The Culture of the Female Victim
In High School Bullying

Anita Dobie
B. Ed., University of Victoria, 1994

Project Submitted In Partial
Fulfillment Of The Requirements For
The Degree Of
Master of Education

The University Of Northern British Columbia
July, 2006
© Anita Dobie, 2006

Abstract
North Americans have become more aware of bullying as the result of the many
accounts reported in newspapers, and on television and written in books involving the
deaths, beatings and shootings of students. This study investigates bullying from the
perspective of the victimized female high school student. A qualitative study was
conducted by interviewing three female students in Grades 8-12 who self-identified as
victims. The findings provide insight into the types of bullying, and reactions to and
ramifications of bullying. Verbal and non-verbal aggression was the most prominent.
Physical aggression was always preceded or accompanied by verbal aggression. Cyber
bullying was particularly insidious because of the anonymity it allowed. The participants
described the devastating effects bullying had on their self-esteem and their relationships.
This study showed that the emotional pain resulting from bullying incidents had negative
repercussions in both the short and long-term. Based on the results of this study,
recommendations are provided to schools on how to work with victims.

II

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract

11

Table of Contents

lll

Chapter One

Introduction

1

Chapter Two

Literature Review

4

Chapter Three Methods
Setting
Sampling Procedures
Procedures
Data Collection Strategies
Data Analysis
Chapter Four Results
Findings
Question 1
Question 2
Question 3

16
16
17

20
23

24
25

28
29

Chapter Five Conclusions, Recommendations and Limitations
Conclusions
Recommendations from the Study
Recommendations for further Research
Limitations of the Study
Concluding Statement

42
43

References

45

Appendix A

48

33
37

40

Ill

Chapter 1
Introduction

Violent events and tragedies in schools across North America have heightened
awareness regarding bullying. Newspapers and television report many accounts that
involve the deaths, beatings and shootings of students. In 2000, in British Columbia, two
students left suicide notes that indicated they were ending their lives as the result of
severe high school bullying (Coloroso, 2003). Mayencourt, Locke and McMahon (2003)
stated that, "British Columbia faces a serious problem with bullying, harassment and
intimidation in its school system" (p. 6).
Governments, communities, schools, research centers, media, and individuals
have analyzed and suggested solutions to bullying. The research has indicated that the
ramifications of bullying exist for the bully and the victim both in the short and longterm. These implications can be of an emotional, academic, social, physical or
psychiatric nature (Mishna, 2004; Nansel, Overpeck, Pilla, Ruan, Simons-Morton &
Scheidt, 2001 ). Therefore, it is crucial that research continues to investigate the impact of
bullying and the methods to eliminate it.
In recent years most discussions and research have focused on the number of
incidents of bullying, the underlying causes of bullying, the strategies to eliminate the
occurrence of bullying and the success of bullying interventions (Ananiadou, Schneider,
Smith, & Smith, 2004; Craig & Pepler, 2003). However, Mishna (2004) stresses the need
for qualitative research conducted on victims. Discussions and research relating to the
victims will help inform the populace about the need to understand the culture of bullying
and ways to help to eradicate it. In my role as a high school counselor, I have noticed

that approximately nine out of ten bullying situations are female related. Therefore, I
think female victims in particular need a forum to express feelings and reactions
regarding bullying.
Female victims are frequently the recipients of non-physical aggression such as
starting rumours, social exclusion and withering looks that are often not called aggression
but rather "what girls' do", "a phase girls go through", and "learning what it is like in the
real world" (DiPasquale, 2004; Simmons, 2002). These acts of aggression can be
accomplished in such a covert manner that the perpetrator appears innocent. Researchers
such as Bjorkqvist (1994; cited in Sweeney, 2005) state that, "covert bullying is part of
human behavior. It is in the biology." (p. 2). These ideas suggest that bullying behaviour
should be expected, and is a necessary and natural part of the social structure. However,
from my readings and discussions with females of all ages, non-physical aggression can
have immediate repercussions as well as long lasting emotional scars.
As an educator, I have attended many workshops on developing strategies that
will create safe and caring schools. Dr. Shelley Hymel, an educational psychologist from
the University of British Columbia, facilitated the most recent anti-bullying conference I
attended. The workshop affirmed my belief that every school has a unique culture. Dr.
Hymel discussed the premise that schools must consider their populations, the beliefs,
attitudes and values of the school and community, and the relationships between persons
in the school before implementing intervention strategies. The culture and needs of an
inner city school could be very different from those of a rural school. Each student in the
school also has personal characteristics and needs. Intervention strategies a counselor,
teacher or administrator can implement are school and case specific. Therefore, it is

2

important that systems to support female victims of bullying be based on an
understanding of the specific bullying behaviours that occur at a school.
In my role as a counselor, I have had interactions with female students who have
been bullied. Students have various responses to being bullied. Some students wish to
have a place to vent their anger and some want the situation to be handled by a teacher or
administrator; others request punishment for the bully, while still others want strategies
that will help them cope with the bully. These students also express confusion and
frustration regarding the bully, the bullying incident and the bystanders. I believe it is
important to take the time to understand what high school females consider bullying to
be, what their reactions to bullying are, and how bullying affects their relationships with
others.
Most research has been conducted using quantitative methods such as surveys
(Mishna, 2004). This type of research provides statistical data but does not take into
account the personal experiences relative to the bullying culture of the female victim.
According to Mishna (2004) there is a "lack of literature on the effects of bullying from
the standpoint of the victimized children" (p. 235).

Few qualitative studies have

investigated the experiences of victimized students (Owens, Shute & Slee, 2000). In
order to allow female students to fully explain their experiences and feelings, it is
necessary to conduct interviews that allow victimized girls a forum for sharing their
experiences. I believe it is vitally important to acknowledge that an increased
understanding of the views of female victims is an essential step in providing effective
counseling. My interest lies in exploring the culture of the female victim in high school
bullying.

3

Chapter 2
Literature Review

Although bullying has been an aspect of school life for many years, it was not
until the early 1970s that researchers began to investigate the problem. Early research
began in Scandinavia and moved, in the 1980s and early 1990s, to other countries such as
Canada, Great Britain, Japan, Australia and the United States (Olweus, 1995).
Researchers agree that the key component in bullying is an imbalance of power
between two individuals, between two groups or between a group and an individual
(DiPasquale, 2004; Mishna, 2004; Olweus, 1995). They further state that the more
powerful use physical, verbal and social actions to purposefully cause distress to the less
powerful (Artz, 2001 ; DiPasquale, 2004; Olweus, 1995). Physical actions are considered
direct bullying while social or relational actions are considered indirect bullying. Verbal

bullying fits in both categories as comments can be made in a quiet undetectable way or
in a loud, obvious manner. The indirect forms of bullying can be overt, such as threats
and intimidation, or covert, such as exclusion or gossip. (Charach, Pepler & Ziegler,
1995; Hurst, 2005; Mishna, 2004; Olweus, 1995).
Physical bullying is the most visible and therefore the easiest form of bullying to
identify. This is often what individuals first think of when bullying is mentioned.
Physical bullying includes things such as slapping, biting, pinching, spitting, and kicking,
and destroying clothes and property. Boys tend to use physical bullying more than girls
(Coloroso, 2003; Lescheid, Cummings, Brunschot &Cunningham, 2001). This difference
is a reflection of the socialization of boys in our culture (Coloroso, 2003; Simmons,
2002). Vail (2002) captures this idea when she states, "We still expect boys to be

4

aggressive, domineering and competitive, and we expect girls to be cooperative,
nurturing, and, well, nice" (p. 11).
Verbal bullying accounts for approximately 70% of all bullying complaints,
thereby making it the most common form of bullying (Coloroso, 2003). Males and
females use verbal bullying equally (Coloroso, 2003). Verbal bullying tactics include
name-calling, cruel criticism, racial slurs, gossip, extortion of possessions and threats of
violence.
Relational or social bullying can be extremely difficult to detect. Individuals or
groups use tactics that are meant to damage a sense of self or a relationship while
preserving a fac;ade of niceness (Coloroso, 2003; Simmons, 2002). Simmons (2002)
reported that after twenty years a woman recalled the feelings of embarrassment and
rejection she experienced after being bullied by her peer group; she also recalled crying
herself to sleep every night as the result of name-calling, social exclusion and body slams
all performed by bullies with wide-eyed innocence. In some instances the relationship
itself is used as a means to control others. According to Crick and Grotpeter (1996; cited
in Artz & Nicholson, 2001) females use relational bullying to gain or preserve favourable
social positions. Relational or social bullying can be accomplished through the use of
negative body or facial language, rumour spreading, gossip or social exclusion (Coloroso,
2003; Simmons, 2002). The victims' fears of escalating harsher actions often hide the
resulting pain.

Cyber bullying, a relatively new form of verbal and social bullying, involves the
use of digital communication technology to transmit or post messages that are intended to
harm others (Hurley, 2004). It is especially insidious, as the source of the bullying is

5

often anonymous. Slanderous and abusive messages or images can be sent to personal
accounts and can be posted on the web, in chat rooms and on cell phones. The bully is
able to anonymously increase potential audiences while the victim is troubled by the
realization that it is almost impossible to know how far the information has spread
(Hurley, 2004). According to one American study (!-safe, 2004) conducted with 1,500
Grades 4 to 8 students, 48% reported being bullied on line, 35% reported being
threatened on line and 58% reported having mean or hurtful things said or posted on line
(cited by Hoeth & Rychter, 2004). A British Columbia study which examined students
from seventh to twelfth grades indicated that 7% of males and 23% of females felt unsafe
on the internet (Tonkin, Murphy, Lee & Saewye, 2005).
The numerous studies conducted worldwide indicate that large numbers of
students are affected by bullying either as the bully or the victim (Craig & Pepler, 2004;
Olweus, 1995). The majority of data collected was in the form of surveys completed by
students, teachers, administrators and parents. Olweus (1995) reported, on several studies
completed in the early 1980s, that 15% of Scandinavian school children were involved in
bully-victim issues. He believed that this figure underestimated the number of students
actually involved in bullying problems.
Canadian studies conducted in southern Ontario in the early1990s indicated that
about 18% of students were involved in bully-victim problems (DiPasquale, 2004).
Another study completed in Toronto in 1990 indicated that 21% of students were
involved in bully-victim difficulties (Ziegler, 1991). These numbers are comparable with
numbers reported in other countries for the same period (Dipasquale, 2004 ).

6

In 2001-2002 the World Health Organization conducted a cross sectional survey
in 36 countries entitled Health and Behaviour Survey of School-Aged Children (HBSC).
The Canadian sample was surveyed in early 2002. The survey clustered students by
classrooms in elementary, middle and high schools. The data were collected from
students who were from the sixth to the tenth grade in a range of schools that represented
size, location, language and religion in all Canadian provinces. Approximately 34% of
the boys and 27% of the girls reported that they had been bullied at least once in a sixweek period (Craig & Pepler, 2003). In the 36 countries being studied, these figures put
Canadian students in the top third. When frequent bullying rates were examined, Canada
ranked in the top quarter with 17% of the boys and 18% of the girls reporting being
bullied at least twice in a five day period (Craig & Pepler, 2003). These figures indicate
that a significant number of Canadian students are bullied.
British Columbia Ministry of Education studies conducted in 2002 indicated that
22% of tenth grade students and 18% of twelfth grade students were picked on, bullied or
teased (Mayencourt et al., 2003). In a 2005 workshop presented by Dr. Shelley Hymel,
she reported that approximately 30% of students in a school are involved in bully-victims
situations. These statistics indicate that bullying is an issue for students in British
Columbia's schools.
When examining bullying specifically as it relates to girls, 72% report that they
have been bullied during their school years (Casey-Cannon, Hayward & Gowen, 2001;
Craig & Pepler, 2003). The Canadian portion of the HBCS study reported that 79% of
girls were teased, 72% had rumours spread about them and 21% were physically bullied.
In 2003 the McCreary Centre Society of British Columbia conducted a study with

7

students in the seventh to twelfth grades. Females in this study reported that in the past
year 39% had been harassed verbally, 38% had been excluded purposely by peers and
18% had been physically bullied. These statistics support the belief that girls both use
and are the victims of more social or relational bullying rather than physical bullying.
Bullying is a complex issue. Mishna (2004) conducted a qualitative study in a
large Canadian city with fourth-grade and fifth-grade students, their parents and teachers.
She found a mismatch between how an individual cognitively defines what bullying is
and how an individual labels a negative interaction between students. Even though most
adults claim to have zero tolerance toward bullying behaviours, their interpretation of
incidents does not always coincide with their espoused beliefs. Some adults do not deem
an incident to be bullying if the victimized child is somehow considered responsible, if
there does not appear to be a power imbalance between individuals, or if the victim and
the bully are friends. Mishna's study concluded that students and adults agree that power
imbalance and the intent to hurt constitute bullying. However, there was uncertainty
around defining and labeling relational or non-physical bullying. Often non-physical
bullying was seen as less harmful than physical bullying, thereby imposing a hierarchy of
seriousness on bullying. This study revealed that bullying is a complex issue for students
and adults.
Dealing with bullying among friends is a complicated and confusing issue for
both adults and students. Respondents in Mishna's 2004 study had difficulty judging the
difference between typical conflict and bullying. Some parents and teachers suggested
that students ' actions and reactions were a normal part of growing up. A now successful
25 year-old anonymous writer published a story in Education Canada that related her

8

experiences as the victim of name-calling, teasing and mind games perpetrated by peers
who claimed to be her friends . While these supposed friends pretended it was all in good
fun, her "real friends" stood by and watched. Simmons (2002) recounts numerous stories
of girls in the same predicament with "intimate enemies". Situations of this nature leave
students confused and hurt by the bullying-friendship dilemma.
The risk of bullying in friendships is higher for girls than boys because of the
importance of relationships in the lives of girls and women (Casey-Cannon et al., 2001;
Craig & Pepler, 2004). Hadley (2003) suggested that adolescent girls are in the process
of discovering and developing "multiple versions of self' (p.379) as they weave together
the factors that form their identities. She further indicated that during this time of selfdiscovery girls need to maintain the impression of niceness while they continue in their
struggle for belonging. During this struggle, aggression goes on beneath the surface. It
appears that being accepted into the right group is crucial to girls. In order to maintain
status within a group, girls need to participate in the bullying behaviours of the group.
By participating in group bullying, they not only protect their own membership but also
block the ability of outsiders to develop close personal relationships within the group.
Two studies that examined female bullying were conducted by Casey-Cannon et
al. (2001) and Owens et al. (2000). Both studies were conducted in schools in large
urban centers. Casey-Cannon et al. interviewed 20 seventh grade middle-school girls;
Owens et al. used 54 fifteen year olds from two Catholic schools. The mutual aims of the
studies were to examine the behaviours of the girls, the effects of indirect aggression on
girls, and the teachers' and girls' explanations for the existence of indirect aggression.
Owens et al. also examined existing and possible interventions.

9

The studies conducted by Casey Cannon et al. (2001) and Owens et al. (2000)
support the opinions of Coloroso ( 2003) and Simmons (2002) in that verbal and
relational bullying behaviours are the most prevalent. Both studies had the following
similar findings. Verbal bullying focused on physical characteristics, race, personality,
being new or different and name-calling. Relational bullying consisted of rumours,
breaking confidences and exclusion. The purpose of all forms of bullying was social
isolation. Respondents indicated that the details and feelings involved in bullying
incidents remained over time, possibly for the rest of their lives. However, CaseyCannon et al. noted that physical bullying always occurred in conjunction with relational
bullying. Owens et al. observed that in some instances, girls were ostracized by the
whole group or for long periods of time.
In both the Casey-Cannon et al. and Owens et al. studies, emotional responses
indicated that the incidents of bullying left victims feeling confused, sad, unhappy,
rejected, or hurt. Self-esteem and self-confidence were damaged in the process. Some
girls attempted to minimize or cover up these feelings for fear of providing the bully with
more reasons to continue the tormenting and for fear of future relationships being
thwarted. In some cases, the girls attempted to hide emotions from themselves by
pretending that the incident was just good-natured teasing.
Both Casey-Cannon et al (200 1) and Owens et al. (2000) also revealed that
behavioural responses varied from ignoring the perpetrator to responding in a verbal,
physical, or relational manner. The physical and verbal reactions were often immediate
responses while the relational reactions needed to wait until the bully was engaged in an
action that warranted retaliation (Casey-Cannon et al., 2001). Simmons' (2002)

LO

narratives support the concept of delaying retaliation until the victim feels relatively
secure in her ability to retaliate successfully. According to Simmons, few students
requested parental or teacher assistance for fear the incidents would escalate or assistance
would be denied, and several girls enlisted the help of boys to deal with the perpetrator.
In both the Casey Cannon et al. (2001) and Owens et al. (2000) studies, bullying
had serious self-image and peer relationship repercussions for some of the victims.
Insults to physical attributes that could not be changed or attacks on the most disliked
qualities of the individual were reinforced with the result of increased negative selfesteem. Regardless of the relevance of the comments, most of the students internalized
the insults. Over time some of the girls became socially isolated, lost friendships,
changed schools or contemplated suicide.
When Owens et al. (2000) examined existing and possible interventions for
indirect aggression, students and teachers had different perspectives. These researchers
concluded that most interventions are based on overt forms of bullying. The girls
believed that adult intervention made the harassment worse but much more covert. They
stated that curriculum interventions would not be successful, as students would view such
attempts a "joke". Students also felt that the existing anti-bullying policies were
ineffective, and teachers realized the limitations of their ability to intervene, or even see
girls' aggression. However, at times, teachers felt they were able to integrate a girl back
into a group without the students being aware of the teacher's role.
In general, students are often reluctant to report bullying for fear that the bully
may not stop and there may be more victimization. This fear, along with implied and
actual threats, promotes a "code of silence" that allows bullies to continue with cruel

ll

behaviour (Coloroso, 2003). The reporting of bullying also feeds into the feelings of
shame. The target has been made to feel unpopular, isolated and unworthy of respect.
Added to this is the fact that bullied students have often had an experience where an
authority figure was unable or unwilling to stop the harassment (Coloroso, 2003;
DiPasquale, 2004; Simmons, 2002).
In some of the literature reviewed there is an indication that some teachers,

parents and students believe that certain students instigate and/or thrive on being a victim
(Mishna, 2004; Simmons, 2002). In studies conducted in Canada, the United States and
Australia, some female students accepted responsibility for provoking the bully (CaseyCannon, 2001; Mishna, 2004; Owens et al., 2000). The victim does something that is
annoying, aggravating or indiscrete that begins the conflict and, therefore, deserves the
consequences. These findings support the idea of the "provocative victim" that is
mentioned in numerous pieces of research (Coloroso, 2003; DiPasquale, 2004; Mishna,
2004; Simmons, 2002). Teachers in the Owens et al. (2000) study did not support the
concept of victim responsibility. They were more inclined to blame poor social skills or a
home environment that did not promote good problem solving techniques.
DiPasquale (2004) made an even stronger statement when he claimed that adults
tend to dislike victims and therefore have a tendency to look for evidence that the victims
provoked the bully. He claims that adults tend to "interrogate" the victims when they
approach an adult for help. DiPasquale's statement was supported by a physically and
emotionally abused British Columbia student who stated, "It was I, and not my
tormentors, that was assessed, analyzed and punished" (Mayencourt et al., 2003, p. 14).

12

This type of adult behaviour assigns blame to the victim rather than providing support for
the victim.
Research has shown that students who have been victims will often continue to be
victims (Olweus, 1995). The feelings that result from bullying incidents often remain
over time (Casey-Cannon, 2001; Olweus, 1995; Vail, 2002). Women in particular have
vivid memories of bullying incidents that occurred during their elementary and high
school years. These women maintain that, even though they are now successful and have
a warm nurturing circle of friends, the emotional scars from those early incidents still
remain (DiPasquale, 2004; Simmons, 2002). Evidence of adult repercussions of
continued childhood victimization included increased signs of depression, low selfesteem and suicide attempts (DiPasquale, 2004; Olweus, 1995). Craig and Pepler (2004)
suggested that childhood victimization continues to plague adult relationships by causing
martial difficulties and hindering the victim's ability to help her children's social
development.
Statistics indicate that bullying is occurring in schools around the world (Olweus,
1995). Students, parents, educators and researchers agree that bullying is an issue in
schools. Female victims indicate that relational and verbal bullying comprises the
greatest percentage of bullying. The effects of these types of bullying have ramifications
for female victims that impact the present and sometimes their future. The literature
supports the need for a study that allows for an in-depth exploration of the culture of the
female bully while enabling the victims to safely recount their experiences.
With both immediate and long-term repercussions emerging from bullying, it is
imperative that school personnel become involved in the investigating of female bullying.

13

Interviewing victimized students is an important step if researchers intend to discover a
clear description of the victims' perceptions of bullying and the victims' perceptions of
the effects of bullying (Owens et al., 2000). Vail (2002) stated that, "in order to
understand what it is that's going on with girls it is necessary to step into their world (p.
9)."

Some researchers recommended that in order to understand bullying problems
schools need to develop a way to assess the extent of bullying and the associated social,
emotional, psychological, educational and physical problems (Craig & Pepler, 2003;
Owens et al., 2000). Casey-Cannon et al. (2001) suggested that a trusted and familiar
counselor be enlisted to "assess [the] types of victimization, levels of distress related to
these behaviors and students' judgments of respect among their peers" (p. 147). This
knowledge and the understanding of female aggression and its effects on girls are
important prerequisites to developing intervention policies and strategies that reduce or
eliminate aggression (Owens et al., 2000; Vail, 2002).
From my readings, discussions with colleagues, and media reports, and from personal
experience, I have come to the realization that there are widely differing perceptions
regarding female bullying. Some individuals regard female aggression as a part of
growing up; others find female aggression to be a highly destructive force that damages
girls both in the present and possibly in the future. My experiences and readings lead me
to believe that female aggression is not a static phenomenon; it changes with the
individuals and locations involved. Therefore, to effectively prevent or intervene in
bullying situations, adults must understand the extent, type and impact of bullying
problems at that specific location. A qualitative study would bring greater clarity to the

14

complexities of a bullying culture as in-depth interviews would assist in revealing more
thoroughly the female student's perceptions about bullying, her associated feelings and
her reactions. In order to understand the bullying problems at the school in which I teach,
I propose to explore the culture of the female victim in high school bullying at a specific
high school with the following questions:
1) Under what circumstances does the victim perceive she has been bullied?;
2) What feelings and thoughts does the victim of bullying experience?; and,
3) What is the impact of bullying on the victim's behaviour?

15

Chapter 3
Method
Setting

This study was conducted in a public high school in a rural community in the
central interior of British Columbia. The high school is comprised of approximately 900
students in Grades 8 to 12. The majority of students are bussed to school. This
community is home to approximately 25,000 people.

Sampling Procedure

I interviewed three female students from a public high school. Two of the
participants were from the senior Grades 11-12 and one participant was from the junior
Grades 8-10. This type of purposeful sampling (Patton 1987) is considered particularly
useful in research that requires information rich sources. The use of participants from a
high school setting allows for an examination of the phenomenon in the unique culture
which the phenomenon is occurring (McMillan & Schumacher, 1997). The interviewees
were female students who had self-identified as having an interest in or concerns about
the culture of female bullying in a high school environment. The self- identification
process was the result of students responding to posters requesting the participation of
female students interested in this study. Therefore, they have timely information on the
culture of female aggression. McMillan and Schumacher (1997) state that, "a few cases
studied in-depth yield many insights about the topic" (p. 397). In this case the girls'
experiences would be recent and in a high school setting, thereby providing an
information-rich source that is relevant to my research.

16

Procedures

I first contacted the Superintendent in writing to get permission to interview
students. This is school board policy for research with students. I informed the school
principal in writing of the intent of my research. I obtained the principal's permission to
conduct interviews. Before contacting the participants, I obtained approval to conduct
the study from the UNBC Research Ethics Board. All parties were informed that I would
not reveal the names of the participants.
In order to recruit students, I placed posters in various locations in the high school

in which I am employed, such as hallway bulletin boards and girls' washrooms. The
posters had a brief explanation of the study and the researcher's work place phone
number as the means for contact. Once contact was made I confirmed that I was
interested in exploring the culture of female bullying in a high school environment as
described in the poster. I explained that participation required taking part in a taped
interview session that would last approximately one hour. The potential participant was
then given the opportunity to ask questions about the study. I asked the student if she
was interested in participating in the study and requested permission to contact her
parents or guardians for permission to conduct the interview. All three students preferred
to discuss the proposal with their parents/guardians before I made personal contact with
the parents/guardians; after the students did so, I provided the parents/guardians the
opportunity to ask questions regarding the study. I informed the parents/guardians that
the interview would take approximately one hour and that I would tape the interview. I
informed the participant verbally and in writing that I would allow her to read what she
stated and my interpretations of what she said. I informed the participant that she would

17

be able to change or delete any information. The participant was informed that my
research project would be available for reading before it was submitted to the university
for approval.
I advised the participant and parents/guardians that I would take measures to
ensure confidentiality. I would not disclose, to any party, the names of the student
participant. I would not discuss or act upon information revealed during the interview
process. Only I, the UNBC supervisory committee and the participant would have access
to the transcript of the interview. The tapes and transcripts were stored in a locked filing
cabinet in my home. The tapes and transcripts would be destroyed once the project was
officially completed. The participant and I arranged interview times and locations that
maintained the participant's privacy. I informed the participant that disclosing her
participation in the study to others may compromise confidentiality. The participant was
informed that anonymity would be preserved in the written work by using aliases for the
names of people and places.
I informed the participant and parents/guardians that the participant was free to
end her involvement at any time. The participant did not need to give a reason for
withdrawing. Any information gathered from the participant would be destroyed.
I explained to participants and parents/guardians that the purpose of this study
would be to provide counselors with information that would assist them in supporting
students. However, participants taking part in the study could perhaps derive personal
benefits. Being part of the study could validate the participant's thoughts and ideas
regarding the culture of bullying in a high school environment. The interview process
would allow the participant time to reflect on her thoughts and feelings surrounding a

18

past or present school related issue. Participation would have provided the student with
an opportunity to explain, discuss and resolve a personal issue. During the interview or
possible debriefing sessions, the participant may have started to develop skills to deal
with conflict in a school setting. For some participants, the telling of their story could
alleviate concerns and stress.
The participants and parents/guardians were informed about potential risks
involved in this study. I was aware that confidentiality could be broken by the
participant. In my experience as a counselor, I am aware that students often have a
compelling need to share information with peers. I suggested that, if the need to share
arose, the participant could do one of the following: see me to debrief, set up an
appointment with another counselor or express feelings or ideas in a journal. The
interview experience could have led to the surfacing of unresolved issues which could
cause the participant emotional stress. The participant may have relived unpleasant or
uncomfortable experiences.
I proposed that the interview take place on a week day after school hours or on a
weekend at a location that was free of distractions and provided privacy. Some suggested
locations were an office/room at the college, the library office at an elementary school,
the resource room office or my office at the high school. However, I was agreeable to
interviewing the participant in her home or another location that respected her privacy
and comfort level. I was prepared to offer transportation.
Before the interviews began, the participant and parents/guardians were asked to
sign a consent form giving permission to use the taped interviews and guaranteeing
confidentiality and anonymity. My purpose in following these procedures was to allow

19

the participant to freely choose to participate or withdraw without fear of repercussions,
identification or misrepresentation.

Data Collection Strategies
Data was collected through the use of an in-depth, open-ended interview. I chose
the interview as a data collection instrument in order to obtain a better understanding of
the context of the victim's experiences and an increased understanding of each girl's
interpretation of that experience. As Patton ( 1987) states, "We cannot observe, feelings,
thoughts and intentions. We cannot observe situations that took place in some previous
point in time. We have to ask people questions about those things. The purpose of
interviewing then is to allow us to enter the other person 's perspective" (p. 109). I
allowed the girls to explain their world rather than imposing restrictions on their
responses.
I developed a list of interview questions and probes (Appendix A) that were used
as a basis for the interview. However, these questions were not prescriptive; they were
only used to maintain the focus of the interview. This allowed for flexibility to move
with and fully explore the girl's experiences. The style of the interviews was a
combination of informal conversation and interview guide approach (McMillan &
Schumacher, 1997). This approach made sure that I covered the same relevant topics for
all participants but allowed both of us the flexibility to explore their responses in a
conversational manner. The idea was to stay with the girl's voice as opposed to
following a set agenda. This allowed the participant to become more open as she would

20

feel that the researcher was placing the emphasis on her thoughts, feelings and
experiences (Brown & Gilligan, 1992).
Two colleagues were enlisted to check for validity and sensitivity in the questions.
An explanation of the intent of the study and the proposed problems were shared. The
checkers were then asked to respond to the interview questions. Modifications were
made to the questions to reflect input from my colleagues.
The questions were submitted to my University of Northern British Columbia
committee members for comments and feedback. The questions were then rewritten to
include the committee member's suggestions and observations. This examination and
redrafting of questions helped to reduce interviewer bias.
At the beginning of the interview, I made sure that we were both comfortable in
an environment that was free of distractions. Two participants chose to be interviewed in
the researcher's office; one participant chose her home. I reminded the participant that
the purpose of this interview was to gather information about how safe or unsafe she as a
female student, felt at school. I told the participant that I would be asking questions
about good and bad days at school, focusing on how those days made her feel or think
and how she reacted to things that happen at school. I gave the participant the
opportunity to ask questions about the study. I established rapport by asking questions
such as, "How are you? Please tell me about a typical day in school. How did you feel
about that day?" I reminded the participant that she had the right to refuse to answer any
questions and/or end the interview at any time.
Once rapport was established, I began asking questions about a safe day at school.
I then moved on to discuss an unsafe day at school. I was attempting to get details,

21

opinions and feelings about safe and unsafe days. I started with the positive so that I did
not set a negative tone to the interview. I used probes to clarify or expand information as
"interview probes can increase comprehensiveness" (McMillan & Schumacher, 1997, p.
447). Patton (1987) suggests that probes are an important way to maintain control of the
interview without turning it into an interrogation. I was very caring and respectful in my
attitude toward each participant and remained neutral in my response to the content of the
information presented by the participant.
During the interviews, I took notes that included the time, date, place, individuals
involved, time spent and main ideas (McMillan & Schumacher, 1997). I recorded
observations of the participant's reactions and non-verbal communication. This added
greater detail to the tape-recorded data. I recorded my ideas and feelings during the
interview process and after each interview. This was necessary to help me be aware of
personal biases that I may have unintentionally brought to or developed during the study
(McMillan & Schumacher, 1997).
At the end of the interview I spent time debriefing with the participant. I asked
how the participant felt about the interview. I asked the participant if the interview had
left her feeling anxious or stressed. I was mindful of non-verbal signs that indicated
distress or anxiety on the part of the participant. I asked the participant if she would like
the opportunity to discuss any concerns she had with someone else. I informed the
participant that the following services were available: another counselor, youth care
worker or behaviour specialist at the school, or a counselor at an outside agency. The
participant was informed that the offer of follow up services could also be accessed at a
future time.

22

Data Analysis
Following the interviews, I first transcribed the tapes, then provided a copy of the
transcription to the participant, who then added, changed or deleted any information. I
then examined the transcripts and my journal entries to discover categories, themes or
differences in the experiences, reactions and feelings of the participants (McMillan &
Schumacher, 1997). I was looking for terms and categories that came from the students'
voices rather than my own imposed classifications (Patton, 1987).
I carefully examined the transcripts and my journal notes for cases in which my
questioning techniques may have led the participant to believe I desired a specific answer
(McMillan & Schumacher, 1997). Having already conducted a literature review, I was
vigilant in not imposing my preconceived ideas on the data. I monitored my biases in all
parts of this study as "objectivity in qualitative research refers to the dependability and
conformability of the researcher' s interactive style, data recordings, data analysis and
interpretation of participant meanings" (McMillan & Schumacher, 1997, p. 408).
I then gave each of the participants a pseudonym so that I could track their
responses in my writing while maintaining the anonymity of the students. I labeled the
interviewees Dora, Ida and Sue. I examined the transcripts for quotations that were
examples of the same underlying ideas as suggested by Patton (1987).

23

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -------

Chapter 4
Results
Findings
Although the three participants were different ages, had different personalities
and were not involved in the same incidents, there were common strands and themes in
their responses. There were also some differences in the perceptions of the students.
All three participants seemed to have a very clear idea about what constituted a
safe day and the feelings associated with a safe day. The participants indicated that being
with friends who were supportive and caring was the basis for a good day. This link with
others provided both a connected feeling and protection from others. Ida described a
good day at school as a day when, "I just hang out with my friends, be happy, have fun.
You know just joking and laughing and talking and being with your friends ." It was also
important that interactions with acquaintances and peers be, if not positive, then at least
neutral.
All three students indicated that a safe day at school made them "feel good." This
good feeling came from positive interactions with both friends and acquaintances.
Having a good day also seemed to bolster the students' confidence and desire to do
independent activities. Dora stated on a good day, "I'd feel pretty good and I'd want to
go downtown by myself."
The girls all indicated that accomplishing work in class contributed to a positive
day. Knowing a teacher was in the classroom and monitoring the students activities
helped promote a feeling of safeness. However, Sue indicated that she had observed and

24

been involved in a number of bullying incidents which occurred during class time
particularly in physical education.
When examining unsafe days, two of the students referred to their experiences as
bullying. The third student began calling the incidents "girl issues" but about half way
through the interview she switched to using the word bullying when she referred to
negative incidents where she was the victim.
Even though the girls were not asked to define bullying, a clear image emerged
about what they felt bullying was in relation to themselves. Bullying occurred when the
actions of a student or students were directed at another student in a manner which caused
physical, emotional or social distress. The actions could be overt such as name-calling or
tripping or covert such as exclusion or eye-rolling.

Question 1: Under what circumstances does the victim perceive she has been bullied?
The participants had been subjected to a range of bullying experiences from eyerolling to being physically attacked. Bullying occurred in both covert and overt ways.
These attacks, whether verbal, non-verbal, social or physical, contributed to promoting
negative feelings in the participants.
All three students reported being the recipient of non-verbal bullying such as eyerolling, dirty looks, obscene gestures and making faces. The girls indicated that these
non-verbal attacks were employed to convey displeasure, demonstrate dislike or
intimidate the victims. One student found eye-rolling to be very offensive. She indicated
that eye-rolling was a way to demean another person while maintaining an air of

25

mnocence. She stated, "Oh God. I don't like eye-rolling; it is like so rude and such a put
down."
Verbal bullying comprised the majority of bullying experienced by all three
participants. These experiences included name-calling, threats, rumours, gossip, and
comments about personal characteristics, clothing and boyfriends.
Threats were uttered to challenge the victim to fight in order to settle a dispute or
as a punishment for reporting bullying. After reporting an incident of bullying, Dora had
the experience of being sent home for her own protection while school authorities dealt
with the offending students. When asked to describe how she felt about being sent home,
her response was, "Pretty good [because] I didn't have to come to school and get picked
on." In another situation, Dora was threatened by a girl who involved herself in a
dispute between Dora and a friend. One of Dora's friends was so concerned about the
escalating threats that she involved the police. Dora stated, "I got phone calls from the
cops saying, we got a call from one of your friends saying that this .. . girl wants to kill
you." Two students who had been verbally harassing Ida challenged her to a fight. Ida
reported that she felt, "Scared that they were [going to] beat me up [because] they are
huge fighters and I am not."
The rumours and gossip had a tendency to be sexual in nature. Lies were spread
about the students having sexual encounters with numerous partners, becoming pregnant,
having abortions, having aids and being a lesbian. Once a rumour or gossip started to
spread it was very difficult to contain or reverse. Two participants indicated that peers
liked to share gossip because it gave the individual spreading the gossip a sense of power.
One student stated, " ... and she started going around saying that I had aids from him and I

26

got pregnant, had an abortion ten days ago," was typical of the types of rumours and
gossip that were spread about the participants.
Attacks on personal characteristics such as looks, weight and intelligence were
fairly common. The students described being called fat, dumb, ugly, slutty looking, or
dorky, and being a suck up. Even though the students were aware that the comments
were not true it was easy to believe the bully's hurtful comments. One student suggested
that there often was a hint of truth in the insults. Dora commented, "Like, when I have
trouble with school work it is easy to like believe it when somebody calls me dumb."
The participants had the perception that physical harassment was more common at
the junior level than at the senior level. One student commented, "I fee! safer being in a
higher grade. In Grade 12 people don't really want to mess with you." The physical
bullying experiences included being elbowed, slapped and pushed around, having coffee
thrown on an individual and being purposefully soaked by a vehicle in which the bullies
were riding. Physical bullying was always preceded or accompanied by verbal
exchanges.
The two senior students had experienced bullying on the internet. In one case the
student's email address was changed to a sexually derogatory title. Both students had
their personal profiles altered to indicate they behaved in a sexually inappropriate
manner. One student indicated that improper pictures were posted on her site. The
internet was also used as a means to spread lies and rumours that were hard to trace. One
of the senior students claimed, "They can just say oh well then someone must have got on
to my account and started saying stuff; it wasn't me. They can just say that and [not]
worry about it."

27

All three students indicated that a variety of bullying experiences occurred on the
bus ride to and from school. The girls described that they were called names, given dirty
looks, tripped and had things thrown at them. Other students also used social isolation by
refusing to sit with the participant or huddling to talk while occasionally glancing at the
participant. Dora commented, "You're not really safe on the bus because the bus driver
is too busy watching the road and not the students."

Question 2: What feelings and thoughts does the victim of bullying experience?
The girls responded to victimization in a range of emotional ways. Emotional
reactions included feeling hurt, scared, embarrassed, ashamed, unwanted, sad and
depressed.
Being scared had at one time or another caused all three participants to be afraid
to attend school. Once at school, they were nervous of being on their own and afraid of
seeing the bully or bullies, using the washroom and going downtown. Sue very simply
summed up the feeling of all three students when she stated, "I thought that I was going
to get beat up and I was scared to come to school."
Being victimized by a bully promoted and reinforced negative feelings and
damaged self-esteem. Ida stated that, "You know having somebody say you're ugly and
you're fat is so much easier to believe than someone saying that you are beautiful, you
know. You're smart. You're a great person." Dirty looks and having faces made at her
left at least one girl feeling "unwanted". Rumours and gossip often had the effect of
causing shame, embarrassment and social isolation. When discussing her feelings about
rumours and gossip Dora whispered, "It felt embarrassing and I [kind of] felt ashamed of

28

myself even though what they said [wasn't] true. I still felt really sad. I just wanted them
[the rumours] fixed cause they weren't true. And people were starting to make it look
like they were true."
Some bullying incidents left students feeling confused. Dora stated, "We were
walking to our locker and ..... , she kinda got really name calling and stuff. [She was]
calling us skanks and stuff. And I thought wow what did I do to you." This confusion
was even more apparent when the students were friends. Ida shared, " ... And I think
that's why it affected me so much because we were friends at first. I'd think well you are
friends with me why do you hate me and stuff."
The participants all indicated that they had felt sad, hurt, awful and scared. After
being teased about personal taste in music and boyfriends, Sue commented, "I felt awful,
sad. I walked away." Two of the students classified their feelings as depression. The
most dramatic emotional reaction was from Ida who ended her reflection on her year in
the eighth grade with, "Like in Grade 8 and depressed, clinically depressed."

Question 3: What is the impact of bullying on the victim's behaviour?
Victimization produced a variety of behavioural responses including ignoring the
act and the bully, responding with a verbal retort or a physical action, projecting an image
of toughness, enlisting the assistance of an adult or peer for help and refusing to come to
school.
At one point in their lives two of the girls attempted to change their appearance
and mannerisms to prevent being bullied. Both students wore large bulky black coats to
make themselves appear larger. They swore a great deal to appear tougher. One student

29

tried to adopt the "Goth" look of black clothes, nail polish and eye make-up. In both
instances, the students felt it helped keep bullies away from them, but the transformation
was short lived because neither girl was comfortable or able to sustain the altered
appearance.
When the victim retaliated with verbal insults, the results were varied. The
harassment might continue, escalate or end. Dora explained a situation where being
assertive and standing up for herself ended the harassment. Dora explained, "She was
bugging me about my boyfriend, so I just went up to her and got up in her face and told
her to just shut her fat mouth, and she goes, 'How rude,' but she quit bugging me." Sue's
experience was less positive. Sue declared, "They were picking on me and calling me
names, so I just started to call them names back and then they said I was ugly and wore
funny clothes. They are just always picking on me."
In at least one instance, physical retaliation seemed to have the desired effect. Ida

stated, "And I then I just kicked her butt. .... So I decided I'd tried everything else so
maybe if I put some fear into her maybe she won't mess with me. It was my last
resort .... She hasn't said anything bad about me since then." Ida also indicated she would
resort to physical retaliation with this particular student if the student were to "start
talking bad about me again." Even though Dora slapped another student and stated that it
made her feel "like the bigger person", it was a short lived feeling of euphoria. Her
statement of, " ... but I really wasn't the bigger, better person," indicated that she
understood that using aggressive physical behaviour did not equate with being a powerful
person.

30

Enlisting or involving peer support was a useful tactic for all three girls. Having a
group of friends around the student provided emotional and physical support. When Ida
was threatened by two other girls, she claimed that the girls did not try to fight with her;
"because I had friends with me, they didn't really want to mess with me with all my
friends around." However, students were cautious about who they asked for help because
in Dora's words, "I tell people that are really close to me and that I could trust [be]cause
if I told somebody I couldn't trust they would tell other people and then it [bullying]
would just get worse."
Two of the participants felt that being a victim impacted their relationships with
other students. The bullying made them wary of new relationships and at times put a
strain on old friendships. In some instances the bully and the victim were in the same
social group and the bully would, "go inside their [mutual friends] heads and say stuff
about me." There was also the fear that friends would think if an individual was being
bullied there must be something wrong with her. If the bullying continued for a long
period of time then peers start to believe the bully's side even though the information was
inaccurate. There was also the concern that friends won't want to hang around the victim
for fear of being bullied themselves. Avoiding the bully implied weakness. One student
observed, "I have been downtown and I've seen them [bullies] across the street and I've
told my friends I have to turn around and go the other way and then I just look weak and
scared."
Starting new relationships with other females and males also posed some
problems. Students were careful not to develop new friendships with students who were
connected with the bully. Ida stated, "I don't really want to hang out with anyone that is

31

associated with them." Two of the students reported being fearful of being set up when a
friend of the bullies tried to befriend them.

32

Chapter 5
Conclusions, Recommendations and Limitations
Conclusions
This qualitative study was undertaken to explore the culture of bullying from the
perspective of female high school students. It endeavored to discover what females
considered bullying, what feelings they experienced as the result of bullying and how
bullying impacted their behaviour.
Consistent with the literature, the results of this study suggest that some high
school girls are the victims in bullying situations where the more powerful use physical,
verbal and social measures to deliberately cause distress to the less powerful (Artz, 2001;
Mishna, 2004). In this study, female students perceived they had been bullied when they
experienced negative verbal, non-verbal and physical actions from their peers. Nonverbal actions included eye-rolls, dirty looks, obscene gestures and rude faces. Verbal
actions consisted of name-calling, rumour and gossip spreading, threats and comments
about personal characteristics and boyfriends. Physical bullying involved elbowing,
slapping, pushing, throwing coffee them and the purposeful soaking of the victim by a
vehicle in which the bullies were riding. The perceptions of the participants in this study
indicate that they did, in fact, feel they were bullied in a variety of ways that caused them
to feel distressed and less powerful. The aggressive behaviours experienced by the
participants in this study, as described above, is evidence that some female students in
this high school are the victims of bullying.
The results of this study agree with other research that proposed that the negative
feelings involved in victimization linger over time (Craig & Pepler, 2003). The students

33

in this study clearly recalled incidents that had occurred from one week to ten years prior
to the interview. Two students remembered feeling hurt, sad and confused about
victimization that happened during their elementary years. One student explained, "They
made me feel real sad when they [would not] play with me and [called] me names and
stuff." This particular senior high student who experienced bullying in elementary school
is still affected over the incident. This participant's response validates the research that
suggests that negative feelings, as a consequence of victimization, linger over time.
Research indicates that verbal bullying constitutes the most common form of
bullying (Coloroso, 2003; Casey-Cannon et al., 2001). From my personal experience as a
counselor, I would concur with the research findings as most female students who seek
my help do so with issues related to name-calling, rude comments, put downs and insults.
The results of this study revealed that female victims experienced more verbal aggression
than physical aggression. Physical aggression was always reported in conjunction with
other forms of aggression. The female participants of this study reported that verbal
aggression often served the purpose of causing social dilemmas for the victim. Overall,
verbal aggression was the most common form of bullying; physical aggression was less
common.
While emotional responses varied, student descriptions support findings that
victimization is hurtful and destructive (Simmons, 2002; Owens et al., 2000). As a
counselor, I agree with the research I have read and this study as students who come
seeking my assistance are often crying and upset; they are seeking reassurance that they
are accepted, likeable and worthy of respect. The students in this study reported fear of
attending school, and nervousness while on their own, and dread of the possibility of

34

encountering the bully or bullies at school or downtown. Students experienced damaged
self-esteem, depression and confusion over friends and peers being the perpetrators of
bullying. From my experience as a counselor, from my readings and from the findings of
this study, I realize that some female students have been negatively impacted by bullying
incidents.
The behaviour of female victims, in this study, was impacted in various ways.
Consistent with the literature this study revealed how the female victims reacted to new
relationships, how old relationships were impacted, how female victims garnered support
from friends and how they verbally and physically reacted to being bullied (CaseyCannon et al., 2001; Owen et al., 2000). When relating to peers, students were anxious at
the beginning of new relationships because there was fear that there may be a connection
between the new friend and the bully. Old relationships were strained because at times
old friends wondered if there was truth to the gossip and they were fearful of being
bullied themselves. However, the students also used friendships as a form of support and
protection. Victims believed having friends and belonging to the right group provided
some protection. Some students became physically and verbally aggressive in an attempt
to end being bullied. This study revealed one aspect of behaviour that was not included
in other research studies on bullying. Two of the students indicated that they modified
their appearance and mannerisms in order to end being victims. These personal accounts
are evidence that the female victim of bullying is affected in many ways.
Generally bullying incidents occurred in locations and at times where there were
few adult supervisors (Olweus, 1995). In this study, school hallways, washrooms, and

35

grounds, and downtown were prime locations for bullies to attack. Most incidents
occurred before and after school, at lunch hour and during breaks between classes.
In other research and in this study adult ability to support victims and end the
bullying was not considered very successful (Owens et al., 2000). Ida disclosed the
negative results she experienced when the principal required another student to apologize
to her. The apology was fine, but the repercussion was that, "I got bullied so heavily that
day on the bus after that, that it wasn't even funny." These students reported that parents,
teachers and counselors often advised the victim to ignore the bullying, to walk way or to
have a quick come back. The girls indicated that it is almost impossible for students or
adults to prove verbal or non-verbal harassment. Overall, the students' responses
indicated that they did not believe that effective anti-bullying support existed within the
school system.
According to this study, bullying on the bus ride to and from school appeared to
happen fairly frequently. This was an area that was not discussed in the literature.
Perhaps other research occurred in urban areas where bussing was not a common practice
or perhaps researchers reported only what happened at school.
Another area I did not find discussed in the literature was a form of school social
invisibility as presented by two of the interviewees. Both students described the negative
feelings they had when they became aware that their pictures were not included in the
yearbook. One student commented, "You know how in the yearbook, how they always
have those surveys .... And that's just the thing to make you feel like crap, whenever they
have those yearbook [surveys] where your name is never on there. Last year my picture
wasn't even in the yearbook." Even though this was not a form of bullying as defined in

36

this study (verbal, non-verbal and physical actions from other students that are intended
to cause harm), it left the students feeling socially isolated in the context of the school as
a whole. Does this situation of social isolation become a bullying incident by the
institution?
Overall, this study indicated that victimization is a factor for some female high
school students. Negative repercussions of victimization impacted the emotional, social
and physical well being of the female students. Bullying occurred in relationships
characterized by a power imbalance. Peers and friends played a central role in the
bullying as well as an essential role in preventing bullying. At times, the students in this
study felt unsafe at school. The findings of this study lead me to believe that it is the
responsibility of this school to intervene appropriately in bullying situations and to be
proactive in preventing bullying behaviour in order to ensure the safety and well-being of
all students.

Recommendations from the Study

The results of this study indicate that in this high school some girls are dealing
with female bullying situations. According to Olweus (1995) it is a "fundamental right
for a child to feel safe at school and to be spared the oppression and repeated intentional
humiliation implied in bullying" (p. 198). Therefore, I believe that it is necessary for
schools to implement policies and procedures that ensure the safety of students.
While the girls who engaged in successful retaliation acknowledged that
retaliation was inappropriate, it did produce the result of bringing about a cessation of the
bullying behaviour. This outcome is disconcerting in that some students are learning that

37

bullying in return is an effective response. As the students also reported that retaliation
lessens with age, it might be appropriate to have older students become mentors for
younger victimized students. It may also be important for a school to develop a peer
mediation process that would assist victims and bullies to resolve differences in an
acceptable manner. From a teaching perspective, interpersonal problem solving skills
could be included in health and career programs.
Reporting an incident to a teacher or another adult in the school was not
considered an effective means to end bullying. This was especially true in the case of
verbal and non-verbal bullying. The girls believed that it was too difficult to prove verbal
or non-verbal aggression. These students had also experienced negative repercussions
from the bully as the result of informing an adult. Adult solutions such as walking away
or ignoring the bullying left the student feeling unsupported. These results suggest that
bullying behaviour likely occurs with more frequency than is realized by adults in a high
school. Therefore, it is important that adults in high schools use careful observation and
individual student interviews to assess whether individuals are being isolated or hurt by
peers. It is important for adults to respond in a supportive manner and pursue every
possible step to prevent victimization from reoccurring when bullying is reported or
observed. In light of the research that already exists on female bullying and in light of
the results of this study, it would be appropriate for this high school to develop effective
strategies that ensured the safety of victims who reported bullying behaviours.
Victimization frequently impacted what the girls thought about themselves. This
was especially evident when the girls were insulted about physical characteristics. The
negative comments impacted the girls' judgment of themselves. From these results, it

38

appears that this school could develop programs to help girls acquire strategies that
develop and maintain self-esteem in the face of bullying. Coloroso (2003) reminds us
that we must provide an emotionally safe place for victims to tell their stories so that
supporting adults can attempt to fully understand the students' point of view. In this
manner the adult can provide comfort and reassurance to victims after an incident of
bullying.
This study indicates that the majority of bullying occurs in areas and at times
that have low levels of adult observers. Other literature agrees with this finding
(Coloroso, 2003; Olweus, 1995). Areas such as washrooms, hallways, schoolyards and
school buses were often cited as problem spots. Before and after school, lunch hour and
breaks between classes were often considered unsafe times. To counteract this aspect of
bullying Olweus suggests that schools increase the "monitoring and surveillance of the
students' activities in and out of school" (p. 199). It is recommended that adults engaging
in this supervision be able to act in a non-hostile, non-physical and consistent manner
(Olweus, 1995). Therefore, training is necessary to ensure that all adults in the school
respond sensitively and consistently to bullying incidents.
The issue of cyber bullying is much more complex and difficult to monitor due to
the anonymity that can be achieved on the internet. Much of the cyber bullying seemed
to occur from a home computer. If this occurs, it is recommended that students be
encouraged to print copies of the cyber bullying to share with parents, school staff and, if
necessary, the police. If cyber bullying occurs from a student account at school, the
student could lose computer privileges at the school.

39

School counselors have the opportunity to assist students in many ways. By
developing supportive and trusting relationships with students, counselors can provide a
physically and emotional safe place for students to discuss bullying issues and associated
feelings. During discussions students can be empowered to increase their sense of
control over the experience. If appropriate, a counselor could provide intervention that
assists the victim and the bully to reconcile differences. Counselors are in a position to
serve as advocates for victims and catalysts for change.
Olweus ( 1995) suggests that any intervention and prevention strategies need to
address bullying at the whole school, classroom and individual levels. These strategies
would be based on the unique needs of the students. It is imperative that students,
teachers and parents work collaboratively in order to successfully implement an antibullying program.

Recommendations for further research
This study examined a small cross section of students from the eighth to twelfth
grades. Given the differences in high school experiences, perspectives and age levels, it
would be beneficial to conduct independent studies at the junior and senior levels of a
high school. Interviewing a larger cross section of students would allow for a more
comprehensive body of knowledge to draw upon when evaluating and revamping school
anti-bullying policies. This type of study could help counselors identify the possible
differing needs of junior and senior students.
Data collected in qualitative studies are retrospective, subjective and usually
limited in size. The self-selected participants in this study decided what information and

40

events to share with the researcher. Qualitative data allows for a better description of the
context of bullying experiences and a better understanding of an individual's
interpretation of the experience. Quantitative data provides a larger information base.
Therefore, a study that utilized both qualitative and quantitative methods would provide a
more thorough understanding of the culture of female bullying in a high school
environment. The information gained would provide valuable input into the evaluation
and development of school bullying policies and procedures.
Both the qualitative and quantitative parts of a study should be administered to
students, school personnel and parents as it is important to discover their perceptions
about bullying. The survey might assess bullying in relation to types, time, location,
effects and bystander involvement. As suggested by Coloroso (2003), an important part
of such a study would be an exploration of intervention and prevention strategies as
experienced by the stakeholders. It is crucial to include all stakeholders in order to
compile as thorough an understanding as possible.
Two students in this study recounted memories of bullying incidents from their
elementary years. According to this study, a contingent of girls described being
victimized in a high school environment. Some female adults described vivid memories
and emotional scars as a result of bullying experiences during their school years
(Simmons, 2002). Several researchers have suggested that bullying experiences have
repercussions for victims that continue into adulthood (Craig & Pepler, 2004; DiPasquale,
2004). Given the apparent lasting consequences of victimization, it would be appropriate
to examine the impact of bullying experiences on the development of female high school
students.

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Bullying is a complex issue that requires study from many perspectives. Future
studies would likely reveal areas of concern and strength. Continued assessment of the
perceptions of students, parents and teachers about the existence and ramifications of
bullying is a worthwhile project.

Limitations of the Study
Due to the small sampling of this population, any results or interpretations would
only apply to the experiences of these individuals at this particular location. It would not
be appropriate to generalize the information to other girls or high schools. The fact that
the study takes place in a predominately rural area may impact the results of the study.
The size of city and school may influence the perceptions of the participants.
This study may not have attracted students who were the most knowledgeable
about the culture of female aggression in a high school environment. Students may have
refrained from participating for personal reasons. Several students inquired about the
study but parents were opposed to having their child participate in the study. The culture
of fear and reprisal may have interfered with student participation and parent/guardian
consent.
The interview process and the resulting retrospective data is not always the most
accurate data (McMillan & Schumacher 1997). The participants may have left out
information that they felt was inappropriate or portrayed them in a negative manner.
I attempted to make the study as objective as possible; however, the nature of
qualitative research relies on the interpretations of the observer. As a
counselor/researcher employed at the school where the study was conducted, I knew the

42

interviewees and some of the other individuals named in the interviews. I had prior
knowledge of some of the events that were revealed during the interviews. I was careful
to monitor any preconceived ideas about people or events

Concluding Statement
I began this study with the knowledge that bullying is a concern for some
students, teachers, parents and community members. As a counselor/teacher, I realized
bullying caused distress, fear, humiliation and anger in some victims. My purpose for
conducting this study was to improve my understanding of high school bullying as it
relates to the female victim. Specifically, I was interested in finding out the ways in
which females were bullied, their reactions to being victimized and what, if any, impact
bullying had on the victims' behaviour. This study helped me to understand that bullying
in the high school takes many forms that go beyond name-calling and exclusion. As I
progressed through the literature review and proceeded to conduct and analyze the
interviews, I was surprised by the long-lasting emotional pain that was vividly described
by the participants in my study and the accounts described in the literature. The
emotional pain resulting from memories of bullying incidents can have negative
repercussions for many years. These repercussions impact not only the lives of the
victims in the present moment but they may also impact the victims' ability to develop
future relationships and parent their own children.
The information gathered from the interviews and from my readings has caused
me to reevaluate my response to the victims of bullying. Previous to this study, my
immediate response as a teacher/counselor would have been to suggest walking away or

43

provide the victim ideas for a snappy comeback. Even though I had empathy for the
victim, I was providing a short-term solution that did not consider the long-term effects
bullying has on self-esteem. I now am aware of the importance of listening carefully for
the pain in each victim's story. This was exemplified when one of the participants
appreciatively said, "Thanks for lettin[g] me talk about this bullying stuff." This study
has helped me to understand how important it is to work with the victim to discover
strategies that develop personal empowerment so that the long-term effects of emotional
pain from bullying are minimized and the likelihood of being victimized is decreased.

44

References

Ananiadou, K., Schneider, B., Smith, J.D., & Smith, P. (2004). The effectiveness of
whole school antibullying programs: a synthesis of evaluation research. School
Psychology Review, 33, 547-564.
Brown, L., M., & Gilligan, C. (1992). Meeting at the Crossroads: Women's Psychology
and Girls' Development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Casey-Cannon, S., Hayward, C., & Gowen, K. (2001). Middle school girls' reports of
peer victimization: concerns consequences and implications. Professional School
Counselling, 5(2), 138-148.
Charach, A., Pepler, D., & Ziegler, S. (1995). Bullying at school: a Canadian perspective
(survey of problems with suggestions for interventions). Education Canada.
35(1), 12-19.
Coloroso, B. (2003). The bully, the bullied and the bystander. New York, NY: Harper
Resource.
Craig, W., & Pepler, D. (2004). Bullying: a relationship issue for both boys and girls.
Orbit, 34 (2) 11.
Craig, W., & Pepler, D. (2003). Identifying and targeting risk for involvement in bullying
and victimization. Can J Psychiatry, 48, 577-582.
DiPasquale, G. (2004). Is bullying just kids' stuff? Orbit. 34 (2), 6.
Hurley, S. (2004). Bullies+ technology= cyberbullying. Orbit. 34 (2), 22.
Hoeth. L., Rychter, P., (2004). Whose Kids ?... Our Kids. on line at
www. u wex.edu/ces/portagelfl p/

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Leschied, A., Cummings, A., Brunschot, M., Cunningham, A. (2001). Aggression in
adolescent girls: Implications for policy, prevention and treatment. Canadian

Psychology. 42, 200-215.
Mayencourt, L., Locke, B., & McMahon, W. (2003) . Facing our fears- accepting

responsibility. Report of the safe schools task force. Bullying, harassment and
intimidation in BC schools. Victoria, BC: Ministry of Education
McMillan, J.H., & Schumacher, S. (1997). Research in education: A conceptual

introduction. Don Mills, Ontario: Addison-Wesley Educational Publishers Inc.
Mishna, F. A. (2004). Qualitative study of bullying from multiple perspectives. Children

& Schools. 26, 234-237.
Nansel, T, R., Overpeck, M., Pilla, R. S., Ruan, W. J., Simons-Morton, B., & Scheidt, P.
(2001) . Bullying behaviors among US youth: Prevalence and association with
psychosocial adjustments . lAMA, 285, 2094-2100.
Olweus, D. (1995). Bullying or peer abuse at school: facts and interventions. American

Psychological Society. 9(6), 196-200.
Patton, M., (1987). Utilization-focused evaluation. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications,
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Sweeney, J., F. (2005) . mean girls, grown up. Health. 9(7), 151-156.
Simmons, R. (2002). Odd girl out: The hidden culture of aggression in girls. Toronto,
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Vail, K. (2002). Relational aggression in girls. American School Board Journal. 189,
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of Education Research Services.

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APPENDIX A
Interview Format

Establishing Rapport
1) Please tell me about a typical day in school. If you and I were close friends and I was
with you, what would we be doing?
2) How did you feel about that day?
3) (If the day was bad) What could you have done to turn this into a good day? (If the day
was good.) What could have happened to turn that day into a bad day?
4) What you have just described to me seems to be a (good/bad) day in school. Can you
tell me about a day that was (opposite from initial response) .

Questions and Probes
1) Tell me about a day at school during which you felt safe. (Possible probes-What
happened during the day, either in or out of class that made you feel safe? Please
describe the situation to me. How did you feel? What did you do?)
2) Tell me about a day at school in which you felt unsafe. (Possible probes- Did anything
happen during the day, either inside or outside the classroom that made you feel unsafe?
Please describe the situation to me. How did you feel? What did you do?)
(If the student uses bully/bullied/bullying I would proceed with the following questions.
If the student does not use bully/bullied/bullying but has used words such as harassed,

teased, picked on, excluded; I will proceed with, "What you are describing to me would
be called bullying by some individuals. What would you call this type of behaviour?" If
the student indicates they would call it bullying I will proceed with the following

48

questions. If the student does not call the incident bullying I would proceed inserting the
student's terminology for the words bully/bullied/bullying)
3) Please describe a time or times when you felt you were bullied? (Possible probesWhat was the incident about? Where did it happen? How did you react? What did you
do?
Can you tell me more about how you felt? Why do you think you felt that way?)
4) Were/are you a friend of (name of student involved)? (Possible probes- Has what
happened affected your friendship? Can you tell me why you feel that way?)
5) Who did you tell about the incident?
6) What did (name of person told) do about (name the incident)?
7) Do you feel that bullying has affected your relationship/friendship/getting along with
other students? (Possible probes- Please tell me tell me why you feel/think that way.)
8) Have you ever been afraid/hesitant to come to school? (Possible probes- Can you tell
me why?)
9) Do you use the Internet? (Possible Probes- Have you ever felt unsafe on the Internet?
Please tell me what made you feel unsafe.)
10) Is there anything else you would like to tell me? (Possible probes- Can you tell me
more about how you felt? Why do you think you feel/felt that way?)

49