ENGENDERING THE BLUE ECONOMY: OFFSHORE OIL EXTRACTION AND THE LIVELIHOODS OF WOMEN IN GHANA by Sandra Amongin B.SC. Makerere University, 2016 Post Graduate Diploma. Uganda Management Institute, 2018 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN GLOBAL & INTERNATIONAL STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA April 2020 @ Sandra Amongin, 2020 Abstract Ghana joined the league of oil and gas producing countries in 2007 when oil was discovered in the Gulf of Guinea. Through the years, however, concerns have emerged over the impacts of oil and gas activities on coastal livelihoods, especially since the benefits of extraction do not seem to trickle down to these communities. This thesis employs the Feminist Political Economy framework to examine the gendered disparities embedded in relations between offshore oil extraction and livelihoods of women in Ghana. Through an exploratory approach and a mixed methods design, I reveal how the intersection of culture, geography, politics, race and class foster the dispossession of coastal women. Among other findings, this thesis reveals that fishing is still the main source of livelihoods, and a culturally import source of food for the Western Region. It also shows that the advent of oil in the region has not improved but worsened women‟s livelihoods. ii Table of contents Abstract ii Table of contents iii Table of Tables vi Table of figures vii Glossary viii Acknowledgements ix Chapter 1 1 1.0 Introduction 1 1.1. Background: The Blue Economy and Ghana‟s Oil and Gas Industry 3 1.2. Research Problem, Aims and Objectives 7 1.3. Study Justification 9 Chapter 2 10 2.0 Literature Review 10 2.1. Examining Gender and Coastal Livelihoods 11 2.2. The Context of Oil Development and Coastal Livelihoods 14 2.3. Benefit-sharing Mechanisms in Oil and Gas Development 15 2.4. Oil Governance and Women 19 2.5. Protecting Fisheries Livelihoods: Fronting the Blue Economy 23 2.6. Theoretical Underpinnings 28 Chapter 3 34 3.0 Methodology 34 3.1. Methodological Approach and Design 34 3.2. Study Area 37 3.3. Sample Population 38 iii 3.4. Methods of Data Collection 40 3.4.1. Survey 40 3.4.2. Focus Group Discussions 42 3.4.3. Semi-structured Key Informant Interviews 43 3.4.4. Document Analysis 45 3.5. Data Analysis and Interpretation 46 3.6. Limitations to the Study 47 3.7. Fieldwork Reflections 48 Chapter 4 53 4.0 Results: Introduction 53 4.1. Participants‟ background information 54 4.1.1 Community of respondents 55 4.1.2 55 Age of the respondents 4.1.4 Level of education of the respondents 56 4.1.5 Town of origin of the respondents 57 4.1.6 Family sizes of the respondents 57 4.2. Coastal Livelihoods 58 4.2.1. Income Source of the Respondents 58 4.2.2 Rank 2 and 3 Income Source of the Respondents 59 4.2.3 Fisheries Related Incomes 62 4.3. Understanding Gender Relations in Sharing Oil and Gas Benefits in Ghana 63 4.3.1. Gender and Small-Scale Fishing 63 4.3.2. Gender and the Oil and Gas Industry 66 4.3.3. Traditional Coastal Livelihoods 68 4.23.4. Alternative Coastal Livelihood 69 iv 4.3.5. Community Wellbeing 71 4.3.6. Impacts of the Oil Industry 75 4.4. Perceptions of Women‟s Involvement in Governance Practices 83 4.4.1. Governance Structures 83 4.4.2. Participation and Decision-making 91 4.5. Reflection on the Sustainable Livelihood Options for Women 95 4.5.1. Long Term Social, Economic, and Environmental Wellbeing 95 4.5.2. Livelihood Adaptation Measures 98 Chapter 5 102 5.1. Discussion of Study Results 102 5.1.1. Navigation of Gender Roles in Coastal Livelihoods 102 5.1.2. Oil benefits: Dashed Dreams and Unfounded Expectations 104 5.1.3. Governance Implications for Coastal Women‟s Livelihoods 106 5.1.4. Blue Economy Considerations for Ghana‟s Coastal Livelihoods 108 5.2. Feminist Political Ecology Reflections 110 5.3. Policy and Future Research Recommendations 112 5.4. Conclusion 114 References 117 Appendices 132 Appendix I: Survey Questionnaire 132 Appendix II: Interview Schedule 136 Appendix III: Focus group discussions guide 137 v Table of Tables Table 1: List of categories of key informant interview participants 44 Table 2: Community of respondents 55 Table 3: Age of respondents 55 Table 4: Number of years respondents have lived in their communities 56 Table 5: Level of education of respondents 56 Table 6: Town of Origin of the respondents 57 Table 7: Family size of respondents 58 Table 8: Summary of the primary source of respondents‟ income 59 Table 9: Rank 2 and 3 of income sources 60 Table 10: Percentage of respondents' average annual income from fisheries 62 Table 11: Gender most reliant on small-scale fishing 63 Table 12: Oil extraction and improvement in traditional livelihoods 68 Table 13: Frequencies of whether people have gained new livelihood 70 Table 14: Evaluation of the impacts of the oil and gas industry 76 Table 15: Perceptions of the effectiveness of governance structures/tools for benefit sharing 83 Table 16: Summary of the rating the level of community participation in decision making 91 Table 17: Perceptions on the sustainability of community livelihoods 95 vi Table of figures Figure 1: Ghana's export trends between 2012 and 2017 5 Figure 2: Map showing the three study communities 37 Figure 3: A snapshot of qualitative analysis using MAXQDA 46 Figure 4: Gender most reliant on the oil and gas industry 66 Figure 5: Perceptions of whether people's lives in the community have improved 71 Figure 6: Seaweed washed ashore in Cape Three Points 78 Figure 7: Abandoned cooling facility in Axim 93 vii Glossary Breadwinner The primary earner whose income supports a household Chief fisherman A traditional male leader of fishermen Fisher-folks The entire fishing population including fishermen, fishmongers, processors and traders. Life calling What one is meant (predestined) to be Queen fishmonger A traditional leader of women fishmongers Sense of self Identity and perception of oneself District assembly This is the highest political authority or body that governs a district Assembly representative A local area presiding member to the district assembly Sitting allowance A honorarium given to research participants as a sign of appreciation for their contribution. viii Acknowledgements First, I would like to thank everyone at the UNBC Office of Graduate Studies for making the idea of this thesis a possibility. Foremost, I express gratitude to my advisor, Dr. Nathan Andrews, without whom I would not have been able to follow my aspiration of digging deeper into understanding coastal women‟s lives in Ghana. His unwavering guidance and support throughout this experience have been immeasurable. To my supervisory committee members, Dr. Zoë Meletis and Dr. Jacqueline Holler, I appreciate the commitment to guiding me through this thesis. Your detailed feedback on various drafts has been greatly helpful. Also, I would like to thank Dr. Nathan Bennett for his guidance in designing the survey questionnaire and other members of the Insight Development Grant project (i.e. Dr. Noella Gray, Dr. Rashid Sumaila and Dr. Philippe Le Billon) who provided feedback during the formative stages of this research. I am very grateful to the UNBC graduate office and the Social Science and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) for their generous awards that allowed me to travel to Ghana for fieldwork and also attend various international conferences. I would like to acknowledge participants in the communities visited as well as everyone in Ghana who contributed to making this work a success: Dr. Patricia Serwaa Afrifa for the warm welcome to Ghana, and making sure that I was well oriented and taken care of in the country; to Dr. Pius Siakwah, thank you for the guidance on field logistics and data collection tools; finally warm thanks to Michael Asomani, Grace Hibba and Alfred Asiedu for facilitating data collection and transcription. To my loving, patient and supportive family and friends, thank you for all that you have been to me throughout this thesis. ix Chapter 1 1.0 Introduction Natural resource development that does not pay attention to the differences and commonalities within and between genders faces a danger of hindering economic growth, disrupting the sustainability of resource bases and preventing equitability in the distribution of benefits (Meinzen-Dick et al. 1997; Westermann et al. 2005). Unfortunately, the analysis of gender in natural resources extraction is still largely absent in practice and limited in theory. It is, therefore, not surprising that only a few substantive studies have been conducted to particularly address gender in Ghana‟s oil extraction industry (Boohene and Peprah 2011; Adusah-Karikari 2015; Overå 2017). Women's participation in economic, political and social development is hindered by inequitable access to natural resources which perpetuates the exclusion and dispossession of women and their children. In Africa‟s fishing communities, women actively participate in fishing work alongside men, but are often overlooked because of the differences in the nature of work they undertake (Allison and Ellis 2001). Cultural norms and gendered power dynamics are a common factor for women‟s exclusion from decision making and management processes (Behzadi 2019). The discovery of oil in Ghana‟s Western Region raised expectations for improved livelihoods especially for coastal communities in this region. Oil discoveries tend to raise hope for economic growth and social wellbeing of a country‟s population. However, these benefits are often not realised (Osei-tutu 2012). In addition to the lack of actual benefits from the industry, communities adjacent to the resource are left to deal with the negative impacts of extraction (Ackah-Baidoo 2013). Siakwah (2017) notes that oil companies have enforced fishing restriction 1 zones in the Western Region which has created conflict with the fishing communities who argue that these areas are fish amalgamation points. Fishing restriction zones are areas within a 500m radius from the oil rig. These areas tend to attract fish because of the large amount of light at the rig (Siakwah 2017). While Siakwah (2017) and other scholars (Gyimah-Boadi and Prempeh 2012; Ablo 2015; Overå 2017) have examined these impacts and relationships, a focus on women‟s experiences is still broadly missing in the booming scholarship on Ghana‟s oil industry (see Ackah-Baidoo 2013; Andrews 2013; Obeng-Odoom 2013; Graham et al. 2016; Ovadia 2016; Chalfin 2018; Graham and Ovadia 2019). For instance, women‟s role in the livelihoods of coastal communities, as fish traders and processers is often poorly understood (Adusah-Karikari 2015). I chose to study the problems, experiences and perceptions of women through the vantage point of a Feminist Political Ecology framework. This framework helps to explore the relationships between the extractive industry and women as stakeholders and actors in resource use, allocation and management (Sunberg 2017). Scholarship on Feminist Political Ecology acknowledges that there are real differences in the way men and women interact with nature. These are not rooted in biology, but within social and gendered constructs of class, race, culture and place (Rocheleau et al. 1996). These differences leave women more exposed to natural resource shocks than men, hence the need to examine the differentiated implications of extractive activities on women‟s livelihoods. Evidence provided in this thesis shows that offshore oil extraction in Ghana has further perpetuated gendered disparities, and worsened women‟s livelihoods in adjacent coastal areas. In this thesis, I start by providing the context of the oil industry in Ghana. I turn next to a critical review of literature on this subject with an interest in sub-Saharan Africa. I then provide 2 an analysis of the synergies between the Feminist Political Ecology theoretical framework and my study. The next chapter includes a description of methodological approaches employed, research design and methods. These lead into a chapter on results and discussions. The concluding chapter presents a reflection on key lessons, gaps, knowledge and recommendations for future research. 1.1. Background: The Blue Economy and Ghana’s Oil and Gas Industry The “blue economy” concept builds on earlier ideas of a green economy which align with sustainable development as articulated by the UN, environmental policy and practice (Childs and Hicks 2019). The blue economy encompasses spatial planning that integrates conservation, sustainable use, oil and mineral extraction by countries and coastal states that value development in waters that are beyond national boundaries (Spamer 2015). Africa has an enormous potential to thrive from the blue economy and its associated sectors. With a coastline of over 47,000km, there is an opportunity to develop fisheries, tourism and aquaculture that will create employment, address food security, energy production and economic development (Rustomjee 2018). Aligning Ghana‟s offshore oil and gas development to blue economy principles is essential for the manifestation of multiple opportunities that strike a balance between the needs of different maritime resource user groups (Pauli 2010). Ghana made a ground-breaking oil discovery in 2007 in the Gulf of Guinea on the Western coast of the country. This discovery was made by Kosmos Energy and developed by Tullow Oil who later formed a coalition with other oil companies including Hess, Oxy and PetroSA Ghana. The first oil field was named the “Jubilee field” to commemorate Ghana‟s jubilee independence celebrations. About 4.5 billion barrels of oil were discovered (GyimahBoadi and Prempeh 2012). It was reported to be the largest “new” oil find on the African 3 continent. The „first oil‟ was produced in 2010 (Gyimah-Boadi and Prempeh 2012). The oil find and subsequent production have resulted in growing anticipation for economic growth and quality of life improvements of the populations. National predictions showed that the country would generate revenues of over $1.3 billion annually from oil production (Hilson 2012). Other optimistic estimates indicated that oil would grow to become Ghana‟s most important export product, overtaking gold and cocoa. Consequently, the Government of Ghana took steps to prepare the country to reap oil benefits. Measures included policy formulation, information campaigns on the activities and benefits of the oil industry, education and large-scale investments. For example, in less than 4 years after the discovery, over $6.5 billion was invested into oil infrastructure through oil companies (Mitchell 2012). The Government of Ghana made an appeal for involvement of Ghanaians in the oil supply chain and value addition processes, and strengthened policy frameworks to support these processes (Overå 2017). In 2013, a local content regulation [Regulations, 2013 (LI 2204)] was introduced to promote internal and external linkages between Ghana's oil and gas sector and the broader economy (Ablo 2015). Additional reports predict that Ghana, unlike other hydrocarbon-rich sub-Saharan African countries, will have an overall positive economic outcome from oil and gas development. The peace, stability, democracy, “good” governance, control of corruption, effective macroeconomic management and reduced poverty that Ghana enjoys indicate political and economic strides (Moss and Young 2009). Recent evidence, however, shows that gold ($8.35B) is still the country‟s top export, while crude oil ($2.97B) follows closely as the second most important export commodity (Simeos 2017) – as shown in Figure 1. 4 Ghana's export trends betw een 2012 and 2017 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 Gold Crude petroleum Cocoa beans Refined petroleum 2016 2017 Coconuts Brazil nuts and cashew nuts Figure 1: Ghana's export trends between 2012 and 2017 Source: Simeos 2017 Figure 1 indicates that despite the optimism for oil to become Ghana‟s leading export, this upward trend seems short-lived as revenues from oil and gas have been on a downward spiral since 2014. Crude petroleum accounted for 18% of total exports in 2012, 19% in 2013, 26% in 2014, 16% in 2015 and 7.2% in 2016. There was a slight increment of crude oil exports in 2017 at 17% of the country‟s total exports. As of the time this thesis was being finalized on March 15, 2020, crude oil price was at a low of about $31 a barrel. The fluctuation in crude oil pricing underpins the constantly changing nature of the global commodity market and the viability of crude oil as a long-term source of energy. Nevertheless, Ghana is considered as a success with regard to oil management in Africa as the oil boom has resulted in the development of some sectors in the country unlike with many other sub-Saharan African countries. Key national sectors that have received a boost from oil revenues include infrastructure, energy and hospitality industry especially in major cities like Accra and Sekondi-Takoradi. It has been reported that $182.1 million was allocated towards civil 5 and dredging works at Takoradi Port, US$622m for the Bui power project, US$2.05 billion for the eastern corridor roads, and US$3billion for the thermal plants at Atuabo during this period (Oteng-Ababio 2018). Yet, the long-term expectations may be disappointing considering the long history of weak outcomes of oil wealth especially in sub-Saharan Africa, as shown in countries. For example Nigeria, Chad, and Angola and Equatorial Guinea have been left worse off amidst resource abundance (see Stijns 2005; Obeng-Odoom 2013; Debra and Graham 2015; Graham et al. 2016; Siakwah 2017; Graham and Ovadia 2019). The contrary relationship between natural resource wealth, economic growth and development has been explained through decades‟ long studies on resource-rich countries, especially in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America (Auty 1995; Auty 1993; Sachs and Warner 1999; Gylfason 2001; Frankel 2012; Badeeb et al. 2017). Through the “resource curse” scholarship, it has been discovered that populations in many resource-rich countries in Africa and the Middle East continue to face the perils of low per-capita income and a low quality of life (Badeeb et al. 2017; Frankel 2012). Recent studies of Ghana‟s extractive industry indicate that the natural resource curse threatens to undermine the country‟s progress (e.g., Debra and Graham 2015; Obeng-Odoom 2013; Siakwah 2017; Graham et al. 2016). Ghana still deals with challenges of uneven distribution of oil benefits between the national and regional levels of governance and administration. Irrespective of the successful economic growth Ghana enjoys from the oil boom at the national level, the country bears the symptoms of the natural resource curse at lower micro-economic levels including coastal communities (Ablo 2015). Coastal communities in Ghana‟s Western Region continue to decry exclusion from the benefits of oil extraction. Moreover, they are left to deal with the immediate negative impacts of extraction that include water pollution, rising cost of living and increased 6 stress on social infrastructure (Eduful and Hooper 2015). To the coastal communities in the Western Region, these challenges are an everyday reminder of their disenfranchisement from oil wealth (Osei-Tutu 2012). Livelihoods of women in Ghana‟s coastal communities represent a category of the different micro-economic levels of deprivation from oil benefits (Chalfin 2018). The impetus for this study is to build on existing scholarship on oil and gas in Ghana. Many of these tend to focus on explaining different dimensions of the resource curse (e.g., Siakwah 2017; Debra and Graham 2015; Graham et al. 2016; Obeng-Odoom 2013). At this point, only a few studies have attempted to examine the gender disparities embedded in the oil-livelihoods nexus in Ghana (AdusahKarikari 2015; Overå 2017; Boohene and Peprah 2011). According to Boohene and Peprah (2011), coastal women‟s livelihoods are dependent on the ocean and are increasingly becoming vulnerable to diminishing ocean space and fish stocks which is attributed to oil extraction. Adusah-Karikari (2015) adds that while women‟s spaces for generating livelihoods are diminishing, women are left without the benefit of alternative options. The thesis builds upon such studies. 1.2. Research Problem, Aims and Objectives This research focuses on Ghana‟s Western Coastal Region. The Western Region is endowed with a vast amount of natural resources in comparison to the rest of the country. The region is the largest producer of cocoa, rubber, coconut and palm oil. Agriculture, therefore, accounts for 58.1% of employment in western Ghana (Boohene and Peprah 2011). The region also has rich forest resources, the largest concentration of gold mines in the country, and the only active bauxite and manganese mines of Ghana. For decades, the region has greatly contributed to the country‟s national prosperity through revenues generated from natural resource extraction. It 7 is worth mentioning that despite enormous resource wealth, many parts of the region are still impoverished, and lack social infrastructure (Akabzaa 2009). Uncontrolled oil and gas exploration activities, therefore, pose a threat to the environmental, economic and social infrastructure of the coastal communities. There are already existing accounts of growing dissatisfaction of fishing communities regarding the creation of fishing restricted zones, reduced fish catch and a failure by oil companies and government to provide alternative sources of livelihood (Siakwah 2017; Ablo 2015). While it is apparent that women and men experience livelihood risks differently due to political, economic and social-cultural structures in society that influence their position (Enarson and Chakarabarti 2009), knowledge on Ghana‟s management of gender in oil and gas extraction is still limited. The growing dissatisfaction of women stems from the fact that their traditional livelihoods are being destroyed and yet the benefits from extraction are not being equitably distributed. Women‟s ability to provide sustenance for their households has been hindered without the benefit of viable alternatives (Adusah-Karikari 2015). Given these challenges, it appears imperative for the oil and gas industry and the Government of Ghana to address concerns in order to avoid any further dispossession of their livelihoods. These problems and gaps raise important questions for this research as follows: 1) What direct and indirect benefits are coastal women receiving from the oil and gas industry? 2) Are women involved in decision making processes in the oil and gas industry? 3) What are women‟s perceptions of the oil and gas industry‟s ability to support the sustainability of their livelihoods? Considering the limited scholarly literature on the ramifications of the oil and gas industry on women‟s livelihoods in Ghana, the impacts of extraction on the lives of women in Ghana‟s coastal communities remains poorly understood. Though numerous studies on the resource curse and differentiated impacts of the oil industry in Ghana have been conducted, these do not provide 8 a nuanced understanding of the challenges women face. To address some gaps in knowledge, this research seeks: 1) To understand how gender plays a role in the distribution of oil and gas benefits in Ghana. The rationale is to understand the benefits are perceived from the extractive industry, either direct or indirect and how they are distributed and to whom. 2) To gather perceptions of women‟s involvement in governance practices in the oil and gas industry. After understanding the benefit sharing arrangements, views on decision-making processes, activities in oil and gas and benefit distribution will be assessed to gauge the extent to which women participate in decision-making processes, and the effectiveness of these processes. 3) To reflect on sustainable livelihood options for women in Ghana‟s coastal communities. Lastly, focusing on the principles of the blue economy, the study seeks to broaden the understanding of women‟s perceptions around sustainability while also taking stock of existing measures to maintain or improve women‟s livelihoods. 1.3. Study Justification This thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the relationship between oil and the livelihoods of women, and to generate findings relevant to those in charge of formulating policies geared towards improving livelihood options for women in small-scale fishing communities. The study contributes to ongoing discussions on relationships between oil extraction, livelihoods, and wellbeing of small-scale fishing communities. This will be valuable for informed and improved policy and decisions for society. Importantly, this study fundamentally seeks to build on Feminist Political Ecology theorizing to further understand the relationships between gender and the environment . 9 Chapter 2 2.0 Literature Review This chapter frames the relationships between oil and gas extraction in coastal communities, the blue economy and the livelihoods of women in Ghana by providing a critical review of literature in this field, especially as it pertains to Africa. I analyze literature from development studies and other multi-disciplinary fields. The chapter comprises two sections, the second of which demonstrates the theoretical underpinnings of this study. The first section of this chapter primarily focuses on the body of work in the field of oil and coastal livelihoods. This review focuses on aspects of methods used, theories, practices and the outcomes of selected studies (Randolph 2009). According to Bradshaw and Graff (2018, 1309), “oil is the world‟s most traded commodity and the global economy‟s single most important energy source”. The 21st century brought about unprecedented development of extractive technology with the revolutionization of oil production. This included the use fracking methods which supported exploration into new environments including offshore sources (Morse 1999). Recent oil discoveries on the African continent, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, have attracted global interest and raised the profile of the region as a significant oil producer. After biomass production, oil is the second most important energy source in the region. There are now 38 net oil importing countries and 10 net oil exporting countries in sub-Saharan Africa (Behmiri and Manso 2013). Despite the oil boom in sub-Saharan Africa, the region remains impoverished. Oil countries like Nigeria, Chad, and Angola and Equatorial Guinea continue to yield disappointing development results as the benefits do not seem to trickle down to countries‟ citizens (Reed 2009; Frynas and Wood 2001; Debra and Graham 2015; Graham et al. 2016). Instead, 10 populations are left to deal with negative socio-economic and environmental impacts of extraction. For example, it is estimated that Nigeria, Ghana, Cameroon, Madagascar, Mauritius, Uganda, and South Africa are the highest-ranking emitters of carbon dioxide and other pollutants in sub-Saharan Africa (Hanif 2018), largely due to oil and gas exploitation. In this chapter, I demonstrate how the dispossession of women‟s livelihoods in oil and gas producing communities is a result of perpetuated gendered societal constructs of power, influence, race, and geography among other factors. The review highlights that while women play a key role in coastal livelihoods, their experiences are often marginalised in practice and theory. The chapter begins with an overview of gender and coastal livelihoods, oil development and coastal livelihoods, oil governance and women, and sustainability of coastal livelihoods. Lastly, it dives into the theoretical underpinnings of this study. 2.1. Examining Gender and Coastal Livelihoods The origins of livelihoods discussions can partly be traced back to literature in which scholars set out to understand the different capacities of rural or urban households, especially poor households in middle-and low-income countries, to cope with shocks and stress from natural phenomena such as droughts, floods, or plant and animal pests and diseases (Rakodi 2014). Livelihoods as a concept became notable through the community development world, where it is understood that the assets of rural people (i.e. land, stock, food stores, savings etc.) can make a big difference in terms of the ability of households to withstand shocks (Bebbington 1999). According to Bebbington (1999), livelihoods include a combination of access to five capital assets that include human, natural, social, and cultural and production assets. Bebbington (1999) asserts that livelihoods cannot be defined by simplified materialistic actor-centred notions of poverty and wellbeing. Hence, it is necessary to adopt an integrated framework which 11 recognizes the importance of households‟ social capital and access to resources in order to harness inclusiveness and resilience in addressing social and economic deprivation. The Organisation of Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) defines livelihoods as the ability to sustain oneself now and in the future through income, work and basic needs (OECD 2015). The OECD also notes that jobs are the main sources of income for many people all over the world. In the context of this study, women‟s livelihoods are defined as any sustenancegenerating activity or resources that enable women to secure the basic needs, including adequate nutrition, healthcare, shelter, water, sanitation and education, for them and their households (OECD 2015). Many discussions of coastal livelihoods point to the importance of coastal zones in providing communities with many sources of livelihoods. Coastal opportunities have long attracted large populations. Some of the livelihood options in coastal zones include fishing, fish harvesting, sand mining in sand dunes and beaches, tourism and education (Lorde, et al. 2013). According to the Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO), worldwide fish production rose to 171 million tonnes in 2018 with aquaculture accounting for 46% of total production (FAO 2019). The FAO further reports that global fish consumption grew by 3.2% between 1961 and 2016, and fish consumption accounted for about 17% of animal protein consumed by the worlds‟ population in the same period (FAO 2019). Consumption estimates could arguably be higher in developing countries like Ghana where fishing contributes to food security (Ye, et al. 2013). Whereas there was a growth in global fish production and consumption, capture was set at only 90.9 million tonnes, a decrease from the past 2 years (FAO 2019). FAO adds that capture fisheries declined from 83% to 68% of global fish production between 1990 and 2016 while aquaculture grew from 17% to 32% during the same time. Globally, fishing employs over 59.6 12 million people, of whom 40.3 work in fisheries, while 19.3 are employed in aquaculture. Africa alone accounts for 10% of the total number of employed fishers (FAO 2019). Fish is an essential source of protein in Ghana and a main source of livelihood for the country‟s coastal communities. While other livelihood options include farming and livestock rearing exist in the region, scholarship has shown that many households are still entirely dependent on fishing (Ankarah 2018; Bennett 2005; Siakwah 2017). Women dominate the smallscale fisheries in Ghana similar to the rest of Africa. In Nigeria, for example, women make-up 73% of the small-scale fisheries workforce while men account for only 37% (Zakaria, et al. 2015). Bennett (2005) notes that women not only dominate the pre and post-harvesting sectors in the fisheries of West African coastal communities but also provide for household dietary, educational and health needs. In spite of these revelations, women‟s contribution to fisheries remains understated. Forkuor et al. (2017) argue that this could in part be due to the fact that the analysis of gender in African small-scale fisheries communities is still in its infancy. Men enjoy a dominant role in Ghana‟s small-scale fisheries as well as in influencing household livelihood decisions (Ankomah 1996). The United Nations Agency for International Development (USAID), however, suggests that there is more of a symbiotic relationship between men and women in Ghana‟s fisheries because while men go to the sea to fish, women control post-harvesting and trade (USAID 2015). Other scholars argue that the relationship between men and women in Ghana‟s coastal communities is reciprocal (Danso-Wiredu 2018). According to Danso-Wiredu (2018), this reciprocal relationship involves men going out to the sea, and selling their catch to their wives at a low price. Their wives then resell their fish for a profit to take care of household needs. Overå (1995, 2000, 2011) adds that whereas small-scale fisheries are segregated mostly along binary gender lines, there are some men in the post-harvesting sector. 13 There exists a small number of men involved in fish processing, working as wholesale fish sellers, and transporting fish to inner cities. Women, however, generally control post-harvest processes. 2.2. The Context of Oil Development and Coastal Livelihoods Although oil extraction has played a fundamental role in the growth of world economies (Bradshaw and Graff 2018), this has not been achieved without negative impacts on the environment,terrestrial, atmospheric, and marine ecosystems. Impacts of the oil and gas industry on coastal livelihoods in sub-Saharan Africa have been widely documented in the Niger delta. Most recently, there has been a growing body of scholarship about other countries like Ghana and Angola (Reed 2009; Barros and Assaf 2009; Frynas and Wood 2001; Ackah-Baidoo 2013; Boohene and Peprah 2011; Eduful and Hooper 2015). A review of studies of oil and coastal livelihoods reveals a less than desirable outcome for coastal communities‟ livelihoods, especially those of women. Adeyemo et al. (2009) suggest that poor regulation and management of oil extraction activity in the Niger Delta has negatively impacted the coastal communities in this region. An increase in oil spillages resulted in the destruction of mangroves, fish deaths, and overall reduction in fish catch. The study also indicates that women and children in the region are at greater risk of losing their livelihoods because of their dominant role in mangrove fisheries in the Delta (Adeyemo et al. 2009). Adusah-Karikari (2015) echoed these views in her study of Ghana‟s oil industry. She adds that where devastating impacts of extractive industry are observed, early threats are detected in the livelihoods of women. Enarson and Chakrabarti (2009) explain that women have limited resilience to livelihood threats in part due to inadequate access to resources like finance. This limits their ability to cope with stresses. Siakwah (2017) also 14 argues that the oil industry is broadly problematic for communities in developing countries due to the lack of local preparedness and the capacity to manage and monitor oil development. Essentially, small-scale fishing communities risk losing their traditional livelihoods where the benefit to gain alternative sources is not availed. While fishermen in Ghana decry the reduction of fish catch in the ocean, growing dissatisfaction is also expressed around failure for oil companies to provide compensation (Ackah-Baidoo 2013). Moreover, oil development has given rise to an urban economy in Ghana‟s coastal communities which has “dollarized” the real estate market. Influx of oil workers to the Western Region has contributed to oil-led gentrification, which has led to the displacement of low-income and lower-middle-income coastal residents from town like Sekondi-Takoradi to inner communities where rents are still relatively low (Eduful and Hooper 2015). Nevertheless, some scholars argue that the oil industry has contributed to human development in coastal communities, for example, by giving rise to a small class of entrepreneurs in coastal communities. Women entrepreneurs are reshaping Ghana‟s coastal spaces. Women engage in petty trade to meet the increasing demand for goods and services by oil workers and the growing population in coastal communities that reside in close proximity to offshore extractive activities (Overå 2017). 2.3. Benefit-sharing Mechanisms in Oil and Gas Development Benefit-sharing was first conceptualized by the United Nations at the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity (CDB) and thereafter widely used in the context of indigenous rights and knowledge, biodiversity, and genetics utilizations. The CBD committed to fair and equitable sharing of benefits generated from the use of biological resources (UNEP 1992, Article 1). Benefit-sharing “in essence holds that countries, farmers, and indigenous communities that grant access to their plant genetic resources and/or traditional knowledge should share in the benefits 15 that users derive from these resources” (Jong 2010, 124). In natural resource extraction, particularly in the oil and gas industry, the benefit-sharing scholarship has not been widely explored in the Ghanaian context. A few studies have attempted to assess benefit-sharing arrangements between corporations and communities in Russia and Canada (Tysiachniouk et al. 2018; Pappila et al. 2017; Tulaeva; Tysiachniouk 2017; Cane and Krongman 2010). Rather, the prevailing discourse is on Community and/or Impact and Benefit Agreements (IBAs) between corporations and indigenous communities. Impact and Benefit Agreements provide a roadmap for corporate sharing of benefits with communities on adjacent to resource extraction activities. In essence, IBAs ensure that revenues from extraction accrue to communities where these activities are taking place, unlike other economic flows like dividends to stakeholders, loan repayments, salaries to skilled and unskilled workers and supply of equipment that are not directly obtained by the community (O‟Faircheallaigh 2018). In addition to economic benefits, communities also receive a commitment from corporations to engage in responsible management of the environment. This also includes managing unintended negative social impacts that may arise from extractive activities (Craik et al. 2017). Principally, IBAs have been noted to be self-governance instruments for communities (O‟Fairchaeallaigh 2018; Craik et al. 2017; Cane and Krongman 2010). Despite these underlying principles, IBAs have been observed to eventually alienate communities from decision-making. Specifically over their land and resources and also favour corporate interests over those of impacted communities. For example, some of these negotiations include unfair terms that have left indigenous peoples in Northern Canada without access to their land and resources (Cane and Krongman 2010). IBAs can also perpetuate injustices especially if benefits are not equitably 16 distributed. In Papua New Guinea, for example, male-dominated decision-making processes exacerbated gender inequality as women were left out during the sharing of economic benefits (O‟Faircheallaigh 2018). However, this is not always the case, as the Victor Diamond Mines IBA in Northern Ontario shows a positive outcome for women‟s empowerment as the agreement provides for the inclusion of women in the sharing of benefits (Fowler 2013). In the case of Ghana, scholarship that analyzes benefit-sharing arrangements between host communities and extractive corporations in the oil industry is limited. Two studies that attempt to explain how benefits are shared in Ghana‟s extractive industry are highlighted. Standing (2010) explores how royalties are distributed from mining. He explains that of the royalties received from gold mining, about 5% are quarterly submitted to the Ghanaian government through the Large Tax Unit of the Ghana Revenue Authority (GRA). The GRA dispenses the money to the Consolidated Fund, of which 80% is retained for government national budget support. The fund then dispenses 10% into the Mineral Development Fund (MDF), which is used to help fund public sector institutions like schools and for funding ad-hoc flagship projects in mining communities. The MDF “was explicitly set up not only to promote development in local mining communities, but also to compensate the same communities for the costs associated with mining” (Standing 2010, 75). The remaining 10% of mining revenue is transferred on a quarterly basis to the Office of the Administrator of Stool Lands, which in turn dispenses the money directly to beneficiaries at the grassroots (Standing 2014). This review of national-level structures for benefit-sharing of mineral revenue, however, lacks the focus on gender specificities and the interplay of gender relations in these processes. These gaps provide the impetus for this study. 17 Young and Moss (2009) suggest a direct cash distribution approach to ensure the flow of welfare benefits to Ghanaian citizens as a way to achieve, transparency and foster better use of oil revenue. Young and Moss (2009) note that Ghana like Alaska could benefit from a Permanent Fund Dividend whereby citizens receive regular cash transfers that contribute to their incomes. In so doing, a great sense of ownership of oil revenues is cultivated among the entire population. The study acknowledges that although this may seem like a very risky option in terms of its management and implementation, this method presents a more certain way to transfer direct benefits to the ordinary Ghanaian people. Specific to existing benefit mechanisms in the Ghanaian context, studies on Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) dominate this scholarship. Some have argued that CSR can provide channels through which companies support poverty eradication in host communities (Jenkins 2005). However, CSR has become highly contested for its shortcomings in solving development related concerns despite CSR‟s relevance as a relationship-building strategy for communities and corporations (Idemudia 2010). CSR is limited by corporations‟ motivation for investing, which is usually to keep spending at the bare minimum. Existing government institutional shortfalls to monitor these investment activities provide an opportunity for corporations to abandon this responsibility (Kuada and Hinson 2012). With regard to poverty reduction, companies create only a limited number of employment opportunities to achieve an impact on communities, which is typically not enough to mitigate the adverse impacts of extractive activities (Andrews 2019). Therefore, CSR efforts alone are not adequate long-term solutions to community deprivation challenges. They can however, provide a safeguard for oil corporations against rising criticisms of the extractive industry‟s negative social, environmental and economic ramifications, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. 18 The discussion of distributing extractive benefits has taken precedence in recent discussions around the extractive industry (Bradshaw and Graaf 2018; Gyampo 2016; Ablo 2015; Akabzaa 2009). The topic on benefit distribution exposes power dynamics involved in ensuring benefits trickle down to populations. Micro-level economies that include coastal communities and women are often excluded from the benefits, while being dispossessed of their traditional livelihoods (Obeng-Odoom 2013). This assessment points to the significance of understanding the interplay of power in decision-making and the impacts of such decisions on women‟s livelihoods, which is further investigated in the next section. 2.4. Oil Governance and Women Although women have always played important roles in the global economy, their livelihood as well as involvement in leadership in corporate and societal governance has remained marginalised. Rough estimates of women‟s involvement in decision-making processes give a gloomy indication of the current position and challenges women face. Corporate governance statistics show that 14.8% of the 500 corporate board seats in the US were held by women in 2007, 10.6% in Canada in 2006, 8.7 in Australia in 2007, 9.7% in Europe and only 0.4% in Japan in 2007 (Pieters 2012). A similar trend is exhibited within environmental and natural resource management, where male dominance takes precedence in the top positions of government agencies and institutions. Gender imbalances in representation perpetuate high-level policy-making approaches that disregard the concerns of women and other underrepresented groups in society (Elabass and Rahman 2018). Understandings of governance have evolved over time. First, it should be noted that “governance is not government” (Graham et al. 2003, 133). Initially enunciated by the World Bank (WB), the genesis of governance within the WB framework dates back to 1989 when the 19 first reference was made in a WB report (Diarra and Plane 2014). Subsequently, the definition of the term evolved, and by 1994, the WB described governance to constitute ways through which power is used in the management of society‟s economic and social resources for development. Arguments exist against the precise definitions of governance (e.g Diarra and Plane 2014). Other scholars have taken a different theoretical approach to conceptualizing governance. Governance has, for example, been defined to mean “government‟s ability to make and enforce rules, and to deliver services, regardless of whether that government is democratic or not” (Fukuyama 2013, 350). In this description, Fukuyama criticizes orthodox definitions that contend that governance and democracy are “mutually supportive” and that focus should be placed on the ability of agencies to perform, implement or execute duties and not politics. Moreover, Fukuyama highlights that authoritarian regimes can have good governance while democracies can be mismanaged. Debates over the relationships between governance and democracy continue to prevail. For example, Rose-Ackerman (2017, 125) argues that: There is familiar tension between technical competence and procedural legitimacy with an emphasis on public involvement and justification. The term implies that the techniques used to produce policies further political legitimacy; the goal is not only policies that are scientifically advanced and technically sound but also policies that respond to public concerns. In Africa, natural resource governance is embedded in politics. Oil governance in Ghana, for example, is vividly intertwined with the country‟s politics (Gyimah-Boadi and Prempeh 2012). Some of the governance and political matters that have arisen over the years in Ghana include debates about which political party regime discovered the oil reserves. Whereas President John A. Kufuor of the New Patriotic Party (NPP) claimed the discovery in 2007, other records attribute the discovery to ex-President Nkwame Nkrumah‟s regime. President Jerry John Rawlings‟ National Democratic Congress (NDC) regime also claims responsibility for the discovery, in 2001. Similarly, the chiefs and people of the Western Region assert that they are 20 entitled to 10% of the revenues from oil extraction since the discovery was made in their region (Graham et al. 2016). This points to the fact that whereas governance is not government, critical analysis is needed to understand these interwoven relationships, especially in the African context. The diverse understanding of governance includes schools of thought on effective and good governance. In the demystification of governance, other scholars have introduced the use of the term effective governance. Rothchild and Foley (1983, 316) note, “effective governance requires steady progress by the dominant political class and its constituents in developing coherent decision rules and relationships as well as institutions capable of reaching and implementing desired policies.” This notion of effective governance has, however, been superseded by the emergence of the development paradigm which set new grounds for inclusion of a new concept, “good governance”, by the WB. Good governance encompasses the need to address concerns of transparency, accountability, and democracy in developing countries. Good governance is “a core element of development strategy which captures the manner in which power is exercised in the management of a country‟s economic and social resources for development, being a multifaceted concept” (Gavriluta and Lotos 2018, 124). The Institute on Governance, asserts that the universally-recognized good governance principles of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) contain overlaps which manifest based on the social context in which they are being implemented (Graham et al. 2003). These overlaps create conflict is some cases. These principles, which include participation, rule of law, transparency, responsiveness, consensus of orientation, equity, effectiveness and efficiency, accountability and strategic vision, have hence been grouped into five broader themes. The UNDP revised the 21 grouping to include legitimacy and voice, direction, performance, accountability and fairness (Graham et al. 2003). A successful case of implementation of good governance practices by the Samoa local government indicates that it is best not to take a “one size fits all” approach in assessing and promoting good governance. This is mostly because the initial concept of community has evolved with the new globalization paradigm where communities are now increasingly moving towards the larger dynamics of societal exchange. These changes imply that community decisions are constitutive of the wider politics of power, resource access, and recognition. Therefore, the need to recognize the diverse needs and demands of delocalized communities highlights the relevance of governance mechanisms that are cognizant of these dynamic interactions in natural resource management (Ojha et al. 2016). Governance, unlike government, is multi-dimensional, comprising “both formal and informal political-administrative, economic, and social institutions and organisations through which power and authority are held, and usergroups negotiate access, use and allocation of natural resources” (May 2012, 408). Samoa, for example, utilizes its traditional pulega a matai system or council of chiefs, which comprises an aualuma (women‟s committee) that has historically proven to be very effective in governing through transparency and accountability at the local government level (Amosa 2010). This case highlights that differing governance structures may be used in natural resources management to meet the principle of transparency and accountability. Amosa (2010) notes that in some instances, existing structures like effective traditional practices do not need replacement but rather reinforcement for example through capacity building in order to improve existing local mechanisms. 22 Good governance has been applied to establish greater gender equality, especially where civil society has executed actions aimed to take back power from the elites (Bangura and Thomas 2015). Although community efforts of collaboration with international agencies like the World Bank and the United Nations to further address women‟s governance concerns are in place particularly in Africa, most of these are undertaken within a neoliberal framework. Neoliberal principles unfavourably focus on women‟s contribution to the formal economy while missing out on the informal sector where women‟s participation is broadly represented (Bexell 2012; Willian et al. 2014). This evidence explains why the question of governance remains a contested one, especially in places where some pre-existing socio-cultural practices infringe on the rights of all stakeholders to be involved in decision-making procedures. While existing studies (e.g., Gyampo 2012, 2016; Graham 2016) have attempted to explore governance and oil and gas in Ghana, there has not been much focus on the gender dimensions. There remain fundamental gaps in the knowledge of the disparities in gender relations and how the governance structures in Ghana‟s oil and gas industry affect women‟s participation and access to these resources. In the context of this study, I adopt the WB‟s definition of governance: the means or ways through which power and decision-making processes can have a direct bearing on women‟s livelihoods are utilized and arrived at. The research focuses on policies and formal or informal institutional structures, which are pertinent to the management of the oil and gas industry. 2.5. Protecting Fisheries Livelihoods: Fronting the Blue Economy Marine-based development is the new economic frontier, boosting the promise of large resource wealth for employment, innovation and economic growth (Nisar 2019). The blue economy discourse has recently gained prominence in marine literature since the publication of 23 the European Union‟s Blue Growth Agenda in 2012. This concept in ocean governance is driven by multi-sectoral and multi-scalar objectives that underscore three critical factors, according to Silver et al. (2015, 136-137): First, the extent and significance of oceans for development: oceans cover 70% of the earth‟s surface; fish provide a critical source of protein for international markets and coastal communities; and, new sectors like deep-sea mining and aquaculture are developing rapidly. Second, most ocean space lies beyond national jurisdiction, where many resources are held in common and where UN-led governance is fragmented. Third, state and private interest in oceans conservation and development is currently high, as reflected, for example, by the recently launched World Bank Global Partnership for Oceans. Despite growing global efforts to invoke the blue economy, the field remains relatively understudied especially in the African context. Clarity on a widely agreed upon definition of this concept and implementation steps have not been reached. Ankomah (2018) notes that the blue economy has also been referred to as the “ocean economy” by some scholars. Ankomah (2018) draws on existing attempts to define this paradigm to provide a comprehensive understanding of the blue economy. The article provides three definitions worthy of note. Ankomah (2018, 3) cites the World Bank‟s definition as follows: “the blue economy entails sustainable use of ocean resources for economic growth, improved livelihoods and jobs, while preserving the health of the ocean‟s ecosystem”.1 He also notes the US-based Centre for the Blue Economy definition which “comprises the economic activities that create sustainable wealth from the world‟s oceans and coasts.” Lastly, the study puts forth the Commonwealth‟s broader description which encapsulates issues of climate change and wellbeing of coastal and landlocked countries; “blue economy is an emerging concept which encourages better stewardship of our oceans or “blue” resources”. Ultimately, Ankomah‟s study highlights that the blue economy involves taking stock of the different uses in the oceans and on coasts, for development, improved human wellbeing, and 1 Article retrieved from the NewAfrican Magazine. Link https://newafricanmagazine.com/17681/ 24 social equity, while ensuring sustainable management for future generations (Bennett, et al. 2019). The global threat surrounding the loss of natural resources including fisheries, lakes, oceans, biodiversity and the vividly lingering impacts of climate change has led to a drastic shift toward the sustainability paradigm. In recent years, the sustainability discourse has been widely associated with environmental management (Kreisel 2018) although the concept generally alludes to maintaining resources at a certain quantity or level for intergenerational equity. The United Nations defines sustainability as the ability to meet “fundamental human needs while preserving the life-support systems of planet Earth as the essence of sustainable development, an idea that emerged in the early 1980s from scientific perspectives on the relation between nature and society” (Kates et al. 2001, 641). Globally, degradation of resources is associated with many factors some of which are the diverse, highly valuable, open-systems in which the needs of diverse resource users are met without close collaboration and a common set of rules or regulations for proper management of the resource (Ostrom 2009). Predictions of this nature have, however, led to the formation of “one size fits all” measures and policies to avert this destruction without consideration for the unique social-ecological systems (SES) of each resource, consequently resulting in failure of these approaches (Ostrom 2009). In such measures, the gender dimension is often understated. However, it is worth noting that identifying a comprehensive sustainability approach is very difficult because it requires an integration of economic, environmental and social components (Little, et al. 2016). There is growing scrutiny of business activities and their impact on the economic, environmental and social needs – which has increased the need for sustainability reporting, 25 especially in the oil and gas industry (Orazalin and Mahmood 2018). The vulnerability of communities, to the activities of these corporations at the household level involves the inability to avert risks, shocks, and stress, and an internal component of defenselessness against impacts of restricted political, economic, and social rights (Akiwumi 2011). Sara et al. (2018) maintain that in order to address the multiple stressors of marine ecosystems, there is a need to adopt robust production and management approaches that address blue economy principles of human wellbeing, social equity and sustainability. The role of fisheries for sustenance and improvement of household protein intake is noted by Sara et al. (2018). This study focuses on the increasing role of aquaculture in the blue economy. An analysis of multiple stressors including pollution, rising temperatures, ocean de-oxygenation, ocean acidification, and changes to ocean circulation and mixing are illuminated in this study. In order to address these stressors in ways that ensure coexistence of human activity at seas, the study suggests adoption of blue economy development approaches including integrated systems of marine resources management. A study on the sustainability index of resource extraction in China reveals that impacts on economic sustainability in oil and gas development were inconsistent with theories of the “Dutch disease” and resource curse in general (Huang and Ali 2015). Communities were experiencing sustained economic growth whereas social development was not achieved in similar measures (Huang and Ali 2015). The study adds that since gender balance is a main indicator in social development, the absence of social and cultural supporting initiatives by the extractive industry has not improved issues of job creation for women in onshore and offshore extraction activities. Empirical studies of rural African households have clearly demonstrated that women typically have very limited access to available resources or institutional supports compared to men (Agyei et al. 2012; Adusah-Karikari 2015; Overå 2017). As a result, they experience 26 external shocks in a much greater way, prompting them to devise coping strategies. Coping strategies might, therefore, lead to successful livelihood outcomes such as more income, improved food security, reduced vulnerability, and increased wellbeing (Grafeld et al. 2017). Alternatively, unsuccessful coping mechanisms can increase vulnerability and exacerbate negative environmental and social change. Coastal communities in Ghana whose livelihoods depend on the ocean are concerned about the loss of traditional livelihoods. They call for sharing of the benefits from the economic gains of oil extraction to harmonize losses of local fishing and farming activities with oil (Agyei et al. 2012). Women in coastal fishing communities are particularly left without livelihood options (Adusah-Karikari 2015), especially since financial support to start enterprises is not readily available to them (Overå 2017). This underlies the need for alternative and sustainable options for women livelihoods in oil-rich coastal communities. In the context of this study, sustainable livelihoods encompasses the environmental and socioeconomic aspects of women‟s lives now and in the future. This operationalization helps to reveal the human-environmental connections as well as the links between the economy and ecology, both of which are fundamental to Feminist Political Ecology approaches. This section has attempted to explore sustainability and blue economy as they relate to women‟s livelihoods in coastal communities. Literature reviewed in this section provides an indication that scholarship on the blue economy is still in its infancy, especially on the African continent. Existing scholarship, however, provide a starting point to discuss integrating gender into marine management approaches to address social equity, sustainability and community wellbeing. Blue economy approaches bridge gaps between vertical and horizontal institutions, investing in infrastructure, and developing technical capacity (Keena et al. 2018). This could ensure the balance of competing multi-sectoral goals, and address community sustainable 27 revenue generation needs in a manner that ensures gender equity in oil and gas producing countries. 2.6. Theoretical Underpinnings Attempts to understand the relationship between natural resource extraction and ecologies, economies and politics in which these activities take place, have been made in different natural resources schools of thought. Some of the resultant ideas have been built around the conceptual frameworks of political ecology and natural resource curse. In this section, I review existing theoretical frameworks that attempt to explain this relationship and highlight how they influenced my study. Notions around the “natural resource curse” have proliferated through the years (e.g., Siakwah 2017; Debra and Graham 2015; Graham et al. 2016; Obeng-Odoom 2013; Frankel 2010; Sala-i-Martin and Subramanian 2012; Asekunow and Olaiya 2012). For decades, the fact that abundance of natural resources including oil and gas may not lead to growth of local economies and improvement in the quality of life for populations has been highlighted. In part, this is linked to consequences of volatility of natural resources prices, unfavourable terms of trade for resource producers and factors such as the Dutch disease (Frankel 2010). Symptoms of the Dutch Disease may range from a corresponding shift of labour and land from non-export commodity sectors, increased government spending and a tendency for over-appreciation of exchange rates that intercepts long-term growth (Sala-i-Martin and Subramanian 2012). Natural resource wealth, however, does not always lead to devastating outcomes. Current findings tend to depart from the notion that natural resource wealth will always consequently lead to a resource curse. Drawing from successful countries like Norway, Botswana and Chile, there areindication of opportunities for good economic performance in resource-rich countries (Asekunow and 28 Olaiya 2012). However, in order to achieve success, countries require the collaborative implementation of knowledge, governance and infrastructural development practices that ensure proper resource management (Okpanachi and Andrews 2012). Apart from the natural resource curse, political ecology theorists have attempted to define the relationships between gender and natural resource management. There is no single clear-cut definition for the political ecology framework because of how much it has continuously evolved into broader and more eclectic descriptions over time (Tetreault 2017). Political ecology, however, explains the multi-scalar interactions between human societies and natural environments. This is done by combining the distinct epistemological approaches of political economy and the human-society construction of environmental issues (Nygren and Rikoon 2008). Although political ecology emerges as the dominant field for human-environment research in geography, it tends to lack a specific focus in defining the complexities within gender relations and the environment. Some critics of the framework have questioned the growing amount of work that fails to adhere to earlier political ecology principles but has rather taken a trajectory that upholds politics without adequate emphasis on biophysical ecology (Walker 2005). Other scholars welcome conceptual changes in political ecology that articulate the knowledge needs in both cultural and ecological disciplines, in order to create workable solutions for emergent ecologies (Biersack and Greenberg 2006). For the shortcomings in the former frameworks in addressing gender relations with the environment, my study relies on Feminist Political Ecology because of its relevance to the investigation of gendered relations in ecologies, economies and politics of diverse communities. The Feminist Political Ecology theory puts gender at the center of the analysis, as it aims to bridge the gaps between Political Ecology and Feminist scholarship in order to provide a broader 29 understanding of gender relations in different environments. Feminist political ecologists call for the examination of gender relations at the micro-political household and community levels while exploring synergy and relationships with political economies at a national and international level. This provides a clearer understanding of complexities that lie within the environments where gender interacts with race, politics, geography and other factors. Feminist political ecologies also seek to explain how the division of labour by gender and women‟s knowledge of the environment are critical in understanding environmental degradation and change. Rocheleau et al. (1996), in their ground-breaking illustration of the Feminist Political Ecology framework, put forwarded that gender differences in the experiences, interests and responsibility for nature are social constructs that differ across culture, class and place, and such other factors. With this analysis, they highlight the role of gendered power dynamics as a critical variable in shaping natural resource access, right, control and management while acknowledging other forms of oppression of women‟s interactions with the environment. Rocheleau et al. (1996) highlight these interwoven relations between gender and environment through four main themes of gendered science, gendered rights, gendered organisations, and political activity. In order to capture these complexities, Rocheleau (1995) argues for the recognition of differentiated resource use, management, gendered values, and meanings of a diversity of user groups (men and women). Hence adopting an encompassing view that seeks to understand the interaction of power in natural resources use and access, which leads to more realistic and equitable development programs and approaches in natural resources management (Rocheleau 1995). By giving special attention to the needs and interests of girls and women of diverse classes and races, strategies that are cognisant of their gendered experiences of, complacency in, and resistance to environmental harm are developed (Behzadi 2019). 30 Sunberg (2017) argues that women and other marginalised groups in society are systematically disadvantaged by conventional scientific practices that exclude them as custodians of knowledge. At the same time their knowledge rendered their experiences invisible or inferior. Consequently, inequality is repeated when women‟s environmental knowledge, engagement and activism are neglected. Although Rocheleau et al. (1996) provided the grounding principles for explaining power relations regarding gender in natural resource access and management, research that employs some of the core themes of FPE continues to grow (Elmhirst 2011; Adusah-Karikari 2015; Peet and Watts 2004; Mollet and Faria 2013; Truelove 2011; Hovorka 2006; Bovington et al. 2016). While there is a growing body of work that speaks to FPE, it is worth noting that FPE as a theoretical construct has continued to receive dwindling recognition, especially in the Global South. Negative everyday connotations aligned with feminism and the shift in general social theory to remove gender as a central variable of analysis are responsible for this outcome (Elmhirst 2011). Mollett and Faria (2013) criticize the inability of the FPE scholarship to address the complexities surrounding race in natural resources access and control in the Global South. Similar to Elmhirst (2011), Mollet and Faria (2013) posit that this hesitation could be attributed to precautionary political positions which avoid highlighting differences amongst women, the dominance of whiteness within scholarships, and the practical realities framing a more contentious notion of gender. The FPE framework guided assessment of the role of power and inequality in the access and distribution of water in Delhi, India. In this work, Truelove (2011) demonstrates that even with an improvement in water source distribution and legalisation, the resulting impacts on already economically disadvantaged women could be worse. The study relates this to the nuanced magnitude of inequalities, social and spatial variations that arise from different access 31 and management regimes. Power and inequalities not only play out between genders but also within genders, with experiences of working-class women being quite different from those of the low-income women. Therefore, this work demonstrates that a simplistic analysis of resource access, control and distribution does not fully explain the enormous and multidimensional inequalities witnessed in Delhi‟s water use. Focusing on the urban agrarian regimes in Botswana, Hovorka (2006) explains the influence of gender on the type and quality of foodstuffs produced in commercial urban agriculture. Women in Botswana‟s urban agricultural systems continue to occupy a disadvantaged position compared to men, despite existing governmental programmes to transform rural areas into urban centres and to restructure agriculture. While aspects like women‟s claims on land have improved, the study noted inequalities in land access between middle-income women and those in the lower-income class. Since the government‟s support towards land acquisition benefits only women who could provide initial financial investment capital for prime urban land, low-income women faced exclusion. This left them with one alternative of obtaining marginal peri-urban plots without formal acquisition procedures. Gender relations also strongly informed the choices for foodstuff production by building perceptions surrounding characterization of what men and women‟s work should entail. Therefore, naturally, women steered towards poultry production since it is perceived to need a more nurturing hand. The study also reveals how women have taken advantage of this position to negotiate their role in the sector in a way that bridges inequalities between and within genders. The importance of articulating subject positioning and experiences in FPE finds ground in the examination of motivations behind women farmers‟ active involvement in community supported agriculture in the United States. Jorasz (2011, 321) argues that subjectivities form 32 “through the interconnectivities of our life experiences and how we are positioned within the trajectories of politics, history, ecological and cultural change”. The study explains that while small farms faced dismissal as hobby farms or simple gardens, women‟s active participation in these farms were motivated by self-care needs and a responsibility to nourish members of their households and other people around them. Aspects of positionality are further addressed in the lost and found crops in Northern Malawi (Kerr 2014). In this study, women shifted from production of sorghum and millet to mixed farms of maize or single maize stands. This move was driven by the realisation of a lack of male labour to support the labour-intensive sorghum and millet farms, and the better financial returns that maize presented. In addition to gender relations and market forces, government policy, social and geographic factors played an important role in influencing knowledge creation and micro-level/household decisions and ultimate resilience (Kerr 2014). In the context of my thesis, there was merit in understanding how Feminist Political Ecology applies to the livelihoods of women in Ghana‟s coastal communities in the face of oil and gas production in the Ghanaian setting. I was interested in uncovering the complexities that drive distribution of benefits and participation of women in decision-making processes in the oil industry. In order to achieve my study objectives, I was cautious to select a framework upon which I could gauge the varying perceptions of stakeholders and analyse how women‟s experiences are shaped by gendered social structures of power, class and geography (Walker 2001). 33 Chapter 3 3.0 Methodology Literature reviewed in the previous chapter highlights research gaps in addressing gender in the discourse of natural resource development, particularly in coastal spaces. Major stakeholders like coastal communities and women still decry marginalization from benefits of extraction whilst oil companies and governments fail to address the social, environmental and economic impacts of their activities on these groups. In this chapter, I describe the methodological approach and methods I used for this thesis. The chapter explains research design, study procedures and data analysis strategies. Lastly, the chapter concludes with an overview of reflections on my fieldwork experiences and limitations of the research. A methodology is a strategy or plan of action that informs the decision to utilize specific methods and associates this choice of methods to expected results (Crotty 1998). In order to explore how the Feminist Political Ecology framework applies to examining the ramifications of the Ghana‟s oil economy on the livelihoods of women in Ghana, I employed an exploratory research design and a mixed methods approach for data collection. 3.1. Methodological Approach and Design Understanding the theoretical framing of a study is important when selecting a methodological approach in social research, I begin this section by explaining the ontological and epistemological assumptions of this thesis. Ontological assumptions concern what reality is while epistemological assumptions entail how knowledge is created and acquired, its nature, and its form (Bracken 2010). Examining these distinctions enables social science researchers to understand how their perceptions of human nature impact the approaches they deliberately choose to uncover social realities (Scotland 2012). My perceptions included viewing the social 34 reality of women in the coastal communities as being co-constructed by individuals who interact with and make meaning of their world in an active way. In order to contextualize the gendered linkages and relationships between women and their environment, I adopted an interpretivist perspective which placed women‟s perspectives and gendered relations at the center of data collection. In line with these assumptions, I utilized an exploratory research design to generate empirical evidence for this thesis. Stebbins (2001) notes that exploration is not merely a special scientific process or methodological approach but an all-encompassing personal orientation that takes over the social scientist‟s daily consciousness from the time of project conceptualization, to when the final report is written. Exploratory research design was most suited for this study due to its strength in suggesting and formulating propositions from identified gaps or challenges through the use of the best appropriate methodological approaches to yield deeper insight into research questions (Goeman and Solari 2011). An exploratory design may generate new insights into the relationships between coastal women‟s livelihoods and offshore oil and gas development. An exploratory research design can involve the use of mixed methods, whereby qualitative data explains initial quantitative findings, which could subsequently support the possible extension of one‟s findings to other cases (Bergman 2008). This research involved extensive literature review that informed my research objectives. Data collection techniques were then selected to address the study objectives. A field survey was subsequently conducted, which was followed by a review of preliminary findings with the data collection team to identify key emerging themes or issues that were not captured in the survey questions. These themes informed the design of the focus group discussion guide to include 35 additional questions on oil and gas benefits. In-depth key informant interviews were later conducted to generate data, which was triangulated with findings from the survey. Regarding data collection, I utilized a mixed methods research paradigm. Mixed methods research is a type of research design in which qualitative and quantitative approaches are used in the type of questions, research methods, data collection and analysis procedures, or in inferences (Johnson et al. 2007). The theoretical underpinning of mixed methods research is essentially pragmatic, reaching solutions at a middle ground that seeks to consider the viewpoints, perspectives or positions of both qualitative and quantitative approaches (Johnson et al., 2007). Although the relevance of conducting mixed methods research is broadly questioned due to differences in the ontological and epistemological assumptions of each method, mixed methods have three areas of superiority over mono-method designs. Mixed methods provide stronger and better inferences, they present an opportunity for divergent views and they attempt to answer questions that may not be addressed by any single methodology (Tashakkori et al. 2003). A main reason for choosing a mixed method design for this study is the interdisciplinary nature of the research which is characteristic of the field of global studies, and its utility in exploring topics beyond the confines of one particular disciplinary canon (Darian-Smith and McCarty 2017). Hence, this research traverses the bounds of geography, development studies, gender studies and international studies. In essence, an integration of methods addresses unique problems and provides a suitable means of inquiry within a diverse cultural context (Tashakkori and Creswell 2007). To some scholars, mixed methods represent a practical way of ensuring the best of each of the two core methodologies (i.e. quantitative and qualitative) are utilized to bring out more nuance in addressing a research puzzle (Onwuegbuzie 2005; Terrell 2002). 36 3.2. Study Area This study was conducted in three communities, Axim, Dixcove and Cape Three Points in the Western Region of Ghana. The choice to focus on three coastal towns was driven by their close proximity to the oil field. The proximity implies that they experience the impacts of extraction more directly than other locations such as Cape Coast or Elmina. Figure 2: Map showing the three study communities Source: Lambert 2012 Figure 2 shows the selected communities for this study. Represented by the red dots on shore, the communities are Dixcove, Cape Three Points and Axim from right to left. Though not visible on the map above, Cape Three Points is a small peninsula in the Ahanta West District located between Dixcove and Princess Town. The community is closest to the first discovered oil and gas fields. Cape Three Points is also known as the “land nearest nowhere” because of its 37 nearness to the sea that represent 0 o latitude, 0o longitude and 0o altitude (Boohene and Peprah 2011, 188). Dixcove is located between Princess Town and Takoradi. The town has been at the center of the oil boom, having experienced an exponential influx in population during the oil exploration phase (Appiah 2011). Axim, on the other hand is a coastal market town of about 25,000 people with its population mostly situated in the lower part next to oil extraction activity while the North Beach is the least populated (Manyo-Plange 2011). 3.3. Sample Population The research population was selected from national, regional and community level actors in Ghana‟s oil and gas industry. Therefore a wide range of perspectives from the household to national level were solicited. I formed five main categories upon which the study population was selected. These included 1) national level participants, 2) Non-Governmental Organisations, 3) regional/Community Based Organisations, 4) oil corporations and community members. Although the research is focused on the livelihoods of women, it was necessary to include men‟s perspectives to provide a comprehensive comparison of perceptions from both genders. Research on gender tends to point to oppression of women through social constructs of masculinity (Nightingale 2006); however, this study aimed to bring forth a deeper understanding of women‟s livelihood dispossession in a comprehensive manner as called for by the Feminist Political Ecology framework. On engaging men in gender studies, Enarson and Chakrabarti (2009) noted that men should be viewed as agents of change rather than barriers to it. Engaging men to address women‟s livelihood challenges harnesses the lasting change we hope to see in society. It is worth noting, however, that emphasis was given to women participants at the community level due to their centrality to my research objectives. 38 Sampling of the study population relied on purposive, snowball and convenience sampling techniques. According to the latest Ghana population census by Ghana Statistics Service, the Western Region has a population of approximately 2,558,000 million people of which, 1,267,000 are male while 1,291,000 are female (GSS 2012). Rough estimates indicate that Axim, a coastal market town has about 25,000 people while Dixcove has a population of about 5,000 people (GSS 2012). Cape Three points however, being the smallest of the three study communities has only about 1,000 people (Manyo-Plange 2011). Considering the time and financial constraints of the research, the study took on a small sample which is an equivalent of about 1% of the total coastal population. Given the selected sampling techniques, the researcher was able to approach individuals and groups with the relevant information for this research. In addition to this, unlike random sampling which includes participants from a cross-section of backgrounds, purposive sampling concentrates on key relevant observable characteristics for more accurate research findings (Etikan et al. 2016). Snowballing, purposive and other nonprobability sampling techniques have been widely criticized for not being representative of an entire population; however, they are helpful in establishing the bounds of the sampling process (Handcock and Gile 2011). In addition, a combination of mixed methods enabled data triangulation hence addressing the shortfall of a non-representative sample. Convenience and purposive sampling were used to conduct the survey where participant recruitment was purposely undertaken to include more women than men, especially participants involved in the fishing industry. Purposive sampling was very useful in qualitative data collection where key informants were identified based on their ability to provide intended information for the study. In some instances, the purposively sampled key informants 39 recommended other key informants (i.e. snowball sampling) who were subsequently interviewed. 3.4. Methods of Data Collection The research was conducted during a three-month period between May and July 2019 using qualitative and quantitative data collection techniques. A survey instrument was used for quantitative data collection whilst focus group discussions and key informant interviews were conducted to gather qualitative data. Quantitative methods are based on a researcher‟s advance knowledge of expected results from the investigation. Prior knowledge of field expectations was built during an intensive review of literature of studies on coastal communities‟ livelihoods. While quantitative methods are useful when conducting analytical evaluations or descriptive research which seeks to appreciate the perceptions and attitudes of respondents (McCusker and Gunaydin 2015), qualitative methods aim to gain insight into people‟s thoughts and feelings (Sutton and Austin 2015). Qualitative methods may sometimes be preferred because they are more sensitive to the complexities of social phenomena and in so doing, produce “rich” data (Bryman 1984). 3.4.1. Survey The main purpose of the survey was to address the first research objective: to understand how gender plays a role in the sharing of oil and gas benefits in Ghana. A survey is “the collection of information from a sample of individuals through their responses to questions” (Check and Schutt 2012, 160). Surveys have also been described as “a systematic method for gathering information from a sample of entities for the purpose of constructing quantitative descriptors of the attributes of the larger population of which the entities are members” (Kelly et al. 2003, 261). Survey techniques can be either qualitative or quantitative. Although 40 questionnaires are commonly used, structured and in-depth interviews, observation, and content analysis techniques can be utilized in surveys (Vaus 2014). I utilized close-ended survey questionnaires for this research. This method was most suited for my study because of its advantage of collecting specific information that directly answers pre-established questions (Bulmer and Warwick 1993). Close-ended questionnaires have the ability to produce large quantities of data within short periods of time (Story and Tait 2019). Questions were designed to place women‟s experiences at the centre of the research, which limits the bias that could ensue from the hierarchical relationship between me and the research participants. This approach fostered notions that the researcher and subjects shared common interests but also that women co-construct their realities in these communities (Stanely and Wise 2002). I conducted a total of 279 surveys in the three communities. The sample of respondents was 75% female and 25% male. Dixcove accounted for 113 respondents, while Axim had 89 and Cape Three Points, the smallest community, had 76 participants. Although my initial idea was to use the survey to address objective #1 of the study, I designed a questionnaire that addressed all three study objectives. This enabled a complementary and comparative analysis of responses from the quantitative and qualitative data collection methods. For collection of questionnaire responses, I enlisted the support of three interpreters to translate the questions into Twi, the commonly spoken local language in Ghana‟s coastal communities. Interpreters were given prior training on ethical concerns for the project and briefed on the objectives (Lewis 2008). Orientation on research concepts and terminologies was also given. During this orientation, common interpretations of complex terminologies like livelihoods were agreed upon. Overall, prior training dealt with doubts and confusion over the use and interpretation of research concepts. From the survey, I gained insight into women‟s 41 livelihoods in the coastal communities, and the impacts of the oil industry on these activities. Arising questions and themes from the survey were then used to refine the focus group discussion guide, and to include specific questions on livelihood sustainability and alternative livelihood options. 3.4.2. Focus Group Discussions Focus group discussions have been described as “an interactive discussion between six and eight participants, led by a trained moderator and focussing on a specific set of issues” (Williams 2014, 561). Focus group discussions in my research primarily addressed the third study objective; to reflect on the sustainable livelihood options for women in Ghana’s coastal communities. Predetermining qualitative research samples is a difficult task to accomplish (Deliens, et al. 2014), as experienced in conducting this research. Six focus group discussions comprising 6-8 participants were initially planned. However, 6 groups of 8 to 12 participants were held instead. Two groups, involving only women participants, were convened in each of the three communities under study. Purposively selecting only women was intended to provide a safe and comfortable environment for in-depth and “rich” discussions on issues significant to women due to their centrality to my research as noted in section 3.3. Focus group discussions presented an opportunity for women to provide more context, adding to data collected using the survey instrument. Barbour (2007) notes that focus groups may be preferred in gathering the perspectives of women. This is in part due to the understanding that these group discussions depict “feminized” or womanly patterns of interaction and exchange (Barbour 2007). Others have criticized focus groups for their inability to guarantee participant anonymity and confidentiality as they typically share information with other participants from the same community (Woodyatt et al. 2016). 42 Despite these challenges, the focus groups discussions I conducted for this study helped in exploring women‟s perspectives on and experiences of sustainable livelihood options amid oil extraction. Participants were recruited among women who held different positions in the community. Some of them were leaders of women‟s associations, traditional leaders such as queen fishmongers, fish traders, processors, and others were farmers, businesswomen and housewives. A semi-structured discussion guide containing 7 questions was used. A semi-structured discussion was preferred due to its tendency to elucidate insiders‟ perspectives. Semi-structured discussions allow the researcher to concentrate on issues pertinent to those being studied, instead of focusing on the researcher‟s preconceived notions (Barbour 2007). Audio recordings and handwritten notes were taken during the discussions. 3.4.3. Semi-structured Key Informant Interviews Key informant interviews tap into the perspectives of various informants who assume specialised roles within a society (Faifua 2014). Key informants, therefore, have more information to impart, and are more visible in society than the ordinary informants. Although this technique is largely used in ethnography, it has gained importance in non-ethnographic research (Payne and Payne 2011). Hence, using key informant interviews, I set out to address the second objective of the study – that is, to gather perceptions on women’s involvement in governance practices in the oil and gas industry. Seventeen key informant interviews at community, regional and national levels were conducted for this study. Of the total number of informants, 8 of the respondents were female while 9 were male. Purposive and snowballing sampling techniques were employed in selecting respondents. Key informants included queen fishmongers, chief fishermen at the community level, representatives from non-governmental organisations, 43 academia, government ministries employees and staff members (see list of participants in Table 1). Initially, I had planned to conduct interviews with oil corporations but upon reaching the field, this was not achieved due to the inability to establish contact with corporate representatives. Invitations to interviews were not accepted and, in some cases, a response was never received. However, insights on corporate activities in the communities under study were drawn from related websites. Table 1: List of categories of key informant interview participants National Level Environmental Protection Agency Public Interest Accountability Committee University of Ghana, African Studies Department Non-Governmental Regional/ Community Based Organisations Organisations Friends of the Nation Sekondi-Takoradi Metropolitan Assembly (STMA) Planning Department Western Region Community Assembly Coastal Foundation Representatives Community members Chief Fishermen Queen fish mongers National Fish Processors and Traders Association (NAFPTA) Ministry of Fisheries and Aquaculture Development A semi-structured open-ended interview guide containing 10 questions, which mostly focused on governance and sustainability aspects of oil and gas in coastal communities, was employed. Semi-structured interviews encourage in-depth discussions on issues pertinent to the participant when the researcher asks open-ended questions in one-to-one interviews (Tong, Sainbury and Craig 2007). For my research, semi-structured interviews offered the opportunity to probe for clarification or additional comments on topics of discussion. The interviews lasted about 45 minutes each and were tape-recorded after respondents‟ consent was given. Voice recording ensures data are accurately captured for further analysis at a later stage (Smiley 2015). 44 This method was particularly important to this study because while data were collected in Ghana, they were analyzed in Canada at a later time. 3.4.4. Document Analysis According to Bardach (2009), almost all important policy information can be found either in documents or from people. My decision to use document analysis was related to my desire to triangulate my findings. Triangulation entails the observation of research from more than one point (Flick 2004). Whereas triangulation of data sources is more prominent in qualitative research, it can be used in other research paradigms to increase the reliability of inferences and enhance the understanding of a variable of interest (Ken 2018; Lauri 2011). The research included a review of government documents including policies, reports, pamphlets and information found on websites. Other literature included technical reports from funding agencies, dissertations and unpublished work. The goal was to gather as much information as possible to support a content analysis that would augment primary fieldwork findings. Document analysis primarily provided information to ascertain government and oil companies‟ activities that support or hinder women‟s livelihoods in the oil industry as well as the policy context in which these activities are being implemented. Importantly, information generated provided supplementary evidence to data collected from other methods (Lee and Ling 2008). Information gathered in the reports was referred to in interviews and in some instances was disputed for a mismatch with the actual situation on the ground. In other cases, such information confirmed respondents‟ observations. In all cases, documents provided useful ways of triangulating and verifying the plethora of data collected. 45 3.5. Data Analysis and Interpretation This thesis involves the use of two data analysis software programs. Whereas quantitative data analysis was conducted with SPSS Statistics data software package, qualitative data analysis was done through the categorization and comparison of codes and themes using MAXQDA. SPSS version 25 was used to statistically analyze questionnaire data. Data were entered and cleaned in Microsoft Excel 2016, then exported to SPSS version for analysis and formation of tables and graphs. SPSS was important in analysing relationships between gender and the other study variables around benefit sharing, governance and sustainability. In the qualitative analysis, data obtained from the audio recordings were transcribed verbatim to Microsoft Word using Windows Media Player. Themes were identified under which relevant quotes were coded using the qualitative software program MAXQDA. Figure 3: A snapshot of qualitative analysis using MAXQDA 46 A thematic approach was used to systematically analyze qualitative content by examining data for recurrent instances across the data set. These were grouped together into subcategories and further into general categories. For sample, Figure 3 shows “governance” as a main theme with several sub-categories including “oil governance”, “fisheries governance”, “centralized system”, “district assemblies”, “traditional leaders” and “NGO governance”. This was done in order to identify cross-cutting and differing themes of data generated from the various data collection techniques, hence providing a comprehensive view of the research findings. From this analysis, 343 codes (i.e. relevant quotes and phrases) and five main themes (i.e. categories of coded segments including sustainability, livelihoods, livelihood alternatives, impacts, and governance) emerged from the MAXQDA analysis. 3.6. Limitations to the Study Given the fact that I set out to explore a geographical territory that was new to me and a field of study that is still relatively understudied in the Ghanaian context, I encountered a number of challenges during this research. One of the significant challenges was the high costs associated with the research. Given that Ghana is developing at an unprecedented pace, the cost of living is high. Because the research involved 3 months of fieldwork, accommodation and transportation costs were exorbitant, especially in situations where a car had to be hired to access hard to reach locations such as Cape Three Points. This implied that a balance had to be struck between fieldwork and data collection costs. I realised that more data could have been collected if more time and funds were available. Group dynamics of power and influence were observed during focus group discussions, where voices of women without leadership positions and with lower levels of income tended to 47 overshadow the voices of the general population. This was addressed by providing rules of engagement that encouraged participants to respect each other‟s views and also give an opportunity for every member in the group to contribute to the discussions. The research proved to be a learning process for me. I quickly recognised that interviews could be challenging, as some of the respondents had to warm up to me. Other respondents, especially men, had to constantly be steered towards the topic of discussion as they regularly lost track of the gender component which is the impetus of this study. In subsequent interviews, I started discussions with general questions and introductions to accord respondents necessary time to ease into the process. Had I been more experienced in the art of interviewing, deeper insights could have been gained in earlier interviews of the study. However, this learning process was useful in ensuring that future interactions were an improvement over the former. Finally during the surveys, it was interesting to note respondents‟ reactions when they did not understand the objective of questions asked. Often, they resorted to remaining neutral or simply giving an answer that was not listed in the questionnaire response options. Many times, participants preferred to provide elaborated responses to the questions. This observation was also noted by Burton et al. (2010), who explain that surveys limit respondents‟ subjectivity as conceptual discussions on societal issues are not fixed and, therefore, may not be addressed in a few predetermined responses. In order to address these concerns, I allowed these interjections which I summarised in my daily notes to provide some background for the quantitative data. 3.7. Fieldwork Reflections Conducting research in Ghana as an African woman from a different region of the continent presented mixed outcomes. Reflecting on the principles of Feminist Political Ecology, gendered power dynamics were manifested at different stages of this research, both with women 48 and men. During data collection, I felt a sense of comfort with the women, which I believe was largely related to the fact that I am a black African woman with whom they could relate. The idea of a Black or Africanist sisterhood around common identity could impact women‟s conversations and responses due to assumptions shared about similar beliefs, experiences and life knowledge with the researcher (Andrews and Bawa 2019) The women did not express concern in sharing their views with me. However, the fact that we did not share a common language raised a feeling of intimidation with a few women at the community level. I could sense shyness overtake some women because they did not understand or express themselves in English but, when the discussion was clearly translated to them, they eventually opened up. Even though I am not Ghanaian, being a black African made it easy for me to blend into the Ghanaian society. This made it possible to eliminate the suspicions associated with being an outsider during my initial contact with the communities. Being a woman of African origin, there was a sense of sisterhood between me and the women in the coastal communities. This perception contributed to blurring the lines of power between me and the research subjects (McDowell 1992; Stanely and Wise 2002). This also meant that my experiences from the Ugandan context of oil and gas extraction could be well perceived and relatable when shared with the research subjects. In a way, community members became more welcoming and appreciative of my motives and I took my position of being a black African researcher in these communities very seriously. To me, this was an advantage bestowed upon me with the responsibility of being a voice for the rural women who otherwise may not be heard. As a woman, holding gender-specific discussions with men was not always an easy straightforward process. I realised that this requires skill and tact to overcome the cultural biases surrounding beliefs about the positions of women. Apart from male key informant interviewees 49 at the national level, it was challenging to conduct gender-specific discussions with most men at the community level. When asked about the livelihood changes that women in the communities are likely to encounter, it was common for men to precisely say, “we are all suffering”. For example, one respondent intimated, “when I do not catch fish, the woman will not have fish to sell” (fisherman, Axim, June 2019). While it is true that livelihood challenges are not an issue for women alone, the urgency to address women‟s unique experiences was not broadly shared or understood by some men. Although most men acknowledged that women indeed play an important role in fisheries and the sustenance of households, their outlook on the oil and gas industry‟s consequences often did not account for women‟s unique experiences. Although women‟s livelihoods are under threat by the absence of women in decision making spaces as well as their marginalization in scholarship and policy practice, women are steadily gaining ground and space in entrepreneurship. I observed women‟s abilities to locally adapt to local challenges. This reflection is backed by MasterCard Index for Women Entrepreneurs in 2019 2 that highlights that Ghana has the second largest percentage of women business owners globally after Uganda. As a Ugandan woman, growing up in a low-income female-headed household, I could relate to this position. I also personally understand how in the face of adversity, women have no option but to turn their challenges into motivation to pave a way for a brighter future for their families. It is important for me to discuss the degree of mistrust expressed during my research by some participants. Surprisingly, it was very common for me to get asked “why Ghana?” “Why us?” “Why not Uganda since your country also has oil?”. These questions were often followed by exasperation over repeatedly being the subject for research. Even though I made it a point to 2 Source: https://africa.com/uganda-ghana-and-botswana-have-highest-percentage-of-women-business-ownersin-the-world-finds-mastercard-index/ 50 clearly explain that I was conducting this research in my capacity as a master‟s student, and the special context for which I chose Ghana, this was not a convincing enough explanation for some people. Community members expressed their frustrations about remaining a subject of study in research while not achieving any improvement in their lives. Some women explained that they hoped for a “sitting allowance” since they did not hold expectations that my research would actually change their lives. This observation was also made by Andrews and Bawa (2019), who suggest that if measures are not taken to translate research findings into concrete actions that improve the lives of research participants, communities‟ enthusiasm to participate in research will decline or the explicit demand for monetary compensation for participation will arise. I could not help but feel guilty and uncomfortable at the thought that while I benefited from this information, I was leaving the coastal women without hope for a better life. I hope, however, that this research can be used to address the needs of coastal communities in Ghana and beyond, when published. So far, I have presented this work at one conference and hope to present it at many other meetings and forums. I also hope that when published, this work will become accessible to different stakeholders including Ghana‟s government ministries and departments that have the necessary capabilities to effect positive livelihood changes in these communities. From this study, I understand that forming productive research relationships can be difficult to attain in some cases. I observed this during my failed attempts to engage representatives from oil companies. Attempts to explain such dynamics have been addressed in studies on gatekeeper-researcher relations (McAreavey and Das 2013; Crowhurst and KennedyMacfoy 2013; Reeves 2010; Clark 2010). In order to gain access to a study site or population, entrée has to be granted either through formal, informal, internal or external gatekeepers (Reeves 2010). My inability to create contacts with participants from oil companies was hindered 51 by a lack of physical access, pertaining to necessary permissions granted by these groups to provide required information (Clark 2010). Through my engagement with other Ghanaian researchers in the field, it became apparent that this challenge was not unique to me; there is a common trend for oil companies to shy away from cooperating with researchers in data collection. According to Clark (2010), this could be due to a variety of reasons which include inconsistencies between the researchers‟ purpose and aim with the interests of the institution. Gatekeepers will most likely be open to research that gaurantees the articulation of oil companies‟ perceived reality and interests. Some gatekeepers may stay away from research to protect against intrusion into the institution‟s affairs which may be considered sensitive or controversial information, for example, company operations, tax returns and profits (Clark 2010). To overcome these barriers, McAreavey and Das (2013) suggest that time is needed to build relationships with diverse community members or stakeholders of the oil sector as a way of building and maintaining the trust of gatekeepers. Adhering to ethical concerns of gatekeepers is another meaningful way through which trust can be established (McAreavey and Das 2013). In future iterations of this study, such recommendations would be followed in order to solicit the engagement of crucial gatekeepers. 52 Chapter 4 4.0 Results: Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to provide key findings from the survey, key informant interviews, focus group discussions and document analysis while situating them in the context of the conceptual/theoretical discussions that ensued in chapter 2. Discussions included contextualization of gender and coastal livelihoods, and an examination of oil development in coastal communities which indicated that so often, oil has left communities worse off. The review also highlighted the absence of gender discussions in the activities surrounding oil and gas extraction, especially for Ghana‟s coastal communities. The results here are used to evaluate the oil and gas industry‟s effort to address coastal livelihood concerns highlighted in the three study objectives. From my analysis, I was able to deduce that not only are there some similarities and differences between the study areas but also information retrieved from the various data collection techniques had both differences and similarities. For example, community level perceptions may differ from what a technical person at the national level may present. Needs, expectations and levels of engagement of women differed from one community to another. Similarities were echoed across the three communities by women‟s perception of the impact of the oil and gas industry on their lives. Indications showed that in all three communities, there is mounting dissatisfaction with how benefits are distributed and how decisions are being arrived at. The survey instrument I used as well as subsequent analysis of the data makes a significant contribution towards offering a comprehensive picture of the multi-scalar interaction between gender and the environment, as highlighted by Rocheleau et al. (1996). In particular, the analysis helps in explaining the relationships between gender and factors such as geography, income, 53 power and years lived in a community to facilitate a more contextual understanding of communities‟ perceptions of oil and gas governance, benefits and sustainability of coastal livelihoods. Whereas the statistical analysis involved assessing similarities, difference and relationships, the qualitative data analysis complemented such quantitative assessment. Findings from my qualitative analysis were thematically organised to triangulate and complement those from the survey instrument. From these results, it can be concluded that while gender inequality and dispossession of women are prevalent in all the three communities studied, Cape Three Points is more excluded from the benefits of extraction. This chapter presents perceptions on expectations, gains and losses from the industry. Policy and regulatory perceptions are also provided and, finally, the chapter dives into coping strategies employed for women‟s livelihood. The findings from research participants are presented using descriptive statistics of mostly frequencies (absolute values and percentages), including quotations and other paraphrased statements. This chapter is structured in line with the three stated objectives of the study. The first section deals with exploring findings that relate to coastal livelihoods, the second provides an assessment of gender and benefit sharing, and the third presents findings on women‟s participation in governance practices, including women‟s perceptions on the sustainability of their livelihoods. 4.1. Participants’ background information In this section, the participants‟ background information is presented. The information collected includes gender, age, highest education, place of origin, and family size amongst others. This information was collected to assist the researcher understand better the respondents under the study and also assess whether some of them have a bearing on the study objectives. 54 4.1.1 Community of respondents Information was collected about the different communities the respondents come from and the findings are presented in the table 2. Table 2: Community of respondents Community Axim Cape Three Points Dixcove Total Frequency 89 77 113 279 Percent 31.9 27.6 40.5 100.0 Table 2 shows that Dixcove constituted the largest number of respondents, 113 (40.5%), while Axim contributed 89 (31.9%) and Cape Three Points contributed 77 (27.6%). 4.1.2 Age of the respondents Respondents were requested to indicate their age to avoid engaging with children (defined as those below 18 years) as per ethics requirements. Second, this was to ensure a cross-section of the entire adult population was included. The findings are presented in Table 3. Table 3: Age of respondents Age 18-27 years 28-37 years 38-47 years 48-57 years 50 years and above Total Frequency 48 60 60 59 52 279 Percent 17.2 21.5 21.5 21.1 18.6 100.0 Table 3 shows that all the age groups were almost equally represented in the study. The lowest representation was 17.2% for age group 10-27 years and the highest representation was 21.5% for the age groups 28-37 years and 38-47 years. However, 82.8% of the respondents 28 years and 55 above, comprising of mature people with comprehensive perceptions on the area of study. 4.1.3. Number of years respondents have lived their communities The number of years the respondents have lived their communities was also collected to assess whether respondents had lived in the communities long enough to appreciate the research subject and the findings are presented in the table 4. Table 4: Number of years respondents have lived in their communities Years lived Less than 10 years 10 - 24 years 25-49 years 50 years and above Total Frequency 25 69 128 57 279 Percent 9.0 24.7 45.9 20.4 100.0 Table 4 shows that that 128 (45.9%) of the respondents have lived in the communities for 25-49 years, whereas 69 (24.7%) have lived there for 10-24 years, while only 25 (9.0%) have lived in the communities for less than 10 years. These findings indicate that the majority, 91.0%, have lived in the communities for over 10 years, a period sufficient for a person to appreciate the living conditions in general and the subject matter in particular. 4.1.4 Level of education of the respondents Respondents were also requested to indicate their highest levels of education and the findings are presented in the table 5. Table 5: Level of education of respondents Level of education Frequency Elementary school 70 Middle school 65 High school 37 University degree 1 None 106 Total 279 56 Percent 25.1 23.3 13.3 0.4 38.0 100.0 Table 5 shows that the highest number of respondents, 106 (38.0%) did not have any formal education, whereas 70 (25.1%) were of Elementary school level, 65 (23.3%) were of Middle school level, 37 (13.3%) were of High school level and only 1 (0.4%) possessed a University degree. The above findings indicate that the majority, 86.4% possessed limited or no formal education (Elementary or middle school and none). 4.1.5 Town of origin of the respondents The town of origin for each of the respondents was also collected and the findings are presented in the table below. Table 6: Town of Origin of the respondents Town of origin The local town or village The nearby area (same region) The same country Another country Total Frequency 153 64 56 6 279 Percent 54.8 22.9 20.1 2.2 100.0 Table 6 shows that the largest number of respondents, 153 (54.8%), were from the local town or village whereas 64 (22.9%) were from the nearby area (same region), 56 (20.1%) were from the same country and only 6 (2.2%) were from another country. This is an indication that the majority, 77.4% were from the local town or village or from the nearby area (same region). This suggests that the majority of the respondents are very familiar with the living conditions in the areas in general and the subject matter in particular. 4.1.6 Family sizes of the respondents Data was also collected on the family sizes of the respondents and the findings are presented in the table 7. 57 Table 7: Family size of respondents Family size 2 people or less 3-9 people 10-15 people Over 15 people Total Frequency 14 211 51 3 279 Percent 5.0 75.6 18.3 1.1 100.0 Table 7 shows that the largest number of respondents, 211 (75.6%) have families with 3-9 people, whereas 51 (18.3%) have 10-15 people, 14 (5.0%) have 2 people or less and 3 (1.1%) have families of over 15 people. These findings indicate that the majority, 95.0% have families with 3 or more people. 4.2. Coastal Livelihoods This section addresses the first research question of this study, which entails understanding the benefits of the oil and gas industry to women‟s livelihoods. In order to assess these relationships, I sought for direct or indirect benefits that may result from the industry as well as overall impacts of extraction. First, I analyzed main sources of incomes, impacts of oil and gas industry on these sources and the role of gender in the sharing of benefits. 4.2.1. Income Source of the Respondents Survey respondents were requested to rank their income source so as to establish the sources they are most dependent on. The findings presented in Table 8. Table 8 shows that the largest number of respondents, 216 (77.4%) indicated that their rank 1 income source was small-scale fishing, whereas 38 (13.6%) indicated farming, and 16 (5.7%) indicated petty trade. Only 1 (0.4%) indicated oil industry, while 8 (2.9%) indicated other sources different from those categorized above. Findings from disaggregated data reveal that 58 small-scale fishing is the rank 1 income across the three communities: Axim (92.1%), Cape Three Points (53.2%) and Dixcove (82.3%). Table 8: Summary of the primary source of respondents‟ income Rank 1 Income source Small-scale fishing Farming Petty trade Others Oil industry Total Frequency 216 38 16 8 1 279 Percent 77.4 13.6 5.7 2.9 0.4 100.0 Fishing is the main livelihood for the three communities although, in Cape Three Points, a relatively large number of participants were involved in farming and petty trade. Women in Axim highlighted that while efforts to diversify their livelihoods are underway, a majority of the households are still strongly reliant on fishing. These findings are echoed in this statement by the queen fishmonger: “Fishing is the main activity for women in the community. A few women are into farming and trading. For instance, some are working on rubber farms while others own fish related businesses” (Axim, June 2019). This indicates that even for the women who have diversified their livelihoods to petty trade and business, fishing remains at the core of their activities. Although not common, some women participate in farming to supplement the income from fishing. Key crops grown include cassava and maize, while men grow more commercial crops like rubber, coconuts, rice and cocoa. 4.2.2 Rank 2 and 3 Income Source of the Respondents After asking about their core sources of income, I followed up to ask respondents to identify their second and third income sources. This was intended to establish a comprehensive picture of 59 the sources of livelihoods the respondents depend upon. Table 3 shows only 133 respondents had a second income source and only 18 respondents had a third income source. Out of the 133 respondents who had a second income source, 51 (38.3%) indicated petty trade, 37 (27.8%) indicated farming, 17 (12.8%) indicated small-scale fishing, 3 (2.3%) indicated oil industry and 25 (18.8%) indicated other sources. Out of the 18 respondents that had a third income source, 9 (50.0%) indicated petty trade, 2 (11.1%) indicated small-scale fishing, 1 (5.6%) indicated farming and 6 (33.3%) indicated other sources. Table 9: Rank 2 and 3 of income sources Income sources Oil industry Small scale fishing Farming Petty trade Others Total Rank 2 Income source Frequency Percent 3 2.3 17 12.8 37 27.8 51 38.3 25 18.8 133 100.0 Rank 3 Income source Frequency Percent 0 0.0 2 11.1 1 5.6 9 50.0 6 33.3 18 100.0 These findings suggest that majority of the respondents, 146 (52.3%), did not have a second income source and an overwhelming majority, 261 (93.5%), and did not have a third income source. The major second income sources were petty trade and farming (66.4%), whereas the major third income source was petty trade (50.0%). The findings also confirm a persistent lack of livelihood diversification for coastal communities. Efforts to diversify household livelihoods are still very uncommon in these communities. To the men, this is because of the cultural significance of fishing. When asked why he had not considered diversifying his livelihood, a fisherman responded, “I have been a fisherman since I was a boy. This is all I know and do well.” (Dixcove, May 2019). A key informant, however, disagreed with this sentiment 60 personally, but confirmed local attachment to fishing. He argued that “many of the coastal people are solely dependent on fishing. But you see, most of our people are in, excuse me to say, in the “olden days”. They still don‟t see the need as to why they should diversify” (Takoradi, June 2019). The above observation suggests that one of the hindrances to diversifying coastal livelihoods is a slow movement towards the adoption of alternative livelihoods in these communities Women insisted that the lack of diversification was due to a lack of knowledge, skills and capital to explore different livelihood options. A respondent in one of the focus groups noted: We are interested in trading, but because there is no money for the start-up, we are rather getting gradually into crop farming. But even for those of us who have started some petty trading, there is low patronage as there is no money in the community which is due to the low fish catch caused by the oil industry. (fishmonger, Dixcove, 2019) However, I observed that some women have been able to diversify and thereby have established petty trade ventures in staple foods such as “banku”, “kenke”, fish and local snacks. Since most of these businesses are related to the fishing industry in terms of consumers, their success is greatly determined by the performance of the fishing sector. The queen fishmonger in Axim noted that she had started a petty trade business which was on the verge of collapse because of the decline in fishing activities. Her perception was that communities were only able to patronize her business if they earned some money from fishing. This finding reveals an interesting connection between those that rely on fishing as primary source of income and those whose sources of income are in the second and third categories shown in the tables above. 61 4.2.3 Fisheries Related Incomes For this result, I asked respondents to approximate the percentage of their total average annual income that was generated from fisheries. The goal was to distinguish whether having fishing as a main source of livelihood necessarily translated into it being the main source of income. Findings of this analysis are summarized in Table 10. Table 10: Percentage of respondents' average annual income from fisheries Percentage of income from fisheries 0-25% 25-50% 50-75% 75-100% Total Frequency 50 12 59 158 279 Aggregate Percentage of respondents 17.9 4.3 21.1 56.6 100.0 Table 10 shows that the largest number of respondents, 158 (56.6%), have 75-100% of their annual incomes as being from fisheries, whereas 9 (21.1%) said 50-75%, 50 (17.9%) have 0-25% and 12 (4.3%) have 25-50% of their annual incomes from fisheries. This breakdown suggests that the vast majority (77.7%) of the respondents stated that over 50% of their annual incomes from fisheries. Findings from disaggregated data show that 93.3% of the respondents from Axim reported incomes from fisheries, as compared to 85.9% from Dixcove and 48.1% from Cape Three Points. These results resonate with findings in section 4.2.1 that show fishing as the main livelihood option in the three communities. Even more, the results here replicate a similar trend with those in 4.2.1 where Cape Three Points recorded the least number of respondents with 50% of their average annual income from fishing. 62 4.3. Understanding Gender Relations in Sharing Oil and Gas Benefits in Ghana This section addresses objective #1 of this thesis: to understand the role gender plays in the sharing of oil and gas benefits in Ghana. The rationale for this objective is to examine which benefits are perceived as coming from the extractive industry, either directly or indirectly, and assess how they are distributed and who the beneficiaries are. This was meant to differentiate the various actors involved in benefit-sharing in order to delineate the particular place and agency of women in such processes. 4.3.1. Gender and Small-Scale Fishing Since fishing is the main livelihood for the three coastal communities, I set out to establish which gender is most reliant on small-scale fishing and therefore most affected by the industry. Findings of this analysis are shown in Table 11. Table 11: Gender most reliant on small-scale fishing Gender Male Female None Total Frequency 143 96 40 279 Percentage 51.3 34.4 14.3 100.0 Results in Table 11 show that the majority of the respondents who were most reliant on small-scale fishing were men accounting for 51.3% (143) of the sample size followed by 34.4% (96) women. Forty people (14.3%), comprising both genders, were not reliant on small-scale fishing. Disaggregated data reveals that male respondents indicated that the men were mostly reliant on small-scale fishing than women, 52 (74.3%), whereas only 9 (12.9%) men answered that women were more dependent on fisheries and 9 (12.9%) of the male respondents answered that none of the genders depends on fishing. Disaggregated findings further reveal that female 63 respondents agreed that males were mostly reliant on small-scale fishing, 91 (43.5%), whereas female respondents that indicated women were more dependent on small-scale fishing were 87 (41.6%) and women who answered that none of the gender is dependent on fishing for their livehoods were 31 (14.8%). These findings confirm that men, in comparison to women are more reliant on smallscale fisheries or at least expected to be more reliant on this livelihood activity. Fishing methods are still very traditional, including the use of small boats, and local preservation methods such as smoking, drying and salting. Culturally, men are the fishermen. They go out to fish, tending to stay for days at a time out on the sea, leaving women at home to sustain the household, as noted by a fishmonger in the following statement: Women are responsible for taking care of the family. In our coastal area here, when the husband goes to sea and gets maybe 2 or 3 fish, he will give it to you and you have to take care of the home. So if he comes home after 3 days with only a handful of fish, he will probably only give you GH₵ 30, you still have to make it work for the family. (Dixcove, May 2019) Women are therefore responsible for supplementing household income from their husband‟s fishing expeditions with money they earn from working in the fish post-harvest processes that include processing, marketing and sometimes door-to-door selling of fish. Participants reported that in recent years, however, more men and boys are engaging in fish processing activities. This unique relationship is exemplified in the following statement by a male fishmonger: You see I returned to my village after so many years of unsuccessful work abroad. When I got back, I had lost everything, no money, no job, nothing. Since I also had no money to buy a boat, I ended up looking for work in the fishing industry. I started by helping women carry ice to and from the shore. This is where I get paid. Sometimes I get paid in 64 cash and other times it‟s in fish. I will then sell this fish for my survival. (fishmonger, Dixcove, May 2019) Stories were heard across the three communities. However, men are primarily fishermen. Women‟s involvement is also restricted depending on the level of individual income. In Axim, I was informed that it was common for women to own fishing boats and bulk fish purchase businesses. Some even hire men to manage their boats. Also, women with higher incomes also participate in cross-border and cross-community fish trade. Declining fish stocks have forced them to venture into travelling to neighbouring Togo, Benin and Ivory Coast where they purchase fish in larger quantities to re-sell in their communities. For women with lower incomes, involvement is restricted at the fishmonger level, where they buy fish in smaller quantities to resell. It is also common for them to get fish on credit from fishermen, repaying after they make a sale. However, they complained that this restricts them to the smaller low-quality fish, which is not profitable. These are among the creative ways in which women have been able to navigate the fishing industry at different levels by carving out new roles for themselves, and in some instances diversifying their livelihoods in order to make ends meet. At the time of this study, fishing was off season, and while I observed that most women were busy with different incomegenerating activities, many men (fishermen) were relaxing by their boats. Most seemed to be washing their nets and repairing their boats in preparation for the next season. One woman intimated to me: You see before I came here this morning, my husband was already drunk. He had taken the money I made from my business last night to buy alcohol. Do you see most of them? They have nothing to do right now. The government needs to help us and give them jobs or something to do. (Fishmonger/trader, Dixcove, May 2019) 65 Men, unlike women, are more reliant on fishing. For the men, they do not perceive many other viable alternative livelihood sources in these communities that could provide equal economic gain and prestige. This may suggest that many more men than women are vulnerable to fishing industry shocks such as changing seasons and dwindling fish volumes. 4.3.2. Gender and the Oil and Gas Industry In order to establish the livelihood impact of oil extraction on gender, I asked respondents to answer questions pertaining to which gender is more reliant on the oil and gas industry. Findings to the analysis are summarized in Figure 4. Gender most reliant on the oil and gas industry No. of people 274 2 3 Male Female Gender None Figure 4: Gender most reliant on the oil and gas industry Figure 4 shows that the majority, 274 (98.2%) indicated that neither gender was most reliant on oil and gas industry, whereas 3 (0.7%) indicated the females and 2 (0.7%) indicated that the males were most reliant on the oil and gas industry. Disaggregated data by gender reveals that male respondents indicated that neither women nor men were mostly reliant on the oil and gas industry, 68 (97.1%), whereas only 2 (2.9%) indicated females were most reliant and 66 none indicated males. Disaggregated findings further reveal that female respondents indicated that none of the genders was mostly reliant on the oil and gas industry, 206 (98.6%), only 3 (1.4%) indicated females whereas no female respondent indicated males. The above findings suggest that none of the genders can be considered mostly reliant on the oil and gas industry. This analysis indicates that, overall, the oil industry has not supported livelihoods especially with regard to employment creation in the study communities. However, some variations were revealed during key informant interviews. Respondents indicated that on a marginal level, few opportunities had been created for lower-level jobs in the industry. A further examination of the distribution of these oil sector jobs indicates both gender and racial inequalities. While the higher-level engineering and oil rig jobs are reserved for foreign skilled nationals mainly from China, the few lower level jobs were offered to only Ghanaian men. These include marine patrol and liaison officers. In Dixcove, for example, it was reported that four marine patrol officers were hired while two patrol officers and a fisheries liaison officer were employed in Axim. All of these opportunities were given to men. Participants in Cape Three Points, on the other hand, did not acknowledge receiving any employment opportunities from the industry. Therefore, to the communities, these opportunities are so very few that they do not translate to improved livelihoods for the entire population but a few elite individuals in the community. There was a general misconception that oil-related employment, especially those offshore opportunities at the rig can only be executed by men because of the nature of the workload and the work environment. When asked about the opportunity for job creation for women in the industry, a key male informant responded as follows: If you look at the oil industry globally, it is capital intensive. So with the issue of gender, the focus has mostly been on local content and not as much about women. But even if 67 they do, women at times have to get the lower-end jobs. Assuming that they are employed, they have to go to the oil rig. [If so], will they be comfortable with not bathing at the rigs even during their menstrual cycle? Do they even have the strength to do the work? When it comes to education, how many women are involved in STEM, even given the initiatives at national level to encourage women? So women are normally employed at the lower level. Even other Ghanaians are employed at the lower level of the industry because of skill gaps. It is mostly the Chinese and Filipinos with the skills that get the higher-ranking jobs. What we are hoping for is that maybe women will get the chance in the semi-sector of the industry. That is probably the area where women will participate. Otherwise now men dominate. (key informant, Accra, 2019) This response highlights how the industry is characterized by male dominance which is perpetuated by norms on what men and women‟s work should be. It also shows (mis)conceptions of women‟s bodies and racial inequalities that have been justified by a lack of skills and capital by the local Ghanaian population, especially women, to seize opportunities in the industry. 4.3.3. Traditional Coastal Livelihoods Since the oil and gas industry has not supported income generation for women through employment creation, I thought it relevant to assess its implication for existing coastal livelihoods. Information was collected on whether in general; traditional coastal livelihoods such as fishing and farming have improved since the discovery of offshore oil and gas. The findings are shown in Table 12. Table 12: Oil extraction and improvement in traditional livelihoods Responses Strongly agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly disagree Total Frequency 2 7 17 74 179 279 68 Percent 0.7 2.5 6.1 26.5 64.2 100.0 Table 12 shows that the largest number of respondents, 179 (64.2%) strongly disagreed that people‟s traditional livelihoods such as fishing and farming have improved since the discovery of offshore oil, whereas 74 (26.5%) disagreed, 17 (6.1%) were neutral, while only 7 (2.5%) agreed and 2 (0.7%) strongly agreed. Therefore, the majority (90.7%) of the study respondents were of the view that people‟s traditional livelihoods such as fishing and farming have not improved since the discovery of offshore oil. Instead, there was a broad understanding that the oil industry is to blame for the increasing stress on traditional coastal livelihoods. A common perception was that fish catch has greatly declined since the start of extraction. A fishmonger in Dixcove noted that before oil extraction commenced, fishermen spent fewer days at sea but they now spend almost a week only to catch less than the amount they had previously been used to. Some farmers in Axim reported that since oil extraction started, their coconuts along the shore withered and cassava turned red. Although some of these claims could not be verified, the communities seemed convinced that all their misgivings were the outcomes of oil extraction. In a hopeless fashion, one fishmonger in Axim lamented that her household was now “surviving by the Grace of God” (June 2019). 4.23.4. Alternative Coastal Livelihood In order to understand the direct and indirect benefits from the oil and gas industry, one of the survey questions assessed whether respondents had gained new livelihoods as a result of the booming industry. I explained that these could include secondary activities like hospitality, transportation and food production and processing resulting from oil activity – not necessarily direct employment opportunities in the oil industry. The findings are shown in Table 13. 69 Table 13: Frequencies of whether people have gained new livelihood Responses Strongly agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly disagree Total Frequency 1 12 33 75 158 279 Percent .4 4.3 11.8 26.9 56.6 100.0 This analysis shows that the largest number of respondents, 158 (56.6%) strongly disagreed that people have gained new livelihood options from the discovery of oil and gas, whereas 75 (26.9%) disagreed, 33 (11.8%) were neutral, only 12 (4.3%) agreed and only 1 (0.4%) strongly agreed. These findings suggest that the vast majority, 83.5% were of the view that people have not gained new livelihood options from the discovery of oil and gas. The findings imply that whereas the industry is not creating direct employment opportunities, it is threatening traditional livelihoods without providing the benefit for women to carve out new opportunities from the industry. Women blamed this on differing priorities between oil companies and communities. It appears that while the communities expect oil companies to change their lives, these companies are set on undertaking activities that simply promote their own economic agendas. For example, a participant from Axim noted that oil companies have done little to address women‟s proposal to supply their workers with food. She lamented as follows: So the fish has reduced drastically and women are sitting idle with nothing to do. We have made it known to the oil companies that at the rig, they eat bread, and vegetables [so] why don‟t they train the women and show us the standard and quality they want? What ingredients should we use? Right now, they are importing supplies from Ivory Coast. We have women‟s associations. Why can‟t they engage the association, build a bakery and train us? In so doing, we can get something to feed ourselves and families. (key informant, Axim, 2019) 70 Another fishmonger noted that bigger towns like Takoradi have benefited from enterprise development in hospitality and other industries but these towns are not even as close to extractive activities. This implies that dispossession of the most vulnerable is sustained even at the sub-national level. 4.3.5. Community Wellbeing In addition to exploring alternative coastal livelihoods, information was collected on whether people‟s lives and wellbeing in the communities under study have improved since the discovery of offshore oil and gas. The findings are shown in Figure 5. Perceptions of whether people's lives in the community have improved Strongly agree Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly disagree Figure 5: Perceptions of whether people's lives in the community have improved Figure 5 shows that the largest number of respondents, 127 (46%) strongly disagreed that people‟s lives in the community have improved since the discovery of offshore oil and gas, whereas 113 (40%) disagreed, 29 (10%) were neutral, only 8 (3%) agreed and 2 (01%) strongly agreed. These findings suggest that the majority, 86.0%, were of the view that people‟s lives in the communities under study have not improved since the discovery of offshore oil and gas. 71 I asked whether the communities had received livelihood improvement support from either the government or oil companies since the beginning of oil extraction. I found that in all the study sites, respondents strongly disagreed. Though oil companies have attempted to address livelihood challenges in these communities, participants expressed that the distribution of these benefits is grossly disproportionate. Communities are to a greater extent relying on Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiatives to address their livelihood challenges. I found out, however, that this support is restricted to communities that have contact with the sea and is overall not sufficient since it is not mandated by law but based on companies‟ discretion regarding what they deem to be adequate support. A participant in Takoradi noted that since 2012, for example, the Jubilee partners have supported education at secondary and higher learning levels through an annual scholarship scheme. Scholarship slots are limited. Therefore, beneficiaries are selected based on brilliance and financial need. I asked an officer at a local NGO to share her experiences regarding the distribution of this scheme and she made the following comment: Between 2012 and 2017, 50 scholarships were offered for Ghanaians to study abroad and out of these, 20% of the selection had to come from the Western Region. That means that the other regions only got about 5 slots each. During this time, some women benefited. I have a classmate who is a beneficiary; she went abroad to study [for] her Masters. Currently, support is given to senior high schools and universities. About 100 scholarships are awarded annually nationally and 10% of these should come from the Western Region but remember the Western Region alone has six districts. (Sekondi, June 2019). These remarks indicate not only a lack of focus on gender but also communities like Axim, Cape Three Points and Dixcove that are closest to the sea in the distribution of educational scholarships in the region. A further inquiry indicated that these inequalities run deeper. One fishmonger in Cape Three Points reported that community members were asked to register their children‟s names for the scholarships. However, they did not receive feedback. 72 Later, he said “some individuals came to the community and asked us to pay (GHC 5,000) to get our children onto the beneficiaries list and so we gave up. Opportunities such as these seem to be only for individuals in higher places” (June 2019). Another respondent noted that “if oil extraction continues, fishermen will die. It will only benefit the rich and literate people” (July 2019). Gendered power structures not only control the distribution of scholarships but are also deeply engrained in access to other benefits such as health care, transportation and information. I perceived a common understanding across the communities that women‟s access to these opportunities was greatly linked to their social status and their “connections” or networks. Women without these assets expressed a sense of hopelessness because they have the perception that they do not possess the power to guarantee a better future for their families. This frustration was shared by a fishmonger in Axim who said: You see the oil companies are trying to do their part but it is the people, the Ghanaians who are leading the oil company are big men. At least they will employ their people. Even this senior school scholarship that I am talking about, when it comes, you will see that there are some very brilliant and needy children who will not get it. It will go to those that they know, family members, and their friends‟ children while the brilliant and needy will not receive it. That is Ghana for you! (Fishmonger, Axim, 2019) Along similar lines, respondents noted that attempts for gender-specific interventions had been made by oil companies in the academic sector by constructing dormitories and laboratories in girls‟ schools. Companies have also supported enhancement of skills for fish processors by promoting innovative fish preservation methods that include improved ovens in Axim. Portable water projects have also been implemented in Axim where five boreholes were constructed. This has lessened the burden on women of accessing safe water for household consumption. Participants argued that since community consultations were not effectively done, companies constructed these facilities far away from the communities and they were later abandoned. Still, 73 routine health screening initiatives were supported in these communities and by the time of this study, four screening exercises had been conducted since the beginning of extraction. Jubilee partners funded the renovation of the medical emergency unit in Axim as part of their CSR. To some extent, oil companies through CSR have taken the initiative to bridge the gap of service delivery in these communities. It is, however, difficult to ignore the evident inequalities in the distribution of these benefits across the coastal communities. Unlike Axim, which is the biggest community among the study sites, Cape Three Points remains further dispossessed. Although nearest to oil extraction activities, Cape Three Points is furthest from the benefits. For example, the women noted that they lack a hospital, secondary school and even a passable road. Since the burden of childcare falls mainly on women in these communities, the women of Cape Three Points are left to struggle with finding resources to send their children to secondary schools outside of the community. Natural reproductive activities like childbearing are lifethreatening experiences for the women in this community due to the absence of healthcare facilities. Desperation of participant women in Cape Three Points is reflected in this comment: The oil companies have not done anything to help us especially with our need for a hospital and maternity facilities. Since our road is terrible, when it rains, it becomes impassable. Just recently in February, we lost a pregnant woman and her baby on the way to hospital to give birth. The companies and government won‟t help us. (Cape Three Points, Queen fishmonger, 2019) Similar agitation was expressed by the chief fisherman in Cape Three Points who added: I‟m sure you people came with a car and you people saw how bad our roads are. If you have a pregnant daughter in this community and she‟s about to deliver where is she going to be sent to? We are not part of Ghana! If we are really part of Ghana, things wouldn‟t have been this bad. If any of these oil companies should step foot here right now just as you have come, it would be a police case! (July 2019) In Dixcove, women lamented that their requests for a fish cooling facility and microfinance programme to expand their businesses had not been fulfilled. The majority of the 74 women in Axim expressed that they would prefer if oil companies would support skill enhancement programs, microfinance and scholarships for their children. This highlights the differentiated priorities women advanced as being related to their wellbeing. 4.3.6. Impacts of the Oil Industry The survey examined the impacts of the oil industry using a number of criteria that contribute to the wellbeing of women. The results of this analysis are summarized in Table 14. When asked about the impacts of the oil industry on coastal livelihoods, the overall perception was that the lives of people in these communities had become worse since the discovery of oil. Table 14 shows that on the evaluation question “Job opportunities in the community”, 95 (34.1%) indicated very negative impact, 6 (2.2%) indicated somewhat negative impact, 173 (62.0%) indicated neutral or no impact, and 5 (1.8%) indicated somewhat positive impact. This means the largest number of the respondents (62.0%), chose to respond that the oil industry has not had any impact on job opportunities in the community. These findings further augment the qualitative insights by women who noted that oil and gas extraction has not contributed towards employment creation in their communities. With regard to “sale of local goods to oil industry”, 42 (15.1%) indicated very negative impact, 43 (15.4%) indicated somewhat negative impact, 189 (67.7%) indicated neutral or no impact, and 5 (1.8%) indicated somewhat positive impact. This shows the largest number of respondents, 67.7%, were of the view that the oil industry has not had any impact on sale of local goods like fish and food to oil industry, implying that they had neither gained new markets nor kept the ones they already had. 75 Table 14: Evaluation of the impacts of the oil and gas industry Question – Evaluation a. Job opportunities in the community b. Sale of local goods to oil industry c. Community infrastructure and social programs d. Air quality e. Amount of pollution in the water f. Small-scale fishermen‟s livelihoods g. Access to areas of the ocean h. The amount of fish in the ocean i. Access to the shore j. Relationships among people within the community k. Women‟s livelihood opportunities l. Participation of local people in decision-making m. Health of people in the community n. Cost of living o. Levels of wealth and poverty in the community p. Relationships between women and men Very Negative impact Somewhat Negative impact Neutral or no impact Somewhat positive impact Very Positive impact 95 (34.1) 6 (2.2) 173 (62.0) 5 (1.8) 0 (0.0) 42 (15.1) 43 (15.4) 189 (67.7) 5 (1.8) 0 (0.0) 62 (22.2) 202 (7.2) 181 (64.9) 15 (5.4) 1 (0.4) 12 (4.3) 52 (18.6) 130 (46.6) 45 (16.1) 40 (14.3) 49 (17.6) 49 (17.6) 114 (40.9) 59 (21.1) 8 (2.9) 198 (71.0) 50 (17.9) 27 (9.7) 2 (0.7) 2 (0.7) 107 (38.4) 117 (41.8) 53 (19.0) 1 (0.4) 1 (0.4) 117 (41.9) 45 (16.1) 88 (31.5) 25 (9.0) 4 (1.4) 11 (3.8) 50 (17.9) 202 (72.4) 14 (5.0) 2 (0.7) 48 (17.2) 62 (22.2) 141 (50.5) 27 (9.7) 1 (0.4) 184 (65.9) 36 (12.9) 52 (18.6) 7 (2.5) 0 (0.0) 16 (5.7) 80 (28.7) 101 (36.2) 77 (27.6) 5 (1.8) 22 (7.9) 53 (19.0) 134 (48.0) 58 (20.8) 12 (4.3) 138 (49.5) 71 (25.4) 68 (24.4) 2 (0.7) 0 (0.0) 157 (56.3) 49 (17.6) 68 (24.4) 5 (1.8) 0 (0.0) 106 (38.0) 89 (31.9) 74 (26.5) 10 3.6) 0 (0.0) The analysis of “community infrastructure and social programs” revealed that 64.9% of the respondents were of the view that the oil industry has not had any impact on community infrastructure and social programs. This implies that the largest number of respondents do not think that infrastructure and social programs have improved as indicated in section 4.3.5. Since the start of extraction, only two community toilets have been built for the lower Dixcove 76 community, while only one toilet facility was constructed in Cape Three Points. Unlike Axim, Cape Three Points and Dixcove had not satisfactorily benefited from social projects at the time of the study. Oil companies had given indication to these communities that they would support social projects like building a classroom for one of the nursery schools in Dixcove, but this was not accomplished. About 46% were of the notion that the oil industry has not had any impact on “air quality” in the communities. Some even suggested that the impact on air quality has been positive (30.4%). However, when asked if they had experienced signs of gas flaring, the responses slightly differed. In Axim and Cape Three Points, women reported that they had witnessed gas flares which had prompted community health screening by the oil companies. One fishmonger noted that “we experienced air pollution even as recently as the beginning of last month” (Cape Three Points, June 2019). With regard to the “amount of pollution in the water” 49 (17.6%) indicated very negative impact, 49 (17.6%) indicated somewhat negative impact, 114 (40.9%) indicated neutral or no impact, while 59 (21.1%) indicated somewhat positive impact and 8 (2.9%) indicated very positive impact. The largest number of respondents (40.9%) therefore suggested that the oil industry has not had any impact on amount of pollution in the water, although a substantial number (35.2%) indicated that the oil industry has had a negative impact on the amount of pollution in the water. 77 Figure 6: Seaweed washed ashore in Cape Three Points Respondents in Dixcove had the highest number of no impact responses. This might be influenced by the fact that unlike Cape Three Points and Axim, Dixcove had not been severely affected by water pollution. Figure 4 shows seaweeds washed ashore in Cape Three Points. Similar images were seen in Axim and, according to the communities, the increasing accumulation of this weed is a result of oil extraction. Respondents emphasized that they believed that they first witnessed the weeds shortly after extraction started. Many were of the view that this kind of water pollutants was released from the ocean seabed during seismic activity. Regarding “small-scale fishermen‟s livelihoods” 198 (71.0%) indicated very negative impact, 50 (17.9%) indicated somewhat negative impact, 27 (9.7%) indicated neutral or no impact, while 2 or (0.7%) indicated somewhat positive impact and 2 (0.7%) indicated very positive impact. This implies that largest number of respondents (88.9%) perceived a negative impact on small-scale fishermen‟s livelihoods. As indicated in section 4.2.3, respondents 78 attributed this decline to the restriction zones around oil rigs. Over 80.2% of respondents agreed that the oil industry has had a negative impact on the access to the ocean, especially within a 500m radius from the oil rig. However, the rigs serve as amalgamation points for many fish species due to their attraction to the lights around these areas. Many respondents (58.0%) were of the view that the amount of fish in the ocean has been reduced due to oil activity. Other impacts noted were the loss of fishing gear as a result of collisions with oil ships. Some collisions have also been fatal. In 2013, two fishermen in Axim died in a collision accident (interview with fishing liaison officer, June 2019). Though compensation was paid, it was reported that this is not always the case if proper records are not taken. Compensation processes were also said to take on average of up to three months before disbursements are issued. Although it is important to underscore the perceived negative impacts of the oil industry on fisheries, the study highlighted that Ghana‟s fisheries were under threat due to many other varying factors long before the advent of the oil industry. Such threats are described by an official in the Ministry of Fisheries and Aquaculture Development‟in the following statement: Oil activity is ongoing alongside fishing which is the main economic activity. There are those who are not into fish processing but are into other livelihoods like marketing, provision store, [whatever] but the fish processors will remain most important. The only thing is our stocks have gone down. In 2009, it got to the lowest point which is 13%. They say that when your stocks levels get to lower than 10%, then you are straight on the road to collapse. Even now, we have conducted some assessments that show that there‟s no fish left but fortunately, fishermen still find some when they go out to fish. However, they go ahead and use certain methods they are not supposed to use – therefore putting pressure on the stocks. (Key informant, Accra, 2019) I received reports of fishermen employing destructive fishing methods that include the usage of dynamite, chemicals like dichloride diphenyl trichloroethane (DDT), and light fishing. In essence, Illegal Unreported Unregulated (IUU) fishing practices have greatly contributed to the collapse of fish stocks in Ghana. However, in Axim, fishermen claimed to have stopped these 79 practices when asked. Overexploitation of fish stocks by “tourist fishers” was also blamed for the reduction in the amount of fish in the ocean. Women reported that the majority of these tourist fishing vessels are from China and neighboring countries like Benin, although an official in the Ministry of Fisheries noted that the main threat was the local vessels. She noted that Ghana‟s fishers alone accounted for over 14,000 boats. Other respondents believed that the reduction in fish stocks was merely a natural phenomenon determined by seasons, whereby bumper harvests are expected in August. These striking results provide a nuanced understanding into the challenges the fisheries face. As regards “relationships among people within the community” 48 (17.2%) indicated very negative impact, 62 (22.2%) indicated somewhat negative impact, 141 (50.5%) indicated neutral or no impact, while 27 (9.7%) indicated somewhat positive impact and 1 (0.4%) indicated very positive impact. This implies that a largest number of respondents (50.5%) stated that the oil industry has not had any impact on the relationships among people within the community, although a substantial number, 39.4% were of the view that the oil industry has had a negative impact on the relationships among people within the community. I observed slight aggression among women fishmongers in Axim who were vying for the largest fish quantities. I was informed that tensions soared in fish markets during such periods of fish scarcity. An examination of the impact of oil and gas on “women‟s livelihood opportunities” indicated that 78.8% of the respondents were of the view that the oil industry has had a negative impact. Respondents accounting for neutral or no impact were 52 (18.6%) while those positive perceptions totaled only 7 (2.5%). The reasons given for this assessment included the depreciation of fish stocks that negatively affected women‟s livelihoods. 80 On the question of whether relationships between women and men have been negatively affected by oil extraction, the largest number of respondents, 106 (38.0%), indicated very negative impact, 89 (31.9%) indicated somewhat negative impact, 74 (26.5%) indicated neutral or no impact, and 10 (3.6%) indicated somewhat positive impact. Respondents explained that since there is a decline in fish catch, domestic disputes between men and women have increased. One fisherman said, “you know how it is. With poverty comes all problems. When we come back home without fish, our wives quarrel but then we also quarrel with them and ask that they fend for the family. So it‟s non-stop trouble” (Fisherman, Dixcove, 2019). I also asked respondents to rate the level of “participation of local people in decisionmaking”. For this question, 16 (5.7%) indicated very negative impact, 80 (28.7%) indicated somewhat negative impact, 101 (36.2%) indicated neutral or no impact, while 77 (27.6) indicated somewhat positive impact, and 5 (1.8%) indicated very positive impact. Hence, the largest number, 36.2% of the respondents were of the view that the oil industry has not had any impact on the participation of local people in decision-making, although 34.4% were of the view that the oil industry has had a negative impact on the participation of local people in decision-making. That is to say, the oil industry has made little to no effort in ensuring the participation of communities in oil and gas decision making processes. Concerning the “health of people in the community”, the largest number of respondents 134 (48.0%) indicated that there was no impact on their health. A small portion, 22 (7.9%), indicated very negative impact, while 53 (19.0%) indicated somewhat negative impact, and 58 (20.8%) indicated somewhat positive impact. Reports of increased incidences of coughing were made in all the three communities. Higher rates of colds and skin rashes in Axim were also attributed to oil extraction. However, a key informant reported that the identified skin diseases 81 were associated with the chemicals used in fishing. Positive impact responses were mostly in line with appreciating the health screening services offered by the oil companies. Overall, there were no significant health related impacts related to oil and gas extraction. The cost of living in these communities has been negatively affected by oil extraction. As indicated by the analysis of frequencies, 138 (49.5%) indicated very negative impact, 71 (25.4%) indicated somewhat negative impact, 68 (24.4%) indicated neutral or no impact, and 2 (0.7%) indicated somewhat positive impact. This shows that women are less likely to afford basic needs. Women added that poverty has become more rampant since the beginning of oil extraction. A total of 157 (56.3%) indicated very negative impact, 49 (17.6%) indicated somewhat negative impact, while 68 (24.4%) indicated neutral or no impact. The inability to afford basic needs was shared in this comment: For me, the coming into being of the oil extraction has actually collapsed my business. I was one of the richest women in this community but since the start of oil extraction, my business has suffered to the extent that I am now living hand to mouth. I used to import rice from Ivory Coast till I decided to invest in the fishing business where I invested GH₵ 60,000 to construct canoes for fishing. But, a few months after I shifted my resources into the fishing business, the oil extraction also commenced. That was when the oil industry began to restrict fishermen as to where to fish and not. And since then my canoes and their crews became redundant because when I fuel the canoes to go to sea, the quantity of fish that will be brought cannot pay for the fuel, not to talk of getting the crews paid. Now the stores that I depend on are also suffering because people don‟t have money to buy and as a result I am unable to take care of my children‟s education. Now what did we came to this earth to do? Did the oil come to help us or to destroy our lives? Oh! If I had the powers, I would have stopped their operations. I used to have a comfortable mattress and a fridge but now am so miserable that people even ridiculed me, and I wish the oil extraction could be ceased because its reward is only benefitting politicians and big men at Accra (Fishmonger, Axim, 2019). Women attributed the rising cost of living to the decline in fish stocks and also an influx in population that was attracted by the anticipated oil boom. According to the women, their communities run on a “fish economy”. In other words, the performance of fisheries has an unimaginable implication on their ability to make a living for their households, especially 82 through livelihood diversification, since government and oil companies‟ economic support to the region is still low. 4.4. Perceptions of Women’s Involvement in Governance Practices This section seeks to address the second objective to gather perceptions on women‟s involvement in governance practices in the oil and gas industry. The rationale of this objective was to assess views on the decision-making process involved in oil and gas activities including benefit distribution. The extent to which women participate in decision-making processes and the effectiveness of these processes were gauged. The responses to a number of specific questions asked are presented in this section. 4.4.1. Governance Structures Aspects of policy, institutions and procedure were gathered to ascertain the effectiveness of governance structures/tools for managing the benefits the oil and gas industry is sharing. A summary of findings is shown in Table 15. Table 15: Perceptions of the effectiveness of governance structures/tools for benefit sharing Evaluation statement Laws passed by government are sufficient to manage oil benefits Political leaders can be trusted with management of benefits Cultural and traditional leaders can be trusted with management of benefits The Public Interest Accounts Committee is effective in management of benefits Government and corporation manage oil revenues well Agree Strongly Agree Not sure Disagree Strongly Disagree 73 (26.2) 9 (3.2) 79 (28.3) 87 (31.2) 31 (11.1) 64 (22.9) 6 (2.2) 59 (21.1) 86 (30.8) 64 (22.9) 81 (29.0) 111 (39.8) 35 (12.5) 51 (18.3) 1 (0.4) 27 (9.7) 2 (0.7) 231 (82.8) 18 (6.5) 1 (0.4) 66 (23.7) 5 (1.8) 125 (44.8) 39 (14.0) 44 (15.8) 83 Table 15 shows that regarding “laws passed by government are sufficient to manage oil benefits”, 73 (26.2%) strongly agreed, whereas 9 (3.2%) agreed, 79 (28.3) were not sure, while 87 (31.2%) disagreed and 31 (11.1%) strongly disagreed. Whereas a large number of respondents were not sure if the existing laws were sufficient to manage oil benefits, an even bigger number indicated that the laws passed are insufficient. I further asked respondents what laws they were aware of and why they thought they were insufficient or unsure. Most of the respondents at the community level expressed that they simply did not know what laws were in place to govern oil management. Those with a basic understanding the laws highlighted that so far, these had not worked in favor of coastal women‟s livelihoods, but rather the benefit of oil companies and the elites. At the national level, key informants acknowledged that Ghana has sufficient laws to govern oil benefits and coastal livelihoods. Participants noted that the Petroleum Regulations (Local Content and Local Participation in Petroleum Activities), 2013 (LI 2204) and the Petroleum Revenue Management Act 815. 2011 have enabled transparency and distribution of revenues at national level. However, the specific focus to address gender inequalities and coastal community livelihoods is lacking. One participant also made reference to the 2002 Fisheries Act that governs fishermen‟s and fish processors‟ livelihoods. These observations are highlighted in the following statements: Actually, there is adequate policy regulation. There is a law on local content. It is the regulative instrument 2204 which provides for participation of locals, how many Ghanaians can be employed [etc.] but when it comes to CSR, there is no law on how International Oil Companies (IOCs) can channel this support. However, when you speak to the IOCs, they actually think that it is within their interest to give back but they think interventions like a borehole is enough. On the other hand, when you get to the community, you realise that it is not enough. So there is that gap that needs to be bridged to bring the IOCs together with the communities to discuss these issues. (Key informant, Accra, July 2019) 84 Another key informant from the EPA insisted: I would not say that we need more policy or laws because we have adequate policies, but the issue is with enforcement. For example, the issues of the fishing close season and restriction zones are not effectively being implemented. Whereas policy has attempted to address environmental aspects of the industry, whereby we have tried to mitigate any negative impacts, there‟s need to give focus to livelihoods. (Accra, July 2019) The Petroleum Revenue Management Act 815, 2011 provides a framework for the management of Ghana‟s oil revenues. The Act provides for the distribution, planning and accounting for revenues but bears no specific mention of women‟s livelihoods. Oil revenue contributions to national development are distributed throughout the national budget, whereby the regulation stipulates that revenues can only fund up to 70% of the budget. Clause 21 of the Act highlights that oil revenues should be used to ensure maximum economic growth and promote equality of economic opportunity with a view to the well-being of citizens. The Act also emphasizes even and balanced development of the regions; however, in the Western region, communities continue to decry exclusion from this development. The Petroleum Regulations (Local Content and Local Participation in Petroleum Activities), 2013 (LI 2204) bears no mention of women or specific focus on coastal livelihoods. Though intended to effectively include Ghanaians in employment, investment and skills enhancement through the oil sector, this policy does not address the local needs of coastal communities. The main focus for this policy is to engage Ghanaians at a minimum local content level as contractors, subcontractors, licensees, corporations, and allied entities. Employment to Ghanaians and training where local expertise is absent in the oil industry is encouraged. The policy provides that junior and low-level job positions like foreman, supervisors, and corresponding officers are strictly reserved for Ghanaians. Nevertheless, procurement processes associated with the oil industry risk advancing elite interests over the common needs of the 85 community as a whole mainly because of the lack of capacity by a vast majority of the community members to engage in the industry. Finally, during discussions, the need to design policy (i.e., gender-based policy) and development programs targeted to coastal communities and specifically women‟s livelihoods was emphasized. Key informants decried the politicization of government programs, which they attributed to the failed implementation of policies, since the government constantly shifts its position on issues depending on which group of people or voters it would like to appease. For instance, this greatly affected the implementation of the closed fishing season, which was delayed by months. With regard to whether “political leaders can be trusted with management of benefits”, 64 (22.9%) strongly agreed, whereas 6 (2.2%) agreed, 59 (21.1%) were not sure, while 86 (30.8%) disagreed and 64 (22.9%) strongly disagreed. This implies that the largest number, 53.7%, of the respondents were of the view that political leaders cannot be trusted with management of benefits. Respondents expressed disappointment in the lack of responsiveness from their political leaders. Many expressed that after being elected, their political leaders had not returned for dialogue and consultation with the communities. Respondents in Dixcove and Cape Three Points presented a firm disapproval of their leaders. However, a key political leader in Axim was praised for their efforts to support community development and champion women‟s voices. According to Ghana‟s decentralization policy, development at the community level is the mandate of the local government. Communities are represented by assembly leaders at this level. However, it was revealed that these representatives do not possess adequate power or resources to influence the changes that communities hope to see. Coastal communities‟ district assemblies went as far as trying to impose a local tax on oil companies, which the government and the 86 companies opposed. The explanation behind this opposition was that a local tax would translate into double taxation for the companies, with a negative impact on investment in the industry. This shows how the government is more concerned with the success of oil companies than the coastal communities. In Dixcove, women were dissatisfied with the level of engagement with their assemblyman. Some respondents suggested that he was more concerned with meeting the needs of men than those of women. The focus group participants reported that on many occasions he had convened meetings without inviting women. When asked if they had attempted to elect a woman into the position, they responded that several women had tried to vie for the position but did not get support due to propaganda and misconception but also, they did not meet the academic requirements. Some of the propaganda spread against the women contestants is that they were not originally from that community. Confidence in the ability of traditional leaders to manage oil benefits was expressed at 68.8%. Only 51 (18.3%) disagreed and 1 (0.4%) strongly disagreed that such leaders cannot be trusted. This highlights the significance of traditional institutions in Ghana‟s natural resource governance. Whereas respondents indicated that traditional leaders presently do not have power over oil and gas industry, if given the opportunity, they believed that traditional leaders have the ability and intentions to represent community best interests. Given that oil extraction is offshore, traditional leaders can hardly assert their power over decisions since their control is over traditional lands and not the seas. The willingness to support women‟s livelihoods was exhibited in Dixcove where the new chief contributed GHC 10,000 towards creating entrepreneurial opportunities for women affected by oil extraction. In addition to this, he promised to build for the women a market after they selected a suitable location. As of the time fieldwork was 87 undertaken, the women‟s association in Upper Dixcove had benefited from the fund, which is nonetheless insufficient to include women in Lower Dixcove. At the start of extraction, traditional leaders advocated for a repatriation of 10% royalties from oil revenues to the coastal region in order to enhance development and also provide a buffer in case the communities suffered devastating impacts from extraction. This proposal was quickly rejected by the government on the basis that all of Ghana‟s resources belong to the entire country and not specific regions where they occur. Since oil benefits are centrally managed, benefitsharing decisions are made through the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, which allocates funds for development nationally to different sectors. Funding channelled for sectoral development is then implemented through district development plans. So far, through the work of the Public Interest Accountability Committee (PIAC) which was established by Act 815 (amended to Act 893 in 2015), allocations have been made to the agricultural, education and infrastructural sectors – although specific emphasis has not been given to the livelihoods of women in coastal communities. In a few rare instances, some respondents expressed reservations over the loyalty of traditional institutions to the communities. Some traditional leaders were seen as being in collaboration with oil companies to reap all benefits to their respective advantages. A resounding perception was that chiefs only attended meetings to collect a per diem, but did not share feedback with communities, or lobby for their needs during such engagements. These views were emphasized in this statement: No, we do not trust chiefs because they are working together with the politicians. For example, with the closing season, we expected them to speak up to the political leaders but they did not. When they go there, they will say something to favour them, and change elsewhere to favour their positions. But also, it is the something with the fisher folks. 88 They keep changing depending on who they see to sing their song. We however have the chief fisherman and queen fishmonger who can be trusted. So if the oil companies want to channel anything, it should be through them. (Focus group discussion, Axim, 2019) On whether “the Public Interest Accountability Committee3 (PIAC) is effective in management of benefits” 27 (9.7%) strongly agreed, whereas 2 (0.7%) agreed, 231 (82.8%) were not sure, while 18 (6.5%) disagreed and 1 (0.4%) strongly disagreed. This implies that the largest number (82.8%) of the respondents were not sure about PIAC‟s efforts towards oil revenue management. It was surprising that while PIAC is a key institution in monitoring the management of oil revenues, majority of the community members were not aware of its existence and mandate. Its activities have mainly captured the attention of elite and educated members of the community, as echoed in this statement: Well, for me, I know what PIAC is but if you ask these people, they do not. They do their job but share with the intellectuals. For example, they will come and do their things there like building a toilet and will have discussions in English which is not understood by the locals. They need to bring their interventions down to a local level where it is comprehensible to the community. PIAC also has to be independent. For example, they are monitoring the government and oil companies but these are the same bodies sponsoring them. (Queen fishmonger, Axim, July 2019) PIAC, just like most laws and regulatory frameworks, is generally not understood by women in coastal communities. Even worse is the fact that women at this level are yet to feel the impact of these governance structures on their lives. Even though it is expected that PIAC‟s composition and mandate is in the interest of local Ghanaians, the platform‟s membership composition is constituted through nominations by the Minister of Finance. In addition, PIAC is regulated by the Ministry through the Petroleum Revenue Management Act 815, 2011 (amended in 2015 as 3 “Thirteen-member independent watchdog group tasked with monitoring and reporting on the government’s stewardship of petroleum funds and compliance with the law” (Charlfin 2018, 99). 89 Act 893). This has left some women unsure of the possibility for PIAC to represent citizen issues on oil revenue management in an unbiased manner. I asked additional questions on if “government and corporation manage oil revenues well.” Sixty-six respondents (23.7%) strongly agreed, whereas 5 (1.8%) agreed, 125 (44.8%) were not sure, while 39 (14.0%) disagreed and 44 (15.8%) strongly disagreed. The largest numbers (44.8%) of the respondents were unsure whether government and corporation manage oil revenues well. When I further asked why the respondents had this view, most of them explained that since they have not received any substantive benefits from the oil and gas industry, they were therefore unaware of the processes for revenue management. This perhaps suggests that for women at this level, policies and processes were not as equally important as the tangible end results. That is, if a process or policy does not translate into food on their tables and money in their pockets, this was not relevant to know. While the majority of survey respondents were unsure, some key interview informants agreed that the revenues are well managed, citing evidence of the development seen at the national level. For example, one key informant had this to comment: Yes! We have the Petroleum Act that guides the oil revenue management. Then the Ghana National Petroleum Commission, they work directly with the oil companies. So does the Ghana National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC). Then we also have the Petroleum Commission, they are responsible for regulating the work of all the oil companies in Ghana. (Accra, July 2019) The Government of Ghana has ensured that governance institutions and structures are in place to better manage oil revenues. The Petroleum Revenue Management Act 893, 2015 clearly stipulates the funds to which petroleum revenues are to be distributed. For example, the Government has set up the Petroleum Holding Fund, Ghana Stabilization Fund and Ghana Heritage Fund where revenues are held and subsequently distributed for different purposes like 90 investment, national development and future sustainability. The Act empowers the Minister of Finance and Economic Planning (MFoEP) to act on behalf of the Government to implement petroleum revenue management decisions. All such decisions are overseen by the parliament that approves these decisions and PIAC as a citizen monitoring arm as stipulated in the Act. Transparency and accountability in the industry are in theory, ensured through regular reporting by the Minister of Finance. Women in these coastal communities, however, continue to face exclusion from these management decision-making processes. This leaves them unsure of whether these governance frameworks are effectively working. 4.4.2. Participation and Decision-making Respondents were asked to rate the level of community participation in decision making for sharing of benefits from oil extraction with a view of assessing whether community participation would lead to equitable benefit-sharing that includes women and also the sustainability of coastal livelihoods. The findings are shown in Table 16. Table 16: Summary of the rating the level of community participation in decision making Responses Highly effective – the community is engaged in planning, negotiation and distribution of benefits Fairly effective- the community is engaged in a few but not all decision processes Ineffective – the community is left out of all decision-making processes Total Frequency Percent 36 12.9 126 45.2 117 41.9 279 100.0 I generated frequencies of responses given with regard to participants‟ perceptions of the adequacy and effectiveness of community participation in decision making processes. Table 16 suggests that 36 (12.9%) of the respondents agree that community participation is highly effective whereas 126 (45.2%) answered that participation is fairly effective – which means there 91 is some engagement but not in all decision-making processes. About 117 (41.9%) respondents said that participation is ineffective, meaning the community is left out of all decision-making processes. These findings show that community participation is generally effective (58.1%), though such engagement in making decisions is not widespread across all stages and processes. A further analysis of disaggregated data reveals that 53.9% of the respondents from Axim indicated that the participation was generally effective, whereas 53.3% from Cape Three Points and 64.6% from Dixcove indicated the same. Hence, respondent generally reported that all the communities were consulted and involved in negotiations with the oil and gas industry at some levels. Channels of communication with oil companies are restricted to a top-bottom mechanism in that it is intimidating for women in the community to initiate contact to express their grievances. Rather, they have to wait on the companies to convene the meetings. These meetings, women explained, are usually for the purpose of discussing the oil companies‟ agenda, like issuing warnings over restricted zones, and therefore pay limited attention to community issues. Respondents also expressed dissatisfaction with the way in which decisions are arrived at. They shared that often, their perspectives and views are not incorporated into final actions: “When they come, they ask us the same questions you are asking. When you recommend anything, they just write them and save it. Even when they send our recommendations to higher authorities, nothing is done” (Fishmonger, Cape Three Points, 2019). Whilst engagement occurs during inception phases of projects, respondents stated that communities are not adequately involved during implementation phases. Without community buy-in, this has contributed to the development of many “white elephant” projects in these communities. 92 Figure 7: Abandoned cooling facility in Axim Figure 7 shows an incomplete CSR funded cooling facility in Axim. The Jubilee Partners started the construction of this facility, which had stalled since December 2018 – about six months before my fieldwork. Women noted that whereas oil companies‟ support was wellintended, the community was not involved in the implementation of this project. The companies then hired a contractor from Accra who vanished after receiving payment for the project. At the time of fieldwork, I was informed that the companies were in the process of contracting another service provider but, even then, the community was still not being involved. The community portable water project in Axim, which did not involve adequate consultations, resulted in constructing boreholes with narrow pipes and very far away from the community. These boreholes clogged shortly after they were constructed (Fishmonger, Axim, 2019). At the time of the study, the CSR funded boreholes in Axim had been abandoned and the community was waiting on the district to repair them. Constructing boreholes away from the 93 community excluded some women from accessing this resource. This lack of community involvement in CSR projects was highlighted across all the three study communities, with women noting that their needs and priorities were not being taken into consideration. I found that for many respondents, there was an understanding that even though oil companies did not very effective in fostering community participation in decision making, they were at least more committed than the government. Frustrations over government‟s efforts to engage communities were captured in the following comments: I can actually tell you that the International Oil Corporations (IOCs) engage the people more than the government does. You actually find government going to engage the people only when the IOCs are going because they just want to tick the boxes. One would however argue that the government is engaging the people through the GNPC. However, this is inadequate. (Key informant, Takoradi, 2019) Sentiments such as these highlight gaps in sharing information especially by the government and the companies. This has contributed to widespread misconceptions about the industry and built unguided expectations among community members. However, some key informants argued that determining what effective engagement and participation with communities is contested and highly subjective, precisely since participation is complicated by the dynamics of power, influence and ownership of the natural resource. These views were captured in the following comment: There are two issues when it comes to participation. One is who owns the company and who has the local capacity. Do the locals have the capacity to engage? On the first issue, in Ghana, the law says that every resource, wherever it is located, is vested by the state on behalf of the people. In Ghana‟s case, the oil is even offshore; it is far away so the issue of engagement is with the Ghanaian government or contractors based in Accra. The minister, GNPC, GNC is also in Accra so all the engagement is in Accra. (Accra, July 2019) 94 This indicates that even with the current level of engagement, power to influence final decisions greatly lies with the Ghanaian government and oil companies. Women with low levels of education who do not hold leadership responsibility in the community are continuously excluded from influencing important decisions that have direct bearing on their lives. 4.5. Reflection on the Sustainable Livelihood Options for Women The rationale of the third objective, to reflect on the sustainable livelihood options for women in Ghana‟s coastal communities, was to broaden the understanding of women‟s perception around sustainability while taking stock of existing measures to maintain or improve women‟s livelihoods. This was achieved by asking the respondents a number of questions related to two particular issues: 1) long-term sustainability and 2) adaptive or coping strategies. 4.5.1. Long Term Social, Economic, and Environmental Wellbeing For the issues of long-term sustainability, I asked whether the social, economic, and environmental wellbeing of the community will be improved in the long term from extractive activities. An improved social, economic, and environmental wellbeing of the community would most likely lead to sustainability of livelihoods. Analysis of percentages to gain perspective on women‟s views was conducted for this output and presented in Table 17. Table 17: Perceptions on the sustainability of community livelihoods Responses Yes, oil extraction will improve the long term social, economic and environmental wellbeing of the community Oil extraction will only improve social aspects Oil extraction will only improve environmental aspects No, oil extraction will leave the community worse off than it was before the oil and gas discovery Total 95 Frequency Percent 51 18.3 3 6 1.1 2.2 219 78.5 279 100.0 Results in Table 17 illustrate that 51 (18.3%) of the respondents were of the opinion that oil extraction will improve the long term social, economic and environmental wellbeing of the community. Only 3 (1.1%) understood that oil extraction will improve social aspects, 6 (2.2%) only stated that oil extraction will only improve environmental aspects while 219 (78.5%) were of the view that oil extraction will leave the community worse off than it was before the oil and gas discovery. Disaggregated results reveal that 83.1% of the respondents from Axim were of the view that oil extraction will leave the community worse off than it was before the oil and gas discovery, whereas 68.8% of respondents from Cape Three Points were of the same view. The majority of the respondents in Dixcove (81.4%) expressed the same concern that their community would be left worse off. This leads to the assertion that the respondents were generally not satisfied with the outlook of their livelihoods, wellbeing and oil extraction. Pessimism could be linked to the observable declining trend of coastal livelihoods (refer to 4.3.6). Impacts of the oil and gas industry have mostly been negative so far; therefore, it is prudent that coastal communities have a realistic outlook on their sustainability. Respondents indicated that if oil extraction continued in their communities, they were afraid that their livelihoods would be completely destroyed. These sentiments were expressed in the following lamentation: If oil extraction continues in this manner with all [of] the threats imposed on us, we will die in no time. Our lives would be better than we are now if the government moved us abroad to “bathe dead bodies”. Actually, the pains and hardship that we are going through is something the government and the oil industry cannot comprehend, as their families are living abroad where they are enjoying better lives. If they bought fuel as we do here, they would have felt the pain. I wish what I‟m saying could reach them so that they could feel that I‟m speaking out of pain. (Fishmonger, Axim, 2019) 96 Bathing dead bodies in this case was used as a hypothetical statement to represent the fact that the women had been stripped of their livelihoods that they are willing to work in shunned upon jobs abroad where they can at least earn a means of survival. Notably, there was a resounding sense of hope among national level stakeholders that if strategies were revised to include formulating and implementing appropriate policy, coastal livelihoods might stand a chance at a brighter future. Policy that addresses the needs of coastal women‟s livelihoods is important because of the unique challenges they face as a result of their proximity to extraction. Existing frameworks support national development but fail to address micro-level challenges. This optimism was relayed in the following statement: It is interesting when looking into the conflicting industries. The two can coexist because it has worked in Norway. They have done this perfectly. It is now that the government is realizing that the fishing industry exists as far as the world exists while oil‟s existence is finite. The one problem for the governments is that fishing is difficult to tax but for Ghana, the government probably earns more from fishing than oil by about GH₵ 1 billion and that‟s when they [government] are thinking of protective measures. They should make sure the fishing industry does not die because it will remain in existence even after the oil dies. (Key informant, Accra, 2019) Another key informant also noted that: To some of the community, fishing is not just an economic activity. It is an issue of culture and identity. The money is not worth the risk because identity, prestige is everything to them. So, the government should understand these needs. While we focus on how to drill oil, we should focus on how to develop other areas of the energy chain. Fishing can have more impact on people than oil. It employs more people but also provides food. African countries just focus on the downside [but] meanwhile they can benefit more from the fishing industry as everybody eats from it. So if we can‟t protect your fishing, how shall we make it more sustainable (Accra, July 2019). This indicates that whereas there is growing optimism at the national level, women in coastal communities do not feel the same way. Their everyday experiences greatly differ from 97 those of the nation. Therefore, their hope for a bright future is all but dwindling in the face of national-level and international optimism around the prospects of the oil and gas industry. 4.5.2. Livelihood Adaptation Measures For this theme, I asked respondents to identify interventions in place that are geared towards supporting coastal women‟s livelihoods. I wanted to know if measures have been taken to support and protect the livelihoods of coastal women. I found similarities and variations in the response strategies employed in the three communities. Whereas the government has attempted to support livelihood enhancement through policy formulation, oil companies, traditional institutions and civil society have proved to be crucial in implementing interventions on the ground. In 2019, the Ministry of Fisheries and Aquaculture Development and the Fisheries Commission implemented the closed fishing season to protect Ghana‟s fish resources. The season was set for May 15th to June 15th for small scale artisanal fishers and August 1st to August 30th for industrial trawlers. The essence of this „closed season‟ was to address declining fish stock by allowing fish to breed undisturbed. Initially, this intervention was strongly contested by fishers. However, with persistent sensitization, they understood the importance of introducing breeding periods if the issue of declining fish stocks was to be addressed. The Government of Ghana subsidized premix fuel, a petroleum product very commonly used in artisanal fishing boats. Compared to vehicle fuels and other types of fuels, premix is now affordable to fishing communities. This is an initiative fishermen and fishmongers alike have equally welcomed. With access to more fuel, fishermen are able to sail farther into the sea and for longer periods at a time in order to make bigger fish catches. However, women suggest that outboard motors should be subsidized by the government so that it can become more affordable 98 for fishermen to go far out to sea to fish. Boats without outboard motors are boat engines that are preferred for longer fishing expeditions by members of the fishing communities. In response to women‟s livelihood deprivations, civil society organisations have stepped up to support in livelihood enhancement initiatives for women in these communities. For example, an association called “Gift has provided micro-credit facilities for women‟s enterprise development in Axim. Recipients noted that despite having improved their access to funding, the fund is very small and therefore not all needy women are benefiting. It is common for uneducated women or those without leadership roles in the community to be less informed about these opportunities, than those with a minimum level of education. Friends of the Nation, the Western Region Sustainable Livelihood Project and the Western Region Coastal Foundation through the European Union have supported agricultural projects to include and expand pig farms especially in Axim. Although some emphasis is given to women, the majority of women in these communities, especially immigrants, do not own land on which they could maintain viable farms to support their livelihoods. Friends of the Nation supported awareness creation on issues of women in decision-making in Axim. It was reported that whereas women were previously not included in decision-making processes, Friends of the Nation‟s campaign to address gender inequalities in this area has brought tremendous change. One fishmonger reported, “Before, we were not involved in meetings. It was only for men but when Friends of the Nation stepped in to raise awareness, this has changed. These days, men do not hold meetings without inviting women” (Axim, June 2019). This points to the relevance of civil society in mainstreaming gender in the development agenda at this level. As noted earlier in section 4.3.1, traditional institutions have stepped up to encourage entrepreneurship, and to diversify livelihoods and foster women‟s empowerment. The new chief of Dixcove has allocated a financial contribution to entrepreneurship ventures. This has a 99 supported a women‟s Association in Upper Dixcove. Dixcove, however, comprises two communities (i.e., Upper and Lower Dixcove). Hence, these funds are insufficient to meet the needs of all women at the same time. For Upper Dixcove, the association has adapted to this challenge by creating a revolving loan distribution whereby lending is done in batches. At the time of the study, the first disbursement had been done and the payouts for the next batch were dependent on the repayment of loans from the first group. While women noted that this is a commendable initiative, those who live in Lower Dixcove are left out from benefiting and likewise, not all the women in Upper Dixcove will have access to this fund. This chapter has sought to analysed women‟s deprivations in a nuanced way. It sheds light on the different levels and ways through which women are socially excluded from mainstream gains in the oil economy to maintain a decent living. This chapter first demonstrated that fishing is the main livelihood for both men and women in Axim, Dixcove and Cape Three Points. Although some respondents had alternative livelihoods, most participants did not have a second or third livelihood option. Women, more than men, have incorporated alternative livelihoods in petty trade and farming. An overwhelming number of female participants indicated that the oil industry has not supported their livelihoods. In essence, they have not gained benefits from the oil industry. The benefits are disproportionately distributed between men and the community‟s elites, in terms of jobs, education scholarships and social infrastructure. Diverse geography, cultural norms, race and politics shape women‟s interaction with the oil industry. Whereas efforts have been made to involve women in some decision making processes, participants feel that their views are not being embedded in final decisions. Oil companies have made progress towards involving communities in decision-making processes, but it should be noted that this opportunity is not 100 accorded to women at all levels. For example, while communities have been involved in planning meeting for CSR projects, they are not included in project implementation and monitoring. Last, there is a widespread understanding among women that ongoing oil activity is unsustainable and will lead to the long term collapse of fishing in Ghana. Although there are concerted efforts by civil society, traditional institutions, Oil Companies and government to address women‟s livelihood challenges, women continue to face distinct deprivation barriers in accessing oil benefits. 101 Chapter 5 5.1. Discussion of Study Results 5.1.1. Navigation of Gender Roles in Coastal Livelihoods Fishing is the mainstay of Dixcove, Axim and Cape Three Points. Other livelihoods include farming and petty trade. Fishing activities in these communities are very gender specific. Culturally, women‟s role is principally in fish post-harvest activities; fish trade, processing and marketing from which they provide sustenance for their households. Men spend most of their time, even days at a time at sea, fishing. It must be noted, however, that livelihood differentiation based on gender has gradually declined over the years in Ghana because of economic structural (re)adjustment programs (Overa 2007). Essentially, the lines between men and women‟s work are becoming increasingly blurred. To a small extent, the trend of bridging livelihoods based on gender roles has crossed over to Ghana‟s coastal communities, as some men and boys are taking on traditionally „feminine‟ jobs in fish processing. This, however, does not overlook the resounding role gender plays in the livelihoods of these coastal communities. It is common practice that men‟s financial contribution to household wellbeing is supplemented by women‟s income. Since men are away most of the time, the role of nurturing and sustaining the household rests primarily on women. This leads to my deduction that, essentially, women are the actual breadwinners of many households even though this does not receive due acknowledgement in a patriarchal environment (Robertson 1984). What seemed clear from these findings is that men were aware of this position but did not acknowledge women as the breadwinners. Rather, they believed women were “doing what had to be done” (fisherman, Dixcove, May 2019). Men often said, “we bring the fish and hand it over to our wives, they are then responsible for looking for money, putting food on the 102 table and taking care of the home” (fisherman, Axim, June 2019). Women are expected to combine their reproductive roles with income generation (Overå 2007) From this study, I also deduce that women‟s pivotal role in providing household sustenance is a key motivational factor in the search for alternative livelihood options. This position underscores the gendered power relations and socio-cultural norms that continue to showcase most rural women as poor and disempowered (see Tsikata and Darkwah 2014; Bawa 2016). Project results illustrate that women have demonstrated agency and gained advantage over men with regard to their livelihood, especially in Axim. Some women in Axim have become entrepreneurs, invested in small to medium size enterprises that include petty trade and owing boats. Some even employ men as fishermen and captains. This study, therefore, suggests that more nuance is needed to properly account for such dynamics, and to recognise women not only as victims of inequality but also beneficiaries of their environments. It was observed that community members, particularly men, associate fishing with their identity. Men, for example, constantly referred to fishing as “their way of life” and a “birth right”. Urquhart and Acott (2014) agree that fishing communities tend to construct their identities around occupations, way of life, and shared narratives which build cultural identity and social cohesion and not simply by the economic gains they receive from the activity. Fishing is not only a livelihood but a way of life for members of these communities, especially, for the men who rarely seek alternative livelihood options. It is befitting to suggest that men in these communities strongly attach fishing not only for the financial gains but also to their sense of purpose and meaning fishing gave their lives. To most, it appears as if they believe that fishing is their “life calling”. Behzadi (2019) explores this as an emotional “sense of self” that men link to status and masculinity and that shapes women‟s experiences as breadwinners in the community. 103 Hence, it is imperative to understand and navigate these relationships in order to address the livelihood challenges of coastal communities. Last, although women have to a large extent succeeded in paving out alternative livelihoods, they are constantly navigating gendered dynamics of power and inequality when doing so. For example, unlike their male counterparts, women have limited access to microcredit because they are considered to be risky borrowers. This is linked to norms of women not having necessary symbolic and cultural capital to successfully manage enterprises (Overå 2017). Symbolic and cultural capital includes society reputation and, in the case of oil related investments, knowledge of the industry. 5.1.2. Oil benefits: Dashed Dreams and Unfounded Expectations Despite choosing my study sites for the relative similarities in their characteristics, over the course of my study, different levels of “development” were observed. Broadly, I defined the level of development to include factors such as accessibility, politics, and physical infrastructure (roads, schools, health services, markets etc.). Axim was the most advanced of the three communities with the largest population, a tarmac road, improved technology including fish ovens and more government, civil society and oil company interventions. Axim has access to most social infrastructure such as schools, hospitals, and markets. Dixcove follows closely with a smaller population, an accessible road, a primary and secondary school and a hospital. Cape Three Points is the least developed community of the three. Hardly accessible by road especially on a rainy day, the community does not have social infrastructure such as markets, hospital or medical centre, and a secondary school. The community also has the smallest population and has received the least benefits from oil wealth. Uneven distribution of benefits does not only occur between national and sub-national levels but also at the same community level. Hence, it can be argued that women in Cape Three 104 Points are worse off than those in Axim and Dixcove. The deplorable state of Cape Three Points has already been documented in existing studies (see Andrews 2013; Osei-Kojo and Andrews 2020), which further augment my findings. Pre-existing varying political, geographic and perhaps social infrastructural factors unique to each community contributed to the advantaged or disadvantaged position in terms of their ability to access to oil benefits. Continued exclusions leaves women feeling like the quality of their lives does not reflect the image of oil cities. Women expected that the oil economy would better their lives by providing employment, and scholarship opportunities, improving their social infrastructure and adding to incomes. However, respondents argued that communities had an unguided expectation that needed to be controlled. Communities have increasingly grown expectant of oil companies to provide social services such as education, health and transportation in spite of the fact that it is the mandate of the government to provide social services. Though companies should be held accountable for the wellbeing of communities in which they operate, government needs to strengthen its presence, legislation and ability to monitor and enforce oil regulations to ensure that communities benefit (Littlewood 2014). Some of these measures will necessitate taking steps to end stereotypes around masculine and feminine work in the oil industry as well as creating employment opportunities for coastal communities in the industry (Miller 2004). Finally, inasmuch as the negative implications of the oil industry for the livelihoods of women in Axim, Dixcove and Cape Three Points are undeniable, it is important to recognize that these do not occur in a vacuum. Many studies have shown a fisheries industry that was already on the decline even long before oil and gas extraction. While it might be an easy option to put the blame entirely on the oil and gas industry, other contributing factors including climate change, over-fishing and the use of Illegal Unregulated and Unreported fishing methods (see Dyhia et al. 105 2019; Kurekin et al. 2019; Nunoo et al. 2014; Agyekum 2016). In order to address declining coastal livelihoods, it is important to adopt an integrated ecosystems-based management approach4 that takes into consideration the complexities of a marine ecosystem (Maaike 2011). This, however, is beyond the scope of this particular thesis. 5.1.3. Governance Implications for Coastal Women’s Livelihoods Ghana‟s coastal livelihoods operate in a society of intertwined organisational structures through which these activities are governed and livelihoods decisions are negotiated. Through this study, I was able to ascertain that Ghana has multi-scalar governance structures that support the management of fisheries and oil resources. I argue, however, that these governance structures have not translated into better lives for coastal women. The study has revealed that is it not a sheer absence of laws or participation in decisionmaking processes that has contributed to the failure of the oil industry benefits to trickle down to coastal women. Ghana has proven its commitment to democracy (Gyimah-Boadi and Prempeh 2012; Van Alstine 2014). There is, however, a lack of laws tailored to local needs, and a lack of effective participation mechanisms. Though Ghana has a decentralization policy that calls for the devolution of power for planning and implementing development interventions at the subnational level, lack of political commitment has led to constant interference in these functions by the central government (Nyedu 2012). Management decisions for natural resources therefore remain centralized. This practice has left the immediate needs of coastal communities unattended. Local content policies, for example, have become a popular way of preventing the practice of oil corporations procuring basic supplies and services from outside the country (see Ablo 2015; Ovadia 2016; Andrews and Nwapi 2018). But based on the responses from women 4 “Integrated Ecosystems-Based Management is an approach that goes beyond examining single issues, species or ecosystem functions in isolation” (UNEP 2011) 106 interviewed, it is possible such arrangements are benefitting only a few local business people who then further sub-contract services to people who do not necessarily come from these coastal communities where this research was conducted. In addition to explaining the discrepancies with the local content rhetoric, the evidence further showcases the differentiation in benefits that accrue to people who are considered “local”. The “not sure” responses to whether women were aware of the Public Interest Accountability Committee (PIAC) are noteworthy. As an institution established to manage the accounting and disbursement of revenue from the hydrocarbon industry, PIAC has been effective in ensuring some degree of transparency and accountability (Graham et al. 2019). As a result of PIAC, government activities are closely monitored. This has improved accountability reporting on revenue gains and expenditures. However, the concerns of participants about the high-handed nature of their reports, as well as contestations around the choices of projects the committee decides to fund – particularly around they align with local people‟s priorities – are among PIAC‟s ongoing challenges. In contrast to traditional leaders, the study suggests an absence of trust in political leaders. I observed that the relationships with traditional and political leaders varied from one community to the other. However, the majority of the respondents expressed suspicion regarding the intentions of their political leaders. Women in Dixcove were dissatisfied with the assemblyman‟s governance practices that excluded them from decision making, while those in Cape Three Points reported that their political leaders did not engage them at any level. Respondents in Axim, however, praised their area Member of Parliament for her efforts to support development projects in the community. Communities were more receptive to their traditional leaders. Even while traditional institutions are currently not actively involved in key benefit distribution processes in the oil industry, they have proven to be reliable champions of 107 good governance practices (Amosa 2010). In contrast, traditional leaders in Ghana appear to be observers as they have been constitutionally cautioned against engaging in public governance and politics (Antwi-Boaisiko and Bonna 2009). Nonetheless, ambivalence exists between customary and formal forms of power and allegiance. This tends to maintain some role for local chiefs and elders in the distribution of benefits accruing from resource extraction – as evidence from the mining sector suggests (see Lawer et al. 2017; Hirons 2014; Guo 2018). 5.1.4. Blue Economy Considerations for Ghana’s Coastal Livelihoods Though conceptualization of the blue economy promises sustainable development, humanity‟s wellbeing and equitable use of ocean spaces, this is not the reality for women in Ghana‟s coastal communities. While the blue economy around them grows with oil extraction activities, the wellbeing and livelihoods of those most adjacent to the ocean resource is not being improved. According to respondents, this is specifically due to the lack of a proper policy infrastructure to govern blue economy development. Policy is also necessary to mitigate the overexploitation of fisheries through Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated fishing methods, and pollution and degradation of the ocean with chemicals like DDT in Ghana undermines blue economy growth (Amarh 2019). Respondents noted that they do not have hope that their livelihoods will exist in the future given the ongoing trends in the fishing and oil and gas industries. They decried the failure for government to control the actions of oil companies but also condemned companies for not doing much to improve their livelihoods. It appears that while they lamented that the oil industry is going to end their livelihoods, they are also seeking alternative options and are receptive to new and innovative ways of making a living. This suggests that whereas fishing is culturally 108 important to these communities, women chose the best suitable and sustainable options that will ensure their sustenance. Bennett (2018) observes that historically marine development has been marred with decision-making processes that propagate exclusion and social injustices in coastal communities. In order to support multiple maritime uses, Bennett (2018) calls for justice and inclusion in ocean policy that supports marine conservation, fisheries management, marine spatial planning, the blue economy, and climate adaptation. Voyer and Leeuwen (2019) suggest that Social License to Operate (SLO) practices are needed to foster harmonious coexistence between ocean industries and coastal communities. SLO practices have been identified as continuations of CSR that legitimize activities or developments of businesses through social support that oversees viability, political and social capital support (Hall and Jeanneret 2015). Introducing SLO into Ghana‟s coastal management has the potential of drawing attention to community concerns around environmental and livelihood sustainability. With regard to adaptation to changing coastal livelihoods, Akinola (2008) notes that there are broadly two main categories of self-governing institutions through which communities cope with social dispossession. Indigenous and endogenous institutions including traditional and postcolonial governance structures respectively were adopted by communities in the Niger Delta (Akinola 2008). Similarly, communities in Axim, Dixcove and Cape Three Points have adopted livelihood projects through civil society and their traditional institutions which indicate a failure by the government and oil companies to address livelihood dispossession in the region. Civil Society Organisations (CSO) like Gift, Western Region Coastal Foundation and Friends of the Nation are key livelihood partners in this region. Although CSOs and traditional institutions have attempted to address women‟s livelihood challenges in these communities, it is clear that they 109 need the support of the government to scale up these interventions for the benefit of the entire population. 5.2. Feminist Political Ecology Reflections In this section, I turn to discussing my observations and reflections made while applying the Feminist Political Ecology framework in examining the gendered ramification of oil extraction and related impacts on coastal women‟s livelihoods in Ghana. I reflect on the themes of geography, race, norms and context put forward by FPE scholars in the effort to understand women‟s relationships with their environments in the three communities I studied. During this study, I found that socio-cultural norms are still relevant to women‟s livelihoods in the three coastal communities. Evidence of this relationship was shown when men were asked about employment opportunities for women in the oil industry. Most respondents believed that women do not have the biological capabilities to take on jobs in the extractive industry. In Dixcove, a woman has never held the assembly representative position. While women expressed the desire to engage in leadership at that level, they were hesitant because women who contested in the past were mocked and ridiculed when they lost. These sentiments were not shared in Axim, where the community elected a female Member of Parliament with whom they were pleased at that time of this study. The role of geography in perpetuating gender inequalities was highlighted in this study. Experiences of women differed from one community to another depending on the social infrastructural factors that were present in each location. Being the biggest town, Axim had more access to services while Cape Three Points, being the smallest town, was without basic social infrastructure like a road, faced further livelihood dispossessions. In fact, women in Cape Three Points lamented that they felt like they were not even part of Ghana. Such passionate feelings 110 were not shared in Axim or Dixcove. Such lamentations by respondents in Cape Three Points underlie the connections between geography (i.e. place), social status and marginalisation – which link this work to recent contributions to FPE (Truelove 2011; Jorasz 2011). While geography in FPE theorizing is more than place, the evidence presented here points to how a community‟s physical features (e.g. inaccessible location) plays an important role in the distribution of benefits and harms. Since Ghana is not a racially diverse country, as the majority of the people are black Africans, issues of race do not form the basis of most social research. Coastal women are not positioned to navigate racial dynamics in their everyday lives. As Mollett and Faria (2013) suggested, contextualizing the analysis of race has a lot to do with the politics of place. Race could, however, be observed as a factor in the distribution of employment opportunities in the industry. It was clear that since most Ghanaians do not have the capacity to work in the industry, the existing positions are dominated by white and Chinese male expatriates. This exposes inequalities in holding positions of decision-making, skill, and technology among races in this environment – underscoring the intersectionality of race, governance and the environment. In fact, the finding is also contrary to efforts around institutional requirements for oil companies to procure goods and services locally. But as noted above, what is in question is how this “local” is defined and assessed in practice (see Ablo 2014; Nwapi 2015; Andrews and Nwapi 2018). Lastly, adding men as a variable of analysis in this research enabled an appreciation of the fact that women are not always the victims of male oppression (Sunberg 2017). Understanding the context of these interactions at different levels is important. For example, I found that in many cases, women effectively exercised their agency and even gained an advantage over men in different livelihood aspects, starting from being responsible for making 111 key livelihood decisions at the household level to diversifying and building their enterprises to the extent of even employing men. Interestingly, when I asked women whether they felt oppressed by their cultures or husbands, most of them were adamant that they were not. They said that they could do whatever they wanted to do albeit the only obstacles they perceived were the lack of social infrastructure and livelihood support from the government and oil companies. In sum, this study contributes relevant insights to FPE by showing a nuanced understanding of the dispossession or marginalisation of women‟s livelihoods as a result of oil extraction. Interactions between gender and the environment may not only be shaped by cultural norms, socio-geographical factors, class and race but also identities built around one‟s sense of self/worth. 5.3. Policy and Future Research Recommendations This study highlights that although collective efforts have been made to ensure participation and consultation of coastal communities, there is need to streamline and intensify these actions. A feedback mechanism that deals with the inadequacies of the top-down systems of communication would ensure that women receive timely feedback from the government and oil companies. A common complaint among respondents was that they attend so many meetings with oil companies but do not receive responses on the proposals forwarded during these discussions. They also complained that it was difficult to approach oil companies while they barely had interactions with government oil agencies. Wilson and Irvine (2013) advise that bottom-up approaches can have more of an impact on behavioural change than top-down mechanisms. However, it is ideal to employ both top-bottom and bottom-up approaches if limitations of both are to be addressed. A mass sensitization radio campaign, for example, can be followed by regional feedback meetings. 112 Given the unique experiences of coastal communities, it is imperative that the government formulates policies targeted at addressing these specific needs. Ghana‟s positive growth trajectory as a result of oil extraction is unmatched within Sub-Saharan African countries (Van Alstine 2014). The country demonstrated preparedness to manage and benefit from the oil find with governance tools and structures that include the Local Content and Participation Act, Petroleum Revenue Management Act, GNPC, and NOC. Indeed, these have translated into commendable development at the national level. However, the flow of benefits to coastal communities continues to lag behind. Existing policy frameworks should be re-designed to take due consideration for women‟s livelihoods needs at this level. These policies should then be enforcement if they are to create a lasting impact on coastal women‟s livelihoods. Ghana‟s centralized system of governing oil revenues does not consider the differentiated needs of coastal communities. The government opposed calls for specific royalties to be reserved for the Western Region, I propose that a similar model may help bring the benefits of extraction closer to the people. Moss and Young (2009, 2) argue that, “direct cash distribution of oil revenues to citizens is a potentially powerful approach to protect and accelerate Ghana‟s political and economic gains, and a way to strengthen the country‟s social contract”. In this case, the government should set up a community fund where direct contributions from oil revenues are made towards the development of coastal communities, including women‟s livelihoods. There is need to strengthen research and innovation in coastal livelihoods, especially in the fisheries sector. Key research areas highlighted in this study include exploring the impact of oil extraction on farming (to explain claims of withering coconuts and red cassava) and to investigate causes of the increased accumulation of seaweeds in Axim and Dixcove. Research would also answer questions about whether oil extraction has led to the spread of coastal 113 diseases like skin rashes and coughing. Lastly, it would be useful to explore innovative ways to improve coastal livelihoods. For example research could be conducted into the potential of aquaculture to address the declining fish stocks (Silver et al. 2015; Winder and Le Heron 2017). In terms of areas for further studies, more research is needed to understand the environmental impacts of oil and gas extraction in Ghana. A study of this nature is essential to assess the actual relationship between oil extraction and fish volumes, oil extraction and withering of coconuts, and discoloration of crops like cassava and oil extraction and impacts on the seaweed. This is necessary to answer community queries of the oil industry. Such work could also inform conflicts resolution between communities and oil companies on these issues. There is need to undertake a capacity needs assessment of skills needed to engage in the oil and gas industry for coastal communities, probably for Ghana as a whole. With this research, additional focus is needed to investigate and demystify myths surrounding feminine and masculine work and abilities, creating an enabling narrative that debunks social norms of feminine work, and those which exclude women from the profitable oil and gas labour force. There is a need to thoroughly investigate the causes for the uneven distribution of oil benefits between national and regional levels. This will address the conundrum of why some regions of the country, particularly those closest to oil and gas extraction, are dealing with dispossession while at the national level, development continues to happen at an unprecedented rate. 5.4. Conclusion This study found that although respondents at all the three study sites described facing livelihood dispossession from oil extraction, women‟s experiences are nuanced due to underlying gendered interactions with factors which include geography, class, power and socio-cultural 114 norms around resource management. This study uncovered that fishing remains the main source of livelihood in these communities and is a culturally important source of food and social identity. Some respondents who have sought alternative sources of livelihoods, are also still largely dependent on fishing for their household incomes. Diversification remains uncommon, especially among men, which can be seen as contributing to apparent to low resilience to oil extraction and other impacts on fisheries. I found that it would be inconclusive to discuss threats to coastal women‟s livelihoods by solely attributing this to the oil industry. Other factors such as climate change, seasonal nature of the fishing industry and the use of Illegal Unregulated and Unreported methods of fishing are also significant. Freduah et al. (2017) urge that the decline in fishing livelihoods in the coastal region is a combination of multiple stressors including competition with oil extraction activity, strict laws and beach sand mining. It is also important to note that while Axim is the most endowed with social infrastructure of the three communities, Cape Three Points is the most impoverished due to its absolute exclusion from basic social services like a secondary school, hospital and a passable road network. Likewise, respondents in Cape Three Points claimed to have experienced worse marginalisation than the ones in Axim and Dixcove. Failure to appreciate women‟s role in households as a source of sustenance and their engagement in the fishing industry further marginalises women‟s position as fishmongers and breadwinners. Women ultimately became vulnerable to institutionalized power relations, class and often socially constructed mythical beliefs. Participation in the oil industry, for example, is limited by the myth that women are not mentally and physically incapable of performing these jobs. A male respondent intimated, women‟s menstrual cycle and associated personal hygiene has become a reason for women‟s exclusion from their profitable involvement in the industry. To 115 this day, in some communities, women face ridicule when they attempt to vie for leadership positions. Some women have been able to circumnavigate these inequalities by strategically positioning themselves to tap into the benefits from both the fishing and oil industry. This positionality is informed by the level of education one holds, leadership position in the community, and income earned. My study observed that women with lower levels of education, income, and power access to decision-making were less likely to be aware of ongoing CSR and other livelihood initiatives. They were also ill-equipped to employ resilience strategies for their changing livelihoods. As such, oil companies and the government have used this position to foster their strategic interests while diminishing women‟s livelihood needs. In conclusion, this study agrees with Rocheleau et al. (1996) among others (Elmhirst 2015; Truelove 2011; Sunberg 2017; Forsyth 2008) regarding the complex interaction between gender relations and the environment. To further enhance the social justice and empowerment elements of FPE (Elmhirst 2015; Forsyth 2008), a proper domestication of development policy that targets the special needs of coastal communities and women at this level is essential. A deeper appreciation of fishing as a way of life and identity for many Ghanaians dwelling in coastal communities is necessary for concrete action towards protecting this industry in a way that transcends mainstream characterizations of the blue economy. 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REMINDERS TO RESEARCHER: c Introduce yourself c Give the participant the consent form c Explain the project and how long participation will take c Document oral consent before proceeding c Introduce each section of the survey Questionnaire no.________________ Village ______________________________ County_________________________ Town _______________________________ District_________________________ Section 1 – Participant background information 1) What is your gender? c Male c Female c Other 2) What is your age? c 18 – 27 c 28 – 37 c 38– 47 c 48 – 57 c 58+ 3) What is your highest level of education completed? c Elementary school c Middle School c High School c University degree – Bachelors or higher c None 4) Where do you live? Town name: _______________ 5) How many years have you lived there? Please list # of years: _______ 6) Where are you from originally? c the local town or village c the nearby area (same county, province, etc) 132 c the same country c another country 7) How many people live in your household? ________________________________________________________________________ 8) Rank the source of income in your household starting with the most important Livelihoods Oil industry Small scale fishing 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th Farming Petty trade Tourism Others 9) Approximately what percentage of your average annual income comes from fisheries? c 0-25% c 25-50% c 50-75% c 75-100% Section 2 – Perceptions on the benefits of the oil industry on livelihoods 10) Whose livelihood in your family is mostly reliant on small scale fishing? c Males c Females c None 11) Whose livelihood in your family is mostly reliant on the oil and gas industry c Male c Females c None 12) Overall, people‟s lives in the community have improved since the discovery of offshore oil and gas c strongly agree c Agree c Neutral c Disagree c strongly disagree 13) Overall, people‟s traditional livelihoods such as fishing and farming have improved since the discovery of offshore oil and gas c strongly agree 133 c Agree c Neutral c Disagree c strongly disagree 14) Overall, people have gained new livelihood options from the discovery of oil and gas c strongly agree c Agree c Neutral c Disagree c strongly disagree 15) How would you evaluate the impacts of the oil industry on the following aspects of the community? Question – Evaluation Very Somewhat Negative Negative impact impact a. Job opportunities in the community b. Sale of local goods to oil industry c. Community infrastructure and social programs d. Air quality e. Amount of pollution in the water f. Small-scale fishermen‟s livelihoods g. Access to areas of the ocean h. The amount of fish in the ocean i. Access to the shore j. Relationships among people within the community k. Women‟s livelihood opportunities l. Participation of local people in decision-making m. Health of people in the community n. Cost of living o. Levels of wealth and poverty in the community p. Relationships between women and men 134 Neutral or no impact Somewhat positive impact Very Positive impact Section 3 – Benefit sharing arrangements 16) How would evaluate the effectiveness of governance structures/tools for benefit sharing Evaluation Agree Strongly agree Not sure Disagree Strongly disagree Laws passed by government are sufficient to manage oil benefits Political leaders can be trusted with management of benefits Cultural and traditional leaders can be trusted with management of benefits The Public Interest Accounts Committee is effective in management of benefits Government and corporation manage oil revenues well 17) How would you rate the level of community participation in decision making for sharing of benefits from the oil extraction? c Highly effective – the community is engaged in planning, negotiation and distribution of benefits c Fairly effective- the community is engaged in a few but not all decision processes c Ineffective – the community is left out of all decision-making processes 18) Overall, the social, economic, and environmental wellbeing of the community will be improved in the long term from oil extraction activities c Yes, oil extraction will improve the long term social, economic and environmental wellbeing of the community c Oil extraction will only improve economic aspects c Oil extraction will only improve social aspects c Oil extraction will only improve environmental aspects c No, oil extraction will leave the community worse off than it was before the oil and gas discovery. REMINDER TO INTERVIEWER: • Ask the interviewee if they have any last questions. Thank the interviewee for taking time to participate in the interview. 135 Appendix II: Interview Schedule Engendering the Blue Economy: Offshore Oil Extraction and the Livelihoods of Women in Ghana Objective 2: Demonstrate the impact of governance practices on women‟s access to the growing blue economy in Ghana 1. What policies are in place to govern oil and gas extraction in Ghana? 2. Describe the institutional arrangements for implementation of oil and gas policy? 3. Are local cultural and traditional governance structures included in the management of oil and gas industry? 4. Are you aware of governance instruments like the National oil Commission and the Public Interest Accountability Committee? 5. How do you think these instruments have impacted the management of the oil and gas industry in Ghana? 6. Are the institutional mechanisms governing oil and gas extraction gender sensitive? In what ways are gender considerations being made through these institutions? 7. Are women involved in decision making processes in the industry? (representation etc.) 8. What steps have been taken to strengthen women‟s involvement in the oil and gas industry? 9. Are there specific policies and (or) programs in the oil and gas industry geared towards enhancing the livelihoods of women in coastal communities? If so, what are they? 10. What is the impact of the policies mentioned above on the livelihoods of coastal women in Ghana? 136 Appendix III: Focus group discussions guide Engendering the Blue Economy: Offshore Oil Extraction and the Livelihoods of Women in Ghana Objective 3: Identify livelihood sustainability options for women in coastal communities. The focus group discussions will seek to deliver on the following questions; 1. What are the main livelihood activities for women in your community? 2. Apart from fishing and the other main livelihoods mentioned above, are there other alternative livelihood activities for women in your community? 3. Are there any obstacles to women‟s livelihoods in your community? If so, what are they? (Probing questions e.g cultural practices – women not allowed to work etc, gender inequality – women not allowed to go to school or manage the money they make from work, religious barriers, limited capital for business start-up, environmental pollution affection fish catch, oil extraction- conflict for water spaces, increasing prices of inputs due to the oil boom?) 4. Can these obstacles be ranked basing on the most pressing issue? 5. What livelihood opportunities does the oil industry present to women? 6. How are the opportunities and benefits (both direct and indirect) of the oil and gas industry distributed in the community? (Through what means? Local leaders/cultural? Community groups? Through oil cooperation? Directly from central government? Community byelaws?) 7. Are the channels through which benefits are distributed inclusive of women? (Probing questions, through distribution meeting? Development is inclusive of women needs? Women are represented on distribution committees?) 8. In what ways are women being supported to gain from the benefits of the oil and gas industry? (probing questions: are there groups, organisations, programs specifically targeting women empowerment or involvement in the industry? E.g. entrepreneurial or environmental programs?) 9. How is fishing and your other livelihoods (mentioned above) adapting to the changing coastal environment? (probing question: i.e catching less fish? Diversifying livelihoods? Migrating? Getting loans? Etc) 10. What impacts/threats you have experienced due to oil extraction? (consider social, environmental or ecological threats) 11. How do you see your lives progressing even beyond the oil extraction phase? 137