences of UN projects? I believe that this question has both practical
and conceptual significance.
This question has a practical meaning because of the increasing urgency to revise the role
of international organizations. The need for the very existence of international organizations is
questioned today. The so-called 1999 "Battle in Seattle" between civil societies, corporations and
governments over the World Trade Organization and its policies is a clear illustration of this
challenge. International organizations have become an integral part of our everyday life. It is
impossible for many of us to imagine our lives without cell phones, travelling to other countries
and buying the goods produced elsewhere in the world. These activities are the products of
international agreements and contracts, which in tum are products of the activities of
organizations: World Bank Group (former International Bank of Reconstruction and
Development or IBRD), International Monetary Fund (IMF), Universal Postal Union (UPU),
2

International Telecommunication Union (ITU), and UN Industrial Development Organization
(UNIDO). The increasing concerns about global environmental pollution and the prevention of
growing health problems threatening our lives are the daily business of the UN Environment
Programme (UNEP) and World Health Organization (WHO). We must define the boundaries of
such intrusive activities.
This project has conceptual implications because the traditional concept of international
organization is now being challenged. A non-governmental organization, a multinational
corporation or an inter-governmental organization like the UN are all understood to be
international organizations today (Archer, 1992). For the purpose of this research work, the term
'international organization' refers to 'intergovernmental organization'. In order to redefine the old
notion of an international organization one must understand the motives and consequences of an
international project, often conducted by an international organization as a means to achieve its
own goals. The UN is one of the biggest international organizations in the contemporary world.
Therefore, the key question of this research -- what are the internal motives and consequences of
the UN projects? -- may help to shed light on the complex of issues raised by various scholars.
However, the answer seems not to be an easy one. Different theories offer different, often
contradictory, explanations. Thus the purpose of this research project is not to judge and find the
single correct answer, but is rather an attempt to reveal the full picture of the hidden motives
behind the UN developmental projects and their consequences.

3

2. Assumptions of Theories
Explaining the nature of international relations and the role of international organizations
depends upon the theoretical approach that is used. Each theoretical approach offers its own
explanations and is based on a particular set of assumptions. Understanding these different
explanations is valuable. Examining an international organization from a single perspective is a
"disservice to the study of the international organization and its development as a discipline"
because "the priorities and actions of international organizations cannot be adequately
understood unless considerable attention is paid to [some] theories that provide meaning to their
\.

activities"(Pease, 1999, pp. xi, 5). Below are the main assumptions used by each ofthe four
theories applied in this research: realism, liberalism, Marxism and feminism (Pease, 1999).

2.1. The realist view
The core concept of realism is power. The source of this power lies in the combination of
political and economic supremacy. Realists believe that all states exist in a hostile world that
forces them to be prepared for conflicts. This situation might lead to war. Realists point to the
distribution of development or the balance of power between states as a source of order in the
international system. While there is no higher authority in international relations other than the
state, there is a hierarchy of power. Some states enjoy dominance over others. Consequently,
realists perceive international relations as being essentially conflictual, centred around nation
states seeking and exercising power against each other. Power is a source of order in the
international system (Pease, 1999). Realists see "the actions of ... states not on the basis simply
of their announced policies or on the assumption that they will behave morally, but rather on the
premise that they are seeking rationally to increase their power. They will devise policies that
would protect their own society by amassing or maintaining sufficient power, alone or in
coalitions, to maintain their essential security interests" (Keohane, 1986, p. 8).
4

Realists explain the creation of international organizations and their role in maintaining
international order and cooperation through the hierarchy of power. Conceptually, international
organizations are tools in the hands of great powers, which use these tools to dominate the lesser
or weaker states. International organizations are, in fact, nothing more than the sum of their
member-states. They are created and administered by more powerful states to legitimize their
own dominant positions. The less powerful states join international organizations because the
dominant states use their power and are able to grant "positive incentives and inducements"
(Pease, 1999,7). For realists, governance of international relations is an exercise in maintaining
the status quo or enhancing one's own power in comparison to others. This exercise is facilitated
by international organizations. Power can refer to one ' s military or economic capacity. For
realists and governments that follow realist approach, the term 'development' means to be
"consistent, ordered preferences" so they can "calculate the costs and benefits of all alternative
policies" in order to maximize their power (Keohane, 1986, p.ii).

2.2. The liberal view
Liberalism maintains a strong belief in the value of the individual, limited government,
and the market. Liberalism believes that international relations are based on a peaceful exchange
of goods, services, and ideas among societies, shaped by economic and social transactions.
While war is a major problem, it does not define international relations, which are positive and
constructive by nature. Liberalism sees international organizations as mechanisms to assist
governments in overcoming collective problems and help them settle conflicts peacefully. For
liberalism, international governance is based on the interaction of several kinds of actors -individuals, interest groups, government agencies, inter governmental and non-governmental
organizations, and multinational corporations -- competing and working together to define and
promote the "international collective good" (Pease, 1999, p. 9). Hence, liberals see that
5

international organizations are important in their own right, cooperating with governments and
also acting independently.

2.3. The Marxist view
Marxism emphasizes economic and political inequality between nations in international
relations, which leads to a superior-subordinate relationship and results in both violent and nonviolent international conflict. In accordance with the Marxist view, the industrialised countries
(capitalist or hegemonic) states are dominating over the weakest (proletariat) states because the
nature of international organizations is determined by the underlying economic order (Pease,
1999). Marxism believes that contemporary international organizations and their laws reflect,
promote, legitimize, and protect global capitalism. Unlike realists, who see international
organizations as a partially positive establishment for less powerful states, Marxists view
international organizations as tools of exploitation and mechanisms of domination that, in tum,
foster uneven development: "In the Marxist view, states are only derivative; the real actors-those that bring change and affect the lives of the people ... -- are classes and various class-based
transnational associations [e.g. international organizations]" (Holsti, 1985, p. 68-69).

2.4. The Feminist view
Feminism examines international relations and international organizations through the
lens of gender. This perspective seeks to understand what it means to be "feminine" both in
theory and practice in international organizations. Feminism highlights the gender biases of
realism, liberalism, and Marxism. Feminists believe that the masculine-feminine relationship
defines international relations: "The dominant masculinity in Western cultures is associated with
qualities of rationality, 'hardheadedness', ambition, and strength ... The relationship between
masculinity and femininity shows constancy in assigning greater value to what is associated with
6

masculinity and lesser value to that which is associated with femininity" (Peterson & Runyan,
1993, p. 7). The relationship is one of superiority and inferiority. Therefore, international
relations are conflictual and this conflict results from the superior-subordinate relationship, as in
the Marxist view. Feminism thus builds upon Marxism, but goes beyond class conflict to identify
other marginalized issues and groups such as women. The hierarchy that feminists see is
gendered in nature, rather than being based on economic class. Consequently, international
governance is characterized by the patriarchy, i.e. the hegemony of men. Masculine powers of
the contemporary world (sovereign states) use the feminine ones (international organizations) for
their own purpose in the world of politics (Pease, 1999).
International organizations have also gendered human features . The intergovernmental
organizations have more power than the non-governmental organizations, which are often
marginalized in terms of funding from the masculine sovereign states. This provides a way to
review international issues in a gendered fashion. "Global gender inequality and the power of

gender ... order [one's} thinking and shape ... reality" (Peterson & Runyan, 1993, p.11).
Therefore, feminists see some international issues such as health, poverty, education and
environmental protection as traditionally "feminine". Such feminine international issues are
often marginalized and are mainly the scope of non-governmental organizations' activities.
Attention is usually paid more to the "masculine" international issues, including economic and
political concerns (Pease, 1999). Intergovernmental organizations like the UN usually handle
these masculine issues under the direction of the masculine sovereign states.

7

3. Tumen River Development Programme (TRADP)
In 1989, the East-West Center, located in Hawaii, first circulated an idea of a free trade
zone in the North East Asia in its academic papers (Lavalee, n.d.). The United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) 1 --a massive international organization, operating in vast
territories with diverse economies-- initiated discussions in 1991 which led to an agreement
among five Northeast Asian countries to promote a sustainable and environmentally friendly
economic development programme for the benefit of the peoples in the following areas (see
Appendix C for a map of the area):
•

Rajin Sonbong Economic and Trade Zone in the Democratic People's Republic of
Korea (DPRK);

•

Eastern Mongolia;

•

Y anbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture in Jilin Province, Northeast China; and

•

Primorsky Territory in the Russian Far East
(www. cernet. edu.cn/undp/regional/ras9243 0 .htm)

The initiative was named the Tumen River Area Development Programme (TRADP)
after the Turnen River-- a central strand of the region, which springs from the crater lake of
Chang Pai Shan Volcano and serves as a border where China, DPRK (North Korea) and the
Russian Federation meet. The Republic of Korea (South Korea) joined the TRADP as the fifth
member, while Japan obtained the status of an observer (Tumen Secretariat, 1998).
Geographically, the Tumen Region is situated in an area of7,500 square miles, stretching
from Yanbin and Changbaishan Mountains in the west to Ussuriysk in the Russian Federation's
Primorsky Territory in the north, Nakhodka/Vostochny in the east, and Chongjin in the DPRK in
the south (Corporate Location, 1995).

1

The UNDP, founded in 1950, is today the largest suborganisation of the UN, with 130 offices worldwide and 7,000
employees (Probe Alert, 1995).
8

The TRADP focuses on regional economic cooperation involving the following sectors:
investment and trade, transportation, environment, tourism, human resource development,
telecommunications and energy. For each sector, initiatives are identified only if they involve
two or more of the member countries. Policy documents used by the UNDP discuss the purpose
of the projects as follows : "The intent is to achieve benefits that would not be achievable, or not
as effectively achievable, by solely country based initiatives" (Tumen Secretariat, 1998).
Currently, the TRADP is in its third phase. The first phase involved extensive planning and
background studies. The second phase involved investment promotion and development
initiatives designed to build momentum in the TRADP region as a growth triangle. The third
phase addresses factors fundamental for regional economic cooperation and includes activities
such as investment and trade, tourism, transport, telecommunications and energy (United
Nations Development Programme, China, 1998). For instance, within the framework ofTRADP
the Hunchun!Kraskino rail border crossing between China and Mongolia was officially opened
in June 1999; in April 2000, the tour service between Yanbin Prefecture of China, Primorsky
Territory ofRussia and South Korea was initiated (Tumen Secretariat, 2000). The UNDP sees
the Tumen Region as "a future Hong Kong, Singapore, or Rotterdam" (Manguno, 1993, p. 6).
The UNDP aims to make the delta where the river meets the sea the gateway to Asia's
hinterland and to convert the whole region into a "$30 billion trade and transport complex, with
11 harbours, three international airports and an inland port rail hub" (Manguno, 1993, p. 43).
Although the UNDP does not openly publish official estimates of natural resources, various
observers like M. Lavalee, Denise Chai and Joseph Manguno speculate that such ambitious plans
are supported by the rich natural resources of the region, despite its overall economic
underdevelopment. The Primorsky Krai of Russia and Yanbin Area in Jilin province of China
are the only significantly developed parts ofthe region (Tumen Secretariat, 1998; Rosencranz,
Kibei, & Weiss, 1995). The Tumen Region has abundant timber, fresh water and vast mineral
9

resources. The sufficient water resources and plentiful cheap flatland provide great potential to
grow and export wheat, beans, com, soybeans and sweet potatoes. A modem infrastructure,
including railways, roads, airports and seaports, is being built and will serve to ship raw
materials and goods manufactured in the delta region to surrounding countries, providing a far
shorter and cheaper trade route. Finally, the region is targeted to become Northeast Asia's centre
of energy and telecommunications (Manguno, 1993; Marton et al, 1995).
Unfortunately, the future might not be so bright due to the "hundreds of years of political
and military upheaval" in and between member-states (Chai, 1993, p. 25). There are major
conflicts between communist North Korea and capitalist South Korea, although in 2000 they
both participated in the series of top-level meetings between the two countries. China has
territorial disputes with Russia over at least two small sections of the boundary (despite a 1997
boundary agreement) and with North Korea over the 33 km section of boundary in the Paektusan mountains. China also claims Japanese administered Senkaku-shoto (Senkaku
Islands/Diaoyu Tai) (Central Intelligence Agency, 1999). Russia is on the edge of chaos, facing
enormous internal problems. Japan-- an observer and the greatest potential investor to the
TRADP -- claims the islands ofEtorofu, Kunashiri, and Shikotan and the Habomai group from
the Russian Federation and the Liancourt Rocks from South Korea (Central Intelligence Agency,
1999). Mongolia is a remote land locked country, struggling to integrate into the world market
system and to overcome its communist legacy of a central planned system. In addition, most of
the countries involved are facing serious economic shortages (United Nations Development
Programme, 1999; World Bank, 1990), which will be a substantial obstacle to successful
implementation of the programme.

10

4. Analysis of the Tumen River Development Programme
A UNDP project, the TRADP, is an excellent model of complex and huge organizational
machinery. Like the UNDP, the TRADP consists of member-states. Therefore, the TRADP is
featured as a case study of this research to show "the conceptual confusion surrounding what an
international organization is stems from the differing theoretical orientations" (Pease, 1999, p.5).
Four different views on the same issue are utilised to explore the rationale behind the TRADP.
Figure 1 represents the simplified structural scheme ofthis research.
Figure 1

TUMENRIVER
DEVELOPMENT
PROGRAMME

Each theory views states and international organizations in a different way. While
liberals believe that an international organization is relevant, constructive and can help to explain
international relations, realists, Marxists and feminists place more emphasis on the explanatory
factors of power, class and gender, respectively. Based on their own particular assumptions, they
explain the role and behaviour of an international organization differently, as previously noted.
While there are different and even sometimes contradictory streams within each theory, I
have utilised the most general characterization of each theory in order to answer the following
question: What are the internal motives and consequences of the TRADP? In search of this
answer I have derived specific criteria for each of the four theoretical approaches. Specification
of such criteria for each theory has not been done by scholars previously, although as was noted
11

earlier, analysing the same case through the different angles is not unique. I reviewed the
literature on the TRADP to find evidence supporting each of the position.

4.1. Set of criteria
In order to develop separate sets of criteria for each of the theoretical approaches, I had to
delineate the key ideas in each of the four theories, their assumptions about international
relations and international governance, their vision of the role of an international organization.
Table 1 illustrates the range of theoretical approaches used. The assumptions of the international
system adapted for each theory are drawn from the work ofPease (1999). Based on these
perceptions a set of three criteria was constructed for each theory. The criteria were designed to
enable me to examine the practical implications of the core ideas as they apply to the TRADP.
The implications of each criterion in the TRADP are briefly described in the last column.

12

:::E

<1:1

Ul

·a

s

~

..D

Q)

~

c;

Ul
......

s

~

Q)

c;

Ul
......

s

~

Q)

0

c

Economic dominance
of the developed
(capitalist) states over
the weak (proletariat)
states.

Value individuals,
limited government
and the market.

Concept of power.
States exist in a hostile
world that forces them
to be prepared for
conflict and, perhaps,
war.

Main ideas

Essentially conflictual.
Leads to a superiorsubordinate relationship
based on economic class.

Positive and constructive.
Peaceful exchange of
goods, services and ideas
among states.

Essentially conflictual.
Balance of power is a
source of order in the
international system.

The hegemonic states
exercise authority over
the weaker states.

Interaction of
individuals, interest
groups, government
agencies and
international
organizations.

Hierarchy of power.
States are seeking and
exercising power against
each other.

Characteristics of the Theory
International relations
International governance

A tool of exploitation
and a mechanism of
domination that
fosters uneven
development.

A mechanism to
assist governments in
overcommg
collective problems
and help them to
settle conflict
peacefully .

A tool of the great
powers to dominate
lesser states. No
more than the sum of
their member-states.

International
organization

4.2. Table 1. Comparative Table of Assumptions and Evidence: The TRADP*

3. The evidence of unequal
development of all memberstates involved.

Yes,
considerably.

2. The lack of partnership
between governments
involved.
3. The common goals shared
by various partners such as
multinational corporations.
1. The role of the
international organizations
in fostering capitalist
development.
2. The negative
consequences of exploitation
of people and environment.

13

Yes, explicitly.

Yes, adverse
consequences.

Yes,
multinational
corporations.
Yes,
explicitly.

Yes, explicitly.

Yes, explicitly .

Yes,
absolutely.
Yes, major.

1. The benefits of market
exchange between memberstates.

3. The unequal power
balance in the region.

1. The lack of common
goals.
2. The history of conflicts
among the member-states.

Case Study: The TRADP
Evidence
Analytical Criteria

s

~

Q)

·s

"'
·a

Essentially conflictual.
Leads to a superiorsubordinate hierarchy of
issues determined by
gender interests.
Characterized by
patriarchy the hegemony
of men. International
issues are ranked in a
gendered fashion.
Objects to be used by
the states to further
their interests in
world politics,
without regard to
concerns of gender,
and other
marginalised
perspectives. Adopt a
gender-neutral
approach. Nongovernmental
organizations are
more likely to take a
feminist approach
while addressing
marginalised issues.

*Source: columns #1-4 adapted from Pease (1999); columns #6-7 developed by the author.

Masculine-feminine
relationships are ones
of superiority and
inferiority.
Masculine powers of
the contemporary
world (sovereign
states) use the
feminine ones
(international
organizations) for their
own purpose in the
world of politics.
1. The masculine values and
interests of states and
predominantly male
decision-makers are
institutionalized within
international organizations
and take priority.
2. Feminine issues such as
education, health, poverty,
and environment protection
receive less attention if any.
3. Disregard for the rights of
the people in the region and
lack of consultation with
them.

14

Yes, partially.
Only
environmental
issues.
Yes, major.

Yes, explicitly

As we see from Table 1, the theoretical approaches used in this research work view the
role of an international organization from different perspectives. These perspectives are often in
conflict with one another. The findings of this research are described below in detail.

4.2.1. The TRADP and the Realist Perspective
To examine the utility of the realist perspective in understanding the Tumen River
project, I utilised the following criteria: 1) the lack of common goals; 2) the history of conflicts
among the member-states; and 3) the unequal power balance in the region.
The analyses of a literature review showed that in accordance with the realist view the
TRADP as an international organization would have little success.
1) the lack of common goals
The first reason for such a negative approach is the lack of a common goal. Too many
different goals are trying to be achieved in the TRADP. The TRADP's members are China,
Russia, Mongolia, North Korea and South Korea. Each country has its own unique reason for
joining the project.
a) China wants to boost its underdeveloped northern territories, which were left behind as
government policies focused on the development of southern coasts. Also, China is seeking to
regain its right to navigate in the Sea of Japan through the Tumen River (East Asian Executive
Reports, 1992}.
b) Russia is interested in the project because it will open an opportunity to build
infrastructure which will direct Siberia's vast mineral riches to the international market
~ 1993).

c) Mongolia, as a landlocked country, is seeking the waterway to the Pacific to export its
raw materials and other products (Institute of Marine Biology, 2000).

15

d) North Korea wants to break its economic isolation in order to overcome its economic
difficulties (do Rosario, 1991).
e) South Korea, facing the shortage of its natural resources, has a great interest in
developing the mineral and energy resources in the Far East. In addition to that, South Korea's
ultimate goal from this project is unification with North Korea plus the Korean Prefecture in
Yanbin Region of China. Lee Hong Pyo of the Sejong Institute was quoted as saying, "South
Korea will want to participate under any plan for the sake of North-South economic cooperation,
and, in this sense, we regard the Tumen River project as an outstanding opportunity for interKorea cooperation because it is one in which North Korea can easily take part. If successful, the
project could go far toward economic unification of Koreans in South and North Korea and
Yanbin in China" (as cited in Chai, 1993, p.27).
f) Japan, which currently holds the status of an observer, is searching for new markets

especially in China, and the Tumen River harbours will be the closest way to get to China from
Japan (Lavalee, n.d.).
Driven by these ambitious state intentions, and not just the market, the TRADP is
regulated by governmental guidelines and intergovernmental agreements (Vayrynen, 1997). It is
mainly because of the interests of the states, and not the individuals or multinational
corporations, that the TRADP was established and is still active.
In addition, the states involved have their own bilaterally agreed ways to solve problems.
These were established before the UNDP initiatives. Since 1975, North Korea has been a transit
point for shipping Russian cargo to Southeast Asia; since 1983, it has been a transit point for
Chinese cargo to Japan as well. China has used North Korea's Najin port since 1985 (Chai,
1993). The Tumen River has also provided access to Russian Siberia as there are major
settlements of Chinese immigrants such as Harbin, Manzhouli and Karamskiy (East Asian
Executive Reports, 1992).
16

The possible shift of millions of Chinese citizens as cheap labourers to the open free
trade zone might be a potential cause of instability in the region which could reignite the
historical hostility among the neighbouring countries. The degradation of the environment and
ecological disasters also have major impacts on the development level of each country (Global
Beat, 1999).
Such points support the realists' belief that expanding markets cannot behave rationally.
Realists believe the market should serve the state and that interdependence is not necessary, if
not impossible. Moreover, realists believe that sovereignty is an indivisible attribute of the states.
Each country involved has become cautious due to the fact that with the progressing of the
TRADP they will have to give a piece of land for the free trade zone (Institute of Marine
Biology, 1998; Lavalee, n.d.).
The Russian, Chinese and North Korean view of the legal structure of development
differs radically. Russia and China favour the idea of one designated area of free trade zone ruled
by an international body. North Korea opposes this idea. North Korea wants each country to
develop their own territory independently from each other as a special economic zone. These
zones will allow each country to keep its sovereignty. After long negotiations North Korea
finally agreed only to lease its area at the Pyongyang meeting ofMay 1993 (Chai, 1993).
Unlike the liberals who see development as a way to encourage the efficient distribution
of resources and generation of significant levels of wealth, realists criticize a one-sided approach
to development which in their opinion uses only the lens of money. Realists say that there are
many other aspects of development which liberals do not take into account. For instance, the
post-colonial policy of some countries has not been considered. The political difficulties of the
TRADP support this view explicitly.
2) The history of conflicts among the member-states

17

The second reason realists would see the alliance of these countries as unworkable arises
from historical hostility and ideological differences (Chai, 1993; Manguno, 1993).
a) North Korea is "still technically at war" with South Korea due to political
contradictions (Sohn, 2000; The Economist. 1995). The tension between these two countries has
been well-expressed by the Secretary ofDefense of the United States, Mr. Cohen, who said,
"there is no question that the demilitarized zone between North and South Korea is one of the
most dangerous spots on Earth" (Dezhao, 1997, p.1 ). The Times of India quotes South Korean
President Kim Dae Jung, who noted that "reunifying the divided Korean Peninsula looked
premature [because the two countries] still remain ... at war as the [1950-1953 Korean War]
ended only in an armed truce instead of a peace agreement" (2000, p.1).
b) South Korea and Russia have a long-term dispute over repayment of a US$3 billion
loan (Chai; 1993). The dispute began when South Korea decided to pull out its capital, which has
been invested heavily in Russia since 1991 (News & Letters,l999). Moreover, South Korea is
cautious of "the political risks in a project in which their partners are all socialist or former
socialist countries" (Chai, 1993, p.29).
c) The member-states ofthe TRADP currently have territorial disputes with each other.
Most countries involved are very sensitive about boundary issues either for political reasons
(North Korea) or because of existing territorial disputes (Japan, China, or Russia).
d) The historical legacy of the region creates suspicion. Past Japanese colonization makes
political barriers difficult to break (Manguno, 1993). Japan has been reluctant to take an active
part of the project unless the Northern Territories/Kurile Islands territorial dispute with the
Russian Federation is settled (Far Eastern Economic Review, 1992).
3) the unequal power balance in the region
The member-states ofTRADP also vary in terms of power, realists would say. There is
an obvious presence of the more and less powerful states in the project. There is a fear of
18

political and economic domination by Japan and China over the other member-states. While the
UNDP talks enthusiastically about the $30 billion project, which aims to transform the TRADP
region into a free trade zone, it is impossible to achieve this goal without Japanese money. China
made substantial investments to open its cities Hunchun and Fangchun. As was commented by
Prof. Wang Shengjin of College of Jilin University, "China's northeast provinces propose a
development strategy to make the most of their geographical advantages and their existing
industry [for the TRADP -- a] project [of] the 21st century" (Wang, 1998). The reason for such
Chinese enthusiasm, would explain realists, is because China wants to challenge Japan, which is
currently dominating Northeast Asia (McGrew & Brook, 1998).
If China and Japan reach a consensus somehow later on, realists would warn, the interregional cooperation between Southeast Asia and Northeast Asia will be weakened rapidly.
"Capital from Japan and South Korea will be diverted from Southeast Asia to Northeast Asia,
and these countries will be a source of raw material[ s] and manpower, making them less
dependent on Southeast Asia for labour and resources," observes Kim Dal Choong in Business
Korea (Chai, 1995).
The less powerful states are almost ignored by the stronger ones. Russia is desperately
battling to regain its power in the world arena, which was weakened after the collapse of the
Soviet Union, and at the same time to soothe its internal territorial conflicts. The only country
that has no territorial disputes, Mongolia, is considered by its more powerful neighbours as a
"virtual non-entity". As Dong Y ong Seung, who works for the Samsung Economic Research
Institute, comments, "Mongolia's motivation for wanting to participate in the Tumen project is
more psychological than economic. They feel isolated and think that if they don't get involved in
the project, they will remain forever isolated" (Chai, 1993, p.26). The same is true for North
Korea, which is trying to integrate itself in global economic cooperation and at the same time
follow its communist values.
19

The United States, the current world superpower, has informal interests in the TRADP
and has had contacts with the UNDP, but the United States cannot show the explicit interest
because Russia is very wary of the United States presence in Northeast Asia as this area is a part
of the Russian Far East (Manguno, 1993). China and Japan have been increasing their military
expenditures in order to challenge the United States and yet both countries have territorial
disputes with Russia (McGrew & Brook, 1998). This accelerating growth of the military
expenses in China and Japan is a true fear for other Asian nations, "while protectionism and
superpower meddling also present obstacles" (Chai, 1993, p.29).
With the increasing military power of China, Mongolia and North Korea fear that "with
no Soviet Union to countervail, Chin[ a] may become the major threat to Mongolia's [and North
Korea's] independent survival"(Bedeski, 1999, p.4). The presence of a nuclear threat from North
Korea is another source of instability in the region (Heppel, 1994).
Because there is such a tense situation in the region, realists would conclude, "when the
UNDP eventually bows out, the project will be left up to the same powers which have been
killing each other for control of this area for centuries" (Chai, 1993, p.29).
Conclusion on the realist view
To sum up, realists would see the development of the Tumen River region as
"economically very attractive and yet politically extremely complicated" (Lavalee, n.d.). From a
realist perspective the TRADP is an unnecessary project and a waste of the limited funds of the
governments involved. The first reason is the lack of a single goal promoted by the memberstates as well as long time rivalry among the member-states. The presence of unequal power
balance suggests even that the TRADP might be a potential cause for future conflicts.

4.2.2. The TRADP and the Liberal Perspective

20

I developed the following set of criteria to judge liberalism's view ofTRADP as an
international organization: 1) the benefits of market exchange between member-states; 2) the
lack of partnership between the governments involved; and 3) the common goals shared by
various partners such as multinational corporations.
1) the benefits of market exchange between member-states
Liberals believe in the benefits of the free market and see the market as enabling long
time adversaries, divided by ideology and history, to come together under TRADP at round table
discussions. They view TRADP as a tremendous success (Far Eastern Economic Review, 1992).
There are plenty of industrial sectors in the Tumen River area that interest investors, including
agriculture/food processing, natural resources, forestry, light industry, banking, infrastructure,
and tourism. On the other hand, local authorities are seeking investment in forestry,
transportation, communications, energy, raw and semi-finished materials, processing industries,
and high technology (Corporate Location, 1995). Liberals would believe that the on-going
process of lessening customs restrictions and greater cross-national trade and investment
opportunities in TRADP region has promoted the economic "complementarity from possibility
to reality" (Dezhao, 1997, p.2). With this similar expression of interest on both investors and
local authorities, the further development of the Tumen River basin will be inevitable.
2) the lack ofpartnership between governments involved
The liberals recognise that there are some conflicts among the states. However, they
would believe that the TRADP has major importance in demonstrating the success of the market
system in overcoming these conflicts.
Being a pro-liberal institution, the UNDP considers the Agreement on the Tumen River
Area Development Programme as "historic" and a "model of people centred, environmentally
sustainable development, with particular benefits to the poor and jobless in the region" (UN
News Centre, 1995). The member-states involved in the project agree with this point of view.
21

For instance, as Kanamori Hisao, Adviser in the Japan Economic Research Centre, says, "Of all
the economic development taking place in Northeast Asia, the most progress has been made in
the development of the Tumen River area"(Hisao, 1998). Similarly, Kim Yong Hak, General
Director of Overseas Project Department in South Korea, observes that "[TRADP will help]
Northeast Asian countries to use a cooperative strategy [to have a] leading position in the world
economy [to] prepare itself to meet the challenges of globalization and regionalism" (Kim,
1998). The Chinese perspective echoes this position: "Although the region still faces various
development problems, both economic and institutional, the recent trends of economic
cooperation and improved international relations make its future prospects brighter than ever"
(Wang, 1998).
However, such ambitious plans are achievable only ifTRADP member-states cooperate
with each other. Despite this, Russia, China and North Korea have established their own
development strategies (Kim, 1998). That is why the current speed of the TRADP is beginning
to slow down. Because of this individualistic approach, the potential benefits of mutual
cooperation are not as rewarding as was expected. The member-states do not open their markets
freely. Hypothetically, if they would fully open their markets, the market itself would regulate
the demand and supply in the region and eventually the Tumen River region would be a "second
Rotterdam or Hong Kong" as proposed by the UNDP (Husband, 1998). In the broader point of
view, realists believe that the selfish interests of individual member-states have often led them to
seek an international organization to fulfil the role of mediator (Pease, 1999). This is true for the
TRADP, as well.
3) the common goals shared by various partners such as multinational corporations
Thus, TRADP demonstrates that the process of "regionalisation can be both a response
and a stimulus to the micro-economic forces driving globalization. Regional integration can play

22

a valuable role in promoting internal competition. It can also be a crucial vehicle for
international policy" (Cho, 1998, p.2).
The UNDP already contributes US$5 million to promote the area (Chai, 1993). Since
1991, the UNDP has been organising the consultations, which facilitate regulatory and
institutional arrangements and provide mechanisms to promote regional economic growth
(Corporate Location, 1995). This cooperation would not be possible without the intervention of
international organizations such as the UNDP.
Multinational corporations have key interests in the TRADP Region. The Japanese
government has not shown an explicit enthusiasm in the project, even though it holds the status
of an observer. However, Japanese companies are investing US$50 million for the railway
expansion project to connect Russia, North Korea and China. The United States companies
invested US$350 million. Hong Kong firms are also said to be interested in the railway port
project. One ofthe largest conglomerates of South Korea-- Samsung -- made some large
investments in the Jilin province of China, including the construction of a twenty-story railway
station building, the development of communication infrastructure between China (Hunchun)
and Russia, and the construction of a railway between China and North Korea (Chai, 1993).
Conclusion on the liberal view
In accordance with the liberal point of view, the TRADP shows that the market regulates
itself as well as international relations without intervention from the governments. Unlike
realists, who do not support the idea of the free trade zone and equal benefits of international
cooperation, the liberals believe that through the market system the TRADP will help the rival
countries to unite and make progressive economic choices. The TRADP once again proves the
effectiveness of international organizations as negotiators and mediators in bringing the various
partners under the same umbrella of development and creating an international regime which
will lead to "economic growth and prosperity in an anarchic world" (Pease, 1999, p.176).
23

4.2.3 . The TRADP and Marxist Perspective
The explanation of the Marxist perspective is provided below by applying the criteria of
1) the role of TRADP in fostering capitalist development; 2) the negative consequences of
exploitation ofpeople and the environment; and 3) the evidence ofunequal development of all
member-states involved.
1. The role ofTRADP in fostering capitalist development
Marxists would believe that the UNDP is a mechanism to foster the capitalist domination,
one virtuously used by the core states, namely the United States and Japan, to exploit the
resources and the labour of the periphery countries like China, Russia, Mongolia and DPRK. The
ultimate goal of the United States is to achieve a "residual hegemony" in a world of
"geopolitical rivalry" (Camilleri, n.d.). The wealthy business class of the United States and Japan
utilizes UNDP's "$1 billion annual budget to exert formidable muscle over innocent people and
self-sustaining environments" through the development projects like the TRADP. In the search
for cheap labour in peripheral (developing) countries, the UNDP even neglects the major river
system (Probe Alert, 1995). Probe Alert criticizes further: TRADP is "ridiculously ambitious, the
capital input is too great, the area's resources are too few, and its vast size and complexity make
it infeasible"(1995). East Asian Executives adds that "the Tumen River scheme [may] not prove
[itself] feasible" (1992). As a result "although UN sponsorship has kept the Tumen scheme
going, it has not made as much progress as the original Tumen River Area Development
Program envisaged" (Cotton, 1997).
Moreover, the TRADP arouses "deep concerns about the inability of such a complex and
essentially unknown entity to function well" (Marton et al, 1995). Yet this 'utopian' project-- as
labelled by Probe International -- threatens millions of people and fragile ecosystems. The
UNDP, despite its claim be promoting sustainable human development that is "pro-poor, pro-

24

nature, pro-jobs and pro-women", is conducting one of the largest "destructive" projects in
favour of wealthy business classes in the core (developed) countries.
2) the negative consequences of exploitation of people and the environment;
Liberal economy theory, argue Marxists, legitimises the dominant position of
transnational capital, while unwilling participants, consisting of cheap local labour, see the
TRADP as a "nightmare of destructive development". Being a pro-liberal organization, the
UNDP manages the mega-project from the top, ignoring the local people (Probe Alert, 1995).
The United States, a hegemonic state of the contemporary world, uses the UNDP as a
tool to "slam ... the door in the faces of [the Tumen River area] citizens and push ... [them]
through [an] economically infeasible and environmentally devastating project that will
impoverish millions, disempower countless communities and destroy the environment" (Probe
Alert, 1995).
The workers of Japan and the United States are bearing the cost of such a gigantic
industrial project, which is far beyond the original estimation of the UNDP because of the money
spent on softening the tensions among the historically hostile states involved in the project.
Countries involved in the TRADP also exploit their own citizens. The TRADP originators talk
about skilled and cheap labour, which will be the core engine of the further development of the
area, and yet protest against the free migration of this cheap labour. For instance, the migration
of Chinese labour is an unwanted source of destabilisation for neighbouring countries.
According to the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research of the Russian
Federation, there are already up to 2 million Chinese in the Russian Far East, including 150,000
illegal immigrants settled in Primorsky Krai during the period of 1993-1994 (Alexseev, 1999).
The government of North Korea, another member-state of the TRADP, exploits its
people till the critical edge of starvation. According to a Johns Hopkins University study, 1.5 to
3.0 million North Koreans have died of starvation during the period of 1996-1999 (Hoon, 1999;
25

Park, 2000). "Saddled with a crippled economy, the regime of Kim Jong I1 has suffered a
shortfall of one to two million tons of food a year since 1995 and faces an equally sizable loss of
loyalty" (Du Mars, 2000, May). An attempt by the North Korean government to preserve the
current situation provokes the death of many innocent proletarians. Thousands ofNorth Koreans
have been killed attempting to cross the borders to China seeking food (Pringle, 1999, February).
Despite of this fact, Nodong Shinmun, the leading newspaper ofNorth Korea, keeps calling for
ways to protect North Korean society from bourgeois culture in order to safeguard the nation's
independence (as cited in Chai, 1993). From a Marxist perspective, the TRADP programme,
intensively pushed by the governments of the member-states, will only deteriorate the already
unbearable exploitation of local people in the area.
3) the evidence of unequal development of all member-states involved;
Marxists would believe that the TRADP is an 'immense industrial utopia' which involves
too many resources and too much funding for the unsustainable programme: "Orchestrating
international cooperation between nations historically hostile towards one another involves costs
far beyond the amount of the tab picked up by the UNDP" (Probe Alert, 1995).
The economic and political context for the TRADP has been difficult, especially during
its early phases. The collapse of the Soviet Union resulted in sharp declines (by 50% or more) in
the economies of the Russian Federation, Mongolia and North Korea, three of the four TRADP
member-states. South Korea, the only country that is willing to pay for the TRADP activities,
was a victim ofthe Asian financial crisis (Chai, 1993; Husband, 1998). On the other hand, the
Marxists would speculate that as a core country, Japan "seek[s] a renewed influence in this area
which they once controlled" through participation in the TRADP (Chai, 1993). Malaysia-- a
typical semi peripheral country fighting for hegemony in the region -- has also expressed its
interest in the TRADP (MSANEWS, 1996). Such interest is a demonstration ofthe greedy
desires of newly industrialised countries seeking cheap labour or rather 'proletarian' forces. The
26

fact that many semi-peripheral newly industrialized East Asian countries like Malaysia, "have
tacitly or explicitly close security ties with the United States and are crucial building blocks for
any regional balance of power" will only add to the burden on the shoulders of the Tumen River
area proletarians because they aim to "protect, expand or grab their share of Northeast Asia's
potential" (McGrew & Brook, 1998; Manguno, 1993, p.44).
Conclusion on the Marxist view
The TRADP is an explicit demonstration of an attempt of the hegemonic classes in the
core (US and Japan) and semi-peripheral (Malaysia, etc.) countries to exploit the weak classes in
the periphery (the TRADP member-states) with the sole aim of exploiting their natural and
human resources. These hegemonic classes use the UNDP and, consequently, the TRADP as a
tool to achieve their goals.
4.2.4. The TRADP and the Feminist Perspective
Given the feminist view of international organizations, I assessed the TRADP through
using the following parameters: 1) Masculine values and interests are institutionalized; 2)
feminine issues such as education, health, poverty and environmental protection receive little
attention if any; and 3) disregard for the rights of people in the TRADP region and a lack of
consultation with them.
1) Masculine values and interests are institutionalized.
Feminists would argue that the very goal of the TRADP is masculine. The TRADP is
designed to create Northeast Asia's first international free trade zone attracting investment,
where beneficiaries will be states, decision-makers and investors, not the local people and least
of all women and children. A comment by Herb Behrstock, the TRADP Officer, quoted in the
Amicus Journal, clear illustrates the masculine values and interest institutionalized in the

27

TRADP: "There are tremendous opportunities in this region, and it should attract billions of
dollars in investment over the long term" (Rosencranz, Kibei, & Weiss, 1995, p.17).
The term "institutionalized masculinist prerogative" is used by Joni Seager to explain the
broader view of feminists, who argue that there is a superior-subordinate relationship between
the developed countries, who invest to the programme, and the under-developed countries, who
receive these funds. In accordance with the feminist point of view, the international development
aid and investments are given to the Third World countries under conditional terms, which
obliges them to "mimic the ideologies and economic policies of the already developed countries"
with the final goal of integration into the global market. This leads to the eventual replacement
of agriculture and/or artisan modes of producing for the needs of local market by the capitalintensive factories (Seager, 1993). This is the case of the TRADP.
For instance, the Russian government, one of the beneficiaries of the programme, is
under tremendous pressure from the masculine forces -- developed states and international
banking organizations -- to restructure the economy, introduce market principles, and establish a
politically stable environment for financial assistance and investment (Schindler, 1993). The
same applies for other TRADP member-states: Mongolia, South Korea and China.
Indeed, all states involved in the programme have targeted the area for intensive
industrial development. A number of multinational corporations and joint ventures have already
invested millions of dollars in textile and pharmaceutical factories along the Turnen River, as
well as in chemical, mining, timber, and shipping companies.
Unlike Marxists who fight against the exploitation of the weakest periphery countries by
the core capitalist states, feminists are concerned about the power of patriarchal leaders, sitting in
the "rooms of multinational boardrooms, directed by the power of profit. ... This dangerous
development increases the gap between gender, instead of improving global economic
differences" (genDerations. June, 23).
28

2) feminine issues such as education, health, poverty and environmental protection
receive little attention if any
The TRADP decision-making levels are male-dominated; hence, the TRADP decisions
are masculine. Driven by the masculine management and masculine priorities of economic
development and political consensus, little attention is paid to the very existence of the feminine
problems in the region such as education, health care and social welfare of the local people in
this underdeveloped area. The environmental protection is the only feminine concern addressed
in the TRADP. The Amicus Journal notes that the TRADP member-states endorsed a joint
resolution to use $2 million from the UN's Global Environment Facility for wetlands protection,
environmental assessment training, land use planning, and the protection of international
waterways (Rosencranz, Kibel, & Weiss, 1995). Doing little more beyond that, the UNDP
officials claim that "it is a function of the local governments to institute [the feminine issue of]
environmental protection" . Instead, being a masculine organization, the UNDP wants to "confine
its responsibilities to [masculine issues such as] organizing international agreements,
intergovernmental relations, joint economic development, and questions of authority and
sovereignty in the region" (Lavalee, n.d. , p.4).
Meanwhile, within the TRADP framework the international and national companies and
multinational corporations actively utilise 400 square kilometres of delta wetlands with the
blessings ofthe masculine governments concerned. Such tremendous exploitation of minerals,
timber, oil, gas, and coal resources creates much pollution in the process and threatens the very
existence of the ecosystems of the region (Brach, 1997). The environmental problems in the
region are on the edge of catastrophe.
The water quality of the region's coasts is degrading rapidly. In the Far East many animal
populations are on the edge of extinction, including the leopard, black stork, mandarin duck, and
red crowned and white naped cranes, 20 marine mammal species, and 278 species of fish,
29

100,000 migratory ducks, swans and geese. In addition, timber exports would destroy some of
the world's largest remaining forests, including ecologically fragile taiga forests (Rosencranz,
Kibei, & Weiss. 1995). The Siberian taiga, covering 2.3 million square miles, regenerates
extremely slowly (Lavalee, n.d.).
3) disregard for the rights of people in the TRADP region and a lack of consultation with
them.
The TRADP will have also an adverse impact on 'feminine' groups such as native people
of the Tumen Region, particularly women. Native people of the Tumen Region are traditionally
fishers, gatherers and hunters (Vishkartsev & Lebedev. n.d.). The rapid economic changes
brought by the TRADP might have devastating effects on the physical and mental health of the
inhabitants of the region. The feminine issues are similar to those observed by Debra Schindler
among Russia's First Nations, including changes in the sedentary village life, problems in
education and the "severe health problems affecting the entire population" of local inhabitants,
are not being recognized by the officials of the TRADP (Schindler, 1993, p.95).
Conclusion on the feminist view
Feminists would claim that the TRADP is masculine in terms of the issues addressed.
The UNDP, together with the states involved, place an enormous burden on the indigenous
people of the Tumen River basin and ignore their immediate basic needs. The TRADP focuses
only on masculine issues of international organizations and, at the same time, ignores feminine
issues such as health and social concerns.

30

5. Conclusion
The TRADP is the largest regional development project ever, costing over 30 (thirty)
billion dollars (Lavalee, n.d.; Tumen Secretariat, 1998). UNDP contributed over US$4 million
dollars to the initial phase ofthis project (UN News Centre, 1995). It aims to establish a special
free trade zone in a remote underdeveloped area, which comprises 20% of Asia's territory. The
area is inhabited by nearly 150 million people, who are divided by long time rivalries of
"ideology, levels of economic development, legacies of civil war, border skirmishes and colonial
bitterness" (Far Eastern Economic Review, 1992; UN News Centre, 1995). The TRADP is a
contemporary international organization and can be characterized as a miniature UN.
What are the internal motives and consequences of the UN projects such as the TRADP?
In order to reveal these motives, a set of criteria has been developed for each theory applied in
this research: realism, liberalism, Marxism and feminism.
The analysis has shown that realists would assert that the interrelations of countries
involved in the TRADP are complicated by the lack of a common goal, a legacy of a hostile past,
and the unequal power balance. Therefore, the motives of the TRADP's member-states are in
conflict which might eventually lead to the potential wars in the region. The interests ofboth
super and minor powers are explicitly represented in the TRADP region. The presence of such
conflicts makes it difficult for the TRADP to maintain the status quo in the region. Hence, from
the realist point of view, the TRADP is an unnecessary waste of time and capital.
Liberals would think that the motives behind the TRADP are very positive ones because
they could lead to a harmonised world where everyone benefits equally from market profits.
With this aim, the TRADP explicitly promotes market exchange of goods between its memberstates and invites various partners to share a unique goal of prosperity. The only obstacle is lack
of partnership among the governments involved. The prosperity of economic cooperation

31

requires peace -- a process that will bring harmony and wealth to the region. Thus, the TRADP
assists and supports concerned governments in their initiatives.
According to the Marxist view, the UNDP and the TRADP are fostering capitalist
development by supporting the 'capitalist' states of the United States and Japan in their
exploitation of the 'proletariat' member-states of the TRADP. The negative consequences of the
exploitation of people is obvious within the TRADP region. For instance, the North Korean
government is a TRADP member-state. At the same time, the North Korean population is
suffering from starvation. Chinese immigrants have no privileges and are used as cheap labour.
The unequal development of all member-states involved is another factor for concern. While the
member-states of the TRADP are struggling with the internal problems, the hegemonic states
from outside of the region like the United States, Japan and Malaysia are trying to become
involved in the project in order to utilise the human and natural resources of the region. Thus, the
TRADP is a tool used by core hegemonic states such as the United States to exploit the
peripheral countries, e.g. member-states ofthe TRADP.
Feminists would argue that the TRADP is driven by gender bias. The TRADP is an
international organization with clear masculine features. It deals with the 'masculine' issues such
as economic and infrastructure development. Therefore, the economic change promoted by the
TRADP has purely "masculine" results. The TRADP encourages changes that only favour
'masculine' governments and corporations. Meanwhile, the TRADP ignores traditional 'feminine'
issues ofhealth, poverty and, to a large extent, environmental concerns. If the TRADP took these
issues into consideration women and native people might also be able to benefit from the project.
Thus, the TRADP is a narrow-minded project which serves only the masculine powers.
~ we see, the answer to the original question is controversial. It fosters polar views,

depending on the theoretical approach one uses to judge international organizations. While
proponents ofthe TRADP applaud the project as the most successful victory of a market system
32

and globalization, opponents argue that this programme destroys the environment and people, as
well as bringing hostile countries to the edge of war: "Critics call on the riparian countries to
modernize existing infrastructure, while others quip that if the countries wanted to cooperate,
they would be doing it with or without a costly UN project of dubious benefit. Further, the three
countries [China, North Korea and Russia] who will benefit most will not be paying for it, which
raises the question of what possible good the project could be to the financiers" (Chai, 1993).
The aim of this research project has been to bring attention to these contradictory views
and overcome the one-sided approach to this issue. There is no rule to judge who is right and
who is wrong. The analysis of such diverse views can help us understand complex issues in a
more comprehensive fashion. Development itself is a process which always raises multiple
concerns. It brings progress, but at the same time can ruin our very existence by polluting the
environment or destroying our culture.
I believe that the research presented in this project paper will help scholars, policymakers and people ofNortheast Asia understand the complexity of the TRADP at the following
levels:
a) At the local level, the TRADP is an ongoing project, where the outcomes are still to be
determined.
b) At the regional level, the TRADP will not necessarily have a positive influence on
cooperation between the countries of Northeast Asia or on the local people.
c) At the global level, viewing international organizations through different lenses will
help us understand the pros and cons of development projects better.
If we analyse both sides without arguing who is right and who is wrong, then perhaps we
might find a solution as to how to go forward without taking away the bridge on which we stand.
The UNDP's TRADP is worthy of further study given its scope and complexity. Given
the analysis presented here, future students may want to explore the following issues: the
33

relationships between the TRADP member-states, especially given the history of these
relationships; the role of the United States in the area and in this development project; and the
connection between domestic politics in each member-states and the stagnation of the TRADP.
The utilisation of different theoretical lenses will be essential in each case.

34

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39

Appendix A

United Nations System

fP
~~~~

!TAA

=
.IJ

~

~

•

Olt!"' Un.ted ~ ""VMt

Cl

~

~ ~~

~

source: Johnson Library of Government Documents
40

Appendix B
UN Member-states' Contributions : Outstanding Areas As Of 31 December, 1992

400
350
300 I=
c,....
f-f-- t- 250 .,.......
,.......
f-f-- t- 200 ~
v::
f-f-- t- 150 rz.
......
1- 1-- 1- 1-- 1- t- 100 I=
t- 50
~ rfi ~
0
IZ

~

1--

~~

t

1--

1--

1--

1--

i l

>---.

D Other States
• South Africa
D Former USSR
DUSA

Source: Saksena; 1993
41

Appendix C
Map of the Tumen River Development Programme.

Source: Tumen Secretariat
42