A Personal Narrative:
Encountering Systemic Discrimination As A Status Indian Hard-of-Hearing Male

John Paul Jones
B.A., Trinity Western University, 1989
B.S.W. , University of Victoria, 1997

Project Submitted In Partial Fulfillment Of
The Requirements For The Degree Of
Master Of Arts
lll

Disability Management

The University Of Northern British Columbia
December 2005

© John Paul Jones 2005
UNIVERSITY of NORTHERN
BRITISH COLUMBIA

liBRARY
Prince George, B.C•

..

11

Abstract
There is a community mental health crises situation on-reserve/s in the North.
Specifically concerning this crises situation, there is a lack of community health services
provided for Indian Reserves in Northern British Columbia by the Northern Health
Authority. The main reason is because of the lack of trust by community mental health
leadership on-reserve for provision of services on-reserve by the Northern Health
Authority. Therefore, the leadership in the Northern Health Authority and the leadership
in community mental health on Indian Reserves need to initiate new communication
regarding the provision of services specifically for community mental health issues onreserve. The methodology used is a combination of Narrative/Autobiographical Research
specifically addressing the writer's experiences in working with the Northern Health
Authority and a non-profit community mental health agency contracted by the Northern
Health Authority to provide community mental health services on-reserve in the North.
The paper provides simple, clear recommendations for all parties concerned in order to
address this community mental health crises situation.

111

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract

u

Introduction

1

Methodology

2

Literature Review

3

Historical Narrative of Being An Older First Nation Male Who Is
Hard-of-Hearing and Has Meniere's Disease

14

Systemic Discrimination vs. Direct Discrimination

24

Synopses of Incidents

26

Summary

30

Discussion

31

Concerns

48

Recommendations

54

References

58

Introduction
I am an older First Nation male who is profoundly Hard-of-Hearing and has
Meniere's Disease. My conversation experiences in communication with people has
varied. There have been compassionate people that have tried, unsuccessfully, to help me
understand them and their thoughtful consideration caused them embarrassment and
confusion. On the other hand, there have been individuals that have blatantly expressed
impatience towards me because I could not understand what they were saying. Then, of
course, there have also been those that were clearly apathetic regarding how seriously my
hearing disability affected our conversations.
In July 2004, I was involved in an uncomfortable discussion with a Northern
Health Authority worker. In this incident our communication was possibly influenced by
my First Nation ethnicity and my profound hearing loss. Next, in November 2004, a nonprofit community agency administrator made a negative remark to me about my profound
hearing loss, based on her assessment of the difficulties that I experience in my ability to
communicate, especially on the phone. In the last incident, in February 2005, I was
involved in another uncomfortable discussion with another administrator from another
non-profit community service agency. In this incident, our communication may have
been influenced by my First Nation ethnicity, and was definitely influenced by my
profound hearing loss.
In the literature search I found that even progressive, well educated First Nation

scholars experienced institutional racism in their careers (Battiste, 2000). Weeber (1999),
who had polio as a child, says that ableism is "a form of prejudice and bigotry that marks

2
us as less than those who are nondisabled" (p. 2). I now describe the methodology I used
in conducting my Research Project.

Methodology:
I completed a Literature Review on:
(1) the QOL of people with Hearing Loss and Meniere's Disease,

(2) Ableism, and
(3) Racism.
According to Clark, Carlson and Polkinghorne (1997) it is important to:
(a) understand the experiences of being Hard-of-Hearing, and
(b) understand the effect Meniere's Disease has on one's Quality of Life
(QOL).
Therefore, I have written a Narrative history of being an older Pacheedaht First Nation
male who was born Hard-of-Hearing because of a neurological disorder in my middle
ears and was also diagnosed with Meniere's Disease in my late twenties. It is important
for me to clearly understand how I have been treated differently by significant others and
other people in society throughout my life (Gallavan & Whittemore, 2003). It is just as
important for me to explore the invisibility of my self as one who is Hard-of-Hearing and
has Meniere's Disease, with the goal to defining a visibility for my self that is healthy
and progressive, which can be of benefit to myself and other First Nation individuals with
a profound hearing loss (Rapmund and Moore, 2002).
I include a discussion on Narrative and Autobiographical research in my research
project. I emphasize that it is considered self-centred for First Nation individuals to write
about their lives, and I definitely experienced a sense of awkwardness in writing this
narrative of my life (Swann and Krupat, 1987, p. xii).

3

I have provided incidental illustrations of systemic and direct discrimination that I
have experienced, as a foundation for three incidents involving racism and ableism. The
three incidents illustrate the difficulties that I experience as a mature Pacheedaht First
Nation male who is Hard-of-Hearing and has Meniere's Disease. There are common
themes in my life that keep reoccurring, related to how I communicate with
administrators and managers. The meanings I have attached to my racial heritage and my
discriminatory experiences based on my hearing loss are directly impacted upon by these
themes, and will be discussed.
The purpose of my Research Project is to suggest new ways to the Northern
Health Authority (NHA), to improve communication with the leadership in Community
Health on Indian Reserves in the North in order for the NHA to initiate community
mental health programs on-reserve. Clear recommendations are provided at the end of
my paper, in order to make this initiative possible. Next, is my literature review on the
QOL of individuals with hearing loss and Meniere's Disease.

Literature Review: Quality of Life of Individuals with Hearing Loss and Meniere's
Disease
Yardley, Dibb and Osborne (2003) state that Meniere's Disease seriously impacts
on the QOL of individuals with the disease. Its symptoms are vertigo, hearing loss, and
tinnitus. Vertigo is experienced as "a false sense of movement or spinning ... Nausea and
vomiting often accompany it" (Harvard Women's Health Watch, 2003, p. 6). Vertigo
significantly effects work performance, social relations, leisure, and one's psychological
well-being (Yardley, Dibb, & Osborne. 2003).

4

The second symptom is hearing loss, which seriously affects communication. It is
difficult in noisy settings to understand people who speak softly (Heine and Browning,
2004). Hearing loss causes fatigue, embarrassment and social isolation. In fact, many
older people with hearing loss often do not want other people to know of the difficulty
they experience in understanding conversations; and further, older people often withdraw
from conversations because they are also convinced that because of their hearing loss
they are poor conversationalists.
The third symptom is tinnitus, which is the presence of sound in one's hearing
(Ahmad, Seidman 2004). Unfortunately, in their prognosis many physicians encourage
their patients with tinnitus to "live with it" because there is no cure. The cause of tinnitus
is not known and its prevalence is approximately 75-80% of the hearing-impaired
population. Tinnitus contributes to depression and interferes with social interaction and
can be serious enough to affect workplace performance. Zager, Svedlund, and Holgers
(2004) state there is a correlation between tinnitus severity and psychological factors; for
example-depression, concentration problems, and irritability. Zager et al found that
although half of the tinnitus patients in their research did not have severe hearing
impairment they still experienced psychiatric disorders, with the most frequent disorders
being anxiety and mood disorders. Additional symptoms of tinnitus are poor general
health, sleep disturbances, and pain.
In 1980, the World Health Organization defined disability as a " ... limitation or

the obstacle that makes it impossible for someone, as a result of an impairment, to carry
out an activity in a certain way, or within limits that are considered normal" (BackenrothOhsako, Wennberg, and Klinteberg, 2003, p. 192). The consequences of denial of

5

hearing loss are "frustration, embarrassment, isolation and stress" (p. 193). In fact, in
order to avoid stigmatization many individuals often deny their communication
difficulties and pretend to understand what is said to them; and further, many avoid social
interaction at work. Those that are hearing impaired people do one of two things in
communication: control or avoid. Consequently, in attempting to control conversations
at work often results in muscle tension and various anxiety conditions. In fact, at the end
of a working day the hearing impaired experience psychastenia, which means
"difficulties concentrating in a disturbing environment, the tendency to experience
fatigue, the tendency to tire quickly, the need to conserve one's energy" (p. 200). Finally,
it is common for workplace colleagues to mirror society's prejudices to disabilities and
hearing impairment. I now provide a brief report of my literature review on Ableism.
Literature Review: Ableism
Ableism is "the idea that a person's abilities or characteristics are determined by
disability ... that people with disabilities as a group are inferior to nondisabled people"
(Disability Studies for Teachers, n.d., p. 1). A similar definition is "discrimination in
favor of the able-bodied and able-minded" (Gabel, 2000, p. 4 ). In this regard, despite the
provision of fax machines, electronic mail, teletypewriters (TTYs), relay systems, and
assistive listening devices there are still vocational rehabilitation counsellors who lack
knowledge about hearing loss accommodations (Bat-Chava, Deignan & Martin, 2002).
Hearing impaired individuals have fewer relationships, decreased social activity,
and increased depression (Cohen, Labadie, and Dietrich & Haynes, 2004 ). The hearing
impaired often experience difficulties interacting with family members, neighbours and
friends (Miyakita, Ueda, Zusho & Kudoh, 2002). The hearing impaired are overly

6

marginalized from society because of unreliable social support; and, adults 50 years of
age and older suffer from sadness, anxiety, social isolation, and insecurity. Hearing
impaired people do not age well due to anxiety, low self-confidence, depression, and
social isolation. For these reasons, it is crucial that helpers understand:
(a) how people with hearing loss feel about their hearing impairment,
(b) why the hearing impaired behave the way they do, and
(c) how the hearing impaired cope with their daily communication problems.
The Murphy et al. study (as cited in Li & Lindenberger (2002)) found that "Under
noisy conditions, older adults suffered a significant drop in memory performance. This
result suggests that some proportion of the observed age-related cognitive deficits may be
attributed to sensory deficits." (p. 779). The Pichora-Fuller et al. study (as cited in
Lunner, 2003) found that" ... when auditory processing becomes very difficult, because
of an adverse listening situation and a damaged cochlea, the individual's cognitive
function influences performance to a high degree. In other words, it is not only the
peripheral hearing loss that limits performance under demanding listening conditions" (p.
9). Acquired hearing loss is also associated with social and emotional isolation (Mulrow,
Aguilar, Endicott, Tuley, Velez, Charlip, Rhodes, Hill, DeNino, 1990).
Moore, Beazley & Maelzer (1998) state that research designs mould research
findings; with the result being that disability researchers have reproduced disadvantage,
inequality and disablement amongst those with disabilities. In fact, this finding supports
Zola's findings about disability:
While most minority group members grow up in a
recognized subculture and thus develop certain
norms and expectations, people with chronic diseases
and disabilities are not similarly prepared. The nature

7
of their experience has been toward isolation. The
vast majority of people who are born with or acquire
such conditions do so within families who neither have
these conditions nor associate with others who do.
They are socialized into the world of the 'normal' with
all its values, prejudices, and vocabulary. (Nagler, Ed., p. 15-16, 1993).
Consequently, the permanently disabled are often negatively viewed as recipients of
medical treatment and are ascribed negative traits such as weakness, helplessness,
dependency, regressiveness, abnormality, and depreciation of personhood. In fact, these
traits become permanent characteristics of the disabled communities (Nagler, Ed., p. 17,
1993). The next section is a brief report of my literature review on Racism.

Literature Review: Racism
I give opinions on racism from three female Black educators. I then provide
opinions on racism of five female Caucasian Canadian educators. Then I provide closing
/opinions on racism from three Native American educators. My reason for the provision
of such broad opinions is to indicate that objective opinions are offered by researchers of
different ethnic backgrounds. The purpose is to show that native and non-native
educator/researchers are concerned about racism.
Razack (1998), a female Black Canadian educator, emphasizes that " .. .power
relations deeply shape encounters" (p. 14) and she asks this question regarding race
relations "What does the ethnic eye see?" (p. 16). bell hooks (2003), a female Black
American educator states that segregation is still the norm in social relationships in the
United States.
The female Caucasian Canadian researchers Kowalsky, Verhoef, Thurston &
Rutherford (1996) state that First Nation people cautiously evaluated their activities to
determine their motives, honesty, and openness before agreeing to becoming subjects of

8
their research. Further, specifically concerning non-aboriginal researchers' motives:
"Motives are communicated through many actions that are analyzed quietly without a
researcher being aware." (p. 275). Adelson (2000), another female Caucasian Canadian
educator, describes the Quebec government's effect on the Cree people of Northern
Quebec, as "communal exhaustion" (p. 18); and that, because of social suffering endured
by First Nation people in Canada, as the" ... pain of being Aboriginal" (p. 11). Adelson
also states " ... aboriginal peoples by and large are living out the effects of a chronology of
neglect, indifference and systematic oppression (p. 12). Adelson further emphasizes the
existence of " ... a long history of institutionalized neglect enmeshed more recently with
an attempt to further erode the population's social and economic base" (p. 14).
Razack ( 1998) states that " ... we are each implicated in systems of oppression that
profoundly structure our understanding of one another. .. we come to know and perform
ourselves in ways that reproduce social hierarchies" (p. 10). Finally," ... we need to
direct our efforts to the conditions of communication and knowledge production that
prevail, calculating not only who can speak and how they are likely to be heard but also
how we know what we know and the interest we protect through our knowing" (p. 10).
Pinderhughes, a female Black American educator, says this about power and race:
The significance of difference in the helping
encounter is compounded by the dynamic
of power, for the power inherent in the
practitioner role is compounded by the status
assignment (power) associated with the
cultural/social group identity of both client
and practitioner. (Weaver, 1999, p. 218).
Cheboud (n.d.), formerly of Ethiopia and now living in Canada, states "For those who
experience racial oppression on a continuous basis, race can be an extremely salient part

9
of their identity, because they are constantly reminded of their marginal status. In
contrast, those who harvest societal privileges may be less aware of their racial selves"
(p. 3). Turner (n.d.) emphasizes that it is possible that privileged people (with the
implication that Caucasian people are privileged) may not even recognize racial
discrimination, because their identities are not rooted in race, as people of colour' identity
is rooted in race.
Yazzie, a Navajo lawyer and chief justice of the Navajo Nation in the United
States has this to say about colonialism:
Colonialism is a situation in which people in Washington,
Ottawa, or other neocolonial capitals make decisions
that affect the lives of Indigenous peoples without effectively involving them or reaching consensus with
them. Postcolonialism will not arrive for Indigenous
peoples until they are able to make their own decisions.
Colonialism remains when national legislatures and
policy makers make decisions for Indigenous peoples,
tell them what they can and cannot do, refuse to support them, or effectively shut them out of the process.
Social Darwinism is colonialist thinking, and it is
alive and well in the United States and Canada. Its
assumption is that an elite has the moral and legal
right to shape the destinies of Indigenous minorities.
(Battiste, Ed. 2000. p. 46).
Duran and Duran (1995), Native American educators, refer to the painful cross-cultural
experiences of Native Americans with White Americans as a "soul wound" (p. 24 ).
Leroy Little Bear, a member of the Blood Tribe of Alberta, used to teach at the
University of Lethbridge, where his academic experience was fraught with institutional
racism from his Western colleagues, who largely discredited the thinking of aboriginal
researchers (Battiste, 2000, p. 93). Therefore, when working with First Nation people the
non-Native helping professional must be aware of their Western" ... values, biases and

10

beliefs" (Weaver, 1999, p. 218) and have " ... the ability to integrate cultural knowledge
and sensitivity with skills for a more effective and culturally appropriate helping process"
(p. 217). I continue onto my literature review on Narrative Research.

Literature Review: Narrative Research
When compared to the "hard sciences" research has viewed qualitative studies as
"soft", when in fact narrative research "can illuminate hard realities" (Bleakley, p. 535,
2005). Narrative research brings " ... researchers and practitioners closer to the patient's
world through the medium of story, acting-metaphorically-as stethoscope" (p. 535). In
fact, narrative research involves itself" ... proactively with its research population through
deliberate intervention, as research with, not on, people" (p. 535). Nonetheless, sadly,
"medicine's self imposed institutional autism" denies the importance of stories (p. 534).
Narrative research provides the framework to" ... inquire, reflect, and interpret our
memories ... " (Gallavan & Whittemore, p. 20, 2003). Nieto states that narrative research
provides an opportunity to" . .. exchange observations, pose inquiries, and engage in
meaningful dialogue ... with open honesty, integrity, and care" (as cited in Gallavan &
Whittemore, p. 20, 2003). Narrative research is a healthy ongoing, developing discourse
that helps researchers respect difference in others. Morrow (2005) states that narrative
research data and analysis infrastructure are rooted in subjectivity. Peshkin defines
narrative subjectivity as "monitoring of self' (as cited in Morrow, 2005). Hoshmand
(2005) states " ... we listen for meanings and patterns in what clients say about themselves
and their lives" (p. 2). Thus, the "diverse voices" addressing social and political issues
which impact upon peoples' lives are given recognition and personal perspectives are
understood in multiple ways (p. 4).

11

Overcash (2004) states that telling stories is unique because stories focus on
individual experiences of specific events. Overcash quotes Richardson (1990):
"Narrative ... allows us to contemplate the effects of our actions and to alter the directions
of our lives." Clark, Carlson, and Polkinghorne (1997) state that narrative research
allows for the study of how individuals understand the effect of experience in their lives.
Narrative research also gives personalized depth to the story-teller's meaning of their life
and in fact, may be" ... the only reasonable alternative for addressing many of the central
questions" (p. 315).
Rapmund and Moore (2002) emphasize that diversity as cultural difference needs
to be respected. This respect is achieved by valuing and supporting diversity; and it is
through stories that silence and invisibility within diversity emerges. Narrative research
"provides a way of exploring meaning within its natural and ever-changing context" and
opens new realities or options. (p. 25). In fact, one can "reinvent" their identity by
listening to others tell their stories (p. 26). In this fashion, information shared as story is
based on actual experiences rather than academic theories (p. 27).
Hanninen (2004) states that the inner narrative "refers to the narrative
organization of experience, the story we tell to ourselves. The inner narrative is the focus
of interest of narrative psychology" (p. 70). Stories reflect what people think about "their
identities, their sense of meaning in life, their conceptions of causal relationships between
events, their moral commitments, and their ways of understanding the past and
anticipating the future" (p. 71). The inner narrative helps to "grasp events in certain
ways", and is "the central organizer of experience and action" (p. 75). In short, narrative
research provides meaning and dignity for the story-teller.

12
Goodall Jr. (2005) states:
What we inherit narratively from our forebears provides
us with a framework for understanding our identity
through theirs. It helps us see our life grammar and
working logic as an extension of, or a rebellion
against, the way we story how they lived and thought
about things, and it allows us to explain to others where
we come from and how we were raised in the continuing
context of what it all means. We are fundamentally
homo narrans-humans as storytellers-and a well-told
story brings with it a sense of fulfillment and of
completion. (p. 497).
However, Goodall Jr. cautions, "But we don't always inherit that sense of completion.
We too often inherit a family's unfinished business, and when we do, these incomplete
narratives are given to us to fulfill" (p. 497).
I now provide a brief report of my Literature Review on Autobiography of Native
Americans. There is very little research data available on this subject.

Literature Review: Autobiography
Swann and Krupat (1987) state:
... a sense of awkwardness or embarrassment at being
asked to write about oneself is a deeply traditional
feeling for Native Americans, although it is important
to recall that whatever they may have in common as
"Indians," there are also differences among them both
culturally and individually. There are no inevitably or
inherently Indian subjects, although certain themes
and images come up again and again; no given Indian
way of treating every subject, although modalities
will occur more frequently than others (p. xii-xiii).
Swann and Krupat refused to edit the autobiographical texts of this book of essays from
which this quote is taken because they did not want to impose "good" writing style on the
Native American contributors, with their editorial purpose being to preserve the Native
American oral tradition. Their emphasis is that" ... Native American writers should speak

13

for themselves while they speak of themselves" (xiii-xiv). In fact, Krupat and Swann
(2000) have found that there are" ... many different ways . .. to be Indian ... " (xiv), and,
there are" ... many different ways . .. to write about being Indian" (xiv).
Krupat ( 1985) maintains that autobiographical texts are social in nature. Krupat
also emphasizes that Native American autobiographies did not exist until Whites felt it
was necessary to produce them in the late 19 1h century. This is because American Whites
thought of Indians as the "other"; and had no culture worth writing about (p. 5).
Consequently, American Indian discourse has been "notoriously lacking" of Native
American authors, and "Euramericans", in racist bias towards Native Americans, simply
neglected this obvious need (p. 10). The "author-ity" of the author in aubiograpical
discourse originates in the author's "personality," "imagination," or "individual genius"
(p. 11). However, historically, in Native American culture, Native Americans could only
orally speak for himself/herself and no one else (p. 11). Therefore, "Euramerican"
reasoning concluded that because Native Americans passed on information orally and did
not write, they were, and are not, "authors" (p. 11 ).
This background information is crucial for the success of my Research Paper.
My purpose is to objectively analyze the issues of race and ability, and how I have failed
to navigate the template of normalcy of the able-bodied in contemporary society. I now
provide a historical Narrative report on being an older Hard-of-Hearing Pacheedaht First
Nation male with Meniere's Disease.

14

Historical Narrative o(Being An Older Pacheedaht First Nation Male Who Is Hardof-Hearing and Has Meniere's Disease
I am a 55 year old Status Indian member of the Pacheedaht First Nation in Port
Renfrew, which is 62 miles northwest of Victoria on the west coast of Vancouver Island.
At birth, my parents and our family doctor failed to notice that I could not hear normally.
My two oldest siblings are my brothers, who were fourteen years old and twelve years
old respectively when I was born. When my oldest brother was thirteen years old our
father forced him to work on a fish boat for the summer and took all of his earnings. Our
father's explanation to him for taking his money was that he was too young to spend it.
Also, my oldest brother is very intelligent and our mother expected him to finish high
school. However, our father told him that "Indians don't need high school to work." In
the traditional Indian way, as the oldest son in our family he felt compelled to obey our
father. Consequently, he quit school at sixteen years of age and started working in the
woods. My second oldest brother followed suit and started logging full-time as well
when he turned sixteen. As soon as they started working my two oldest brothers began
drinking heavily, eventually becoming alcoholics like my parents and other Pacheedaht
relatives.
Our father was physically abusive to my fourth oldest brother, and emotionally
sterile towards the rest of his children. Before I was born my mother was an abstainer
and as soon as I was born she started drinking and quickly became alcoholic as well. At
two years of age I could not speak age appropriately. Due to my mother's alcoholism she
was resentful and emotionally abusive towards me and she constantly told me "You're so
stupid!" My mother's intolerance towards me resulted in her relegating parental

15
responsibility for me to my two oldest brothers. Fortunately, my mother's neglect and
abuse did not affect my natural tenacity and innate intelligence. I was determined to
learn to speak and my two oldest brothers helped me. Their love, patience and
encouragement paid off because at fours years of age I was talking age appropriately.
Our father's alcoholism progressed to the point that he often became enraged when
drinking. He would viciously assault our mother, and to protect herself she left him at
every opportunity. However, she always returned to him because she was unable to
support herself and her children financially.
In 1956, I started attending the Alberni Indian Residential School in the Alberni
Valley on Vancouver Island. Despite my being a victim of abuse from my mother I was
a friendly, sociable child. Initially, playing with other kids my age in this new
environment was an exciting adventure. However, I soon became discouraged because I
could not understand some children in playtime conversations. These conversations were
often reinforced by cruel remarks which they directed at me because of my hearing loss
and to avoid these cruel remarks I quickly learned to play alone. Also, our grade one
teacher made a mockery of my inability to understand her when she taught. She became
frustrated towards me and constantly asked me "Are you retarded?" When she asked me
this cruel question my classmates always laughed. Our teacher's derision of my inability
to understand and my classmate's accompanying laughter was painful and humiliating. It
is not surprising that I failed grade one.
I spent approximately one month in grade two and was promptly placed in grade
three. I am not positive but I believe that my grade two teacher suspected that my innate
intelligence was too advanced for grade two level, and discussed this issue with the third

16
grade teacher. Upon entering grade three, I was not able to write. The third grade
teacher sat me down for approximately two weeks in class and concentrated specifically
on teaching me to write. The patience and kindness of my grades two and three teachers
was the supportive inspiration I needed to reinforce my fragile child's self-esteem.
Consequently, I was very proud of myself for catching up to my former grade one class,
in which many students poked fun at me because I could not understand. Nonetheless, in
the Indian Residential School sadistic supervisors "boxed" our ears. This sick, sadistic
form of punishment caused further damage to my already poor sense of hearing. We also
suffered this ignorant remark, made to us by a few racist supervisors: "You're very
fortunate to be getting a good White Man's education".
I was eleven years old when I was seriously physically assaulted by a supervisor.
The reason was because I refused to obey his orders to repeatedly clean a long stairwell
as a form of disciplinary punishment. In self-defense, I curled up caterpillar fashion to
protect myself. Shortly after, I was physically assaulted by another supervisor, who
smashed my head against the corner of a hall archway. I sustained a three inch gash in
my head, exposing my skull. I spent almost three weeks in the infirmary and for the first
week I lapsed in and out of consciousness and almost died. This assault was never
reported to the police.
In 1963, I started public school in the seventh grade. In grade seven, I had a few
uncomfortable experiences with racist classmates who called me a "dumb Indian"
because I could not clearly understand. As a very young Status Indian growing up in a
racist town, I refused to submit passively and determined to work extra hard to keep my
marks up with my White classmates. In fact, I did so well that I was placed in the

17
"Academic Program" in grade eight. I could not forget the humiliation and shame I
endured at being emotionally and mentally abused by my grade one teacher, as well as
being made fun of by many students in my grade one class. Therefore, I intentionally
avoided mentioning to my grade eight teachers that I was Hard-of-Hearing.
It was in the eighth grade that my hearing loss first intensified. I also started

drinking. I failed grades eight and nine due to a combination of my hearing loss and the
problems that resulted from alcohol abuse. On Friday afternoons I used to leave the
Indian Residential School without permission and return late Sunday night. This got me
into serious trouble with the Principal of this institution. I remained in the Indian
Residential School until 1996, despite the many problems that alcohol caused me. I was
home for a year in grade ten, and used to sit in front in class in order to hear better. I
went to high school in Nanaimo in 1968-1969. In grade eleven I was the only Status
Indian chosen (from the Social Studies program in my high school) to watch the
Provincial Legislature in session. This fact clearly indicates to me that even though I
drank a lot, I was still enthusiastic and interested in doing well in my high school
education.
In 1969, at nineteen years of age, I passed into grade twelve. However, instead of
graduating from high school I followed in the footsteps of my older brothers and started
working in the woods. Simultaneously, this was when the ringing in my ears and the
vertigo attacks began. Both symptoms quickly progressed to the point of being
practically unbearable to endure. I never spoke to anyone about these debilitating
conditions because I was ashamed of the stigma of being Hard-of-Hearing. In 1972,
partially as a way to cope with the stress that the ringing in the ears, the vertigo, and my

18
hearing loss caused, I started using street drugs. I was twenty-two years old. In 1978, at
twenty-eight years of age, I joined Alcoholics Anonymous, a 12-step recovery program.
I have remained sober and clean to date.
In 1979, I went to an Ear, Nose and Throat (ENT) Specialist who diagnosed me
with profound hearing loss and Meniere's Disease. The ENT's prognosis was that I
would be completely deaf by sixty years of age. Since this diagnosis I have used a
standard hearing aid. I also have to use an FM hearing aid device in meetings. In
addition, at conferences or in larger groups I have to use Captioning. The symptoms of
Meniere's Disease are fluctuating hearing loss, ringing of the ears and vertigo.
In 1981, my hearing declined again, and for safety reasons I quit working in the
woods. I then worked for a few months as a floor-layer apprentice and had to quit this
job because of my hearing loss and Meniere's Disease. In 1982 I enrolled in college in
Vancouver, and completed a one-year community service program. I sat at the front in
classes and had to have classmates take notes. After completing this program I worked in
a few six-month job-training programs for Status Indians (which were funded by the
federal government) in Vancouver. When program funds were exhausted I was out of a
job, and a period of unemployment always followed. I grew to loath being repeatedly
laid off, and returned to college in 1986.
Upon returning to college, I noticed that it was even more difficult for me to
understand during classes. Also, in a conversation with a very conservative right-wing
professor, I informed him that I intended to continue onto university. In response, he
raised his right hand and shook it in judgement, and said "Welll ... to be honest, John Paul
you don't have what it takes to succeed in university. I'm sorry, but that's the truth." I

19
was very disappointed. However, I chose not to ask him for an explanation of his blatant
opinion due to feeling ashamed and humiliated. Nonetheless, I applied to Trinity
Western University (TWU) in Langley, B.C. and was accepted, transferring to the third
year of university in September 1987. Practically all of my classmates were much
younger than I and in class many thought that I was not paying attention because I would
ask questions about issues that they had finished discussing. The majority expressed their
frustration very clearly to me in these incidents. Despite my low marks I managed to
graduate from TWU in May 1989 with a Bachelor of Arts Degree in History. Langara
College and TWU did not have any disability services for students with disabilities.
In the summer of 1989 I worked as a seasonal labourer for the White Rock Parks

Department. The supervisor of this program hired me because I was honest about my
hearing loss. Our foreman and my fellow crew members were very patient with me. In
1990, I worked in a group home for autistic men in White Rock. In this job, one reason
my boss hired me was because I was profoundly hearing disabled. He believed that my
being Hard-of-Hearing was an asset which would help me to be more patient and
supportive with the adult autistic residents. His confidence in my ability proved to be
correct. I worked there for only a few months and quit to start a one-year Case
Management Officer (CMO) secondment training position for the Correctional Services
of Canada (CSC) at Matsqui Penitentiary in Abbotsford, British Columbia. At the time, I
was one of only two CMOs in the entire CSC system.
I thoroughly enjoyed this job and my CSC Unit Manager (my boss) gave me an
excellent assessment. After the one-year training program expired I started training as a
Correctional Officer (CO) at the CSC College in Mission, British Columbia. In

20
accordance with the Workmen's Compensation Board rules I had to wear ear muffs
during firearms training. The CSC did not offer alternative ways for firearms training
and in order to wear the ear muffs required that I remove my hearing aid. Consequently,
I could not understand the orders being given by the firearms instructor and the CSC
College Director fired me for this reason. Despite feeling that I was treated in a
discriminatory manner because of my hearing loss, I chose not to dispute his decision to
let me go.
In 1992, I worked as a Social Worker for the Aboriginal Services Team for the
British Columbia Ministry of Social Services. This team serves all Indian Bands in
British Columbia. As I got older, there were two symptoms of my vertigo attacks that got
worse. The ringing in the ears got "louder" and the dizziness attacks got worse to the
point that my sense of balance was drastically affected and there were occasions in which
I could not stand up. During this job I had a vertigo attack due to stress, which was so
traumatic that I had to take a week sick leave. During my sick leave my manager
harassed me by phoning me two times at home to ask when I was returning to work; a
violation of the working agreement of the union to which I belonged. However, the
union steward did not help me. After eight months, I quit this job because it was far too
stressful and threatening my health.
In 1993-1994, I had a half-time job as a Social Worker for the Pacheedaht Band in
Port Renfrew. I also started taking Social Work courses part-time at the University of
Victoria (UVic) in September 1993. I was related to all Band Council members and
practically all of the Band Office employees. I had to supply a telephone with higher
volume (packing it every day from home to work and back again) because the Pacheedaht

21
Band would not purchase one for me. During this job I had to be taken in an ambulance
to the hospital in Victoria because I had another very serious vertigo attack; again, caused
by stress on the job.
In September 1994, I became a full-time student in the UVic Social Work
Program. In the summer of 1995 I took a computer lab course and I could not understand
the instructor because she lectured while students used the computers and the acoustics of
the lab made the noise extra loud. I could not concentrate due to the loudness and I failed
this course. The Director of the School of Social Work informed that I was not meeting
the program's academic requirements and strongly advised me to consider withdrawing
from the program. However, I felt that her attitude and behaviour towards me was unfair
and discriminatory because she failed to empathize with the reasons I gave her for failing
the computer lab course. The Education Coordinator and the Band Manager for the
Pacheedaht Band requested a meeting with the Director to discuss their concerns in this
situation. They could not convince the Director to consider the difficulties that I
experienced in this course because of my profound hearing loss. Therefore, I wrote a
letter to the Director requesting to appear in front of an appeal board for the UVic School
of Social Work. I was granted permission to do so and I won the appeal and was allowed
to continue in the program.
Later, in yet another course, I again experienced further discrimination because of
my profound hearing loss. This discrimination was directed at me from the professor
who taught the course and from some of my class colleagues. I applied to the UVic
Registrar's Office to withdraw from this course for medical reasons and I was granted
permission to withdraw from the course with no academic penalty. A short while later,

22
the Dean of the UVic Human Services and Social Development Program overturned this
decision. Due to the Dean's reversing the Registrar's Office decision to allow me to
withdraw, I received an "I" for the course and I was concerned that I would not qualify
for graduation because of the "I" mark reduced my grade point average. Consequently, I
appealed to the Dean and he rejected my appeal. Simultaneously, the Pacheedaht Band
Manager intervened and provided legal counsel for me to lobby the Dean for my right to
stay in the Social Work program. The Dean was especially concerned about litigation
and our lawyer (who was First Nation) clearly informed him that the Pacheedaht Band
wished to avoid litigation. Despite our lawyer's diplomacy the Dean wrote me a letter
informing me that he did not like communicating with a student (with a disability),
through the student's legal counsel. The matter took over two months to be settled out of
court and as a result I was placed on academic probation. Nonetheless, I graduated from
UVic with a Bachelor of Social Work Degree in June 1997.
In September 1999, in order to raise my marks to qualify for university Graduate

Study Programs, I enrolled in a one-year Diploma Program at the University of British
Columbia (UBC). I experienced discrimination from a professor in this program as well.
During a meeting in which we were discussing my progress, I told her that I could not
understand her in class because she spoke too fast. She responded rudely by saying,
"Yes, you keep saying that" and I did not feel safe after she made this remark. I
discussed the issue of my safety in the classroom with the Coordinator of the UBC
Students' Disability Services Program. The Coordinator in turn spoke to the UBC
Registrar, and I was again given permission to withdraw from the course with no
academic penalties. I took three years to complete this one-year program mainly because

23

of the progression of my hearing loss. My determination paid off and I completed the
program and was rewarded a Diploma in Guidance Studies from UBC in April 2002.
In May 2002, I started work for the Salvation Army (SA) in Yellowknife in the
Northwest Territories. A difficulty I have on the phone is that I cannot understand what
is being said to me by people who speak fast or have soft voices. Therefore, I need to use
a Voice Carry Over phone (VCO phone). In the VCO system I read what is being said by
the person whom I am speaking with, from a monitor on the phone. This is typed into the
system by a Message Relay Operator for the phone company.
The SA bought me a VCO phone to use on the job. However, after three months
the VCO phone was still not installed in my office due to my boss's negligence. Also,
other staff members refused to use my FM Hearing Aid device during staff meetings.
Eventually, in a meeting with my boss about my need for these hearing loss
accommodations, he rudely said to me "You're going to have to stop talking about being
Hard-of-Hearing. Everyone knows you're Hard-of-Hearing." I quit this job due to this
ongoing conflict.
In September 2002, I started the University of Northern British Columbia
(UNBC) Graduate Studies Program in Disability Management. In one incident during an
evening class I had a controversial discussion about ableism with one of my class
colleagues. He quickly became frustrated and defensive, and made this remark: "Well,
how about this, John Paul? You talk about First Nations people with disabilities. Isn't
that discriminating?" In response to this statement I was shocked. I experienced anxiety
bordering on panic and felt very unsafe for the remainder of the term. Due to shame,
fear, and embarrassment I never discussed this incident with the man who made the

24
statement and the problem has remained unresolved. This concludes my historical
Narrative.
Before continuing onto three synopses of incidents which my Narrative is
foundational to, I provide a brief report on systemic discrimination versus direct
discrimination.

Systemic Discrimination vs. Direct Discrimination
Due to the constraints inherent in the writing of this paper, it is difficult to write
about how discrimination manifestly affects my QOL as an older male. Consequently,
the issues of systemic and direct discrimination will be applied solely to race and ability,
albeit that discrimination also impacts upon age.

Systemic Discrimination
Mcintyre (1997) defines whiteness as: "a system and ideology of white
dominance that marginalizes and oppresses people of color, ensuring existing privileges
for white people ... " (p. 3). Mcintyre emphasizes" ... I have seen whiteness continue to
function as a system that accepts and exacerbates multiple forms of racism within our
society." (p. 2). There is a strong emphasis that inequities have" ... everything to do with
socioeconomic class, gender, exceptionalities, sexuality, and religion ... " (p. 2); and which
is also" ... embedded in the system of whiteness-a system that is largely invisible to those
of us who benefit from it." (p. 2).
Henry (2002) states that the federal government continues it exploitative
relationship with Indian people (p. 232). There are" ... a host of social problems,
including ill health, well above average rates of alcoholism and suicide, high rates of
incarceration, and overall poverty" (p. 232). Turner and Cheboud (n.d.) state that

25
marginalized people " ... feel victimized ... whatever they do will not improve their
situation and may indeed worsen it. They are paralysed by internalized oppression, total
feelings of helplessness, and fear (often justified) of repercussions if they complain or
seek redress" (p. 12).

Direct Discrimination
Straker (2004) states "Blatant racism involves a split between an in-group that is
felt to be my own group and an out-group that is felt not to be mine. In regard to my own
group, a sense of its goodness is retained while onto the out-group are projected multiple
negative stereotypes and badness." (p. 449) and that the White community's "guilt
concerning racism may derive from feelings that we want and need our privileges." (p.
448). St. Denis and Hampton (2002) report that Aboriginal teachers, in cross cultural
communication, have had experiences that" ... carried overtones, stereotyping, prejudices,
and general misunderstanding .... The increasing number of Aboriginal teachers in
provincial schools have brought diverse reactions from parents and community. Teachers
have encountered overt. .. racism, stereotyping and prejudice attitudes." (p. 17).
Regarding direct discrimination against those that are disabled, Titchkosky (2001)
emphasizes " ... disability is conceived and programatically treated as an individual
trouble and not a public issue ... Disability is made an individual matter 'because' it is
what is the matter with some individuals." (pp. 135-136).
In North America, systemic discrimination inequities are rooted in white
dominance. On the other hand, direct racism is clear alienation of an out-group from an
in-group, specifically, the White community's alienation of other groups that are not
White. However, discrimination against the disabled is extensive, including one's

26
family. Weeber (1999) strongly emphasizes that families who have children with
disabilities have worked hard to " ... adapt their child to a society that needs them to be
'normal' "(p. 5).
This concludes my report on systemic discrimination and direct discrimination. I
now move onto describing three incidents which involved systemic or direct
discrimination towards race and ability, or both.

Synopses o(lncidents
Incident 1
In the first week of August 2004 I attended a luncheon meeting with a Northern
Health Authority employee and an employee from a non-profit community mental health
service agency. The purpose of our meeting was to discuss a planned information
meeting with an Indian Band in Northern British Columbia scheduled for mid-August
2004. At the planned mid-August 2004 meeting, the non-profit community mental health
agency employee was going to do a one-day information presentation about a week-long
workshop on mental illnesses which she was facilitating in this northern British Columbia
community in October 2004. I was doing a contract analytical report on the workshop
manual planned to be used for the October 2004 workshop by this non-profit community
mental health agency. The Northern Health Authority was providing funding for travel,
lodging and food for us for this mid-August 2004 trip, which I was to attend as an
observer.
We were disappointed about the lack of progress made in planning for the midAugust 2004 meeting and the workshop in October 2004. In order to respect First Nation
culture, it was crucial that the First Nation Elders from this community attend the mid-

27
August 2004 meeting. However, the person in charge of the program for Elders on this
Northern British Columbia Indian Reserve made the decision that their Elders would not
attend the meeting. The decision was final. Consequently, the information meeting for
mid-August 2004 was cancelled. I understood the resistance of this First Nation Band
employee concerning their Elders attending the mid-August 2004 meeting and the
workshop planned for their community in October 2004. Therefore, I made an agenda
for the mid-August 2004 meeting.
The agenda's purpose was to encourage the First Nation community to give full
approval to go ahead with the week-long workshop scheduled for October 2004 and I
presented the agenda to the Northern Health Authority employee for his opinion. After
briefly glancing at the agenda, he dismissingly threw it at me from across the table in a
disrespectful manner and sneered "No, this won't do." His condescension towards me
was evident. Indeed, I was surprised, even insulted. This being a cross-cultural meeting,
his power as a Caucasian male manager seemed to be complacent within him. He
appeared to confidently assume that no one would question his decisions. In
consideration of this possibility I chose not to question him on his rejection of the agenda.

Incident 2
In late November 2004 I spoke to an employee of a non-profit community mental
health agency concerning my alternating feelings of uncertainty and confidence about my
plan to become a consultant for Disability Management for First Nation peoples. I
valued this person's opinion because I had become comfortable working with her in the
previous seven months. However, in this conversation her demeanour did not correspond
with my established trust in and of her as a progressive professional community mental

28
health worker. Her frank response belied this trust. She said "Well, JP, seeing as you
have been so honest with me I am going to be honest with you." In attempting to be
diplomatic and mature I reassured her that I would be comfortable with her honesty. She
then said "I do not think you will do very well at all because you have difficulty
understanding me when we talk. I don't see how you will be able to handle problems
communicating with people, in the type of work that you want to do, especially on the
phone."
It was clear to me that she was judging me on my ability. Consequently, my
subjective response to her candour was fear and shame. I experienced fear because her
candour reinforced my uncertainty about my plan to become a consultant. I felt shame
because in my mind's eye, it was true that I could not attain rewarding work because I
often feel totally incapacitated by my profound hearing loss. I have never discussed this
issue with this woman since this incident, because of this shame and fear.

Incident 3
During my Disability Management Practicum, I was concerned about the lack of
funds required for me to travel back and forth from Prince George to an Indian Band
Office in a northern town. I raised this concern with my supervisor at the agency where I
was doing my practicum. In response, she informed me that it would be part of my
practicum training to find funding to cover my travel costs. I phoned an employee of the
Northern Health Authority, which was funding this outreach project to Indian Reserves in
the North. He made inquiries and was unable to find any funding sources. I reported
back to my practicum supervisor. She instructed me to apply to a community initiative
funding committee for funds to cover all costs for my practicum expenses.

29
I was supposed to receive a letter informing me of the committee's decision on
my funding application. At the time, I was concerned about not receiving the letter, and
had a difficult time contacting the person whom I was told was responsible for writing
the letter. She is an Executive-Director for a community mental health agency in Prince
George. I phoned her office and e-mailed her a few times and she did not respond to my
inquiries. I persisted and eventually spoke to her on the phone, when she informed me
that the committee had rejected my funding application because of a policy of not
funding university students.
I emphasized that I desperately needed the funding because where we were
planning to do outreach their Community Health Program was experiencing emergency
crises caused by Band members with mental illnesses. In response, she was extremely
apathetic about the seriousness of our concern. In reference to the previous statement, I
had discussed with my practicum supervisor the possibility of a conflict with this woman.
In the event of a conflict, my practicum supervisor instructed me to ask clear, specific

questions. In following my practicum supervisor's instructions, I asked if there had been
any other First Nation community health professionals that had previously applied to the
committee for funding. The woman was surprised and cautiously responded to my
question, "No. As far as I know you're the first." Then, I specifically asked if the
committee had an appeal process in place. Again, she cautiously replied, "No, there's no
appeal process in place."
I finally received the letter informing me of the committee's decision to reject
my funding application approximately four weeks after the decision was made, which
unfortunately, was over halfway through my practicum.

30
Summary
There are common themes in my historical narrative of being an older Pacheedaht
male who is Hard-of-Hearing and has Meniere's Disease, which manifest themselves in
the three communication incidents. Race is an issue for me because I fear the power and
authority of Caucasian administrators. For example, my low self-esteem caused by my
profound hearing loss triggers me into experiencing deep shame when my potential and
ability is critiqued by professional Caucasian administrators. I avoid issues in
discussions with Caucasian people who hold authoritative jobs if the possibility exists
that the discussion could develop into a confrontation.
The administrators were innocently unaware that I experienced a great deal of
difficulty subjectively concerning the way they were treating me in our communication.
In this regard, questions do arise. Why do I choose to avoid discussion of issues with

Caucasian administrators that may develop into a confrontation? What skills do I lack to
prevent this from occurring? Is the fear and shame a common First Nation defensive
response when oppression is implied in communication with Caucasian people? These
are the kinds of questions I propose to address in my Research Project. I now provide a
discussion of these themes.
Discussion
Fung, Chow and McBride-Chang (2005) inform that 95% of deaf or Hard-ofHearing children are born to Hearing parents and have a reduced ability to learn language
in the same manner as hearing children. Despite this difficulty, in a healthy home
environment parental involvement in the education of hearing impaired children has
produced impressive results for their language, academic and social-emotional

31
development. In fact, the authors emphasize that they found "maternal communication
skills" to be "critical for language development of deaf and hard-of-hearing children" (p.
83). Further, in the Kurtzer-White and Luterman (2003) research, they found that the
more emotionally connected a mother is to her hearing impaired child, increases the
child's ability to learn expressive language. However, mothers with healthy hearing
(with children that were deaf) were also more directive, intrusive and controlling of their
deaf children.
As a child I did not have the emotional support of my parents and I had very little
social interaction with relatives my age because they lived far down the road. In fact,
before being sent to the Indian Residential School, I spent hours playing quietly alone. I
was afraid of my mother's anger and became quite reclusive. Also, one of my older
brothers was often physically abusive to me because our father physically abused him. In
frustration, he would hit me because I could not understand him. In recovery, I have
often wondered if I would have learned to speak if my two oldest brothers did not take
extra interest in me. After a few years of sobriety I asked my mother if she was aware of
my hearing loss when I was a child. She laughed and said "No, I never thought about it.
I just thought you were kind of simple."
Horsman (2004) suggests that violence and systemic discrimination experienced
in childhood may be conducive to poor learning ability in a child's education. She
emphasizes that victims of violence " ... confirm to themselves that they really cannot
learn" (p. 2). In fact, "Deaf students ... are particularly vulnerable to abuse by those they
depend on" (p. 4). Horsman emphasizes that severe violence is potentially soul-

32
destroying to victims of violence, to the extent that they cannot perceive living a healthy
lifestyle because they believe that it is non-existent.
Horsman (2004) also emphasizes the difficulty that people experience in being
marginalized because of race and ability, in addition to being victimized in the violence
of oppression. As a child my mother constantly told me that I was stupid. My first grade
teacher heartlessly asked me if I was retarded, accompanied by the attendant laughter and
derision from my grade one classmates. As an eleven year old child I experienced
extreme, brutal victimization of physical violence from two sadistic, racist Caucasian
supervisors in the Indian Residential School. The incident in the classroom with my
Disability Management Program student colleague triggered memories of emotional
violence that I experienced during childhood. Horsman emphasizes that" ... each
experience of violence increases fear, decreases the possibility of safety, and adds a new
layer of experience that shapes the self "(p. 7).
Also, an ableism incident occurred in the UVic School of Social Work, wherein a
faculty member's inappropriate response to my request that he use my FM hearing aid
device was, "If you think I am going to stand in front of your FM set for three hours,
forget it." This statement was made by a well respected faculty member. The irony is
that my accommodation request occurred in a program whose objective is to promote
" ... social justice, anti-racist, anti-oppressive social work practices, and to promote
critical enquiry that respects the diversity of knowing and being" (University of Victoria

School of Social Work Mission Statement). Horsman (2004) stresses that educators
" ... must recognize the effects of trauma and create opportunities that are viable for

33
learners who are 'familiar with trauma,' enabling them to learn while they continue to
'live beside the violation' (p. 7)."
Daes (Battiste, Ed., 2000) states that a shared experience of colonized people all
over the world is " spiritual loneliness" from which flows "a lack of self-confidence" and
"a fear of action" (p. 7). The metaphor which I think of is that of "culture-lag" wherein
the Indian Residential School is the mechanism that dislocated our people culturally. I
had no sense of place and time after being removed from my community against my will
and did not understand the effect that removal had on my concept of culture until fairly
recently. I am now "catching up", so to speak, and defining myself as one who is
Pacheedaht. However, I cannot do this safely in the Pacheedaht community because of
my relatives' culture loss issues. In McBride (2003), it is emphasized that "In order for
community healing to develop, there needs to be a sense of safety within the community.
It must be a place where it is safe to disclose, to work on our own personal healing, and

where people feel connected to each other" (p. 76).
McBride (2003) mentions "ethnostress", or, "loss of joyful identity" regarding the
oppression experienced by American Indians (p. 69). Michelson (1997) states " ... the
first peoples of North America have a collective experience of "ethnostress" caused by
violent conquest leading to cultural and economic dislocation. That dislocation continues
to disrupt collective and personal identity, producing such social problems as alcohol
dependency, child abuse, and chronic unemployment, and contributing to numerous
psychic and intellectual scars that interfere with the ability to learn" (pp. 47 -48). Further,
" . .. the examination of values and experience must address the problems of incomplete
cultural assimilation and the resultant confusion between aboriginal and Euro-Canadian

34

values" (p. 48). In fact, psychic and intellectual scars exist within Native students in
university. Bobiwash (1999) states " .. . if we learn the catechism of culture in Grade
school then we learn the theology of it in university. This is the crux of the problem for
many Native students then: they do not see a place they can occupy without violation of
their fundamental or base values and thus their very identity as Indians ... " (p. 12).
McBride (2003) speaks about American Indians " . .. being shut out from community,
home and family ... feelings and experiences of isolation, fear, self-doubt, loss, and
factionalism manifest when a sense of belonging is denied ... Yet this very dynamic is
present and continues to do damage in American Indian communities" (p. 75).
My paternal and maternal grandparents attended the Indian Residential School.
My maternal grandmothers died before I was born and my siblings and I were not close
to our grandfathers. We younger siblings did not know our father, because he was away
in logging camps and he left our family when I was three years old. I did not know my
older siblings in the way that a standard nuclear family is defined because they were
away at the Indian Residential School for a good part of the year; at least until my two
oldest brothers left school to go to work. In fact, a few years before her passing, my
mother confessed to me that she did not know how to be a healthy parent because of her
institutionalization experience in the Indian Residential School.
I identify this inter-generational pattern as an extreme feeling of loss and
emptiness; what Daes refers to as spiritual loneliness (Battiste, Ed. 2000, p. 7). In fact,
"From this loneliness comes a lack of self-confidence, a fear of action, and a tendency to
believe that the ravages and pain of colonization are somehow deserved. Thus, the
victims of colonization begin, in certain cases, to blame themselves for all the pain that

35
they have suffered" (p. 7). One effect on the Pacheedaht community because of this
spiritual loneliness is a sense of not belonging; there is no comfortable "fit" of being
Pacheedaht, which is the complete opposite of the communal life of our ancestors.
Chrisjohn and Young (1997) state that Goffman:
. .. analyzed institutional practices that had long
been employed to bring about particular psychosocial
effects in target groups. In doing this he cited research
literature going back to the 1920s and church documents
hundreds of years old.
Interestingly, Goffman, a Canadian, developed
his account with no apparent knowledge of Residential
Schools. His examples and the principles of operation
he abstracted were taken from homes for the aged,
asylums, private boarding schools, monasteries,
prisons, concentration camps, and the like. He called
such places total institutions, defined .. . as social
institutions which were "walled off' in some way from
the world at large; which "broke down" the barriers
that existed in greater society between places of work,
sleep, and play; and which enforced and maintained an
extreme power disparity between a large inmate population and a smaller supervisory staff (which continued to be integrated with the outside world. (p. 69-70).
Chrisjohn and Young state that the Indian Residential Schools were established, as total
institutions to "unmake" the Indian student population over whom they had complete
control (p. 73). Their opinion was that Indian Residential School students " . .. must be
taken apart and reassembled enough to allow what remains to operate in accordance with
the institutional requirements" (p. 73). Total institutions do not produce a new self;
rather, the destruction of the self was initiated immediately upon the students' arrival in
the Indian Residential School. The purpose was not to train the Indian student to become
a healthy, competent adult. Rather, the purpose was to circumvent this human
development process from occurring within Indian people at all. Chrisjohn and Young

36
quote Duncan Campbell Scott, who spoke on Bill 14, which asserted the government's
"right" to force Indian people to attend Indian Residential Schools (p. 126):
I want to get rid of the Indian problem. I do not think
as a matter of fact, that this country ought to continuously protect a class of people who are able to stand
alone. That is my whole point. Our objective is to
continue until there is not a single Indian in Canada
that has not been absorbed into the body politic, and
there is no Indian question, and no Indian department
and that is the whole object of this Bill. 80 (p. 42).
Kirmayer, Brass and Tait (2000) inform that "Estimates of the indigenous
population of North America prior to the arrival of the Europeans range upward from
about 7 million. Close to 90% of these people died as a result of the direct and indirect
effects of cultural contact...The European settlers' economic, political, and religious
institutions all contributed to the displacement and oppression of indigenous people" (p.
608). This oppression continues today through bureaucratic control which continues to
decimate the First Nations' attempts to preserve their cultures. Boldt (1993) emphasizes
that the Department of Indian Affairs' role" ... has always been to translate the 'national
interest into synergic Indian policies and administrative initiatives' "(p. 111). However,
the 'national interest' is a hypothetical and unrealistic Canadian political abstraction
whose sole purpose is to maintain political, social, and economic hegemony over the
Canadian state. The 'national interest' fabricates a semblance of uniform national
interests; when in fact, the political, bureaucratic and corporate decisions are made by the
powerful, privately.
I believe that Indian policy affects the mental health of Canada's aboriginal
peoples. There are parallel comparisons between the aboriginal peoples of Australia and
Canada. I give a quote from Vicary and Westerman (2004) who argue for:

37
... the inclusion of socio-historical-political factors implicated
in the development of disorder amongst Indigenous groups.
This must include the impact of colonialism; trauma, loss, and
grief; separation of families and children; the taking away of
land; the loss of culture and identity; plus the impact of social
inequity, stigma and racism (Swan & Raphael, 1995). Current
definitions have also failed to include the extent to which
these factors have impaired the functioning of the individual
being assessed. (p. 4 ).
Many Australian aboriginal people are distrustful towards Western mental health
practitioners. The reason is because of negative experiences which occurred when they
were placed in residential schools far from home. When they eventually returned home
(often years later) they were not the same people as they used to be when they were taken
from their homes. In fact, many Aboriginal families and communities are tenaciously
determined to cope alone with a mentally ill individual from their community, and resist
turning to Western medicine for help and support.
I have a nephew who at fourteen years of age was diagnosed with schizophrenia.
He had no family members present when he was being assessed in the Prince George
Regional Hospital Psychiatric Unit and he was terrified. As he grew up he allowed
Caucasian people to intimidate him. His people are from an isolated community in
northwestern British Columbia, and he is not used to the larger urban population of the
Prince George area. He did not do well in junior high school and did not finish grade
twelve. He is unemployed and lives at home with his parents. Culturally, in accordance
with the Western social and family development model, preferably, he should be living
independently. However, by and large, Indian people do not adhere to this Western
value. In fact, when necessary, Indian people provide care for their adult children. My
nephew's father and step-mother provide this care for him. They are doing their best to

38
cope with his mental illness; and to date have resisted sending him out of the community,
exactly like the Aboriginal people of Australia.
Almost two years ago, he voluntarily committed himself to the Regional
Psychiatric Unit. His life was completely unmanageable because of his addiction to
marijuana and he was in the psychiatric unit for almost two weeks. The psychiatrist and
psychiatric nursing staff were extremely rude to us. The psychiatrist and the psychiatric
nursing staff did not inform us that my nephew had a right to have a family member
participate in his discharge plan and it was through the support of the British Columbia
Schizophrenia Society that I was made aware of this right. He wanted to be close to
Narcotics Anonymous meetings in Prince George and was worried about returning home
as they are not held in his community.
The Northern Health Authority Mental Health Services placed him in a temporary
group home for adults with mental disabilities in Prince George. Their plan was to find
him a permanent home to live in when space became available. Sadly, he stayed for two
days in the temporary group home and hitchhiked back home. He was overwhelmed and
frightened of living with other residents who he did not know which made him lonely and
homesick. Despite his mental illness, his actions exemplify Indian peoples' resistance to
services and programs offered by the provincial government. Unfortunately, there is a
complete lack of university-trained community mental health workers and a permanent
group home on-reserve where he could live in a structured, supervised, supportive
environment. He wishes that he could live in this kind of home environment, and prefers
his current living arrangement (even though it is unsatisfactory for his needs) because he
does not want to leave his relatives and community.

39
Pepper and White (n.d.) wrote a report, "First Nations Traditional Values", for the
University of Victoria Aboriginal Liaison Office. Pepper is a member of the Creek
Nation in Georgia, United States and White is a member of the Coast Salish Nation in
British Columbia. Their report emphasizes the universality of First Nation story-telling
in North America. There is a powerful simplicity of story-telling in Indian communities
and story-telling was the most common way of teaching behaviour and community values
to children. It was through stories that the sense of belonging was instilled in Indian
children, with the goal being that they develop kindness and a giving sense of self and for
others.
In the early 1950s I grew up hearing stories and my ability to get clarity of what
people were saying was difficult. Nonetheless, my aunts and uncles were patient and
tolerant of me, and would hold me. Touch, in the "Indian way" (as my mother often
emphasized) is another form of expression of communication and acceptance-especially
for children. The Pacheedaht people went fishing for crabs and other traditional seafood
which we harvested from a beach in our territory (now part of Pacific Rim National
Park). My emphasis is that it was role-modeled through adult Pacheedaht behaviour that
Pacheedaht people were kind and shared; we fed our relatives and any others that were
hungry. My nephew grew up in a similar social and family environment.
Titchkosky (200 1) states "Bodies differ, sense-abilities differ, minds differ" (p.
133)." Titchkosky emphasizes that "Separating the person from his or her disability is
the aim of people-first language, an aim that does not acknowledge that the social
consequence is the alienation of persons from a political understanding of disability (p.
133)." In short, political and social context correctness is so rigid that they impact upon

40
the members of the disabled communities' opportunities to affirm their positions in the
world-to say who they are, to define themselves. I believe that Titchkosky is correct.
I have experienced being told that my identity is much more than just being
hearing impaired. An Island Deaf and Hard of Hearing Centre social worker told me that
I am "John Paul the dad", "John Paul the university student", "John Paul the Pacheedaht
Band member", and "John Paul the consumer". Her forceful opinion invalidated my
main fears, which were the difficulties that I was experiencing in adjusting to the
progression of my hearing loss. Another incident involved an able-bodied, hearing
psychologist. She told me that I must not say that I am hearing disabled but that I have a
hearing impairment, explaining to me that the word "disability" implies that there is
something wrong with me, that I am flawed. I understood her point; however, I was
comfortable informing people that I was hearing disabled. One more example of this
political correctness is when Georges Erasmus coined the phrase "First Nations" over and
above the use of "aboriginals" and "Indians" and "Status Indians". Georges Erasmus and
I are in the same generation. Despite his benevolent intentions as a native Indian leader I
was offended by his assumption that he spoke for me as a native Indian individual. I am
Pacheedaht. Georges Erasmus is Dene from the Northwest Territories. My introducing
my self as being Pacheedaht is far more respectful than being referred to as "First
Nations". Titchkosky's stance is well taken, with the emphasis being that many wellmeaning politicians, community leaders, and community health professionals believe
they are putting into practice a "people first" approach when in fact they are speaking
above and around people with disabilities.

41

Delaney (2002) emphasizes that the terms "Indian" and "Native American" may
place indigenous peoples "within and in relationship to Euro-American colonial frames
of reference centered on the taken-for-granted scale of 'the nation,' meaning the EuroAmerican state" (p. 8). Hence, due to this ethnocentric rnindset, native people are often
reduced to the roles of a minority group in Canada or the United States. Alfred and
Corntassel (2005) reflect on this phenomenon. For instance, in Canada, often, native
people are referred to as "aboriginals" and "Native Americans" in the United States (p.
3). Further, they emphasize that" 'aboriginalism' "is a legal, political, and cultural
discourse designed to serve an agenda of silent surrender to an inherently unjust relation
at the root of the colonial state itself' (p. 3.) The authors state that "colonialism is a
narrative in which the Settler's power is the fundamental reference and assumption,
inherently limiting Indigenous freedom and imposing a view of the world that is but an
outcome or perspective on that power" (p. 5). There is a strong emphasis that
colonialism has debased Indigenous cultures and communities; and that in Canada the
move to self-government for the different Indian Nations nationally, if Indian Nations
accept the current realities of our colonized state (on the government's terms), then the
process is doomed to failure.
I attended an Indian Residential School Survivors Group meeting, sponsored by
the Assembly of First Nations in Vancouver in July 2005. At the meeting there were
very few Status Indians with disabilities in attendance, and the few that attended, we
rarely spoke to one another. I tried to speak to a man in a wheelchair, and he acted
somewhat uncomfortable towards me in response, saying very little to me. On the second
day all attendees were given three minutes to voice concerns. Many of the attendees

42
were furious at being given only three minutes to speak, and as I am an Indian
Residential School Survivor I clearly understood their feelings of resentment. Another
individual with a disability and I were the only survivors with disabilities that spoke. Our
main concern was "How does one 'measure' financial compensation for abuse of those
with handicaps?" The member of the Assembly of First Nations panel who responded (in
a detached, bureaucratic manner) to our question, informed us that our issues were being
"looked at". That was the sole substance of his response. My subjective experience to
his response was this: it felt like our concerns were not important in the eyes of the
Assembly of First Nations panel; Status Indian people with disabilities appear to be
beyond the margins of concern of the organization that represents all Status Indians in
Canada. In comparison with workplace managers who did not know how to empathize
with the difficulties that people with disabilities experience in the workplace, my
subjective experiences are similar to that of what I experienced at the Assembly of First
Nations Indian Residential School Survivors meeting in July 2005 in Vancouver.
Disque and Bitter (1998) state that people and the problems they experience in
their lives can become fused into a single identity which they call "undifferentiated
narrative" and their lives become "problem-saturated"; and, it can be difficult for a
therapist to distinguish between these people and their problems (p 433-434). I have
rigidly responded to other people in communication with them ever since I was a young
child. The irony of my life is that I was the youngest son in a problem-saturated
marriage. My mother's emotional and mental abuse of me direly affected my
personality. I am extremely self-judgmental. I have always been told that I am
intelligent, but, I have never really believed this to be true because of the way she treated

43
me as a child. The irony of my life is that in sobriety I tried to develop a healthy motherson relationship with her, and it simply did not happen. It has been difficult
understanding that as a Hard-of-Hearing child I was vulnerable in my dependency upon
my mother and she abused this dependency. It is challenging for me to understand the
dynamic of this abuse, because I have only recently started to search deeply into my
childhood. Horsman (2004) emphasizes that severe violence is potentially souldestroying to victims of violence and I agree with her. She says that this kind of soul
destruction erodes the victim's ability to imagine a healthy lifestyle for themselves.
Horsman (2004) emphasizes the danger of framing trauma outside of normalcy
preserving silence. She uses the phrase "live beside the violation" and this metaphor is
certainly applicable in my life. I mentioned that I am now "catching up" to my identity,
my personhood, as a member of the Pacheedaht First Nation. I have worked hard at
recognizing that it is my responsibility to "live beside the violation" and this has been
very frightening. The triggers which I respond to are directly related to my early
childhood before I even entered the Indian Residential School. The silence around the
abuse I was the victim of, in my early childhood and in the Indian Residential School was
difficult to make sense of; the reason is because no one spoke about the abuse in my
family. In fact, I was the initiator of trying to discuss abuse in my family. My oldest
brother has denied that abuse occurred. I tried to talk to him about how our father forced
him to go to work at thirteen years of age and his response was "That's just the way the
old man was." The denial has remained to this day. This is the main reason why I have
chosen to remain aloof of my siblings after my parents passed away. The anger is still
deeply rooted within all of my siblings and it is a toxic way to communicate. The

44
toxicity is too overwhelming to deal with; hence, I choose to stay away. I do this to
preserve my emotional stability.
Morrow (2005) informs that "Increasing consciousness involves identifying
sources of inequality and representing the perspectives of those who have been silenced
or disempowered. It also explores and makes visible who benefits from power and how
power is exercised" (p. 253). Further, Martin Luther King, Junior, said this: "Injustice
anywhere is a threat to injustice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of
mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all
indirectly" (Letter From A Birmingham Jail, 1963, p. 2). To illuminate even further,
Razack, the female Canadian Black educator, candidly reminds us that everyone in
society participates in some form or another in systemic oppression. She also says that
we need to examine who can speak and how they are likely to be heard. I agree
wholeheartedly with Morrow, King, and Razack.
The fact that I was encouraged by the Director of the UVic School of Social Work
to withdraw from the program because I was not maintaining the marks expected of me
was discriminating. I could not function in an environment where there was so much
noise, as there was in the computer lab in which I took the Statistics course that I failed.
It is obvious that under the circumstances that I had experienced psychastsenia because I
definitely failed to concentrate on the lectures objectively in such a noisy environment.
This caused me to experience extremely stressful mental and physical fatigue, which
caused me to tire, and I simply could not conserve the required energy I needed to
concentrate on getting clarity of what the professor was teaching in this particular course.
Clarity was impossible to achieve because I do not have the hearing ability.

45
There is also the issue of my being silenced and disempowered by the provincial
government employee. Woodcock and Aguayo (2000) state that "Deafness .. .imposes a
loss on a life that must continue" (p. 42). Also, " .. . the loss involves an 'indefinite life
sentence' "(p. 42). It was an intimidating experience speaking with a man in middle
management, employed by the provincial government. In this incident, I was working
hard to live my life, wherein at that moment experientially I was training to develop a
new relationship with the provincial health agency he represented. His throwing my
agenda across the table was more than an act of inconsideration. I was attempting to
create a healthy communication with him about the need to develop more realistic ways
to promote mental health services on Indian Reserves in the North. The agenda was
serving this purpose.
Lane (1992) states that "There are many victims but few victimizers" (p. 87).
This is an apt statement which describes this meeting with the provincial government
employee. His flinging my creative agenda across the table at me indicated that his
interest in promoting mental health services on Indian Reserves in the North was at a
minimum. I feel strongly about this because he did not appear to take into consideration
that he was furthering the victimization of First Nation people on Indian Reserves
because of his neglect in communicating with me about the agenda. His curt dismissal
made this very clear to me. On this particular Indian Reserve the primary concern was
the preventative measures necessary for suicide on Indian Reserves because a young man
who apparently was assumed by the community to be mentally healthy took his life. This
middle management provincial government employee's actions reflected a lack of

46
commitment of the provincial government to initiate preventative programs for suicide,
and mental illness support services on Indian Reserves in the North.
The same can be said for the woman who I spoke to concerning my application to
the funding committee for funds to enable me to do promotion of mental health outreach
services for another Indian Reserve in the North. This woman's lack of empathy
indicated to me that outreach services were of no concern for her. I was overwhelmed as
to how to maintain a diplomatic approach to dealing with her, when her demeanour did
not reflect a positive regard for my concerns. Her surprise when I asked her if there was
any appeal process in place for funding decisions made me aware that that was when she
started to take my application for funding seriously.
In regard to my hearing loss, I wondered if she perceived me as a competent
community mental health worker. She exhibited the least patience and tolerance in our
phone discussion. The fact that she never returned my calls made me suspicious that I
was not important to her. These are the kinds of situations that make First Nation people
think about what non-Native people think about them. I certainly felt this way. I felt this
way because it seems like she treated me as if I was a low priority because she did not
return my calls nor did she answer my e-mails. This is a concern, because if she is an
Executive-Director for a community mental health agency, then her concerns about
mental health promotion on Indian Reserves in the North should be high on her list. The
fact that I felt otherwise indicated to me that I was beyond her margins of concern. This
is not a reflective indicator of the agency's attitude about mental health issues for First
Nations people, especially on Indian Reserves in the North. Also, her use of power as an
Executive-Director made me uncomfortable. Power is a force that Status Indians are

47
completely familiar with as we live under the oppressive power of the Indian Act. This is
a relevant concern when the mental health issues on Indian Reserves in the North are in a
crises situation, as the situation was on the Indian Reserve in question.
My social identity as a First Nation man with a profound hearing loss has been
puzzling and challenging. The puzzle has always been for me, culturally as Pacheedaht,
where do I fit in with my hearing loss? Lane (1994) states "Hard-of-hearing
adolescents ... tend to be culturally homeless, belonging to neither the deaf nor the hearing
communities" (p. 227). Lane refers to children who are hard-of-hearing as "implanted"
and who are members of neither the hearing world nor the deaf world. I grew up like
this. The difficulties that I encountered as a child in the Indian Residential School were
extremely frightening. I heard young native children speaking their language (my
siblings and I never learned to speak our language), and this fascinated me. My mother
was determined to learn Pacheedaht because my Pacheedaht relatives made fun of her
because she could not understand the language; she did learn. On the other hand, my
father spoke Pacheedaht fluently, and he abhorred the idea that his children speak the
language as well. He was full of shame. He refused to allow our mother to teach his
children to speak his language. There are many First Nation people in my generation
who did not learn their language because their parents were ashamed to speak it. This
loss, for all native people in my generation, is why I feel a sense of cultural homelessness
as Pacheedaht, and not only as an individual who is profoundly Hard-of-Hearing.

Concerns
There are concerns. I refer to the provincial government document "Toward a
New Era of Reconciliation with First Nations: A Progress Report June 2004" (Progress

48
Report) as a guide. The most pressing area of concern is what appears to be a lack of

commitment to initiating the provision and development of community mental health
programs on Indian Reserves in Northern British Columbia. At the community mental
health agency where I did my practicum there was a clear need for immediate provision
of services on the Indian Reserve where we were doing our outreach. The Northern
Health Authority did not have any funds available to enable me to pay for travel costs in
order to promote these outreach services. Hence, I was instructed by my practicum
supervisor to apply for funding from a funding initiatives committee in Prince George.
This committee turned down my application for funding. Their lack of communication
with me was challenging to deal with under the crises situation being experienced by the
Indian Band in question. The Northern Health Authority middle manager who threw the
agenda back across the table at me was a very sensitive incident to deal with, one which I
chose not to respond to because of the lack of understanding which this individual
showed. The woman who had an opinion on my hearing loss as applied my ability,
showed a lack of empathy, which affected my opinion about her at that time. Sensitivity
and objective thinking was lacking. All of these affect relationships with First Nations
people in the North.

In the "Forging a New Relationship" section of the Progress Report, it clearly
states that the province is making an effort to materially improve the quality of life, to
improve the quality of opportunities, to improve the quality of education, and to improve
the quality of health of Aboriginal families in British Columbia (p. 3). The province of
British Columbia recognizes the challenges affecting the First Nation peoples. The
province of British Columbia is addressing reconciliation, consultation, and

49

accommodation where rights may be affected. Finally, the province of British Columbia
appears to be committing to the provision of the renewal of First Nations' social and
economic opportunities (p. 3). In application to the three communication incidents in
which I was involved, the incidents are very serious violations of the province's
commitment to forge a new relationship with First Nation peoples.
Another section of the Progress Report is titled "Founding A New Relationship on
Strong, Open Communication" (p. 3). The section clearly emphasizes that
communication must be open with a concentration on building relations. The exact
words used are " ... to keeping dialogue flowing and building relations through .... " (p. 3)
In the incident with the Northern Health Authority middle manager the dialogue did not
flow. I am a Status Indian from British Columbia. He is Caucasian, employed in a
professional capacity with the Northern Health Authority. If the dialogue is to keep
flowing, then the provincial government mental health employees must listen and hear
what is being communicated to them from First Nation peoples. In order to listen and
hear requires objective analysis skills. The seriousness of the lack of communication
between the Northern Health Authority and Indian Bands in the North must be addressed
objectively. The situation with the need for support services being made to remote Indian
Reserves in the North is crucial. I speak about my nephew, who is constantly in
emotional turmoil because of his addiction to marijuana. The reason why he started
smoking marijuana is because he did not like the effect that his medication has on him.
His psychiatrist kept changing his medication and each time he took his new medication,
there was very little change. He keeps smoking marijuana to offset the effect. He does
not live in an environment where professionally trained support workers are available to

50
speak to when necessary. This is not the fault of the provincial government; however,
their role is to be able to provide support services to First Nation people with mental
illnesses living on-reserve. My nephew does not have this option.
The Indian Bands' leadership has a responsibility to initiate healthy dialogue with
the provincial government in order to address the need for support services being made to
Status Indians living on-reserve. The decision to address this need must come from the
Indian Band leadership. The community health workers are aware of the crises situation
because they work with Band members (with mental illnesses) in crises daily. They are
tired. When I was doing my practicum these community health workers' tiredness was
clearly evident. Their concern for Indian Band members with mental illnesses living on
their reserve was extremely high, and understandably so. However, when I informed the
representative of the funding committee of the crises situation she blatantly ignored my
concerns. I mention this incident because I believe that community initiatives funding
committee to which I applied for funds is responsible for addressing mental health issues
on-reserve as well. We are all responsible to forging new relationships based on strong,
open communication between First Nation communities and all British Columbians.
The Assembly of First Nations must take the needs of the Indian Residential
School Survivors with disabilities, seriously. My experience at the Indian Residential
School Survivors Meeting in Vancouver, British Columbia on July 19-21, 2005 was very
spiritually and emotionally painful. On the last day, when the Assembly of First Nations
panel summed up the issues discussed, disability issues were not mentioned. Why?
I spoke to the Assembly of First Nation employee who was responsible for the
logistics of the meeting, about the need for accommodation for deaf and hard of hearing

51
Indian Residential School Survivors. I clearly emphasized that I cannot understand
dialogue in audio sound systems in auditoriums because of the echo effect. She informed
me that she was investigating whether or not the Assembly of First Nations could provide
for our accommodation, which was Captioning. I explained to her that Captioning had to
be provided by a professionally trained Captionist, and could not be done by an
Assembly of First Nations computer typist because Captionists are professionally trained
to provide the accommodation. In fact, I had provided her with the name of a Captionist
in Vancouver. The Captioning problem was not rectified until a day or two before the
meeting. This woman is a Social Worker, and her lack of a professional attitude towards
me as one with a profound hearing loss surprised me. She was quite neglectful and did
not see the need to take my concern for hearing loss accommodation seriously. I never
did hear back from her.
In "The New Relationship" released by the Province of British Columbia in
August 2005, the document begins "We are here to stay. We agree to a new governmentto-government relationship based on respect, recognition and accommodation of
aboriginal title and rights. Our shared vision includes respect for our respective laws and
responsibilities. Through this new relationship, we commit to reconciliation of
Aboriginal and Crown titles and jurisdictions" (p. 1). In Incident 1, I did not experience
being respected in my role as a developing First Nation community health worker by the
Northern Health Authority middle manager. I was being responsible, considering
entirely the needs of the community which had requested intervention by the Northern
Health Authority Mental Health and Addiction Programs. In Incident 3, albeit addressing
the needs of another Indian Band in the North, is directly influenced by the beginning

52

statement in "The New Relationship" because I did not feel respected as a First Nation
developing community health worker with a profound hearing loss by the primary person
in this incident. The funds administered by the community initiatives funding committee
comes directly from the Northern Health Authority. In Incident 2, I did not feel respected
by the person who made the comment to me regarding my ability. This incident
illustrates the need for respect for all First Nation people with disabilities. I did not feel
respected on the basis of my ability.
Trust is a serious concern. The Indian Bands in the North appear to not trust the
offering of the community outreach offered by the agency which has contracted with the
Northern Health Authority to provide the services in Indian communities. "The New
Relationship" emphasizes working together with First Nations to develop social justice
(p. 1). This was not my experience in Incident 1 and 3 because I felt paternalized by the
main people mentioned in these incidents. The paternalism is common in communication
between First Nation people and White administrators in the government and private
sector. "The New Relationship" mentions strategic vision concerning their goal number
3, "To build the best system of support in Canada for persons with disabilities, special
needs, children at risk and seniors (p. 2)." In Incident 1 and 3 I was not treated as an
equal sharing a strategic vision to initiate and maintain the goals of "The New
Relationship." In Incident 1 I felt like I was "talked down" to, rather than "talked to"
because I had gone into the meeting feeling very positive because I had worked hard in
preparation of the agenda. When the agenda was flung back across the table at me, the
experience was very intimidating. In Incident 3 I felt like I did not even matter, in the
eyes of the woman whom I spoke to.

53
I am aware of how I am still affected by the racist way I was treated in the Indian
Residential School. I had difficulty working for the former Ministry of Social Services,
and a counsellor explained to me that he felt it was the institutionalization of the Indian
Residential School I was reacting to. I "transferred" the experience to the Ministry of
Social Services. When I worked in the woods I did not experience being affected by
institutionalization. In fact, I enjoyed the camaraderie that is common in the woods. It is
a different work environment than bureaucracies.
I am also aware of the fear and shame issues in my life. The time when I
experience these feelings is almost always when I am tired, which is caused by the energy
loss which I experience due to trying to hear as best as I am capable of hearing, and the
fear and shame usually "kicks in" in communications in the late afternoon or evening.
This is one of the symptoms that I have had to adjust accordingly to in my acceptance of
being Hard-of-Hearing.
This paper has been challenging to write because to objectively present the issues
required that I looked inward in order to proceed. I encourage the non-Native and First
Nation leadership to look inward as well. It is necessary for leadership on both sides to
begin a new dialogue, working toward the development of a healthy communication
attitude with the goal to building a new relationship. If the provincial government and
First Nation leadership fail to do so, the First Nation peoples with disabilities will be the
ones who will continue to suffer the most due to a lack of programs on Indian Reserves in
the North. It is common knowledge that in British Columbia, there are many political
issues about land claims; however, for the initiation of a new relationship to begin,

54

political issues must be pushed out of the negotiation landscape. The following five
practices are foundational to this initiative.
Recommendations
(1) Model The Way
Kouzes and Posner (2002) state that leaders model the way and are clear
about their guiding principles. This will require an attitude of humility, expressed in
commitment to what one says, manifesting itself in positive action. A commitment to
belief is crucial for the success of this commitment. Therefore, spending time in the
communities where services are most needed is suggested, especially during times of fear
and anxiety. Leaders must not only be visible in the community when anxiety and fear
occur; they must also be approachable.
(2) Inspire A Shared Vision
Kouzes and Posner (2002) state that it is through shared vision that leaders
encourage others to share their goals. An important asset of leaders that openly
encourage others, is that they understand the needs and interests of the people they wish
to provide services to, and engage in dialogue with them specifically about how they
envision to develop these services. Charismatic leadership has a vision of something
new, different; as well as confidence in their leadership skills to put their visions into
action. A fertile imagination creates images of what can be, and drives leaders in their
initiating the development of a more progressive future. If leaders are enthusiastic, their
enthusiasm will be apparent, and will affect in a positive way those that they wish to
serve because their goal is to develop a "common good" (p. 18).

55

(3) Challenge The Process
Progressive leadership is naturally inclined to challenge outdated systems of
service. The introduction of new ideas for new services is provided by the population in
need; as well as from the workers that are providing current services to them. Therefore,
in the communication of needs, in order to challenge the process, requires that leaders
listen more than speak. If the leadership is actively listening, they will recognize these
ideas as innovative and openly support them. Also, change often involves risk, even
failure; nonetheless, progressive leadership persistently moves along anyway. In order to
challenge the process, leadership is encouraged to make small steps with the goal to
attaining small wins. Small steps indicate that leadership is aware of the ability for their
subordinates to manage change.
(4) Enable Others To Act
Governments' imperialistic paternalism over Status Indians has never worked.
The power that the federal and provincial governments hold over Status Indians weakens
First Nation leadership. This weakening of First Nation leadership often results in their
feeling dependent and alienated-powerless. In order to accommodate a new relationship
between the provincial government health authorities and Indian Reserves in the North,
the provincial government must enable the First Nation leadership to act (Kouzes and
Posner, 2002, p. 18). Cooperation is required and must be established by all who wish to
participate in this new vision. Also, power to make decisions must not be delegated to
First Nation leadership by the provincial government. Power to make decisions about
community health issues must be shared. There are many First Nation people, especially

56
younger people, with the potential to become progressive community health leaders on
Indian Reserves in the North. The provincial government must openly encourage these
individuals to develop their capabilities to lead.

(5) Encourage The Heart
Kouzes and Posner (2002) refer to encouragement as "curiously serious business"
(p. 19). Simply stated, this involves "genuine acts of caring" (p. 19). One of leadership's
responsibilities is to express gratitude for peoples' contributions to a cause or goal. If the
encouragement is not sincere, Status Indians will immediately notice, whether the
insincerity is given by the provincial government or by their own leadership. In fact,
many grassroots First Nation people do not trust their leaders because they feel that their
needs are being ignored by them. In short, encouragement from the heart will reap
dividends for all that are courageous in initiating a new relationship in the provision of
community health programs on Indian Reserves in the North.
On November 25 2005, part of Premier Gordon Campbell' s Closing Remarks at
the First Ministers' Meeting in Kelowna, British Columbia was "In March 2005, the
Province began meetings with representatives of the First Nations Summit, the Union of
B.C. Indian Chiefs and the B.C. Assembly of First Nations to develop new approaches
for consultation and accommodation and a vision for a new relationship to deal with
Aboriginal concerns based on openness, transparency and collaboration-one that reduces
uncertainty, litigation and conflict for all British Columbians" (p. 3).
The five suggested recommendations are crucial for the initiation of a new
relationship. The reason is because there is bitterness, distrust, fear, and anxiety in First
Nation communities, especially concerning the lack of service provision for community

57

health issues on Indian Reserves in the North. These five principles will take years to
cultivate, and to ensure their success the provincial government and First Nation
leadership must accept and respect this reality. Patience and tolerance are key assets for
First Nation and provincial government leadership to initiate this new relationship.
Battiste (2000) states "The psychology of the oppressor and the psychology of the
oppressed are different faces on the same coin, dependent on each other for their value"
(p. xxvi). The writer hopes that this paper will contribute to moving towards more
similar values on this same coin.

58

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