FOREST VALUES SURROUNDING ANCIENT CEDAR STANDS IN BRITISH
COLUMBIA’S INLAND TEMPERATE RAINFOREST

by

Jessica N. Shapiro
B.A., McGill University, 2009

THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
IN
NATURAL RESOURCES AND ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES

UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
August 2012

© Jessica N. Shapiro, 2012

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ABSTRACT

The Inland Temperate Rainforest (ITR) o f British Columbia is a globally unique
ecosystem containing areas of high biodiversity, including ancient cedar stands in the
upper Fraser River valley. The forest is located in a region historically focused on the
economic values of timber. Increased research about and recreational use o f the forest,
however, has demonstrated a wider array o f forest values that is yet to be fully
documented. The purpose of this research is to document the breadth of forest values
surrounding the ancient cedar stands to gain a better understanding o f the significance of
this globally unique forest. Through content analysis, as well as surveys conducted in two
communities in the ITR, data were collected from trail users, the public, and local
residents. Results reveal a broad set o f forest values that inform the ongoing debate
currently surrounding the best and highest use o f the ancient cedar stands.

Keywords: globally unique ecosystem, ancient cedar stands, forest values

Table of Contents
Abstract

i

Table o f Contents

ii

List o f Tables, Charts, and Figures

iv

Dedication & Acknowledgements

v

CHAPTER ONE:

1
1
7

Introduction
1.1 Research Question
1.2 Chapter Preview

CHAPTER TWO:

Literature Review
2.1 The Evolution o f Forest Values
2.2 Value Sources and Categories
2.3 Forest Values
2.4 Forest Value Frameworks
2.5 Measuring Values
2.5.1 Surveys
2.5.2 Content Analysis
2.5.3 Interviews
2.5.4 Lim itations

9
9
16
18
23
28
30
31
33
34

CHAPTER THREE:

Methods
3.1 Overall Approach
3.2 Ancient Forest Trail Guestbook and Surveys
3.2.1 Data Collection
3.2.2 Data Analysis
3.3 Media Database
3.3.1 Data Collection
3.3.2 Data Analysis
3.4 Interview Database
3.4.1 Data Collection
3.4.2 Data Analysis
3.4.3 Ethics

37
37
38
38
40
42
42
43
44
44
51
51

CHAPTER FOUR:

Results
4.1 Introduction
4.1.1 Ancient Forest Guestbook
4.1.2 Media Profile
4.1.3 Household Interview Profile
4.2Economic Values
4.2.1 Guestbook and Surveys
4.2.2 Media Pieces

53
53
53
54
55
56
57
60

ii

4.2.3 Household Interviews
4.3 Life-Support Values
4.3.1 Guestbook and Surveys
4.3.2 Media Pieces
A3 3 Household Interviews
4.4 Socio-Cultural Values
4.4.1 Guestbook and Surveys
4.4.2 Media Pieces
4.4.3 Household Interviews
4.5 Ethical Values
A SA Guestbook and Surveys
4.5.2 Media Pieces
AS 3 Household Interviews
4.6 Spiritual Values
4.6.1 Guestbook and Surveys
4.6.2 Media Pieces
4.6.3 Household Interviews
4.7 Aesthetic Values
A.1A Guestbook and Surveys
4.7.2 Media Pieces
A.1 3 Household Interviews
4.8 Results o f Quantitative Analysis
4.8.1 Forests versus Ancient Cedar Stands
4.8.2 Most Important Cedar Values
4.8.3 Relationships between forest values
and sociodemographic characteristics

64
71
71
72
74
78
78
81
83
85
85
87
89
92
93
94
94
96
96
97
98
99
99
100
103

CHAPTER FIVE:

Discussion
5.1 Sources o f Values
5.2 Significance o f Values
5.2A Conflicting Values
5.2.2 Informing the Debate
5.3 Implications for Forest Management
5.3.1 Future Research
5.4 Limitations of the Research Design

107
107
111
111
114
116
116
120

CHAPTER SIX:

Conclusion

124

References

127

Appendix A:

Consent Form

136

Appendix B:

Sample of Interview Questions

137

Appendix C:

Personal Background

139

iii

List of Tables
Table 1:

Forest Value Framework Definitions

27

Table 2:

Guestbook Trail User Origins

39

Table 3:

Media Sources

43

Chart 1:

Importance o f all forests versus ancient cedar stands

100

Chart 2:

T h e ‘Most Important’ Values Selected by Local Residents 102

Chart 3:

‘Most Important’ Values Arranged by Subcategory

Chart 4:

‘Most Important’ Values Selected At Least Once Per

List of Charts

103

Subcategory

103

Chart 5:

Value Categories Favoured by Males and Females

104

Chart 6:

Value Categories Favoured by Dome Creek and

Chart 7:

Crescent Spur

105

Value Categories Favoured by Years Lived in the Valley

106

List of Figures:
Figure 1:

Location of Prince George and McBride in British
Columbia

1

Figure 2:

The ICH Subzone o f British Columbia’s Inland Rainforest 2

Figure 3:

Location of Ancient Forest Trail

3

Figure 4:

Map o f Communities Dome Creek and Crescent Spur

5

Figure 5:

Forest Value Framework

24

Figure 6:

Old-Growth Forest Value Framework

26

Figure 7:

Modified Moyer et al. (2008) Old-Growth Forest Value
Framework

41

Figure 8:

ITR Community Map

45

Figure 9:

Dome Creek Household Map

46

Figure 10:

Crescent Spur Household Map

47

iv

DEDICATION

For my father, to whom I owe everything.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thank you to the head that helped me formulate my greatest ideas, to the eyes that read
every last word of this thesis, to the hands that held me through jo y and frustration, and to
the heart that believed in me, unwaveringly, every step o f the way. This would have not
been possible without you.
Thank you to my mother, my brother, my sister, and my grandparents for loving me so
much that I had the confidence to take on this huge project. Thank you to my supervisor
for introducing me to the cedars, for bringing a clear mind to an often messy state o f
ideas, and for always answering the phone willing to help. Thank you to my committee
members for caring about my work. Thank you to my friends, Reza, Heather, and Eric,
for being by my side as I explored this northern wilderness, and for making me laugh,
often uncontrollably, under the pressure o f this degree.
Thank you to Hugh and Kathy, Steve and Nikky, and Nowell, for accepting me into your
homes and your hearts, for accommodating me throughout my research, and for inspiring
me to feel the unique presence of your forests and your communities.
Finally, thank you to the Caledonia Ramblers for their dedication and selfless effort in the
creation and maintenance of the Ancient Forest Trail - a pillar o f outdoor recreation in
the Robson Valley that visitors continue to enjoy year after year.

Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Research Question
The Inland Temperate Rainforest (ITR) is a globally unique wetbelt ecosystem
located in east-central British Columbia, Canada (B.C.) (Figure 1). Unlike the coastal
temperate rainforests for which B.C. is most well-known, the ITR is located more than
500km inland, along the western slopes o f the interior mountains. Few forests in the
world parallel its biodiversity value (ILMB 2008), which makes it an important habitat
for many threatened or endangered species ranging from mountain caribou to canopy
lichens and old-growth (OGF) or ancient forests (Stevenson et al. 2011). Though this
rainforest has likely been discovered several times over by First Nations peoples, early
European settlers, and loggers, it has only recently been discovered for its ecological and
recreational values, especially in the old-growth forests, making it a popular destination
for research and outdoor activity.
Figure 1. Location of Prince George and McBride in British Columbia

1

Specific hotspots for biodiversity exist within the moist, wet, and very wet
Interior Cedar-Hemlock (ICH) subzones o f the ITR, where stands o f old-growth cedar
trees are able to reach ages up to 1,000 years or more (B.C. Forest Professional Magazine
2010). A particularly rich ICH subzone is located in the upper Fraser River valley,
concentrated between the communities o f Prince George and McBride (see Figure 2).
This area supports one of the largest remaining areas o f ancient western redcedars in
B.C.’s Interior (B.C. Forest Professional Magazine 2010).
Figure 2. The ICH Subzone o f British Columbia’s inland rainforest
HtcQmqnr tttom

Wittier subzones of the
Interior €«Ar-Merr»teck zone
■ R W ry w e t coa t *utM<ar*
H

*

W e t € (:» S M j f e B J n e ( m fc )

t trr*

fast, fmtm C * * rt
•JM nfcsir

Can*
? C««*
##rarWS%-

--Z.

■am Cm

Source: Stevenson et al. 2011.
In 2006, community members o f the upper Fraser built the Ancient Forest Trail
(AFT), a 3-km hike that runs through an old-growth cedar stand 113km west o f Prince
George (see Figure 3). Since its opening, the trail has become a popular destination for
day-trippers and international tourists, experiencing a steady growth of visitors each year
(Connell and Shapiro 2012). Increased awareness o f the inland rainforest in this region

2

can be attributed to the trail’s popularity, as well as the publicity in the media that has
surrounded it.
Figure 3. Location o f Ancient Forest Trail

Source: Google Maps 2012.
Values concerning the stands o f ancient cedar trees in the ITR have
predominantly focused on the economic worth o f timber, since the region in which it is
located depends on an economy dominated by forestry (Robson et al. 2000). However,
since scientists, area residents, tourists, recreationists, and other members o f the public
have come to appreciate the global significance o f the ITR, it has become apparent that
there exist other types of values surrounding the ancient cedar forest that have not yet
been documented.
The study of forest values includes the documentation and analysis o f values
relating to the material resources o f a forest that contribute to human physical well-being,
the intangible benefits of a forest that contribute to the nonmaterial dimensions o f the
quality of life, and the intrinsic benefits o f a forest that exist independently o f humankind

3

(Putney 2003). Held values will be explored in the present study as they reflect principles
o f what is moral, desirable, or just surrounding natural environments. Applied to forests,
Bengston (1994) defines held forest values as “an enduring concept of the good related to
forests and forest ecosystems” (p. 520).
The purpose o f this research is to document the breadth o f expressed forest values
surrounding the ancient cedar stands in the ITR. General expressions of values
surrounding the ancient cedars can be found in different sources. The Ancient Forest
Trail guestbook and research conducted in the form of surveys at the trail represent the
general values of trail users, who are either tourists or recreational day-trippers. Media
pieces, including newspaper articles, government, community, and scientific reports,
tourist pamphlets, and online visitor blogs, represent public value perspectives.
Interviews with local residents also provide in-depth information on common value
perspectives surrounding the forest.
Dome Creek and Crescent Spur are the two communities chosen for the sample o f
this study. The communities are located between Prince George and McBride (see Figure
4), and are situated within the ICH forest. For this reason, as well as their close proximity
to the Ancient Forest Trail, it is believed that residents have intimate knowledge o f the
forest, as well as a vested interest in the future o f the forest, making their value
perspectives both meaningful and suitable for the study.
Using a content analysis procedure, whereby inferences are systematically made
from databases o f text, value expressions from the sources listed above are coded into
different categories and organized into a forest value framework (a visual tool used to

4

conceptualize values) in order to provide a comprehensive look into forest values
surrounding the ancient cedar stands.
Figure 4. Map o f Communities Dome Creek and Crescent Spur

I

Cr*-s« e n t Spur

Source: Google Maps 2012.
The values people express about the ancient cedars are o f interest given that the
ecosystem has recently been discovered as globally significant. Given the new
appreciation o f the forest, an ongoing debate surrounding its best and highest use
revolves around the decision whether or not to harvest ‘antique’ cedar stands.
Since the late 1890s, forestry and timber harvesting dominated land use in the
inland rainforest (Stevenson et al. 2011). The earliest timber harvesting in this era was
generally for railway ties, homesteads, and local mills. From the early 1900s to the mid1960s, this forest wealth nurtured many small communities based on seasonal logging
operations, including Dome Creek and Crescent Spur. In 1999, an attempt to shift from
timber management to environmental management was made by the Province o f B.C.

5

The shift initially reflected the emerging efforts by the government to protect biodiversity
values in the ITR, and land use planning processes were revised with the aim o f
incorporating more non-timber values such as wildlife, tourism, and cultural values
(Connell 2010). The growing appreciation for other non-timber values o f the rainforest
eventually conflicted with timber uses o f the rainforest. In the following years, three
formal complaints were submitted to the Forest Practices Board1 regarding concerns
about biological diversity and harvesting in ‘antique’ cedar stands. Scientific conferences
were also held at the University o f Northern British Columbia focusing on emerging
research findings concerning the ITR, with the aim o f improving sustainable management
and examining social and community values.
In 2006, the Ancient Forest Trail was officially opened, and a couple months later
the premiere screening o f the film Block 486 took place in Prince George. In 2008, the
licensee that held the rights to the timber around the trail, TRC from McBride, announced
its decision not to log the block and to become a cosponsor o f the trail (Stevenson et al.
2011). In a recent newspaper article, the executive director of the B.C. Wilderness
Tourism Association noted that Highway 16, along which the Ancient Forest Trail is
located, is one o f the province’s most heavily promoted routes that tourists use each
summer, and warned against compromising the scenic areas for their use (Prince George
Citizen 2012).
The examination o f held forest values surrounding the ancient cedar stands in the
ITR will help tell the story of the forest, including the potential for conflicting values as
well as the emerging discovery o f broader values. The results from this study will offer
1 The Forest Practices Board is an independent w atchdog that conducts audits and in vestigations and issues
public reports on how w ell industry and governm ent are m eetin g the intent o f British C olum bia's forest
practices legislation.

6

the most comprehensive collection o f values relating to this forest, and help inform the
current debate surrounding the ancient cedar stands.
This project is an exploratory study, and has implications for future research and
policy decisions concerning the highest and best use of unique forests such as the ancient
forest in the ITR. Research shows that environmental values can and do influence sectors
of society (Kempton et al. 1995; Moyer, Owen, and Duinker 2008). Concerning matters
o f public policy, Kempton et al. (1995) find that people employ their values in deciding
which environmental policies they favour. Lockwood (1999) notes that values also have
the power to influence economic structure, as they are steadily changing the narrow
anthropocentric view o f economics into one where the natural world is not only of
instrumental value to human wants and needs. Finally, values have the ability to
transform human interactions with the environment by influencing individual and
collective decisions (Dietz, Fitzgerald, and Shwom 2005). For this reason, forest values
can be important indicators for identifying ecosystem management goals, setting the
context for decision-making, and guiding choices (Xu and Bengston 1997).

1.2 Chapter Preview
Chapter 2 Literature Review provides the background and context for this
research project and is divided into five sections. The first section summarizes recent
evolutions o f environmental and forest values, and how management practices have
paralleled this evolution. A discussion of different sources of forest values, as well as
categories that are used to organize values for this study will follow. The next section
outlines forest value frameworks found in the literature. Following this, popular forest

7

values that have been found in other studies are defined and discussed. Finally, methods
for measuring forest values are examined, setting the context for the approach used in this
study. Chapter 3 outlines the study design and methods chosen to answer the research
question. Chapter 4 summarizes the results from all three databases of text by value
category. Chapter 5 uses the data collected in all three databases to interpret the findings
and discuss the significance and broader implications of the results. Chapter 6
summarizes the study, discusses limitations, and suggests areas for future research.

8

Chapter 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 The Evolution of Forest Values
Human values are at the core o f individual and societal functioning (Bengston et
al. 1994). Values are multidisciplinary, used in research across all social science
disciplines (Mayton, Ball-Rokeach, and Loges 1994). Early research on values dates back
more than 60 years with seminal work by Milton Rokeach (1973), who defined the
concept o f a value as “an enduring belief that a specific mode o f conduct or end-state of
existence is personally or socially preferable to an opposite or converse mode.” Schwartz
(1994), another pioneer in the field o f values, described values as important life goals;
standards which serve as guiding principles in a person’s life. Both researchers view
values as determinants of attitudes, recognizing their ability to guide action, judgment,
and attributions (Rokeach 1973; Schwartz 1994). Values find their place at the
micro/individual level, as well as the macro/societal/institutional level, and are thus
important to social issues research.
The study of values relating to the environment became popular in the 1970s,
when major issues such as air and water pollution, loss o f aesthetic values, and resource
conservation came to the forefront o f America’s policy agenda (Dunlap et al. 2000).
Consequently, interest in measuring environmental concern relating to these problems
started to grow. The field o f environmental values has developed most in recent decades
due to the significant evolution of environmental problems. Issues such as deforestation,
loss o f biodiversity, and climate change now cover wide geographical areas, with causes
that are uncertain, and solutions that are often complicated and problematic (Dunlap et al.

9

2000). For this reason, values have been increasingly recognized as important
determinants of public perspectives, and according to Bengston and Xu (1995), can play
a critical role in ecosystem management and decision-making.
A growing number o f social scientists and other observers have discerned a
fundamental shift in environmental values in recent decades (Bengston 1994; Xu and
Bengston 1997; Dietz et al. 2005; Dunlap et al. 2000; Kempton et al. 1995; Lockwood
1999; Manning et al. 1999; Owen et al. 2009). Factors cited as contributing to this change
include a society less directly dependent on natural resources, a more urbanized public
with increasing recreational and aesthetic values, increasing environmental degradation,
and the environmental movement (Steel et al. 1994; Duinker 1998). This shift also
suggests a reevaluation of the underlying worldview that has guided our relationship to
the physical environment (Dunlap et al. 2000). The longstanding collections o f values,
attitudes, and beliefs that form the dominant social paradigm, through which many
industrialized societies view the world, is now being challenged by a “new environmental
paradigm” concerning humans and nature (Bengston 1994; Dunlap et al. 2000). The
dominant paradigm emphasizes economic growth, control o f nature, and ample reserves
of natural resources. A newer environmental paradigm focuses instead on sustainable
development, harmony with nature, and finite natural resources (Bengston 1994;
Manning et al. 1999). At the core o f this paradigm shift has been changing public values
and attitudes about how people should relate to forests and the natural environment (Steel
and Lovrich 1997).
A similar shift has also been documented in regards to policy and management in
forestry. Since its origins in the late nineteenth century, the social needs o f forest

10

management in the western world have been predominately utilitarian, endorsing wise
human use and development o f resources, economic dominance over non-economic
values, and human control over nature (Robson et al. 2000; Tarrant and Cordell 2002).
Models used to manage forests have also concentrated heavily on the economic value of
timber (Hartmen 1976). This focus is said to have blinded some foresters and policy
makers to non-timber values, such as aesthetic and spiritual values, as well as to the
ecosystem function value of forests - the role o f forest ecosystems in maintaining a
healthy and resilient setting for all life forms (Bengston 1994). The old resource
management paradigm, which guided public forest managers for many decades, focused
on “multiple-use sustained-yield” forestry (Bengston 1994). Sustained yield dates back to
18th and 19th century central European traditions o f forest management, which aimed to
maximize and sustain the yield o f a single resource - commercial timber (Behan 1991).
After World War II, multiple-use forestry became popular due to an increase of
demand for recreation, wildlife, water, and other non-timber forest resources (Bengston
1994). Yet forest management has fallen short o f the ideal as it is known to emphasize
timber production to the detriment o f other forest resources (Shands 1988). Public
dissatisfaction with traditional forestry stems from this perception, as well as from an
increased scientific understanding of the dynamics of forest ecosystems and concerns
about the impact o f forestry on ecosystem sustainability (Bengston 1994). The failure of
traditional forestry practices to adjust to changing social and environmental values may
be the underlying reason for the challenges it faces.
The forestry paradigm of ecosystem management (Bengston 1994) arose from
growing public and professional concern that traditional forest management was no

11

longer socially acceptable due to its failure to incorporate expanding values into forest
management (Robson et al. 2000). Perceived degradation o f forest health, conflict over
old-growth, and growing demand for non-timber forest values also contributed to this
paradigm shift (Owen et al. 2009; and Cordell 2002). The main objective o f ecosystem
management is to maintain forest ecosystems as interconnected wholes, rather than just
for the production of timber and other commodities (Franklin 1989), and to sustain the
health of forest ecosystems while providing ecological, economic, social, and cultural
opportunities for the long-term (Owen et al. 2009). Ecosystem management is also seen
as a socially based approach to forest management due to its inclusion o f public
involvement in management decisions, and its focus on changing public values associated
with forests (Tarrant and Cordell 2002). A central theme o f this paradigm includes the
need for management to recognize all forest values (timber and non-timber) and, in turn,
make forestry practices more responsive to them (Bengston 1994). Socially sustainable
forest management can also aim to serve outspoken, unspoken, and future citizens.
According to Manning et al. (1997), many issues, such as clear-cutting, preservation of
endangered species and biodiversity, wilderness designation and management,
sustainability, timber salvage, and tradeoffs among competing uses, cannot be resolved
without considering public values.
According to Koch and Kennedy (1991) people’s forest values are communicated
through three systems: (1) the economic system (in the price o f wood products, outdoor
recreation, or summer homes); (2) the political system (in legislation, budget allocation,
and taxes and grants); and (3) the social system (in people’s responses to interviews and
questionnaires, the demand for various recreation opportunities, and letters to local

12

government). Forest managers have traditionally identified values that people attach to
forests through the economic and political systems, however management has begun to
pay increasing attention to the social system in order to work towards ecosystem
management as discussed above (Robson et al. 2000).
Old-growth forests (OGFs) have faced their own specific shifts in values and
management in the recent past. Economic and forest-management practices have
emphasized harvesting OGFs for their commercial timber values before the resource is
“diminished by decay” (Hilbert and Wiensczyk 2007). With changing societal values and
increasing scarcity o f OGFs, however, it is now common to see a wide range o f OGF
values including ecosystem, economic, aesthetic, spiritual, and cultural attributes (Owen
et al. 2009). OGFs are recognized for providing ecosystem services such as carbon
storage, water purification, wildlife habitat, and biological diversity in the form of
species, genes, and ecosystems. The Association o f British Columbia Professional
Foresters (1993) has also outlined an array o f economic values associated with OGF,
including benefits from products such as timber and firewood, and the income generated
through recreation, tourism, hunting, trapping, and fishing (Owen et al. 2009). Aesthetic
features o f OGFs and particularly large trees are often presented through painting, poetry,
and writing as something especially beautiful, and sometimes have a profound effect on
the human psyche (Owen et al. 2009). OGFs also hold a spiritual or moral value for some
people, often embodied in feelings o f respect, reverence, cultural connectedness, and
sacredness (Owen et al. 2009).
Forestry conflicts are generally shaped by differences in values and in
understandings of how human beings should relate to their environment (Steel and

13

Lovrich 1997). Conflicts often involve a series o f trade-offs, i.e. economic development
or environmental protection; convenience or sacrifice; trees or jobs (Schultz 2003;
Seligman et al. 1994). Though these conflicts may be viewed from a variety o f
intertwined perspectives (political, economic, or social), Seligman et al. (1994) state that
they are almost always zero-sum games, i.e., one group’s interests are advanced at the
expense o f another’s. If forest companies are allowed to harvest extensively, old-growth
wilderness disappears; if they are restricted, there is an economic cost. Conflicts
surrounding the harvesting o f OGFs in North America have been particularly contentious,
including a public incident in 2006 when Greenpeace activists blocked train and truck
shipments at Kleenex manufacturer’s factory in Huntsville, Ontario, as part o f an ongoing
protest over Kimberly Clark’s use o f OGFs in tissue products (Greenpeace 2006). This is
an example of conflict inspired by different opinions and perspectives regarding what
constitutes the highest and best use o f OGFs. For this reason, foresters are increasingly
being placed in the role o f conflict managers. Understanding public values equips forest
managers to deal with potential conflicts (either avoiding them or mitigating them more
effectively when they do occur), establish policies and goals, and define broad strategies
(Bengston et al. 2004; Brown and Reed 2000).
The influence values have on evaluating decisions is gaining increasing attention
as research continues to determine that personal values have powerful influences on
human behavior (Bonaiuto et al. 2002; Dietz et al. 2005; Owen et al. 2009; Rokeach
1973; Schwartz 1994). When values are activated by situational concerns, their influence
on behavior is further emphasized as values may change in importance relative to others
as one shifts from abstract considerations o f values as guiding principles to the concrete

14

focus on the importance of values in specific situations (Karp 1996). In this way, values
can reflect forest management and policy preferences (McFarlane and Boxall 2000) and
therefore should be seen as worthy o f the time and effort needed to collect them properly.
While all values are important to consider when making decisions surrounding a
widely used natural area, the values o f local people are specifically becoming recognized
as important for forest management decisions. In a study by Robson et al. (2000) of
Canadian, British Columbian, and Fraser Fort George Regional District groups,
participants across all three groups ranked local affected communities as the people to
which forest managers should be most responsive. Ignoring local people’s interests and
excluding them from the planning, management, and decision making o f protected areas
has been found to be the main source o f conflict between forest companies and local
people (Liu and Miao 2010).
Overall, the literature documenting the recent shifts in values concerning the ways
in which people relate to forest ecosystems, as well as the ongoing threats to old-growth
forests, support the need to document a wider array o f forest values. This need to broaden
the study of forest values has been found to be especially true for old-growth forests,
which are often the subject o f conflict due to their recognition as special environments.
The ongoing shift in forest values is particularly relevant to the inland temperate
rainforest, as it has only recently been discovered for its high ecological values. By
documenting and analyzing public and local forest values surrounding the stands of
ancient cedars in the ITR, a greater understanding o f this special old-growth ecosystem
can be gained, which has the potential to inform conflict and impact future forest
management decisions.

15

2.2 Value Sources and Categories
There are many values associated with forests, such as aesthetic values, spiritual
values, recreational values, and ecological values, and certain values are more often
associated with old-growth forests than with other forest age-classes (Owen et al. 2009).
Values stem from a variety o f sources and can be organized into categories for easier
study. This section will explore the different sources of forest values, as well as the ways
in which they can be grouped and classified.
Kempton et al. (1995) found that western values associated with the environment
derive from three sources: 1) religious values, whether traditional Judeo-Christian
religious teaching or other feelings o f spirituality, 2) anthropocentric (human-centered)
values, predominately utilitarian and connected with environmental changes that affect
human welfare, and 3) biocentric (living-thing-centered) values, which grant nature itself
intrinsic rights o f species to continue to exist. These sources o f environmental values can
be useful in focusing on the factors that influence how we come to value forests, rather
than just on the values themselves. Understanding the sources that give rise to forest
values can be used to analyze the significance o f the range o f forest values associated
with the ITR.
In forest value literature, two types o f values are generally presented: held values,
which include desirable modes of conduct (e.g., stewardship), end-states (e.g., habitat), or
qualities (e.g., beauty) (Rokeach 1973); and assigned values, which define the relative
worth an object thus describing a preference relationship (Brown 1984; Moyer et al.
2008; Rokeach 1968). Prices and other monetary measures are indicators o f assigned
value, while held values do not appear to be bound relative to other values (Owen et al.

16

2009). These two value types are interrelated in that assigned values usually reflect a
person’s held values. Due to their encompassing nature, the present study explores held
values surrounding the ancient cedar stands.
Bengston (1994) defines held forest values as “enduring conceptions o f the good
related to forests and forest ecosystems” (p. 520). Held forest values have been
distinguished in the literature as either instrumental and intrinsic (Bengston 1994),
instrumental and noninstrumental (Xu and Bengston 1997), or anthropocentric and
biocentric (Steel et al. 1994). Instrumental and anthropocentric refer to those values
associated with the utilization o f forests for products and services that satisfy human
wants and needs (McFarlane and Boxall 2000). Intrinsic, noninstrumental, or biocentric
values refer to the worth o f something as an end in itself, regardless of its usefulness to
humans (Brennan 1992; Craig et al. 1993; Steel et al. 1994).
Kempton et al.’s (1995) sources o f values reflect the evolution from sustained
timber production to sustaining a range o f forest values. I f human-centered values
dominate natural resource management, then forests can be defined in terms o f the
resources they provide for humans, such as forest products, employment, and life-support
functions. Intrinsic values, by contrast, recognize nature as having inherent worth or a
right to exist for its own sake, and human benefits from the forest are not necessarily the
most important uses o f the forest (Nash 1967). The value sources discussed above also
form the foundation for many forest value frameworks, which are created and used by
researchers to organize forest values in a way that makes them easier to study.

17

2.3 Forest Values
Below are descriptions of held forest values, specifically those most commonly
connected to old-growth forests. Instrumental values include tangible materials values
that support the economy, such as forest products, minerals, and other natural resources
that can be extracted from nature and sold in the market, and landscape values such as
recreation and tourism. Tourism opportunities include outfitting and guiding (Brown and
Reed 2000; Manning et al. 1999; Moyer et al. 2008), and recreation provides people with
an opportunity to get away from their routine, and re-create a less stressful, more natural
state of mind and perspective (Tims 1999). According to Putney (2003), recreational
value is found “when the intrinsic qualities o f natural areas interact with humans to
restore, refresh, or create anew through stimulation and exercise o f the mind, body, and
soul (i.e. re-creation)” (p. 7). For some people, nature can be a place to show what they
can do (they want a mountain to conquer), and for others, values are reached as they are
“let in on nature’s show” (they watch as hummingbirds) (Rolston 1994). These two sorts
o f uses are referred to by Rolston (1994) as the gymnasium and the theatre, and can often
be combined.
Life-support values are material values that provide the necessary functions and
services for the survival and well-being o f humans and other living things (Moyer et al.
2008). Life-support values include the production, preservation, cleaning, and renewal of
air, soil, and water (Brown and Reed 2000; Moyer et al. 2008; Rolston 1994). Also
included in this category is biodiversity, which describes the number, variety, and
uniqueness o f living organisms, including genetic species, and ecological diversity

18

(Moyer et al. 2008; Rolston 1994). Habitat for wildlife is another life-support value that
is described as the place where a population o f flora, fauna, or micro-organisms live.
Intrinsic values include socio-cultural values; those which contribute to the
identity and well-being of the social collective and the participation o f individuals in that
collective (Moyer et al. 2008). Cultural ties to natural places are important sources of
values, especially in forests where people feel they can continue to pass down the
wisdom, knowledge, and traditions linked with that area (Brown and Reed 2000; Moyer
et al. 2008; Rolston 1994). Putney (2003) defines this value as, “The qualities, both
positive and negative, ascribed to natural, cultural, and mixed sites by different social
groups, traditions, beliefs, or value systems that fulfill humankind’s need to understand,
and connect in meaningful ways, to the environment of its origin and the rest o f nature”
(p. 7). This has also been described in the literature as historic value, where people value
the forest because it has places and things o f natural and human history (Brown and Reed
2000) or identity value, where natural sites link people to their landscape through myth,
legend, and history (Putney 2003).
Educational value is another socio-cultural value that is characterized by the
opportunity to leam more about nature (Manning et al. 1999). This value is particularly
linked with childhood experiences. Burgess et al. (1988) find that, “The importance o f
early contact with nature and with the physical environment emerges as a very powerful
theme in all the group discussions.... Naturalistic areas gain appeal essentially through a
richness of imaginative opportunities for children” (p. 323). Rachel Carson (1962) also
recognized the importance of the childhood years for developing respect and love for
nature. Learning about specific natural areas can be accomplished through the use of

19

interpretive signs, such as those located at the Ancient Forest Trail. Through
environmental education it is possible to build an understanding o f humankind’s
relationship with its natural surroundings, which could eventually shape a positive
environmental ethic to guide behavior (Roggenbuck and Driver 1999). Scientific, or
learning value (the opportunity for scientists to study nature and ecology through
scientific observation and experimentation) is another material value that helps humans
understand, and thrive in the natural world (Brown and Reed 2000; Manning et al. 1999;
Rolston 1994).
Some values come in the form o f concern for nature separate from human well­
being. Manning et al. (1999) and Moyer et al. (2008) use the term “moral” or “ethical
value” to express the opportunity to exercise a moral and ethical obligation to respect and
protect nature and other living things. This is also described as intrinsic value, which is
the identification with something through the rational or emotional designation of
inherent worth (Brown and Reed 2000; Moyer et al. 2008; Rolston 1994). Rolston (1994)
also outlines an intrinsic value termed “life value” that represents the life that all living
things share - a sort o f kinship that is a center of value for itself. Finally, Putney (2003)
describes a similar value called “existence value”, which is the “satisfaction, symbolic
importance, and even willingness to pay, derived from knowing that outstanding natural
and cultural landscapes have been protected and exist as physical and conceptual space
where all forms of life and culture are valued and held sacred” (p. 8).
Intergenerational equity, or future value, is also a popular value found in oldgrowth forest value literature. According to Kempton et al. (1995), it is essentially the
idea of intergenerational ethics: an obligation between our generation and future ones (p.

20

101). Kempton et al. (1995) found that “[t]he emotionally strongest o f anthropocentric
values was a concern for one’s descendants” (p. 95), and results from their study showed
that 17/20 informants raised concern for children (mostly their own) when considering
environmental longevity. Future value is also described as “allowing future generations to
know and experience the forest as it is now” in Brown and Reed’s (2000) study on forest
values (p. 243).
Spirituality and religion are considered values that are more difficult to define, yet
many published studies use spirituality as a value category in their research (e.g., Brown
and Reed 2000; Driver et al. 1999; Manning et al. 1999; Putney 2003;Rolston 1994; Xu
and Bengston 1997). Putney (2003) describes this category as the qualities o f natural
areas that inspire humans to relate with reverence to the sacredness o f nature. Kempton et
al. (1995) found that most participants in their study reported experiencing a spiritual
feeling directly from contact with nature. According to Driver et al. (1999), nature-based
spiritual experiences include: introspection and reflection on deep personal values; the
elements of human devotion, reverence, respect, wonder, awe, mystery or lack o f total
understanding; inspiration; interaction with and relationship to something other and
greater than oneself; sense of humility; and sense o f timelessness, integration, continuity,
connectedness, and community.
Another such benefit o f natural settings is their beauty or aesthetic quality.
Aesthetics is considered to be an anthropocentric value by Kempton et al. (1995), and can
be viewed as either utilitarian (instrumental), where the good o f something is equated to
how useful it is to humans, or noninstrumental, where the worth o f something is an end in
itself (Xu and Bengston, 1997). When one enjoys forest scenery, sights, sounds, and

21

smells, it can provide them with a source o f inspiration, peace, harmony, and/or security,
making aesthetic value utilitarian. On the other hand, some authors believe that the value
is not in the benefits that people receive from them, but in the naturally occurring
qualities of forests themselves (Driver et al. 1999). Aesthetic value has historically had
and continues to have profound impacts on pubic land policy and management: “One of
the main reasons that we have set aside certain natural areas as national, state, and county
parks is because they are considered beautiful” (Callicott 1992, as cited in Xu and
Bengston 1997, p. 46). It is used frequently as a measure for environmental value
research (e.g. Brown and Reed 2000; Manning et al. 1999; Moyer et al. 2008; Putney
2003; Rolston 1994), and is an important value to consider when deciding between clearcuts (ugly) and old-growth forests (beautiful).
Forest values, though sometimes ethereal and intangible, exist as part o f the
human dimension o f ecosystem management. Planning for values o f nature requires
sound information about a broader spectrum of benefits than public land managers have
concerned themselves with in the past (Eisner et al. 1999). In order to document these
values, it is necessary to understand that experience, imagination, and feelings are part of
what connect people to special natural places. Documenting this array o f forest values is
not easy, however, it is necessary in order to gain a full understanding o f the significance
of natural environments.

2.4 Forest Values Frameworks
Rokeach believed that there are significant theoretical and practical advantages to
identifying a limited set o f value types that are recognized in various human groups in

22

order to gain information on values (Schwartz 1994). Many environmental value studies
have recognized the benefits o f this approach to managing knowledge, and have
developed different value categories, or types, in order to test their research questions
(e.g. Brown and Reed 2000; Moyer et al. 2008; Rolston 1994; Xu and Bengston 1997).
Categories o f forest values can range from as few as two (e.g. instrumental and non­
instrumental, or material and non-material) to dozens, depending on how broadly or
narrowly the categories are defined, and can be organized into frameworks, which are
useful visual tools for studying values. Categories can be deduced from the literature or
developed from existing data on the topic being studied (Mayring 2000).
Many studies have identified values and value categories associated with forests.
Typically, frameworks usually start with a division o f two held value categories, e.g.,
instrumental and non-instrumental, material and nonmaterial, or anthropocentric and
biocentric. Values frequently associated with human-oriented use and sustenance
categories (instrumental, material, and anthropocentric) include economic, ecological,
and recreational values. Values typically associated with non-use categories (non­
instrumental, nonmaterial, and biocentric) include aesthetic, cultural, spiritual,
educational, and ethical values (Bengston & Xu 1995; Brown and Reed 2000; Manning et
al. 1999; Rolston and Coufal 1991).
Bengston and Xu (1995) have created a simple value framework that has been
used (e.g. Brown and Reed 2000; Moyer et al. 2008) for studying forest values (see
Figure 5). The framework distinguishes four end-values describing how people value
forests and forests ecosystems: economic/utilitarian, life-support, aesthetic, and
moral/spiritual value. The first two end values are instrumental values, in which the good

23

is equated with what is useful as a means to some desirable human end, and the last two
are considered non-instrumental values, where the worth o f something as an end in itself,
rather than a means to some end.
Figure 5. Forest Value Framework

Forest Values

Non-Instrumental

Instrumental

Economic/
Utilitarian

Ufa
Support

Aesthetic

Moral/
Spiritual

Source: Bengston and Xu 1995.

Bengston and Xu (1995) use this value framework for statistical content analysis
because they find it to be mutually exclusive— a condition where each forest values can
be viewed as conceptually distinct. This framework does not include a number of
important and obvious forest values such as recreation, biodiversity, and scientific values
because Bengston and Xu (1995) believe it is important to separate values and objects o f
value (Brown and Reed 2000). This distinction between what they term a “root” forest
value, such as life-support, and an object o f value, such as biological diversity, however,
is not common in other forest value frameworks. The reason for this may lie in the fact
that, though mutually exclusive, this framework may suffer from too few end-values
given the human predisposition to blur the distinction between values and objects o f
values in forestlands (Brown and Reed 2000).

24

A forest value framework that draws upon the Bengston and Xu typology has
been created by Moyer et al. (2008) to reflect the breadth o f material and nonmaterial
values found in old-growth stands. Moyer et al. (2008) used results from Moyer (2006)
and Owen (2006) to develop a forest value framework reflective o f old-growth, which
provides three levels o f values and a broad set of distinct nonmaterial values associated
with old-growth (see Figure 6). The framework starts with the same primary categories
that Bengston and Xu (1995) use, however they are renamed as ‘material’ (tangible good
or service) and ‘nonmaterial’ (an understanding, concept, experience, or belief that is
valuable to the mind or soul), as Moyer et al. believe these terms better represent the
values of their participants. For example, environmental services such as carbon storage
and water purification, were not valued solely for their utility in achieving human ends,
but instead were valued for the necessary functions they provide for both humans and
other living beings (Moyer et al. 2008).
The framework includes three levels of OGF values: main value types (material
and non-material), value subcategories (e.g. economic, ethical, etc.), and a list o f endvalues described by objects, processes, and characteristics that explain each subcategory.
A table of definitions also accompanies the framework for each o f the three levels of
OGF values (see Table 1). As generic forest value frameworks may not be specific
enough to deal with differences between forest types, Moyer et al.’s (2008) framework
benefits from a wider range o f forest values, and a comprehensive set of held values
relating specifically to old-growth forests. As well, following Bengston and Xu (1995),
they have built their framework to allow uses and characteristics to fit into more than one
category.

25

Figure 6. Old-Growth Forest Value Framework
F o re st Values
1

'

"
Nonmaterial 1

| Material Values
X.

Economic

Life-Support

credits

air quality

I

cultural
^ expression
: generator! a

IIIIII

III
j

sharing

habitat

i n
products

1

ZZEZlj
shelter

j

stored carbon
—

r

—

soil quality and
quantity
,— ,—

r* —-

water quality
and quantity

Ethical

",

knowledge/
wisdom

I

Spiritual

'1

!

f Aesthetic
beauty

intrinsic worth j
“

biodiversity

food

landscapes

Socio­
cultural

magic

......................

tewardsbip

[

“

intergenerational
eguity

j

harmony

majesty

n s gni

natural state

he tage

I

social justice

Source: Moyer et al. 2008.
Other less structured frameworks have also been used in the literature to
accommodate values for different types o f forests at different sizes and locations. Rolston
and Coufal (1991) developed a forest framework that was meant to expand the five
conventional uses (recreation, timber, range, watershed, and fish and wildlife, as per 1960
Multiple Use-Sustained Yield Act) governing national forest management into categories
that would integrate human and biotic values. The framework features the values outlined
by Bengston and Xu (1995), however the values are not organized in a dichotomy, but
instead are presented as a typology. Rolston and Coufal’s (1991) typology consists o f ten

26

Table 1. Forest Value Framework Definitions
E n d V alue
M ain V alu e T yp e

V a lu e Sub -C a teg o ry
N am e

M aterial:
values th at are in stru m en ­
tal to p hysical and bo d ily
needs

E conom ic:
tan g ib le m aterial valu es
th at su p p o rt a cash -b ased
or su b sisten ce-b ased
eco n o m y

L ife-Sup port: v alu es that
p ro v id e necessary fu n c­
tions a n d serv ices for the
survival a n d w ell-b ein g o f
h u m an s a n d o th er living
bem gs

N on -m aterial:
values th at are in stru m en ­
tal to the n eed s o f the
m ind a nd soul

S o c ia l/C u ltu ra l: v alu es
con trib u tin g to the id en ­
tity Mid w ell-b ein g o f the
social c o llectiv e and th e
p articip atio n o f in d iv id u ­
als in th at collective

E thical: v alu es su p p o rt­
ing a perso n al or c o lle c ­
tiv e m oral claim , include
a sense o f responsibility
to o th er peo p le, nations,
g en eratio n s, and sp ecies

S piritual V alu es: v alu es
a sso ciated w ith “ the
ex p erien ce o f bein g re­
lated to o r in to u ch w ith
an ‘o th e r’ th at tran scen d s
o n e 's individual sense o f
s e lf and g iv es m eaning to
o n e ’s life at a d eep er than
intellectual lev el"[5 3 p
25]
A esthetic: v alu es b ased
on a sen so ry ap p reciatio n
o f the p h y sical qualities
and featu res o f the forest

D efin ition

C redits

cred its issued fo r eco sy stem se rv ic es; (p ro cesses b a rte rin g , tra d e ), (ob­
jec ts supplies, m o n ey , secu rities)

F ood

m aterial th at is c o n su m e d to c a p tu re energy a n d su stain h ealth , (p ro c ­
e sses h unting, fish in g , g ath erin g ), (o b jects w ild ed ib les, d e e r, m o o se,
salm o n )

L an dscap es

the stru ctu re and fea tu re s o f a sp e cific area o f land in clu d in g p h y sical,
b io lo g ical and built e le m e n ts, (pro cesses: recreatio n , to u rism ), (o b jects
trails, p hysical a n d n atu ral a m en ities)

P roducts

so m e th in g th at is m a d e from raw m aterials, (p ro c e sses lo g g in g , v alu ea d d e d ), (o b jects tim b e r, m ed ic in e , furniture, firew o o d , p a p e r)

S helter

co v erin g that p ro v id e s pro tectio n , p articu larly fro m th e e lem en ts; (p ro c ­
e sses co n stru ctio n , th atc h in g ), (o b je c ts tim b e r a n d c a n o p y co v er)

A ir q uality

status o f th e a tm o sp h e re w ith reg a rd to the ex iste n ce o f p o ten tial p o llu t­
an ts, (p ro cesses a ir p u rify in g , a b so rp tio n o f a ir p o llu tio n )

B iodiversity

n u m b er, variety, a n d u n iq u en ess o f liv in g org an ism s, in clu d in g g e n etic,
s p ecies, and eco lo g ical d iv ersity , (p ro c e sses b io lo g ical p ro ce sse s, bio ­
logical system s)

H abitat

p lac e w h ere a p o p u latio n o f flora, fau n a or m ic ro -o rg a n ism s liv es, (p ro c ­
e sses h ab ita t p ro te c tio n , h ab ita t lo ss)

S tored carbon

the lo n g -term sto rag e o f carbon m th e forest (trees o r so il) o r o c e an s so
th at th e b u ild -u p o f c arb o n d io x id e wall reduce o r slow' (p ro c e sses car­
b o n seq u estratio n , c a rb o n fix atio n )

S oil quality an d
q uan tity

cap acity o f soil to fu n ctio n w ith in an ecosystem to p ro v id e fo r flo ra and
to m ain tain and im p ro v e w ater a n d air quality; (p ro c e sses n u trien t cy ­
cling, retain in g m o istu re )

W a ter quality
a nd quan tity

the co n d itio n o f w a te r with resp e c t to the a m o u n t o f im p u rities in it and
the a m o u n t o f it, (p ro c e sses w ater p urification, su rface ru n -o ff, w ater
cycle)

C u ltural ex p r e s­
sion

the m an ifestatio n o f b eliefs, n o rm s, language, and m ate ria l tra its o f a
p a rticu la r social g ro u p (p ro cesses m ak in g a ca n o e, co lle c tin g m ed icm al
p lan ts)

G en era tio n a l
sharin g

p eo p le from d iffe re n t g en eratio n s learning from each o th er

K n o w led g e/ w is­
dom

the fac t o r co n d itio n o f h aving inform ation, o r o f b e in g learn ed ; insight
and ju d g em e n t, (p ro c e sses ed u catio n , research ) (o b je c t b en ch m ark ,
refe ren c e point)

H erita g e

s o m eth in g im m aterial, like an id eo lo g y , th at is p a sse d from o n e g e n e ra ­
tion to another

Intrinsic w orth

d esig n atio n o f in h eren t w o rth a n d m oral relev an ce th ro u g h ratio n al or
em o tio n al id en tificatio n w ith so m e th in g that is o th er [22]

Stew a rd sh ip

e v o k in g a sense o f tru st a n d c a re thro u g h the c o n scie n tio u s and resp o n si­
ble m an a g e m en t o f som eth in g

In ter- g en era ­
tio n a l equity

co n cern fo r the rig h ts a n d n e e d s o f future g en eratio n s

C om passion

sy m p ath y for th e su fferin g o f o th er b eings and a d e sire to reliev e o r p re ­
v ent th at suffering

Social ju stice

c o n cern for the w e ll-b e in g a n d fair treatm ent o f p e o p le and g ro u p s o f
p eo p le

Sacredness

ex p erien ce of, o r co n n ectio n to, th at w hich is h o ly o r d iv in e

Sanctuary

a p la c e o f refu g e a n d solitude

H arm ony

the c o m b in atio n o f elem en ts th at form ag reem en t o f feelin g

Insight

the a c t or fact o f ap p re h e n d in g th e inner n atu re o f th in g s o r o f seem g
intuitively

P urity

freedom from th at w h ic h c o n tam in ates, defiles o r co rru p ts

P ea ce

a m en ta l o r spiritual state m ark e d by calm n ess o f h e a rt a n d m in d , spiri­
tual serenity

Beauty

p lea su rab le qu alities asso ciated w ith artistry, fo rm , co lo u r, a n d o rig in a l­
ity

M agic

so m eth m g th at c re a tes an e ffe c t o f o th erw o rld lin ess

M ajesty

larg e a n d im p ressiv e in size, scope, and/or ex ten t

N a tu ra l sta te

ex istin g in or p ro d u ce d by n ature, no t artificial o r an im itatio n , an u n d is­
tu rb ed area

Senses

p h y sical sensations such as sm ell, taste, tem p eratu re, v isio n , a n d hearin g

Source: Moyer et al. 2008.

27

values: life-support, economic, scientific, recreation, aesthetic, wildlife, biotic diversity,
natural history, spiritual, and intrinsic (moral). Brown and Reed (2000) have since
expanded and clarified this typology for their own use to include additional forest values,
for example, cultural and therapeutic value, as suggested by Rolston (1989), and future
and subsistence value. The benefit o f these value frameworks is their ability to adapt to
different studies, however, a less structured and unspecific typology may be less helpful
in future studies.
As the literature shows, it is common for researchers to develop or use existing
value frameworks to organize different held values under study. This study looks at forest
values surrounding an old-growth forest in the ITR, and therefore shares many similar
value expressions with Moyer et al.’s (2008) study. The detail and specificity that is
provided with Moyer et al.’s framework makes it appealing to use, specifically for
prioritizing and discussing multi-constituency values, and identifying categories for
future surveys. The Moyer et al. (2008) old-growth forest value framework provides a
well-suited structure for studying ancient cedar stand values at a public and local level in
the ITR.

2.5 Measuring Values
Forest value research has employed various methods to identify values people
express towards natural environments. Contributions to the literature have come from a
wide range o f disciplines, including natural, economic, social, philosophical, and
psychological sciences.

28

Economists’ use o f a contingent valuation (CV) method has been a prevalent tool
used to measure environmental values. This approach attempts to quantify assigned
values for identification and preference purposes. The CV method elicits an individual’s
preference by asking them how much they would be ‘willing to pay’ to improve the
status o f a particular environmental state or good (Kalof and Satterfield 2005). In turn,
this quantification o f assigned values can be compared to other quantitative information
in areas of the economy and the environment for incorporation into decision-making
(Gregory 1999). Strengths o f economic valuation include its ability to considerably
broaden the range of goods and services that can be valued, as well as making it easier to
include assigned value information (dollars and/or numbers) into standard decision
making processes such as benefit cost-analysis or multi-criteria ranking (Owen et al.
2009).
A key weakness related to economic measurements o f values is the difficulty of
capturing people’s full range o f values, including held and intrinsic values. Some authors
caution that in the application of cost-benefit analyses there is an inevitable bias in the
sorts o f values that figure into the calculations (i.e., a bias toward those considerations
that are readily quantifiable) (Nash 1967). Moyer et al. (2008) believe that many common
techniques for studying values that rely on economic theory have proved inadequate for
encompassing the complexity o f values, as well as the array o f values surrounding forest
ecosystems. Dissatisfaction with the economic definitions o f value, as well as a strong
tradition in the study o f attitudes and beliefs in sociology and psychology, has fueled
alternative non-monetary studies o f value (Kalof and Satterfield 2005).

29

Non-economic methods have become increasingly influential in measuring
widening forest values (Kennedy 1985). Methods such as content analysis, surveys, focus
groups, interviews, and mixed method approaches have been employed to study non­
monetary concepts o f values. Findings show that different techniques can influence the
articulation of intensity with which some values are held. Some methods allow human
experience to be examined quite thoroughly, while others allow for large populations to
be studied and for general trends to be discerned.
In several studies, values are assessed by asking respondents to rank or rate values
in terms o f their importance to the individual as guiding principles in their lives
(Seligman et al. 1994). According to theorists such as Rokeach (1973), the ranking o f
values relative to each other forms a fairly stable value system that is used by individuals
to determine attitudes and behavior. When an issue is raised for an individual, the
relevant values are activated in the individual’s stable value system, and the attitude is
determined by the relative raking o f the values.
Researchers have practiced various methods in order to measure forest values
including surveys, interviews, content analysis, focus groups, and mixed method
approaches. Examples of how researchers have employed some o f these methods are
discussed below.

2.5.1 Surveys
Surveys have the potential to capture useful information on value perspectives
(Babbie 2011). In a study done by Brown and Reed (2000), a mail survey was
administered to Alaskan residents to study the relationship between measured forest

30

values and potential forest uses and forest policy preferences. Their sampling method
consisted of randomly selecting individuals from households in 12 communities in close
proximity to the Chugach National Forest (CNF), “under the assumption that households
in these communities would have the greatest interest in forest planning issues” (Brown
and Reed 2000, p. 242). One section o f this survey requested participants to allocate a
hypothetical $100 among 13 possible forest values. The list of forest values included in
the questionnaire was based on Rolston and Coufal’s (1991) forest value typology,
however the authors chose to alter the list in order to expand and clarify the typology.
The study measured frequency and mean scores using the hypothetical dollar amount
data, and found that the four most frequently acknowledged forest values for the CNF
were aesthetic, recreation, life sustaining, and biological diversity.
The use o f a survey instrument was also employed by Parkins et al. (2004) for
collecting indicators o f well-being in the forest-based communities of McBride and
Valemount in the Robson Valley. The construction of the survey was based on themes
developed through workshops and interviews. The aim o f the survey was to further
develop community-based indicators o f well-being from a wider audience. In this way,
social science survey research methods can be used to understand, document, and
systematically measure people’s non-market social values.

2.5.2 Content Analysis

Content analysis is a widely employed technique used in order to study
environmental values (Xu and Bengston 1997). It has been employed by social scientists
for many purposes, such as examining research questions (e.g. Stankey’s (1972) study on

31

biocentric values in wilderness ecosystems), analyzing time trends (e.g. Schoenfeld,
Broom, and Bavec’s (1980) work on the changing environmental message o f the forest
industry), and uncovering categories and themes in units o f analysis for later use. Some
studies use manually coded content analysis while others use computer-coded procedures,
such as research conducted by Xu and Bengston (1997). The purpose of the latter study
was to empirically analyze published records to document the evolution o f national forest
values from 1982-1993. A computerized content analysis procedure was used to
systematically identify and specify certain characteristics within the chosen databases o f
text.
An important aspect of Xu and Bengston’s (1997) study is its premise —
“language used in social discourse is not mere words, but is an expression o f values” (p.
2). Many authors also believe that language is an important indicator of values and
ideology. As Lakoff and Johnson (1980) have observed, “ [i]t is reasonable enough to
assume that words alone don’t change reality... but changes in our conceptual system do
change what is real for us and affect how we perceive the world and act upon those
perceptions” (p. 145-146). Kempton et al. (1995) suggest that the increase in American
environmental consciousness may be observed in changes in language:
The same patch of land once referred to as a swamp is now more likely to
be called wetlands, and the area once called jungle is now called a
rainforest. The process o f shifting word choice reflects a change from
considering these areas as threatening or disgusting to considering them to
be essential components of the ecosystem and precious environmental
resources (Ross 1993, as cited in Kempton et al. 1999, p. 6).

Changes in our language, therefore, reflect changes in our systems o f beliefs and values,
which are found to have a powerful influence on the way we think and behave (Xu and

32

Bengston 1995). In addition, Xu and Bengston’s (1997) study used newspaper articles as
a proxy for the expression o f public forest values. Kellert (1985), in his landmark study of
wildlife values and attitudes, argued that newspaper articles “can be relatively good
indicators of generally held views and interests” (p. 20). News media text is not a direct
measure o f public forest values, as the media can shape the opinions and attitudes o f the
public, however, the media does still reflect the views of the public, and can thus serve as
a rough representation o f public values.
In order to capture public forest values, this study uses content analysis on a
combination o f print and online articles to gather expressions surrounding the ancient
cedar stands in the ITR. Examples o f print sources include local and international
newspapers, government and community reports, as well as the Ancient Forest Trail
guestbook and survey responses collected at the trail. Online sources include visitor
blogs, research reports, and community websites. The language used in these media is
assumed to reflect generally held forest values based on the literature outlined above.
Through manual coding, these expressions will be discerned and organized into value
categories according to Moyer et al.’s (2008) old-growth forest value framework.

2.5.3 Interviews
Interviews are a useful tool for recording value expressions since they allow
researchers to ask open-ended questions during face-to-face encounters. Methods such as
surveys and content analysis can provide a plethora of information regarding
environmental values. The challenge, however, is to explore more deeply what a
questionnaire answer or media statement means. Questions used in interviews can

33

encourage paragraph-length answers rather than word- or sentence-length answers, and
allow informants leeway to elaborate or even bring up new topics they consider relevant.
When conducting research to explore American environmental values, Kempton
et al. (1995) used semi-structured interviews to yield insights into people’s environmental
beliefs and values not otherwise accessible through survey methods. The sample for
Kempton et al.’s study included forty-six informants that the authors felt bracketed the
range of variation in environmental views across the society (Kempton et al. 1995).
Interviewees were referred to as informants rather than respondents due to their active
role in the interview process, and because it is assumed that they know more about the
subject under discussion than the interviewer. Another strength o f the interview method
lies in the use of probing questions, which researchers use to pursue topics raised by
participants and paraphrase what participants say in order to verify or correct their
interpretations. Though the textual analysis o f such interviews can prove to be very time
and resource consuming, interviews are appropriate for studies that aim to provide rich
and in-depth descriptions o f human experiences, attitudes, and beliefs.

2.5.4 Limitations
It is repeatedly cautioned in environmental and forest value literature that the
methods used to obtain value information from the public are inherently limited. “There
is resounding support for the claim that many o f our most important values are nearly
impossible to express directly - as definitive statements o f belief, as claims or goals, and
so on” (Satterfield and Slovic 2004, p. 281). Dietz et al. (2005) warn that “survey-based
methods may be subject to measurement error because o f the discrepancy between how

34

people respond to surveys and how they actually behave” (p. 344). Lockwood (1999) also
notes that many elicitation instruments fail to “give participants any opportunity to
explore different ways o f expressing their values and [in the absence of alternatives]
participants must offer a response that is against their preferred mode o f value
expression” (p. 394).
The difficulties faced when identifying and measuring social values (e.g.
ecological and spiritual values) make it hard to determine how values are distributed
across society, how they change in relative importance over time, how to measure their
relative worth in relation to economic values, and how they are affected by policy
changes and whether such changes are socially beneficial. As a result, many o f these
values have been unaccounted for in forest management, though they are the very values
that have become increasingly important in society (Stankey and Clark 1991).
Some authors offer advice on these techniques. For example, Satterfield and
Slovic (2004) suggest, “[i]n short, participants need a user friendly context in which
relevant value information is rendered salient, enabling participants to be able to think
about their values and thereafter provide the policy researcher with a good quality (i.e.
informed and thoughtful) response” (p. 11). In open-ended surveys it is also important to
address issues o f interviewer interpretation and bias.
In this study, interviews are conducted in two communities situated in the inland
rainforest. Information describing the interviews is posted in communal spaces within the
community, such as the post office or community center, a month before the research
starts. This gives participants a chance to begin thinking about their values surrounding
the ancient cedar stands. Interviews generally take close to an hour, allowing participants

35

the necessary time to fully explore and communicate their relationship to the forest.
Interviews take place in the respondent’s home, allowing them to be in a comfortable
space, as well as in, or very close to, the environment that is being studied. Participants
are provided with a list of commonly held old-growth forest values from the literature in
order to start the discussion. They are asked to make selections and rank values in order
to fully explore their value choices, and encourage informed and thoughtful responses.
Finally, by providing participants with definitions o f these values, as per the literature,
interviewer interpretation and bias is mitigated.

36

Chapter 3
METHODS
This study examined the breadth o f expressed forest values surrounding the
ancient cedar stands in the Inland Temperate Rainforest by performing content analysis
on the Ancient Forest Trail guestbook, surveys, and media pieces, as well as interviewing
residents living in the interior cedar-hemlock forest. The content analysis aimed to
uncover general held forest values expressed by trail users as well as the public. The
purpose o f the interviews was to document specific held forest values expressed by area
residents who have intimate knowledge o f the ancient cedar stands, as well as a vested
interest in the future o f the forest.

3.1 Overall Approach
To capture the breadth o f value perspectives surrounding the ancient cedar stands,
information was collected using Moyer et al.’s (2008) old-growth forest values
framework, as it is a comprehensive and organized account of values expressed
surrounding old-growth forests such as the ancient cedar forest. The framework was used
to organize value expressions from three databases of text relating to the ancient cedar
stands. The Ancient Forest Trail guestbook and surveys conducted at the trail form the
first database o f text. Media pieces online and in print relating to the ancient cedars make
up the second database. Moyer et al.’s (2008) framework was used in the interview
guides to elicit value expressions, and the third database o f text contains resident
responses gathered from household interviews conducted in the communities o f Dome

37

Creek and Crescent Spur. Data collection methods associated with the three databases o f
text are discussed in this section, as well as the methods o f data analysis used for each.

3.2 Ancient Forest Trail Guestbook & Survey Database
3.2.1 Data Collection
The Ancient Forest Trail (AFT) is a three kilometre interpretive hike that runs
through an old-growth cedar stand located 113km east o f Prince George. The trail
provided the location for gathering data on values expressed by trail users, including
tourists and recreational day-trippers. Since its opening in 2006, the trail has become a
popular destination for these groups, experiencing approximately 9,500 visitors in the
2011 summer hiking season (Connell and Shapiro 2012). For this reason, it was a
convenient and appropriate location for gathering value perspectives. Values were
expressed here through comments written in the guestbook at the trailhead, as well as
through sentiments expressed in surveys conducted with trail users by University of
Northern British Columbia (UNBC) researchers. Material was gathered from every
guestbook that has been available at the trailhead between May 2008 to October 2010,
and all surveys that have been conducted by UNBC researchers between 2007 and 2010.
The guestbook is located at the head o f the Ancient Forest Trail. Volunteers
installed the first guestbook in 2008, two years after the trail was opened. Its purpose is to
give people a place to record their thoughts and feelings regarding the trail and the forest.
Trail users are encouraged to include the date o f their entry, their place o f origin, and as
many comments as they wish. Trail users are typically either recreational day-trippers or
tourists, coming from as many as 11 Canadian provinces/territories, 25 U.S. States, and

38

20 different countries (see Table 2). The 2008-2010 guestbook is an unstructured forum
that yields insights into the values people hold concerning the ancient cedars. Since 2007,
UNBC researchers have also completed surveys on trail users to gain insight into trail
traffic, origin of hikers, and public knowledge o f the inland rainforest. These surveys
have often included one open-ended question pertaining to how trail users viewed their
hike. This question has captured value perspectives concerning the trail and the forest.
Survey responses from 2007-2010 were included in this database.
Table 2. Guestbook Trail User Origins
Canadian Provinces
Alberta
British Columbia
Manitoba
New Brunswick
Newfoundland
North West Territories
Nova Scotia
Ontario
Quebec
Saskatchewan
Yukon

U.S. States
Alaska
Arizona
California
Colorado
Florida
Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Louisiana
Maine
Massachusetts
Minnesota
Missouri
Montana
New Mexico
New York
Ohio
Pennsylvania
South Dakota
Tennessee
Washington
Wisconsin
Wyoming

Countries
Australia
Austria
Belgium
Brazil
Canada
Czech Republic
Denmark
Finland
Germany
Ireland
Israel
Italy
The Netherlands
New Zealand
Republic of Trinidad and Tobago
Scotland
South Africa
Switzerland
United Kingdom
United States

Source: Ancient Forest Trail Guestbook 2007-2010.

39

3.2.2 Data Analysis
Content analysis is a widely employed technique used by social scientists in the
field o f environmental values to examine research questions and uncover categories and
themes in units o f analysis. Inductive content analysis, where the researcher is meant to
develop or formulate categories as close to the material as possible, can be used to
suggest a limited and valid set of value categories for further study. As a preliminary step
to assess the breadth of expressed forest values specifically linked to the ancient cedar
stands, an inductive content analysis procedure was performed on the guestbook
database. Through an iterative process, value categories were created, revised, and
reduced. Moyer et al.’s (2008) old-growth forest value framework was then
evaluated/assessed against the value categories and sentiments to confirm consistency
between the framework and the guestbook ancient cedar stand values. Based on this
preliminary assessment, it was determined that Moyer et al.’s (2008) framework was
appropriate for this study o f the ancient cedars.
To prepare Moyer et al.’s (2008) framework into a survey instrument for the
interviews, modifications to their values were made. The most apparent o f these are
highlighted in Figure 7. Value categories and subcategories remain the same, however,
values associated with the definitions o f end-values (the right-hand column shown above
in Table 1) were added into the framework so they could be used as key words in the
value exercise. Based on the preliminary assessment o f expressed values, value categories
such as credits and social justice were removed from the framework as they were found
to have less association with the ancient cedar forest in the ITR than other value
categories. Through the preliminary inductive analysis it was also apparent that values

40

such as recreation, education, and community were appropriate to include in the
framework as they were commonly expressed in the guestbook and media sources. To
finalize the framework for use in the survey, minor changes were made to the wording o f
end-values to make them as easy to understand as possible. All modified terms remain
consistent with work that Moyer et al. (2008, 2010) have done on old-growth forest
values. By buttressing the values in the database with the literature, the aims were to
support value categories, create more appropriate titles, and make specific definitions o f
each category easier to understand.
Figure 7. Modified Moyer et al. (2008) Old-Growth Forest Value Framework
( Forest Values)
1.
_
(Non-Material Values)

^Material Values)
/—

. 1 .

1
v_y

1
( Life-Support )

(^Spiritual J

( Aesthetic )

( sacredness J

(

beauty

r z x z r
( ^cuwry j

(

mangle )

^ yniqmmnm*______ ^

( harmony J

( majesty)

(stewardship)

perspective/
insight
'..jS..... ....

( E th ic o l')

S o c k h C u k u r a l)

(

I
f bartering/ '
L trad# ^
1
f ..
->
wild edibles

•

(
f
^landscapes/'
scenery

J

-medlcin*

shelter

wildlife

J

1....
( water quality '
( and quantity ^

of tn m

iii* o f trees

•diwaxwy

)

......... r —
soil quality and
quantity

cedar products
*swiber

(

J
i
habitat

I
carbon storage]

- rtermtxkm

u-* w eed

•

biodiversity

V

inherent worth

Mharal

geneticdiversity

•<f^hir^

k «*»

community

(air purifying)

generation
k sharing
,
f

1

'
.r+ i-.rtnT V

L*fomwch j
i
(

inter-generational
equity

)

r

c

peace

natural state/
.undisturbed state

) c

senses j

heritage ~)

J
j

Note\ The shaded boxes highlight modifications made to Moyer et al. ’s (2008) value
framework based on the preliminary assessment o f expressed values in the AF T
guestbook and media pieces.

41

NVivo 9 (QSR International, Cambridge), a software program for qualitative
data analysis, was used to organize and analyze the comments from the guestbook and
surveys. Using the values from Moyer et al.’s (2008) framework, 51 values were created
into “nodes” (as termed by the program), and value sentiments were coded according to
node. Descriptions for coding were provided by Moyer et al.’s (2008) research. NVivo 9
made data analysis more efficient as it allowed the quick organization and classification
of data, as well as the ability to work systematically to minimize errors in data analysis.
Although it is convenient for categories to be exhaustive and mutually exclusive, it is
clear that due to the intertwined nature of human experiences, this is not always possible.
Sentiments were coded into more than one node where it was applicable, which was
common in Moyer et al.’s (2008) research as well. The analysis o f these data was
completed in a short period o f time, therefore aiming for consistency during the analysis
process. After all comments were coded data were summarized by node/value category.

3.3 Media Database
3.3.1 Data Collection
Recording the breadth of expressed forest values surrounding the ancient cedar
stands involved identifying the different outlets that the public used to discuss forest
values. Media pieces concerning the ancient cedar stands in the ITR comprised the
second database of text. All types o f media that mentioned the ancient cedar stands in the
ITR were included, from community websites and reports to tourism brochures, reflecting
perspectives from different groups, including scientists, logging company employees,

42

tourists, government officials, and community residents (see Table 3). Included in this
sample were media pieces as old as 2003 and as recent as 2011.
Table 3. Media Sources
Category
Blogs

Newspapers

Industry Publication
Government Sources

Community
Scientific Research
Reports

Film

Sources
Robot Blogger
Miss 604
Arbor B&B Blog
Straight.com
Opinion 250 News
Prince George Citizen
National Post
Los Angeles Times
The Valley Sentinel
B.C. Forest Professional Magazine
Super Natural British Columbia, B.C. Tourism
Website
Integrated Land Management Bureau
Official Prince George Visitor’s Guide
Ministry o f Forests and Range News Release
Forest Practices Board
Valhalla Wilderness Society (website/report)
Save-the-Cedar-League Report No. 1,5,6
Forum for Research and Extension in Natural
Resources Conference
UNBC Converging Interests
Northern Wetbelt Forests o f British Columbia
Block 486 Documentary

Year
2007
2010
2010
2010
2010
2007/2008
2010
2010
2010
2010
2010
2008
2009
2010
2010
2007
2008
2003/2008
2008
2007
2011
2006

3.3.2 Data Analysis
Sentiments from the media sources included in this study expressing forest values
(for example, appreciation o f aesthetics, feelings o f spirituality, and/or enjoyment o f
recreational activities in the forest) were selected, and collections o f similar quotations
led to the initial formulation o f inductive value categories as mentioned above. Later
these sentiments were assessed against and then re-categorized with Moyer et al.’s (2008)
old-growth forest value framework in NVivo 9.

43

3.4 Interview Database
3.4.1 Data Collection
The third perspective this study included was that o f people living in the forest.
Here it was possible to examine specific value expressions by asking open-ended
questions during face-to-face household interviews. Generally, questions used in the
interviews encourage paragraph-length answers rather than word- or sentence-length
answers, and allowed participants room to elaborate, or to bring up new topics they
consider relevant. Interviews were conducted with household residents living in the two
definable settlements in the interior cedar-hemlock forest: Dome Creek and Crescent
Spur (Figure 8). The communities were chosen based on their proximity to the AFT and
their location within the 1CH where ancient cedars are most prevalent.
Dome Creek is located between Prince George and McBride, 24km from the
Ancient Forest Trail. The community was created by the construction of the CN railway
in the valley, and for years Dome Creek was only accessible by train (Wheeler 1979).
The first post office opened in 1916, and for a time Dome Creek was a bustling mill town
that supported close to 2,000 people. The community had stores, churches, schools, and
employment. Over time, however, small mills shut down for the pulp mills in Prince
George and McBride, and since then employment in the community has been scarce,
including only a limited amount o f railway jobs, a few jobs at the Slim Creek highway
maintenance station, and some tree planting and logging positions. Dome Creek is now
mostly considered a homesteading community where people can go to see wildlife and
scenery.

44

Figure 8. ITR Community Map
Prince G eorge

#

Stsfjastiowl

Garriy Oen
A t *-.i

D om e Creek

Jrttng
C rescent Spur

4k
W est Twin
Prelected Ares

McBride

Source: Google Maps 2011.
The community supports 32 households and has a population of approximately
60-70 people who range from professional loggers, retirees, young families, and those
simply looking to live outside of ‘the system.’ The majority o f households are located off
the main Dome Creek road, but a cluster o f households are situated in Walker Creek,
14km east on the highway, and one Dome Creek resident lives at the Slim Creek highway
maintenance station. Most households are set up as homesteads where residents grow
food, farm, and raise animals such as chickens and cows. For this reason, households
occupy a lot o f land, are scattered throughout the forest, and are typically not visible from
the main road. Figure 9 is a Google Earth map showing the layout of the households and
other buildings in the community.

45

Figure 9. Dome Creek Household Map

LEGEND
■

= Household

? 1 = School

11 = Information
O

= P o st Office

Source: Google Earth 2012.
Crescent Spur is a similar community that was also created when the Grand Trunk
Pacific Railway established a station in the area, around 1915 (Stevenson et al. 2011).
People who originally settled in the region came to work in agriculture and forestry,
however, like Dome Creek, employment is now limited. There are, however, three
tourism operators in the community: a heli-ski operation called Crescent Spur HeliSkiing, a summer and winter adventure tour guide company called Outdoor Life
Adventure Co., and a wilderness resort called Canadian Country Cabins. The community
now consists o f 18 households (see Figure 10), maintaining a population o f
approximately 30-40 residents.

46

Figure 10. Crescent Spur Household Map

▲

LEGEND

■I

= Household

Q

= Post Office

Source: Google Maps 2012.
Due to the small sizes of the communities, this study aimed to contact one
hundred percent o f the households in Dome Creek and Crescent Spur by going door-todoor in the communities in the summer months. A bulletin detailing the purpose and time
frame of the research was sent to the postmistresses o f each community before the start o f
the field season. Bulletins were displayed on communal boards at the post office, where
residents go to retrieve their mail. Due to the limited available information on these
communities, as well as the scattered geographical locations o f the households within the
forest, it was helpful to meet with the postmistresses before starting the interviews to
collaborate on hand-drawn maps o f the roads and properties in their communities. These

47

maps were invaluable tools for navigating between households in the forest and for
verifying the total number o f households in each community. The maps were
continuously updated throughout the interviewing period from information gathered on
the ground and then later redesigned using Google Earth images o f the Robson Valley, as
seen above. Other information from the postmistresses was also passed on, such as the
status o f the residents (permanent/non-permanent) and any safety precautions they felt
inclined to suggest.
The principle method for data collection was the use o f semi-structured
interviews. The interview guide consisted o f two sections. The first section focused on
the participant’s context and background, his or her relationship to the valley, and the
values that they have formed in relation to the forests in the valley as well as the ancient
cedar stands. The interview guide consisted o f questions concerning how long the
resident lived in the valley, as well as what ecological features o f the valley were
important to them, followed by two related Likert scale questions, and concluding with an
open-ended question that was guided by a value exercise (see Appendix B).
The Likert scale questions posed to residents asked, “On a scale from ‘highly
important’ to ‘not at all important,’ how important to you are:” 1) the forests in the valley
and 2) the ancient cedar stands in the valley. The Likert scale provided 5 options: “highly
important,” “important,” “moderately important,” “somewhat important,” and “not at all
important.” This question aimed to get participants thinking about the role the forests
play in their lives, preparing them to speak about their importance in more depth in the
next section. The answers from these questions also produced information on the relative
importance of all the forests in the valley compared to just the ancient cedar stands

48

The next section of the interview aimed to facilitate a conversation about forest
values concerning ancient cedars in more depth. Since values can sometimes be hard to
evoke and/or explain and on the spot, Moyer et al.’s (2008) modified old-growth forest
value framework was used in the construction o f the interview guide to elicit value
information from household residents that was then explored to gain further insights into
their meaning and importance for the residents. To help residents express their values, the
51 value categories from Moyer et al.’s (2008) old-growth forest value framework were
presented to respondents on a sheet o f paper with boxes beside each value and extra lines
where participants could include any values they felt had been left out. Participants were
asked to place a checkmark in the boxes beside the values that were “important” to them
in respect to the ancient cedar stands. Following this, they were asked to review their
selections and circle the values on the list that they considered “most important” to them
concerning the ancient cedar stands. It was suggested to participants that the list o f “most
important” values be shorter than the previous one, around five values categories;
however there was no minimum or maximum number enforced. Each of the values
presented on the sheet of paper had a corresponding magnet with the value name written
on it. After the participants had selected their “most important” values, corresponding
magnets were placed on a metal clipboard and given to the participants.
With the magnet board displaying their “most important” values in their hands,
they were then asked to physically maneuver the values on the board in a way that would
make it easy for them to speak about the values. It was suggested that participants could
organize them hierarchically, from most important to least important, though this was not
obligatory. When the respondent had settled on an arrangement, they were asked to speak

49

about their values using probes such as, “Why did you choose these values as most
important?” “Why did you organize these values in this way?” and “How do these values
relate specifically to the ancient cedar stands?”
The opportunity to visually maneuver a list o f values has been used by Rokeach
(1967) in the Rokeach Value Survey (RVS), and was also useful for this study as it gave
participants a unique space to consider their values by moving them into positions on the
magnet board that represented how the values fit into their lives. Rokeach (1973) and
Schwartz (1994) have also used the ranking technique in their studies to measure the
importance o f values as guiding principles in people’s lives. It has also been reported in
Axelrod’s (1994) research that it is helpful for individuals to be able to identify one value
domain as most important when compared to all others. While Schwartz (1994) suggests
that ranking can lead to contradictions between relevant values, this interview exercise
did not force respondents to discriminate among equally important values. Respondents
were free to arrange equally important values ways that suited them, for example, sideby-side on the magnet board.
Advantages o f semi-structured interviews in a door-to-door survey include higher
response rates, a minimized amount o f “don’t know’s” and “no answers,” and the ability
to clear up ambiguity on the spot to ensure relevant responses (Babbie 2011). A general
limitation to using Moyer et al.’s (2008) framework is the potential bias created by
introducing a set o f predetermined values to participants; however, this is done with the
intention o f providing participants with the tools to express themselves more easily in a
short amount of time, and therefore the limitation has been accepted as a part o f this
study.

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Almost all interviews were conducted in person in the communities between July
and August. Three interviews were outstanding after the summer months. One interview
was conducted over the phone, and the other two took place at a local cafe in Prince
George, as well as at a participant’s second home in Prince George.

3.4.2 Data Analysis
The interviews were recorded by hand, as well as audio recorded to ensure
accuracy, and were later transcribed using a computer into separate Microsoft Word
documents. A qualitative approach was used for the data analysis. The documents were
entered into NVivo 9 and organized and analyzed using the nodes from Moyer et al.’s
(2008) framework as described above. As well, the “most important” values participants
selected during the interview exercise were accumulated and analyzed using Microsoft
Excel to examine what the most frequently selected “most important” values were.
Finally, variables such as age, gender, and years lived in the valley were collected in
NVivo 9 and later analyzed in Microsoft Excel to assess any potential connections
between these variables and the expressed values.

3.4.3 Ethics
Research projects involving human subjects at the University of Northern British
Columbia go through Research Ethics Board approval before the study is conducted. For
this part o f the study, a standard questionnaire was filled out describing different ethical
aspects o f the proposed interviews, such as how participants will be selected and
contacted, how individual consent and confidentiality will be addressed, and how and for

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what length o f time the data will be stored. In addition, a copy o f the thesis proposal was
submitted with this application. A complete application package for this thesis was
submitted in May 2011. After minor changes to the consent and information form, the
project was approved by the Research Ethics Board to proceed. All participants signed a
consent form as required by the Research Ethics Board (see Appendix A) that included a
description o f the project and the nature o f their involvement.

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Chapter 4
RESULTS
4.1 Introduction
To analyze the breadth and depth o f values surrounding the ancient cedar stands
in the Inland Temperate Rainforest, I examined three databases o f text: (1) Ancient Forest
Trail Guestbook & Surveys (2007-2011); (2) Media Pieces (2003-2011); and (3)
Household Interviews (2011). (1) Comments written and captured in the Ancient Forest
Trail Guestbook and through on-site trail surveys reflect forest values of trail users, who
are typically either recreational day-trippers or tourists. (2) Media pieces are used to
study expressions o f public forest values as seen in newspapers, research reports, online
blogs, community and government documents, and film. (3) Interviews with local
residents provide specific information on forest values surrounding the ancient cedars.
Included in this section are summaries and profiles of each database of text, brief
summaries o f each value category, including the end-values and corresponding
definitions, and results according to the six main value categories in Moyer et al.’s (2008)
framework: Economic, Life-Support, Socio-Cultural, Ethical, Spiritual, and Aesthetic.

4.1.1 Guestbook and Survey Summary & Profile
The Ancient Forest Trail provided the location for gathering data on values
expressed by tourists and recreational day-trippers. Values are expressed here through
comments voluntarily written in the guestbook at the trailhead, as well as sentiments
expressed in surveys conducted with trail users by researchers from UNBC. From 2007 to
2011 there were approximately 337 comments written in the guestbook located at the

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head of the Ancient Forest Trail. It is common for guestbook users to record the date and
their city/pro vine e/country o f origin beside their comments. From this information it was
calculated that approximately 22% o f the comments came from local recreational daytrippers (residents o f the City o f Prince George and those living within the Fraser Fort
George District H), 62% o f the comments were written by tourists (outside the City o f
Prince George and Fraser Fort George District H), and 16% of the comments did not have
an origin attached. O f the local recreational day-trippers who commented in the
guestbook, 54% came from Prince George and the rest came from McBride, Dunster,
Valemount, Dome Creek, and “Robson Valley East.” People visiting from the province
o f British Columbia made up 34% o f the guestbook comments. Tourists who left
comments in the guestbook hailed from 20 different countries, 25 different U.S. States,
and 11 Canadian Provinces/Territories.

4.1.2 Media Profile
Media pieces were the second database o f text used to cover the breadth o f values
surrounding the ancient cedar stands in the Inland Temperate Rainforest. Media pieces
can be reflective of public opinion, and the sources in this database came from many
different groups including scientists, recreationists, logging company employees,
government officials, and community residents. The media pieces were collected in the
summers o f 2010 and 2011, and relevant value statements were accumulated and later
categorized into value categories.
This database of text was divided into six categories: (1) online blogs, (2)
newspapers, (3) government sources, (4) community documents, (5) scientific research

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reports, and (6) film. Online blogs include those that are written by individuals recounting
their experiences in the valley, as well as local Bed and Breakfast establishments
promoting sightseeing in the area. Newspaper articles come from online sources such as
Opinion 250 News, as well as local and national newspapers such as the Prince George
Citizen, the daily newspaper for the City o f Prince George (which has run two full-page
stories on the ITR), and the National Post. Government sources include ministry news
releases, government reports, and B.C. tourism documents such as the Prince George
Visitor’s Guide, which has featured pictures o f the ancient cedars inside and on the front
pages of the pamphlets. Media from industry includes a forestry magazine, and local
community groups such as the Valhalla Wilderness Society have published reports and
created websites concerning the ancient forest. As well, Dome Creek residents filed
formal complaints to the Forest Practices Board concerning conservation/harvesting of
the ancient cedars. The University o f Northern British Columbia has also produced
research reports on the ITR that have been published online, as well as documents from
conferences concerning natural resources in the valley. Finally, a documentary film
entitled Block 486 was created in 2006, which introduces viewers to B.C.’s inland
rainforest by exploring whether or not a stand o f ancient cedars (designated as Block 486)
should be harvested. There is an average o f three sources per value category that range
from the years 2003 to 2011, with a total o f 21 sources.

4.1.3 Household Interview Profile
Community residents living in the upper Fraser River valley have intimate
knowledge of the inland rainforest and because they are a group who is affected by

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decisions made concerning the forest, documentation o f their values adds an even greater
understanding to the significance o f the ITR. Responses to the interviews expressed the
breadth o f values residents have, the depth o f their values, as well as the relative
importance o f forest values in their lives.
With this type o f research there is a challenge o f creating user-friendly contexts in
which participants feel their values are significant, allowing them to provide the study
with quality (i.e. informed and thoughtful) responses. In this study, some residents
presented suspicion concerning the research project, commonly because UNBC is tied to
the protection o f ecological features o f the ITR. Most residents, however, were very
friendly, and because they all lived in the forest, they generally felt empowered when
speaking about their values.
Dome Creek and Crescent Spur were the two definable settlements in the region,
and household interviews were conducted from June-September 2011.1 was able to
complete approximately 5 interviews a day. O f the 51 households in both Crescent Spur
and Dome Creek, 34 were successfully interviewed. O f the 51 households, 41 households
were deemed approachable for various reasons (e.g., other households were accessible
only by boat, compromised the safety of researchers, etc.), resulting in an 83% response
rate.

4.2 Economic Values
Economic values include the tangible/material values that support the economy,
encompassing the end values o f bartering/trade, wild edibles (hunting, fishing, gathering),
landscapes/scenery (recreation, tourism, trails), cedar products (timber, medicine,

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furniture, firewood), and shelter. Wild edibles are defined as material that is consumed to
capture energy and sustain health. The processes o f wild edibles include hunting, fishing,
and gathering. Landscapes are the structure and features o f a specific area o f land
including the physical, biological, and built elements. The processes of this value are
recreation and tourism, with objects such as trails. Cedar products are those things made
from raw materials, objects such as timber, medicine, furniture, and firewood. Finally
shelter is defined as the covering that provides protection, particularly from the elements.

4.2.1 Guestbook and Surveys
Economic values in the guestbook concentrate mostly on landscape values such as
recreation and tourism. Trail users describe their recreational activities in the forest as
fun, great exercise, a treat, unique, a wonderful adventure, inspiring, wondrous,
absolutely amazing, excellent, enjoyable, incredible, interesting, beautiful, a real
pleasure, a great walk, better than expected, and “best hike ever.” Many trail users say
that their experience in the forest was worth their time, and some comment that seeing the
ancient cedar trees was “well worth the hike.” The accessibility o f the site is praised, and
many comments refer to the hike through the ancient forest as a great family activity,
especially for those with young children and dogs. Recreation is enjoyed in the summer
as well as in the winter, and trail users write about bringing friends along with them the
next time they visit the site.
Some trail users comment that the Ancient Forest Trail should be put in more
guidebooks, and others say they would like to see the site created into a park, or national
park. Tourists who commented in the guestbook speak positively about their experience

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in the forest and enjoy the trail as a tourist attraction/excursion while they are exploring
northern B.C.: “Was the highlight o f our West Coast tour!” Some people write about
planning their holidays around a trip to the trail, and again, many look forward to
bringing guests with them to the site. Comments also compare the forest favorably to
other national parks and tourist experiences in B.C.: “Thought there was an impressive
Ancient Cedar loop in Whistler but this is even better.”
People use the words great, wonderful, awesome, interesting, beautiful,
enthralling, and amazing to describe the actual trail running through the forest. Trail users
believe that the trail is well marked, and many comments praise the quality o f the
interpretive signs present throughout the walk. The most common comments relating to
the trail, however, are expressions o f gratitude towards the volunteers who work on the
trail, for example: “Thank you for donating your time and hearts to make this beauty
known to the public,” and, “Great addition to the trails o f northern B.C., and a privilege
to enjoy something that has been crafted with so much passion.”
Trail users express a desire to financially contribute to the building, maintenance,
and preservation o f the trail, and others comment that they have left money in the
donation box at the head o f the trail: “As pensioners we can only do a little (especially
outside o f our local area) but we’ll gratefully leave $10 as a token o f our appreciation o f
what you are doing.” Comments express that the money being used to build and maintain
the trail is well spent, and some visitors say they are happy to see how the TD Bank
Friends o f the Environment Foundation is using their funds to aid in the construction of
the trail.

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There are many comments in the guestbook, however, that express worry about
the effects of recreation and tourism on the forest, specifically in relation to the roots o f
the ancient cedar trees. Some believe it would be best to keep the trail small and less
populated, and people write comments encouraging hikers to stay on the designated trails.
Others prefer the trail not being overly developed, as it sets it apart from other hiking
trails in B.C.: “Nice not to have lots of people on trail. Comparing it to Coastal trails appreciate that it was quiet and more peaceful.’’
Finally, comments from trail users are unanimously against the cutting o f cedar
for products such as timber, furniture, or paper: “I wish for people to experience the
woods as more than just toilet paper and furniture.” Trail users are also against logging at
the site, and some comments express hope that B.C. forestry w on’t cut in the ancient
cedar area:
These trees, which are magnificent in years and stature, would understand
best the turning o f the year and the patience that comes with it. Let those
who would cut them down, not only think o f their wood, but of the immense
swaths o f time stored in their growth. When during our time, the future
seems so uncertain with crises, how can we not value the wisdom o f the
trees which have lived through countless futures and uncertainties?
People express that there is not enough value to be gained by logging the forest, and a
tourist from Australia wrote, “Please Canadians, show you have more sense and can look
forward to something other than the almighty dollar.” Some trail users instead prefer
economic gain through tourism in the area:
I just can’t understand why it is worth cutting down a small grove o f trees
like this. It is at most 5 years of low paying jobs. If you leave them there
people will be coming by to look at them for years. The area gains a
reputation that attracts people with money and sustains the region for far
longer than short term interest.

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While trail users generally feel recreation and tourism may present a threat to the forest
through overuse and damage to roots, comments relating to economic landscape values
are predominantly positive in comparison to those relating to economic timber values.

4.2.2 Media Pieces
Media pieces range from government to community documents, often expressing
opposing economic values surrounding the ancient cedar forest. In the documentary
Block 486, it was suggested by community members that the government and politicians
only care about the forest in terms o f economic potential (Block 486 2006). One
community resident in the documentary expressed their desire to protect the forest from
deforestation, and said they would pay one million dollars (if they had it) to keep the
forest safe. A community report also stated that there is growing desire among scientists,
conservationists, local rainforest communities and residents, and others throughout the
world to “safeguard the forest from commercial development” (Save-the-Cedar-League
2007). Finally, a government report states that old-growth management areas can address
environmental and social risks of biodiversity management without introducing
additional or undue economic impacts to government (ILMB 2008).
Researchers at UNBC are looking into opportunities for economic benefits outside
of logging the ancient forest; for example, the Prince George Citizen speaks about a
UNBC professor researching economic benefits o f the forest and avenues to get the most
revenue out o f the site, including student and professor recruitment for UNBC and CNC,
recreation, tourism, cultural, spiritual, and research values, along with trapping and other
industries (2007). Another researcher from UNBC commented that the forest has the

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potential to lead alternative economic development in the region, aside from value the
forest has in terms o f high biodiversity levels (Prince George Citizen 2007). A similar
sentiment concerning legacy values leading to new economic avenues was also expressed
in the B.C. Forest Professional Magazine (2010).
On the other hand, the manager from the logging company in McBride, TRC, was
interviewed in the documentary Block 486 and spoke about the economic gain o f logging
in the forest: “If you convert the values o f our product right through to a cubic meter
basis, we would be talking about $500,000” (Block 486 2006). The manager spoke about
a balance between managing and harvesting cedars since employment by the mill is a big
factor in McBride’s community: “I think it is fair to say without the TRC mill in McBride
the community would be very much downsized and maybe non-existent.” He also
expressed that there was considerable investment in the forest at the time due to the fact
that they had invested in all the groundwork necessary to get to the cutting permit stage in
the forest. A TRC news release stated that in the first year of logging they could provide
enough employment for one shift a year (Ministry o f Forests and Range British Columbia
2010). The Minister o f Forests praised the McBride community spirit when people pulled
together to re-open the mill in town: “Our focus is always on job creation and the
addition of 30 jobs will have a significant impact on a resource-dependent community”
(Ministry o f Forests and Range British Columbia 2010).
The Forest Practices Board, however, found the operations under the forest
license to be uneconomic for value-added manufacturing, and stated concern about
impacts of approved harvesting on the Ancient Forest Hiking Trail (Forest Practices
Board 2008). It was also written in a scientific article that local sawmills over the years

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have tried, and generally failed, to successfully use the trees, and local employment has
suffered as a result (UNBC 2007).
Other economic activities, such as hunting, have been considered to be a potential
avenue for economic benefit in the region. Recreation has been frequently discussed as an
economic avenue in an array o f media pieces. For example, the Prince George Visitor’s
Guide from 2009 boasts, “The Ancient Forest has become one o f the most popular
destinations for hiking and for enjoying one o f the most beautiful ecologically significant
areas in northern B.C.” One community document states that the recreational values are
some o f the highest in the world (Save-the-Cedar-League 2007), and other sources, such
as online newspapers and blogs (Straight.com 2010; Miss604 2010), support the decision
to make Driscoll Ridge and the Ancient Forest Trail recreational and interpretive sites
under the Forest and Range Practices Act. Online blogs also display high-quality artistic
photographs of the ancient cedar forest, some photographers traveling from other
countries just to photograph the “ancient giants” (Robot Blogger 2007). Recreation is
also an industry for an outdoor adventure company from Crescent Spur that, as it states in
a news article, takes groups into the ancient forest on snowshoeing hikes (National Post
2010). Quick access from the highway is also mentioned as a positive attribute for
recreation in the ancient cedar stands.
Tourism is seen as a potential economic benefit o f the forest as well. The Ancient
Forest Trail is seen as a site that can sustain tourist activity: “There aren’t that many
places for tourists to stop along Highway 16 in the Robson Valley, so a lot o f them pull in
here to break up their journey” (Straight.com 2010). Online blogs detail the trail through
the forest and promote it as a place to take family and friends. The Prince George Citizen

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also wrote in an article that the hike is both educational and enjoyable (2008), and an
article in the B.C. Professional Magazine states, “The trail attracted almost 10,000
visitors in 2009, on a site that was basically unknown three years earlier” (2010).
Community residents interviewed in the documentary Block 486 express that they
do not want to see the ancient cedars logged for cedar products: “It certainly should not
be made into fence posts and shakes” (2006). Sentiments also express the high levels of
biodiversity in the forest that some believe should take precedent, and others residents in
the documentary believe the trees are not a renewable resource:
We feel any logging in the ancient forest, because it’s not sustainable,
because it’s not replaceable, should not take place. When it’s gone it’s gone. I
don’t know how anyone can argue that you can replace a thousand year old
tree. You can’t grow a 1,000 year old tree, it’s just not going to happen.
In a press release, the manager o f TRC commented that the logging company and
the residents are trying to find a middle ground: “Not completely setting the trees aside
for one set of values, and not logging all the ancient cedar stands for values for the mill,
and the community in McBride” (Ministry o f Forests and Range British Columbia 2010).
There were complainants from the area residents, however, who in a community report
expressed that they believed the harvesting would be detrimental, and in 2005 when 119
volunteers created the Ancient Forest Trail, a newspaper article stated, “they knew it was
going through a logging block, but hoped it would receive protection before any logging
began” (Prince George Citizen 2007). The Prince George Citizen later published an
article saying, “The Provincial Government is initiating a study to identify ancient forests
which hopefully will lead to them being appreciated for their aesthetic and nature value
rather than as a source o f lumber” (2008). Other community members and groups also
stressed the importance of putting a halt to the logging for future generations.

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Conversely, in a Ministry o f Forests News Release, TRC was reportedly happy to
be “firing up its saws again, producing cedar products and employing workers” (Ministry
of Forests and Range British Columbia 2010). The Minister of Forests commented,
“anytime you have a mill re-opening, it’s a good day” (Ministry o f Forests and Range
British Columbia 2010). TRC considers the use o f cedar for products as “salvaging” the
cedar and creating “value added products” such as fencing, since the cedar would
otherwise be “lost, pushed into a pile and burnt” : “TRC prides itself on making use o f
lower-grade logs that are not sawlog quality that would otherwise go to waste on the
forest floor” (Ministry o f Forests and Range British Columbia 2010). The company also
values cedar products as they see it as creating employment in their community.
As the B.C. Professional Magazine summarized in an article concerning the
inland rainforest: “Cedars simultaneously represent a forestry resource, an internationally
significant biodiversity repository, and a major cultural legacy” (2010).

4.2.3 Household Interviews
Community residents who have lived in the region for decades often recall in their
interviews the time when there was an abundance o f saw mills in and around their
communities. However, in recent years, local forest products have gone to pulp mills in
the bigger cities (Prince George and McBride), and residents say that this, in addition to
the decreased use o f human labour in the logging industry, has caused an “injury to
economics” in the valley. When it comes to the ancient forest, some residents o f Dome
Creek and Crescent Spur strive for a balance between using and preserving the forest:
“We don’t want to totally destroy it; we don’t want to totally leave it alone. W e’ve got to

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use it in the middle o f the line, where everybody’s got access to it.” The economic values
o f logging vary greatly between some community residents. For example, one respondent
believes that “logging is beautiful,” and shouldn’t be hidden from the public because “it
is important that people see that logging supports 15 people at $80,000 a year.”
Conversely, some residents do not support or see purpose in economic gain from logging
in the ancient cedar forest. Majority of respondents are specifically against clear-cut
logging in the ancient forest.
Some residents appreciate products made from the cedar in the valley. The uses
that people enjoy cedar for include weaving, rail fencing, boards and batons for houses,
cedar shakes, fence posts, and firewood. One respondent explained how they make good
use of cedar on their property:
“All the rail fences came from cedars that were lying on the ground or on the
property. Once the posts rot, we bring it in here and we cut them up. We use
them in the garden, or we use it for kindling, so the process continues on and
on.”
Residents praise cedar as a very important wood in their lives because it is “resistant and
resilient.” One family spoke about hand splitting all the cedar shakes on their roof years
ago. Some people believe that cedar also makes beautiful products, which are appreciated
because they can last a long time. Respondents link cedar products to job creation as
well. There are some residents who believe we can use the cedar trees, but that it should
be done in a responsible manner.
Other respondents, however, don’t believe there is a market for cedar products.
Many people discuss the poor quality of the cedar for products: “I ’ve done a lot o f
logging in my day and the cedar in this country is so borderline as far as something you
can get a product from.” People admit that cedar is one o f the better woods, but residents

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say that most o f the cedar in the valley is hollow with a thin shell, and therefore people
lose money trying to shake block it. Residents also say that cedar trees in the valley are
rotten in the center, which is a natural condition for them, but again, “it makes them
unusable in a lot of cases for different kinds o f wood products.” People remark that there
is only one tree in a thousand in the ancient forest that has usable wood, which is the
reason that people cannot make any money from logging the trees. Some residents wish
they could use the cedar wood, but they express that it’s not worth the trouble: “The big
problem with it is that there are other things that grow way better here. That’s because
cedar doesn’t grow properly here; it rots, the snags are pretty dangerous, and I don’t have
the best use for it.”
Other residents don’t support any types o f cedar products being made in the
valley: “I think the non-economic values o f the cedar forest probably trump the economic
values because I don’t see a lot of economic value in mulch, and I ’ve seen too many
times that something that has these other inherent values is sacrificed for a fairly small
amount of economic value.” These residents do not think o f making cedar products from
the cedar living specifically in the area o f the Ancient Forest Trail because they are
concerned about the impact harvesting the cedar would have on the trail. Residents say
they do not believe ancient cedars are a renewable resource because they don’t grow fast
and it’s very hard to return the trees back into the habitat again:
“Cedar products are not important to me. Shakes and shingles and fence posts
and rail, do we have to sacrifice those trees for that? I’m not saying don’t use
any cedar, because we do, but use it in moderation - don’t cut down an
ancient forest, and use fallen trees for your shakes.”
Timber is generally equated with jobs in the valley. Some people speak about
forest management (“taking out what should be taken out”) and selective logging

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amongst the cedar positively, as they say it would be better than falling it, piling it up,
and burning it, as they do currently. On the other hand, some residents are completely
against taking timber out o f the ancient forest: “It’s a small tiny bit of trees that are very
unique and with the timber industry the way it is right now it’s pretty ridiculous to cut it
down for pennies when it can’t be regenerated.” Another resident who used to be a logger
recalls a time when a fellow logger said to him, “w e’re going to run out o f food before
we ever run out of timber.” He believes that now the logging industry has changed in
terms of mass production and clear-cuts, and that the waste with the cedar is huge.
Other activities people enjoy in the forest include hunting, however some
residents suggest that it is better to hunt with a camera, and have noticed decreasing
populations o f wildlife during hunting season. Fishing is also a celebrated activity in the
valley, however one respondent remembers how much salmon you once could “literally
scoop out o f the creek,” and says that those days are no longer. Some attribute the decline
in salmon to the fisheries fish fence that was put up to study the salmon. People also like
to gather different kinds o f berries, shed antlers, and greens from the forests in the valley.
One respondent said she picks berries specifically at the edge o f the cedar forest, another
resident said they collected combs in the cedar forest, and a third said they collect cedar
bark (fallen) for weaving.
People enjoy recreational activities in the forests such as snowmobiling, four-wheeling,
hiking, snowboarding, boating, etc. Some residents speak about educational value in
recreation, for example: “Taking [kids] on recreational activities in the forest is a way for
them to learn and appreciate. I think you have to experience to truly learn.” Residents
enjoy going for walks on the trails in the forest, or using the trails to run around in the

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forest. Some people express concern about the trails potentially destroying the delicate
features o f the forest such as mosses and roots. Concerns about the impacts o f recreation
can be complicated:
“It’s a catch 22 situation, on one hand you want to advertise that it’s there and
have everybody come out and witness it so that maybe it will affect them and
they might think twice, but if you double the amount o f people that just walk
through there it impacts it.”
Other people don’t consider putting in a trail as causing much damage, and still consider
the forest ‘undisturbed’ with trails.
A family in Crescent Spur speaks about their outdoor adventure company, and their
desire to work with children and youth in outdoor settings. They say they utilize the
ancient forest stands both in the valley and at the Ancient Forest Trail. Residents are
generally happy that the Ancient Forest Trail is getting a lot of attention:
“It’s really nice to have those places for recreation, and obviously people enjoy
that. If you can give them a place where they can have a trail and something to look
at, they’ll definitely go, and we get to see that every time we drive down the
highway. There are a lot of people at that trail.”
People take guests to recreate with them at the Ancient Forest Trail (from elderly parents
to friends), and some people paint and sketch in the cedar forest. Some residents
comment that they want to see the ancient forest untouched so their children can recreate
in it, and others describe summer and winter recreation activities that they love to do in
the forest. On the other hand, there are residents that don’t use the forest for recreation,
some who think B.C. has enough parks, and as one resident explained, “when you’ve
worked all day, going for a hike just doesn’t cut it.”
There is a spectrum of values concerning tourism in the valley and in the ancient
cedar forest, and some strongly opposing opinions are present in the resident responses.

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Some believe that there is untapped potential for tourism in the ancient forest: “City
people crave diversity and seeing natural stuff, and they can come back year after year
after year. If you cut, then it’s gone.” Some residents think tourism is important, and is
the direction in which the economy needs to go. For some, tourism is valued as an
alternative to logging because logging is no longer an economic option for community
members in the valley: “It’s the only way people in the future can make their money, or
make a living.” Ideas o f tourism include campsites, bed and breakfasts, hiking,
snowshoeing, skiing, interpretive tours, boat rides, and horseback riding.
Some residents believe the recognition the ancient forest is getting is “wonderful.”
One respondent explained that when the Ancient Forest Trail was built, Dome Creek was
given a grant in order to participate in the tourism it would create. The community built a
little tourist center on the main road, and converted the old heritage hall into a museum.
The tourist center now serves as a place where locals gather and showcase crafts and
paintings that tourists can buy: “We get a lot o f people down here that stop, and ask
questions. It’s nice to see it switching. It’s nice to see the motor homes on the highway as
opposed to logging trucks all the time.”
The owner of the Slim Creek rest area, located down the road from the Ancient
Forest Trail, expressed that they’ve never seen such a busy place: “It’s packed every day,
even when it’s pouring down rain, there are just piles of people in there.” Community
members agree that tourists find the ancient cedars interesting and amazing, and are
happy and amazed to see how many people the trail brings to the valley. Some residents
believe that tourism can help protect places like the ancient forest, keeping the trees
standing for a long time: “Tourism has its good side because once you have world

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awareness it’s difficult for a country to do away with!” Others believe tourism can
encourage values among people that are more diverse than just wood products. Tourism
was also linked with education as it gives people the opportunity to “share and learn.”
Some residents express concern about tourism, admitting that it’s important because it
saved the forest, but are more interested in eco-tourism, or an alternative that w on’t
damage the forest too much (no excessive tourism).
Some residents are in the middle o f the spectrum and would prefer to support both
timber and tourism, and some residents don’t support tourism at all. The residents who
don’t support tourism don’t believe it is developed enough at the moment, and speak
about tourism as a secondary industry. One resident doesn’t think there is a substantial
traffic route in the valley: “There’s a gentleman up the road that built a bunch o f cabins,
but they’re never full because the traffic isn’t here.” Some residents are skeptical o f the
success of tourism for reasons such as bugs, rain, and location in the valley. People point
out that tourism only pays around eight dollars an hour, whereas if you are logging you
can be making up to fifty dollars an hour: “Tourism is made for people with a lot of
money to set up hotels and recreational opportunity... [they] reap all the benefits and
leave you with eight bucks an hour.” Stronger opinions against tourism suggest that it
doesn’t contribute to their community all, pointing out that people who come from Prince
George contribute nothing because they go back home at the end o f the day, and people
coming from the other direction just stop briefly to take in the sights and then move on
through: “The effect is virtually nil unless there is someone giving tours.”

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4.3 Life-Support Values
Life-support values are those that provide necessary functions and services for the
survival and well-being of humans and other living beings. The end values o f this
category include air purifying, biodiversity (genetic diversity, energy), habitat (wildlife),
carbon storage, soil quality and quantity, and water quality and quantity. Air purifying is
the status of the atmosphere with regard to the existence o f potential pollutants.
Biodiversity refers to the number, variety, and uniqueness o f living organisms and
includes genetic diversity and energy created by biological processes and systems.
Habitat is a place where population o f flora, fauna, or micro-organisms live, which
includes wildlife. Carbon storage is the long-term storage o f carbon in the forest (trees or
soil) so that the build up o f carbon dioxide will reduce or slow. Soil quality and quantity
refers to the capacity o f soil to function within an ecosystem to provide for flora and
maintain and improve water and air quality, such as its ability to retain moisture. Finally,
water quality and quantity refers to the condition o f water with respect to the amount of
impurities in it and the amount of it.

4.3.1 Guestbook and Survey
Expressions o f life-support values were quite few in the guestbook and surveys,
however o f the comments, many were found regarding biodiversity in the forest. Plant
life that people associate with the ancient forest include trees, ferns, mushrooms, lichen,
and moss gardens. People wrote that they appreciated the web o f life that all species in
the ancient forest are part of, and others spoke about maintaining the balance o f nature in
the forest. People generally believe that the ancient cedar forest is an important habitat

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for animals. The air quality in the forest is spoken about positively as well, “The smells
o f the cedar definitely clear the sinuses o f PG air,” and the people wrote that the water
quality was “fantastic” and “spectacular.”

4.3.2 Media Pieces
Media expresses values that contribute to the survival o f humans and other living
beings. Air quality and water quality in the forest are praised in some sources for being
clean, and biodiversity values are constantly discussed, with many sources referring to
the forest as the highest biodiversity ecosystem in the region: “There are few forests in
the world that parallel the ancient forest’s biodiversity value” (ILMB 2008). A UNBC
professor commented that the Ancient Forest Trail is particularly special in terms o f
biodiversity levels (B.C. Forest Professional Magazine 2010), and in the FORREX
conference it was discussed that in many ways, the flora that occur in the ancient forest
are many times richer than that of coastal temperate rainforests (Merric and Wiensczyk
2008). It is a site recognized by media as a center o f dispersal for thousands o f rare
species o f lichen and fungi, and it is said that there is high animal and plant diversity in
combinations that happen nowhere else. A report by the community organization, Savethe-Cedar-League, stated that the ancient rainforest is the last remaining place in the
world outside o f parks where you can still see healthy ‘core populations’ o f all seven o f
the charismatic ‘focal species’: mountain caribou, chinook salmon, grizzly bear,
wolverine, lynx, cougar, and wolf (2007). Save-the-Cedar-League (2007) also stated that
new species are being discovered at a faster rate than in any other North American
ecosystem.

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In 2008, the Dome Creek Forest Information Committee submitted a complaint to
the Forest Practices Board expressing concern that the biodiversity targets were not
refined enough to capture old-growth forest stands that have specific moisture regimes
and slop positions (Forest Practices Board 2008). They point out that similar biodiversity
levels are present in wet temperate rainforest stands in Australia and New Zealand, which
have largely been designated as World Heritage sites. It is the belief of the government
that old-growth management areas (OGMAs) already in place can substantially address
the environmental and social risks o f biodiversity management, however, the need for
spatial biodiversity planning in the ICH forest has been stressed by community members,
researchers, public stakeholders, and the environmental sector since 1990.
Media pieces report that the region provides important habitat for many
threatened or endangered species, ranging from mountain caribou to canopy lichens and
old-growth or antique forests. A researcher at UNBC interviewed in Block 486 thinks
partial cutting around the “old, old trees” could be a solution to maintaining habitat.
Community members also express carbon storage values in the ancient forest:
“This forest out here is a huge carbon sink. It eats carbon dioxide. If you have
a species out there that eats carbon dioxide, and you have a carbon dioxide
problem, it could be a no brainer that you don’t cut those trees down” (Block
486 2006).
It was expressed in the documentary, Block 486, that the biggest revenue o f the forest
could come from carbon storage, and the carbon the ancient cedars store was also linked
to preventing global warming (2006).

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4.3.3 Household Interviews

Ecological values are critical to some residents, as people believe the forest
provides them with everything they need to live. People sometimes express that the forest
is one circle that is all dependent on each other. Some residents believe that if they don’t
take things out all at once, the forest will be able to look after everyone.
Air purifying in the ancient forest is highly important to residents (most residents
rate it as their most important value):
“Air purifying continues the cycle o f the health o f the earth and us living
here. That’s the job that the ancient trees have been given to do, and you got
to let them do it. If you cut them down then you can’t really let them do their
job.”
People believe that forests are like the lungs o f the earth, and because humans need air to
live, air purifying values are rated as very important. People compare the air quality in
the valley to that of other places they have lived, for example:
“W e’re all fairly well aware that our trees are a major process in purifying out
air, and when you come from Alberta to here, even our little girls have no
doubt in their mind that they breath better, sleep better, and everything here
than we did in Alberta.”

Some people believe the old cedar trees purify the air more than any other kind o f tree on
the planet. Some residents also believe the trees scrub the pollutants out o f the air, and
describe the air in the valley as “nice,” “clean,” and “crisp.” Air purifying is listed as one
of the reasons people chose to move into the valley, and people see air quality as
interwoven with the ecological processes they care about.
Another important value to community residents is biodiversity as it is either
referred to as a central value among their ‘most important’ values, or listed as their most
important value:

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“I think a lot of the world is going towards monoculture in a lot of things, so
biodiversity is really important I think, especially considering possible
climate change or any kind o f change that can happen in the future. If the
biodiversity stays, it leads to a lot o f other things too, like research on a lot of
plant life hasn’t been done yet. It ensures that there are not only old things
living, but a mix o f things, young and old. There are many more textures and
layers if you are in an area with biodiversity compared to a monoculture
area.”
People list ecological features o f valley as major criteria for moving into the valley.
People believe the ecosystem in the ancient forest is relatively intact, and speak about the
very high levels o f biodiversity they believe to be present in the forest:
“The ancient forest up here is one o f the very few, if not the last remaining
inland temperate rainforests, as a result you get a whole diversity o f plants
and wildlife, insects and birds, and all kinds o f different animals, and it’s
unique in the world basically. There is no other place where some o f these
things grow or thrive or flourish.”
People believe the ancient forest also has very high levels o f genetic diversity, which
some say is important to them. Some believe that to have good genetic diversity you have
to leave some areas more or less untouched, and people describe the genetic diversity
around them as “hard to beat.” On the other hand, some residents don’t place such a high
value on the biodiversity in the old-growth forest:
“I ’m not a real learned man when it comes to biodiversity and all that, but I
really don’t put a tremendous difference in value to the old-growth cedar
forest than I would to any brush around here because I know that that’s just as
important because there’s probably more critters running around for
protection in the bush than in the old-growth forest.”
Some residents value the habitat that the ancient forest provides for wildlife, and
place high values on the fact that some animals need the specific ecosystem conditions of
the ancient forest to live. People believe the habitat in the ancient forest is world unique
and very important for keeping wildlife in the area: “I think they are doing away too
much with habitats, and it’s important to keep one natural, where predator and prey are

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allowed to have their natural cycles.” People speak specifically o f the ancient cedar trees
as providing good habitat, especially shelter for bears for example, because they are
hollow. People believe clear-cutting is detrimental to habitat, and that wildlife would
prefer to take shelter deep in a forest rather than in a clear-cut.
Some residents value wildlife very highly and believe wildlife is an integral part
of a balanced forest. Types of wildlife people speak about interacting with in the valley
include: cougars, bears, mountain caribou, grizzly bears, fish (salmon), deer, elk, and
wolves. Some residents express pride concerning their “world unique” wildlife: “We
have the highest caribou population and grizzly population that exists in the world.”
People specifically appreciate seeing owls and moose tracks in the ancient forest, and
some love seeing rare animals such as mountain caribou, mountain goats, grizzly bears
and cougars: “Those are the ones that get my blood flowing when I see them.” People see
wildlife on an everyday basis in the valley, however they also contend with wildlife
everyday as well. These interactions, including protecting their property from bears, are
expressed as enjoyable, but also a nuisance. Finally, one resident expressed concern with
the way tourists interact with wildlife in the valley (for example, feeding bears and
petting baby cubs) and believes these interactions could be very dangerous.
Carbon storage is believed to be critical by some residents because it is linked to
human functioning: “56% of all the carbon that is stored in Canadian forests is stored in
the inland rainforest. It’s subhuman to destroy this forest because you’re destroying your
support systems.” Some residents say that storing carbon is the job the ancient trees have
been given to do, and are therefore against harvesting the ancient cedars:

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“Thousands and thousands o f cedar trees have been cut down and just wasted,
and that carbon is getting dispensed into the atmosphere again. That’s another
reason I don’t want to see any o f that harvesting up here at all.”
One resident wishes that the government would “pay people ‘x ’ amount o f dollars NOT
to log your property for carbon storage, etc.” so that people could have an economic
incentive to hang on to their timber.
People believe that soil quality and quantity is a very important ecological feature
o f the valley. Some residents complain that when loggers took trees out in the past they
didn’t conserve the topsoil, leaving only 2-3 inches o f topsoil in some parts: “We need to
keep our soil quality, and the way to do that is that we have to have some ground cover,
and we have to have not only cedar, but other trees and everything else.” One resident
believes he has an impressive amount o f topsoil on his property: “The Brazilian rainforest
is growing on 1 cm o f topsoil; I have 3 feet o f topsoil!” Residents are concerned when the
soil runs into the river and turns the river brown: “I think clear-cutting is a disaster. The
soils here are very, very slippery.” People are also concerned about the soil drying out in
the ancient forest: “If the ancient cedar stands dry up this valley is in trouble. There
would be a huge, huge fire along here. That forest would go up like crazy. That’s what
really saves this area, because it is so moist.”
Water is seen as very important to residents and it is listed by some residents as
one of their reasons for moving into the valley. Many residents see water as a precious
resource:
“Fresh water is one of the most important things because it’s going to be one
o f the most valuable commodities on earth. We are very fortunate, but that
doesn’t mean that because there is abundance you can squander it, because
the rest of the world is very envious of Canada with our water.”

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Majority o f people believe the water in the valley is very clean, “perhaps due to the lack
o f major oil and gas developments that would otherwise pollute the water.” People also
link the fact that they have clean water to the forest: “The forest protects us - it’s the
watershed, it purifies the water.” Logging is seen as affecting water quality: “The trees
are all a part o f the cycle that gives us good water, so we just have to protect every
element o f the cycle.” In general, water seems to be a point of pride for Dome Creek and
Crescent Spur residents.

4.4 Socio-Cultural Values
Socio-Cultural values are those contributing to the identity and well-being o f the
social collective and the participation o f individuals in that collective. End values include
community (cultural expression aboriginal/non-aboriginal, “the people,” discovery),
generation sharing, education (research), and heritage. Cultural expression refers to the
beliefs, norms, language, and material traits of a particular social group. Generation
sharing entails people from different generations learning from each other. Education has
to do with the fact or condition of having information, or o f being learned, and research is
a process o f that. Finally, heritage is something immaterial, like an ideology that is
passed from on generation to another.

4.4.1 Guestbook and Survey
Many comments in the guestbook express values contributing to the identity and
well-being o f the social collective surrounding the ancient forest. The majority o f
comments convey gratitude towards the different people involved with the Ancient Forest

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Trail, such as volunteers, researchers from UNBC, community members and groups, and
the TD Friends of the Environment Foundation: “Thanks to all who studied it, saved it,
and are bringing it to the world’s attention.” Trail users express thanks for the work that
has gone into “championing the cause” o f “saving” the forest. Some trail users refer to
the community members involved with the protection of the forest as “guardians,” and
one trail user wrote, “Never underestimate the will of just a few people to bring about
positive change.” Comments also express gratitude for making the forest accessible, such
as: “Thank you for your work of love in providing this opportunity for all to connect to
this treasure.” Others users appreciate the ongoing trail improvements and write thanks to
those who work on maintaining the trails.
Many trail users stress preservation values, such as: “I sincerely hope we are
successful in preserving this wilderness,” and write about “fighting” to save the trees
(“Keep up the good fight!”). Other types o f socio-cultural values conveyed feelings of
provincial or national pride due to the forest being close to Prince George, British
Columbia, and in Canada: “A true treasure in our backyard,” “Glad to be part o f this
province,” and “We are lucky to be in Canada.” Visitors from Prince George expressed
surprise that they were unaware o f the forest’s/trail’s existence for so long, and
sometimes express that it feels as if they are in another country when they are in the
forest. Some visitors write comments that compare the ancient forest to ecosystems in
their own countries (“We do not have such in Germany, so you should keep them here!”),
or comment that the ancient forest is as “magnificent as,” for example, the California
Redwoods.

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There are many comments that refer to the forest as a hidden treasure, jewel, gift,
treat, and some trail users say they “love” the forest. People write that they are “inspired”
after hiking in the forest, either by the conservation efforts that took place around the
trail, or by the ancient cedars themselves. A couple o f trail users write that the forest
reminds them of fantastical places from films, such as Lord o f the Rings and Jurassic
Park. Trail users want to know what they can do to help with the cause o f protecting the
forest, and write about their desire for the forest to become a national park, heritage site,
or “at least a protected site.”
Some comments refer to the ‘discovery’ o f the forest, sometimes linking UNBC
graduate student, Dave Radies, with “discovering this spectacle o f nature.” Other
comments value the experience of feeling like you are the first person in the forest, and
others say they would prefer to keep the forest less accessible so they can keep the special
feeling of the forest as “a place where only adventurers go.”
Trail users, as well as UNBC students and professors who have been brought to
the forest for class lectures, stress educational values. Many comments especially
surround the importance o f experiential learning in the forest for children:
“We thoroughly enjoyed our walk through the “sacred grove.” We particularly
enjoyed watching the children and their delight and wonder at these forest giants.
It is only through such experiential learning that the children, who are our future,
will come to understand the intimate connection we have with nature and that
really, we are servants o f nature. Thank you!”
Many people use the word ‘wisdom’ in their comments to explain what they received
from their time in the forest and with the ancient cedars. People speak about “exploring”
and “learning” in the forest, and say that the forest is stimulating for the mind. Finally,

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some visitors refer to the forest as “a time capsule o f history,” which contributes to
heritage values in the socio-cultural category.

4.4.2 Media Pieces
Values that contribute to the identity and social well-being o f individuals and the
collective include many preservation sentiments relating to old-growth in the ITR. The
Prince George Citizen reported that efforts began in the late 1990s by community groups
to designate the interior cedar-hemlock forest and Driscoll Ridge toe-slopes as oldgrowth management areas (Prince George Citizen 2008). Some community reports say
that because the ancient cedars are one o f the earth’s oldest and largest living organisms,
and because they produce the most productive ecosystems on earth, they deserve our
commitment to protect them. A community resident from the documentary believes, “To
see the forest logged does not serve the public in the long-term as well as it would if it
were preserved as an interpretative trail” (Block 486 2006). Some sources write about the
opportunity to designate the area as a new world heritage site, and because the ecosystem
occurs exclusively in Canada, some sources say it should be up to Canadians to ensure its
long-term preservation. Media sources also refer to the ancient forest as a “treasure,” and
one German tourist wrote in her online blog that seeing the cedars was “a dream come
true” for her (Opinion 250 News 2010).
Community values also include employment and logging, however, though timber
is a valuable resource for the communities, it is expressed by residents that:
“Part o f the role of community in British Columbia is to participate in the
management o f the environment that surrounds us. So we’re hoping that
community, government and industry can work together to ensure the long­
term sustainability of the ancient forest ecosystem” (Block 486 2006).

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Discovery is also a value expressed about the ancient cedar stands in the media:
“Tourists tell us that one o f the highlights o f a trip here is the sense o f discovering a place
that’s not very well known or publicized. This is one of a dozen such unique sites in the
world” (Straight.com 2010). Dave Radies is attributed in many media sources as being
the “forestry researcher” that discovered the large cedar trees surrounding what is now
the AFT, and this discovery is said to have created excitement in the international
scientific community. An online blogger linked discovery with protection o f the ancient
cedars: “If we can get more visitors then maybe everyone will be able to discover just
how special this area really is - making sure the land is protected and appreciated”
(Miss604 2010).
Media addresses children benefiting from the forest through the development of
their imaginations and learning from the informative signs. Educational value in the
forest is also showcased by the UNBC classes that come to the forest for labs, plant
diversity surveys, etc.: “Multiple UNBC researchers and classes have visited the region to
study the region’s biological systems and their value for recreation, biodiversity, and
economics” (UNBC 2007). Research is also valued in the media because it brings people
to the forest:
“These forests are now yielding more newly discovered species than any
other forest on Earth, due in part to research funded by the Valhalla
Wilderness Society, and in part due to the independent efforts of scientists to
document this threatened biodiversity before it is destroyed by clear-cut
logging” (Valhalla Wilderness Society 2003).
In a Forest Practices Board report, the chief forester in the region also encouraged and
supported the on-going research being documented in the ICH: “This research will help

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improve forest management policies and practices, which can be reflected in future
timber supply analyses” (Forest Practices Board 2008).
Finally, heritage values are mentioned in community documents as being
important as the age of the ancient forest is seen as connecting people to a sense of
legacy, “o f passing on the essentials o f life from generation to generation” (Valhalla
Wilderness Society 2011). People believe it is important to preserve their heritage for the
future, and this is linked to preservation o f the ancient forest in some media. The B. C.
Forest Professional Magazine wrote, “In today’s world global recognition o f these legacy
values is a potent economic tool. Managed properly, it can encourage the development o f
new economies in B.C.’s central-interior region” (2010).

4.4.3 Household Interviews
Some residents link the ancient forest to their identity and social well-being: “I
value the ancient cedars in specific because that’s where I feel the presence o f the old
forests are contributing to my quality o f life the most,” and:
“All the cedar trees as you drive down in here were slated to go a few years
ago, and we fought really hard to keep them, mostly just for the drive down,
because it’s peaceful, and when you get o ff the highway there’s a calming
effect.”
Some residents express the desire to see people living harmoniously in the valley with
roots deeply planted, “not expecting the forest to give them great wealth so they can haul
it away to some other place.” People also want to live sustainably, and stress the
importance of local economies. Some residents count themselves lucky to live in the
valley: “We have an almost ideal situation where humans can interact potentially in a
positive way with the natural ecosystem. That is pretty rare, particularly in the northern

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hemisphere.” Other residents simply say that their community has just been the “right
place” for them. People stress that the forest is a big part o f their communities: “W e’ve
all logged and used the forest, and flown over it, and driven by it, but as soon as you
realize that it is a forest, then you express the forest through what you do.”
Residents say that there are a lot o f people who use the forest who still want to see
the forest standing. Some residents wish people would think in terms of generational
impact: “We should save the ancient forest for future generations, so that kids can see
them. I used to log for a living, but now there’s hardly anything left - save it! Save the
forest!” Residents also value education in the cedar forest, and link the age o f the ancient
cedars to their educational value, “Old-growth has stood the test o f time so I think we can
leam from it.” People believe the signs at the Ancient Forest Trail are educational: “It’s
super that they’re putting the signs up around as well to educate people so they know
what they’re looking at and that they’re also starting to understand.” Tourism is linked to
educating people around the world about the importance o f the ancient cedars, and
education is also seen as a tool for preservation:
“The rainforest is an incredible teaching tool and I think that the more
engagement there is where people have first-hand experience, the more you
can come away with a commitment to seeing that survive, so there is a small
connection there.”
Residents express interest in getting people to study the forest, and see the knowledge
gained by research as a way to help people take care of the ecosystem. People believe
there is a lot o f research left to do with the ancient cedar trees: “That’s the cool part o f it
- there’s more to be explored in a world that you think is explored out.”

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4.5 Ethical Values
Ethical values are defined as those supporting a personal or collective moral
claim, including a sense o f responsibility to other people, nations, generations and
species. They include intrinsic worth values such as interconnectedness, age o f trees, size
o f trees, rare, uniqueness, stewardship values, and inter-generational equity values.
Intrinsic worth is defined as the designation o f inherent worth and moral relevance
through rational or emotional identification with something that is ‘other’. Stewardship
refers to a sense of trust and care through the conscientious and responsible management
of something. Lastly, inter-generational equity is the concern for the rights and needs of
future generations.

4.5.1 Guestbook and Survey
Values supporting personal and collective moral claims in the guestbook include
the importance o f interconnectedness and the web o f life within the ancient forest. More
prominently, trail users express many values relating to the age o f trees in the forest.
Comments express that the trees are not a renewable resource because o f their age, and
should therefore be preserved. People write about being surprised that there is such an
“old and amazing forest in Canada,” and comment about being “impressed” and
“amazed” at the age of the trees, which some trail users believe helps them gain
perspective on time: “We humans are just nibbling on time. The trees are the time.”
People express being surprised by the size o f the trees as well: “W e’ve never seen
so many big trees in one area, often only one is kept.” The words people use to describe
the size of trees in the forest include tall, huge, gigantic, big, large, giant, magnitude, and

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some trail users say they are the biggest trees they have ever seen. People comment
specifically about ‘Big Tree’ on the trail as being “amazing” to them.
Visitors believe the forest is unique and use the words “special,” “different,” or
“an anomaly” to explain this value. People attribute the forest’s uniqueness to its location
as well as the fact that it has been able to survive for so long. People also regard it as
unique because they have never seen something like it before (either in the size o f the
trees, or the beauty o f the trees) and recognize that there is only one forest like it in the
world due to its location inland and above the equator. Finally, people link the forest’s
uniqueness with the desire to preserve it: “What a great spot - must be preserved, can’t
be many more wonders of the world!” People also believe the forest is a “rare treasure”
or a “rare gem” due to the fact that they don’t see trees like the ancient cedars often
anymore, “To observe a biosphere so rare as this makes me wonder if our common sense
and duty as individuals to be respectful to our planet will hold up and hold onto what we
have.”
Stewardship values can also be seen in preservation comments, especially those
expressing the desire to make the ancient forest a protected park. Other comments are
explicit in saying that nature is for humans to protect, and people go on to link ideas of
preservation with inter-generational equity, which is expressed through comments about
saving/protecting the trees for future generations: “Hope this area stays as it as now for
generations to follow.”

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4.5.2 Media Pieces

Interconnectedness is discussed in the media as people stress the importance o f the
web of life in the ancient forest, as well as the dependence o f humans on the ecosystems
that support them. A community member in the Block 486 documentary commented:
“In some ways the animals are nourishing the rainforest, in some ways the
forest is nourishing the animals, and it’s a circular system, and as soon as you
pull a piece out the whole system collapses. Lichens are in the system,
mosses, all the birds and all the mammals that are here are parts of the
system. So the maintaining o f this rainforest is so critical to many, many
species” (2006).
It was also written on the B.C. tourism website, “When one of the brethren dies and falls,
it returns its nutrients to the earth and thus its death spawns new life” (British Columbia
2010 ).

Age o f trees is seen as important in the media, and it is written on the Valhalla
Wilderness Society webpage, “Just how diverse human life spans create human culture
over many years, many tree life spans create an antique forest over many centuries”
(Valhalla Wilderness Society 2003). People talk about the trees standing guard over
creatures o f the forest and some media expresses hope that representative stands o f the
oldest of these forests will be permitted to persist. Also, age o f trees is linked to carbon
storage as the older a tree is the more carbon it stores. The oldest forests o f the Robson
Valley are also said to contain some o f the most complete records in existence o f inland
B.C.’s biological past, and “may in fact contain one o f the longest unbroken biological
traditions of any forested inland region at temperate latitudes” (Block 486 2006).
Some of the comments from media about size o f the trees include, “Massive red
cedars,” “Many o f the more than 10-feet in diameter,” “Towering with amazing gnarled
branches,” “Record-sized Ancient Red Cedars,” “There’s something elementally

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impressive about the large trees,” and, “No matter how many times you stand beside one
of these behemoths, the scale o f so much biomass on display brings you up short.” There
were also many comments about the value o f the rarity o f the ancient forest: “Only a
fraction o f the interior cedar-hemlock forest consists o f stands similar to the Ancient
Forest Trail” (ILMB 2008). The forest is considered one o f the world’s last primeval
landscapes, rare in Canada, rare in the world, and a globally rare ecosystem boasting rare
species; for this reason the need to conserve it is presented as an urgent argument in some
media pieces.
Uniqueness is valued in the ancient forest as expressed through almost all media
sources: “I think that the inland rainforest o f B.C. is worth a great deal because it is in
fact unique in the world,” said a UNBC researcher in the Block 486 documentary (2006).
Comments in community and government sources express the significance o f the trees
through their uniqueness, and believe visitors will enjoy the forest and tell their friends
about it for this reason. The mountain caribou habitat contributes to the forests’
uniqueness, as stated in some scientific articles. Uniqueness is also attributed to the
amount of old cedars in the area o f the Ancient Forest Trail.
Stewardship values are expressed through comments in media such as, “It is
entirely up to Canadians to ensure [the forest’s] long-term preservation. No one else can
do it for us” (Save-the-Cedar-League 2007). As well, a letter from a German
environmental group called Robin Hood was published in a community report, and said:
“It is your responsibility to maintain this heritage o f humankind for the next generations
on this planet” (Save-the-Cedar-League 2007). Other articles say that humans have a duty
to maintain rare wild places and leave the future generations with a world enriched by

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human stewardship. Sentiments also explain that the trees deserve our commitment to
protect them, and that part o f the role of community in British Columbia is to participate
in the management o f the environment that surrounds us.
A community report also expressed inter-generational equity values, hoping that
representative stands o f the oldest o f these forests will be permitted to persist as outdoor
laboratories for coming generations o f forest research. One source explained:
“There is no inheritance more important to pass on to one’s children than a
healthy planet... The campaign to stop the logging of old-growth Inland
Rainforest is critically important to the future o f our children” (Save-theCedar-League 2007).
It is clear through comments presented in newspaper articles, community reports, and
government documents that there is some importance in the eyes o f the public to raise
awareness about the ecological history and significance o f the ancient cedars, which may
give them an opportunity to “grace many more generations with their presence.”

4.5.3 Household Interviews
Some people believe the ancient cedar trees have inherent worth: “The value is in
the tree itself, not so much the lumber, or product, or whatever you get out o f it,” though
residents find it much easier to explain their worth in terms of what they can do (teach,
nurture, etc.) and express many of the end values o f inherent worth present in the
framework (age, size, rare, etc.). Other resident’s find it harder to see inherent worth in
the trees, and ask, “besides the size and age o f the trees, what are they good for?”
Interconnectedness is a value that many people relate to and use to express their
overarching feelings concerning the importance o f the ancient cedars. Interconnectedness
is described as complex and intricate, and some residents refer to it more easily as the

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“web o f life.” People speak about the value o f interconnectedness between cedar trees
and other features o f the valley: “All the other forests are like the buffer zones for the
cedars to keep them from drying out. If you removed all the other forests, you’d remove
the buffers and all the cedars would dry out.” People also express interconnectedness
between cedars and animals: “You take away the trees, you take away the animals, and it
just falls from there.” One resident speaks about a cedar he has on his property as being a
mother tree: “I ’ve left it standing because it provides so much habitat, food, and fertilizer
for that specific spot it’s on. It’s been a mother tree for 5 or 6 hundred years.” A lot o f
people link the idea of balance to interconnectedness: “If you take one thing away, you
create an imbalance,” and one resident describes interconnectedness as ‘symbiotic
relationships’ between certain species, “For example, I don’t think those cedars would be
as old as they are if it wasn’t for some o f the lichens on them, so they feed each other and
grow with each other, which I think is amazing.”
Age o f trees is popular value among residents in the valley, and is linked with
many other values such as education, research, tourism, majesty, perspective/insight, and
uniqueness. Some residents regard the ancient cedars as the oldest trees left in North
America, and other residents list the age o f the trees as one o f their reasons for moving
into the valley. Some residents speak about the difficulty in determining the age o f the
trees, and claim that this makes the cedars more interesting. People are generally
impressed with the age of the cedar trees in terms o f the seemingly perfect conditions the
rainforest ecosystem provides them with to reach ancient ages, as well as the changing
forest conditions they have had to survive through. Residents believe that their age is a
triggering point for interest and education. Many residents point out that the ancient cedar

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forest takes longer and is harder to replace than other forest types, and this adds to the
value o f the trees: “I was a logger, and I ’d say inherently the older something is it seems
to have more value to me. It’s harder to replace, and takes longer to replace.” Residents
also link the age o f the cedars to the need to protect/respect them: “All we hear at
meetings here is ‘trees are a renewable resource’ but I don’t think they understand the
complexity o f how old the trees are and what a big job they do in the ancient stands.”
Some residents, on the other hand, value young cedar more than ancient cedar:
“I believe that the young cedar are more important than the ancient cedar
because the ancient cedar is a dying and decaying forest. There’s a bunch o f
biomass going to waste there, and sure they are ancient, but they’ll fall over
in a hundred years, but the young ones that are growing up are going to last
400-500 years too if we don’t cut them down. Although the ancient cedar are
big and barky and beautiful, they don’t really have as much green mass to
them because once they’re done growing, they’re done, and they’re hollow in
the middle.”
Size o f trees is also valued among residents, especially for those who recognize the
cedars as some of the biggest trees in North America. People enjoy the size o f the cedars
and are proud and impressed when they speak about how many people it takes to reach
around the trees: “There is one grand daddy tree that us three couldn’t reach around even
halfway probably. The rest are big like this table.”
The ancient forest’s unique and rare location inland is another reason residents
value the forest. People believe the cedars are rare because there are not many ancient
trees left in the world, and some believe the forest is unique due to it’s location in the
province; for these reasons people believe that it is important and deserves
protection/preservation. On the other hand, some resident’s don’t see the trees as rare or
unique; they just seem them as part and parcel o f the valley.

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Some residents value stewardship through a conversation lens. For example, one
resident came to the valley looking for “the largest biodiversity forest with the most
massive trees in the world” because they wanted to protect it. Some residents believe that
they are in a proactive role o f “caretakers o f their ecosystem” and believe stewardship
will play a big role in the future. Intergenerational equity values are apparent in resident
comments, the most popular being desire for children/grandchildren/nieces and nephews
to be able to see, experience, and value the forest. Some residents are concerned that if
logging in the valley stays as it is, there w on’t be anything left for “the kids” :
“We have grandchildren now and w e’d love for them to be able to walk the
ancient cedar forest and see it untouched. We raised our children hiking in
the woods in the area, so for future generations to be able to do that with so
much freedom would be great.”

4.6 Spiritual Values
Spiritual values are those associated with the experience o f “being in touch with
an ‘other’ that transcends one’s individual sense o f self and gives meaning to one’s life at
a deeper than intellectual level” (Moyer et al. 2008). The category includes values such as
sacredness, sanctuary, harmony, perspective/insight, and peace. Sacredness is the
experience of, or connection to, that which is holy or divine, and sanctuary refers to a
place of refuge and solitude. Harmony is described as the combination o f elements that
form agreement o f feeling, and perspective/insight is the act of apprehending the inner
nature of things or of seeing intuitively. Finally, peace refers to a mental or spiritual state
marked by calmness o f heart and mind; spiritual serenity.

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4.6.1 Guestbook and Survey

Some people refer to their experience in the forest as a “spiritual journey.” Some
comments discuss the “energy” felt in the forest and from the ancient cedar trees, and
trail users talk about how they “connected” with the forest while on their hike. One trail
user said, “Wonderful place to refuel the spirit!” and another commented, “There is a
wonderful energy here that needs to be nurtured. Beautiful place to meditate.” People
also report being “in awe” o f the trees, and feeling as if they are in “another world” when
they are in the forest. People refer to the ancient forest as a “fairytale forest,” and use the
word “transcending” to describe their experiences in the forest. Some people have the
feeling of “going into the past” on their hikes, and people refer to the forest as a
“miracle.” Many comments represent a religious spirituality as they express thanks God
and Lord Jesus for what they believe is “God’s creation” (the forest). People also value
the forest as a sacred place as well as a sanctuary, commenting on the silence, solitude,
and feeling o f escape they get in the forest.
Trail users value harmony in the forest, and write things such as, “is refreshing to
the soul,” “feels like home,” “gave us a great feeling,” has an “amazing atmosphere,”
“soul healing,” “paradise,” and “uplifting,” “In the forest I am whole, perfect, strong,
powerful, loving, harmonious, and happy.” People also have strong feelings o f peace in
the forest, and describe their experience as relaxing, calm, silent, peaceful, serene, and
tranquil. A volunteer working on the trail wrote, “Relocated the trail counter before
relinquishing my cares and woes to the peace o f the Ancient Forest.”
Finally, expressions o f the value o f perspective/insight can be seen in comments
such as, “Reminds me of how precious and marvelous life can be,” and “My hike inside

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this anomaly has now and forever changed my view on natural resources and human
aesthetics.” Many people also report that their experience in the forest makes them take
another perspective on conservation and resource use.

4.6.2 Media Pieces
A community resident in the documentary Block 486 referred to the ancient forest
as “heaven,” and another resident in the documentary commented:
“To me the forest is worth a spiritual connection that connects me to
eternity. When I walk into that forest and meet these trees I feel immortal.
As immortal as the trees are; as nature is” (2006).
There is also reference in some media to the forest being a “sacred place.”
Harmony is valued in the forest, and one community source reports experiencing
a “hidden music” amidst the silence o f the old-growth forest (Valhalla Wilderness
Society 2003). People also appreciate the value o f peace in the forest, as they refer to the
cedars in some media as “peaceful giants.” Lastly, perspective/insight values are
expressed in media through comments such as: “Everything in the Ancient Forest is
bigger - the trees, the ferns, and the awareness that as humans we are only privy to a
snapshot o f the cycle o f life” (Tourism Prince George 2009). Also, “There’s a sense of
‘being’ here that you w on’t find elsewhere; the sense of appreciation for who we are as
human beings” (Straight.com 2010).

4.6.3 Household Interviews
Some residents speak about valuing feelings of transcendence and deep meaning
in the ancient forest, which come through in comments such as, “The cedar forest is a

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spiritual place where I feel connected,” and “You definitely do feel different when you’re
in that forest.” Some residents believe that this feeling o f spirituality is an important part
o f their being. Other residents do not feel that the ancient forest is a more spiritual place
than other forests, and some feel it is even less o f a spiritual place than other forests.
Sacredness is also a spiritual value that has different meanings for people. One resident
links the value to inherent worth: “The word sacred just means that it shouldn’t be
touched because it has value,” and other people link the size o f trees and the trees
themselves in the ancient forest to feelings o f sacredness. Other residents do not think the
forest is a sacred place and are weary o f those who do: “A lot o f these tree huggers are
making a religion out o f it, and when that happens, don’t push your religion down my
throat,” and “I believe every life is sacred, but putting a tree in front of a human being
goes a little bit too far for me.”
Some people believe the forest is a sanctuary for people and wildlife, which is
linked to the undisturbed nature of the environment, and residents also speak about the
quiet and solitude they find in the ancient forest. People have values of harmony and
peace in the forest expressed through comments concerning the calming atmosphere in
the ancient forest, which some residents believe is good for their mental state. Finally,
perspective/insight is valued by many residents, and is most commonly linked with the
age o f the ancient forest: “These ecosystems have been in place for a long time, and if we
look at them we can have a different appreciation and understanding of how important
[they are].” Residents see the perspective they gain in the ancient forest as a way to keep
their “egos in check,” and some residents report feelings o f insignificance in the forest:

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“It’s a very grounding experience, and you feel that you are part o f (which you are) the
natural environment.”

4.7 Aesthetic Values
Aesthetic values are based on a sensory appreciation o f the physical qualities and
features o f the forest and include end values such as beauty, magic, majesty,
natural/undisturbed state, and senses. Beauty is the pleasurable qualities associated with
artistry, form, colour, and originality. Magic is something that creates an effect o f
otherworldliness, and majesty refers to large and impressive in size, scope, and/or extent.
Natural/undisturbed state is that existing in or produced by nature; not artificial or an
imitation. Lastly, senses are the physical sensations such as smell, taste, temperature,
vision, and hearing.

4.7.1 Guestbook and Survey
People describe the scenery o f the ancient cedar stands as rustic, beautiful,
awesome, and enthralling. They compare the forest to Cathedral Grove on Vancouver
Island and similar scenery in Vancouver. Comments mention the green trees (“lushing
greenery”) in comparison to some o f the pine beetle destruction in the area. One trail user
wrote, “A delightful diversion on an otherwise unremarkable highway.”
Other words used to describe the beauty o f the forest are stunning, picturesque,
spectacular, fresh, wonderful, shining, magnificent, cool, strange, fascinating, interesting,
breathtaking, and stupendous. People speak very positively about the beauty o f the forest,
for example, “Everywhere you turn there is more beauty,” and “Makes life worth living

96

to hike in beauty such as this.” People link beauty with sacredness, as well as with the
need for preservation.
Some people also say the cedars “look” magical, and people use the words
enchanting, awe-struck, unbelievable, wondrous, impressive, and majestic to explain the
value o f majesty. Trail users comment that the forest feels like an undisturbed place, even
a place where they feel as if they are “intruding on nature.” People who express that they
would like to see the forest remain natural are concerned with not disturbing the roots o f
the trees. Finally, people value senses such as the sounds and smells of the forest. One
trail user commented that the rain in the forest made their hike a “musical experience,”
and others say that the oxygen and smells o f cedar are refreshing and amazing.

4.7.2 Media Pieces
It is found in some media that the public hopes that the ancient forests will be
appreciated for the aesthetic value rather than a source o f lumber. Aesthetic values are
captured in comments from visitors on online blogs: “Carpeted with a deep layer o f
Champagne powder, this outdoor cathedral o f towering trees reached to the wintry sky
like so many spires” (National Post 2010). High quality photographs of these aesthetic
experiences are attached with the comments found in online media pieces (Los Angeles
Times 2010; Miss604 2010; Robot Blogger 2007). The cedars are often described as
beautiful in other sources, and some sources speak about the experience o f being
“transported back in time,” or “traveling through time” in the forest, which represents the
otherworldliness value o f magic. Other magic values are related to children’s
imaginations, “[Children] have a field day in the forest imagining all the elves and

97

goblins that may live in the nooks and crannies o f these gnarled and whimsical trees”
(Prince George Citizen 2008). “Awe-inspiring” and “impressive” are common terms
found across media sources that describe majesty values. As well, many media pieces
talk positively about the natural/undisturbed state o f the forest: “Small bridges and fences
marking the trail boundaries are some of the only signs humans have visited the area”
(Prince George Citizen 2008).
Finally, it is found that the public values the sensory experience in the forest:
“The scents and smells o f the forest air are as rich as the ecological history embodied in
the trees, and one follows the trail in a sense o f amazement,” and “At one point I think it
stopped snowing but flakes continued to float around like flour, gracefully sifted through
the outstretched arms o f the giants.” People also appreciate that the forest, even in the
winter, is alive with colour.

4.7.3 Household Interviews
The landscape in the valley is described as “entertaining,” and people believe the
beauty in the valley is “self-evident.” Residents describe aesthetic features including the
mountains, trees, old-growth/ancient growth, and young growth in the valley:
“The mountains with the trees on it are the beautiful part o f the landscape. It’s
nice to not have to look at high-rises, tar, and pavement, or go through tourist
traps. There is a lot o f wilderness here and that’s what adds to the beauty of
the landscape.”
Aesthetically, residents point out that it is undesirable to walk into a clear-cut, “and
nobody will.” Some people believe that the ancient forest, as well as other forests in the
valley, are beautiful and attribute moving and staying in the valley to the beauty o f the
forests. Some residents, on the other hand, don’t put any importance on the beauty o f the

98

ancient cedars: “I don’t find the ancient cedars beautiful; to me the only thing I see
holding up a cedar tree is the bark.”
Some residents value magic and majesty in the forest, which are expressed
through comments about feelings o f release and the sensation o f being “somewhere
special.” Residents place high value on the natural/undisturbed nature of the ancient
forest and some say it provides them with a space to feel part o f the natural environment:
“The fact that it’s undisturbed and there is wildlife - it’s hard to find that in the world.”
People, however, are concerned about logging and trail building disturbing the natural
state o f the ancient forest. Others believe that trail building is not that harmful in the
ancient forest: “It’s nice to leave things in an undisturbed state, short of excluding putting
in some trails and stuff like that, but you’re not really doing that much damage to make a
nice walking trail for people.” Finally, one resident speaks about the senses that he values
everyday, “from the first bird chirping in the morning, to the smells, to the sound o f the
creek gurgling by my window.”

4.8 Results of Quantitative Analysis
4.8.1 Valley Forests versus Ancient Cedar Stands
The objective o f the first section o f the survey was to set the context for talking
about values and to assess the relative importance o f the forest in relation to the
participant’s lifestyle in the valley. The first set o f questions helped to understand the
relationship residents have with the valley and its forests. A Likert scale question was
used to measure a) the importance o f all the forests in the valley relative to one’s
lifestyle, and b) the importance of ancient cedar stands relative to one’s lifestyle. The

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scale included the following options: ‘highly important,’ ‘important,’ ‘moderately
important,’ ‘somewhat important,’ and ‘not at all important.’ There was little variation in
the results for all forests in the valley, as participants either selected ‘highly important’
(82%) or ‘important’ (18%) (Chart 1). Answers to the ancient cedar stand question were
dispersed across the scale, revealing a slightly higher ‘not at all’ (9%) response than a
‘somewhat important’ (6%) response.
Chart 1. Importance o f all forests versus ancient cedar stands
90%

* Ali fo re sts
; Ancient Cedar Stands

H ighly Im p o r ta n t

Im portant

Moderately
Im portant

Som ewhat
Im portant

N et a t a l Im portant

4.8.2 Most Important Cedar Values
As part of the value exercise in the interview guide, participants were asked to
create a smaller list o f their ‘most important’ ancient cedar stand values. The amount o f
‘most important’ values that participants selected in the interviews varied with a range o f
three to fourteen and an average o f five. Thirty value exercises were completed in total,
as four of the participants chose not to participate in the exercise either due to difficulty
as a result o f age, or disinterest. A total o f 167 ‘most important’ values were selected

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across 30 interviews. Results showed that air purifying was the most popular ‘most
important’ ancient cedar value with a frequency o f 14 selections among participants
(Chart 2). Habitat was the next most prevalent value with a frequency of 10 selections
among all participants. Following habitat was natural/undisturbed state with a frequency
of 9 selections, and beauty with a frequency o f 8 selections among all participants. Age of
trees, tourism, and water quality and quantity were tied with a frequency o f 7 selections
for each. The top five ‘most important’ values fall mainly under the value categories of
life-support and aesthetic, including one economic value and one ethical value.
In Chart 3, results show that life-support values were the most frequently selected
‘most important’ values among participants, followed by economic values, ethical values,
aesthetic values, socio-cultural values, and spiritual values. Chart 4 demonstrates the
percentage of times an end-value was selected at least once for each value sub-category.
Again, end-values under the life-support category were most frequently included in
resident’s ‘most important’ values surrounding the ancient cedar stands, followed by
aesthetic, ethical, economic, spiritual, and socio-cultural.

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Chart 2. The ‘Most Important’ Values Selected by Local Residents (n=30; the number o f
end-values selected by each participant varied.)
Number of Times the End-Value was Selected as 'Most Important'

10

12

14

Air Purifying
H abitat
N atural/U ndisturbed State
Beauty

6

Age of Trees
Tourism
W ater Quality & Q uantity
Biodiversity
Car bon Storage
L andscape/Scenery
Cedar Products
G enetic Diversity
Sacredness
U niqueness
Wildlife
education
Soil Quality & Q uantity
in te rco n n e c te d n ess

>

I

Interg an eratio n al Equity
Recreation
Tim ber
in h e re n t W orth
M ajesty
Rare
Sanctuary
Stew ardship
Traits
*The People"
Cultural expression {aboriginal)

Cultural Expression {non-aboriginal)
Energy
H eritage
Hunting
Research
Senses
Shelter
Site of Trees
Wild Edibles

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Chart 3. ‘Most Important’ Values Arranged by Subcategory (the number o f end-values
selected by each participant varied.)

Life-Support
&

g

Economic

g

Ethical

jj

A e sth e tic

I*

k>cto-C uttura!
S p iritu a l

10

20

M

40

50

70

hO

Number of times an End-Value Within a Sub-Category Was Selected

Chart 4. ‘Most Important’ Values Selected At Least Once Per Subcategory (n=30)

L:~ fe-SwDpo<?

t
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I
5

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|

Ethical

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>

S piritual
S cctQ -C yl*.*ral

0%

10%

20%

30%

Am

50%

b0%

/Q%

80%

90%

100%

Percentage of Times At Least One End-Value was Selected as Most Important' from Each Value Subcategory

4.8.3 Relationship between forest values and sociodemographic characteristics
Forest values and various sociodemographic characteristics such as gender, years
lived in the valley, and community were explored to identify relationships, if any, varying
variables. The figures below describe the differences and similarities between different
sociodemographic groups of local residents according to Moyer et al.’s (2008)
subcategory values. Percentages show the frequency with which each group (e.g.
male/female) chose at least one value from each o f Moyer et al.’s (2008) subcategory
values as part of their ‘most important’ values list. The economic value subcategory was
separated into ‘timber,’ ‘tourism,’ and ‘other economic values’ because the end-values of

103

‘timber’ and ‘tourism’ have the potential to represent conflicting opinions, therefore
viewing them separately allows for a greater understanding of the subcategory.
The variable ‘gender’ represents male and female respondents (Chart 4). Results
from six surveys that were answered by couples were left out o f the ‘gender’ calculations.
Females in both communities did not choose timber as one o f their ‘most important’
values surrounding the ancient cedar stands, and only 20% o f men included it in their
‘most important’ value list. Males also appear to favour ‘other economic values’
associated with the ancient forest, while females favour tourism slightly more than males.
Other values among gender groups seem to have received very similar amounts o f
endorsement, with only socio-cultural values appearing to be favoured more by females
than males (see Chart 5).
Chart 5. Value Categories Favoured by Males and Females (Male: n=15, Female: n=8)
100* ,
SOW I
SOW I
70S

i

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sow
t>

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|

JO *

|
I

JO*
10%
0%

I I
^

: fem a le

o*'

<-r
Value Categories

The variable ‘community’ refers to the two communities involved in the study,
Dome Creek and Crescent Spur. Chart 6 displays ‘most important’ values selected by
residents from each of the communities. Results show that Dome Creek and Crescent

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Spur have a very similar breadth and selection o f ‘most important’ values, with Crescent
Spur residents stressing importance on all three economic end-values slightly more than
Dome Creek residents.
Chart 6. Value Categories Favoured by Dome Creek and Crescent Spur (Dome Creek:
n= 19, Crescent Spur, n=l 1.)
1Q094 ;
30% j
f

80% ;

I

70% ;

g 6CB6 ;
■g

SO U

j | 40%
I
s

* Do Tie Creek

20% I

t 20% :
I
V*
Value Categories

The variable ‘years o f residency’ is separated into two categories: ‘5 and less’ and
‘more than 5’ (see Chart 7). This describes whether the resident is relatively new to the
community, or conversely, has been living there long enough to settle in. The average
number of years lived in the valley is 22 in Dome Creek and 18.5 in Crescent Spur.
Residents who have lived in the valley for more than five years stress the importance of
timber, tourism, and other economic values more than those who have lived in the valley
for five years and less. Residents who have lived in the valley longer also selected ethical
values as ‘most important’ more frequently, while the rest o f the value subcategories
represent close similarities between the two groups.

105

C h art 7. Value Categories Favoured by Years Lived in the Valley (5 and Less: n=22,
More than 5: n=8)
100» !
90% }

Percentage^

Respondents

80%

;

70%

|

40 %

I

30%

‘

AOU, j
30*

I

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70% j
10% }

0% !

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■ 3 and Less
M ore th a n s

Q*
Value Categories

106

Chapter 5
DISCUSSION
The purpose o f this research was to document the breadth o f expressed forest
values surrounding the ancient cedar stands to add to our understanding o f old-growth
forests and unique ecosystems. Thirty-four local residents were interviewed, three years
o f guestbook comments from the Ancient Forest Trail were compiled, and twenty-one
different media pieces reporting on the forest and the ancient cedar trees were collected.
The data from these sources revealed rich and varied perspectives o f the old-growth
forest values o f trail users, the public, and local residents. The results tell a story o f the
inland rainforest, specifically the widening breadth o f non-material forest values, the
factors that come to influence those values, and the role conflicting values play in the
debate surrounding the ancient cedar stands. This story is important in the context o f the
ongoing debate surrounding the best and highest use of the ancient cedar stands. Insights
from this study’s results can be used to discuss future implications o f held forest values
on ecosystem management and policy decisions surrounding ancient cedar stands in the
ITR.

5.1 Sources of Values
Material and non-material forest values stem from sources o f environmental
concern, which are outlined by different authors throughout the literature on forest values
(Bengston & Xu 1995; Kempton et al. 1995; Stem, Dietz, and Kaloff 1993; Tarrant and
Cordell 2002). While Moyer et al.’s framework focuses on values themselves, value
sources focus on the factors that influence how people come to value forests. These

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sources are often presented as ‘anthropocentric,’ describring human-centered values,
‘biocentric,’ describing living-thing-centered values, and as Kempton et al. (1995)
include, religious sources o f value such as traditional Judeo-Christian beliefs or other
forms o f spirituality. Understanding where values stem from can be helpful in
interpreting their significance, as it lends insight into individuals’ decisions regarding
ecological issues (Axelrod 1994).
Evidence from this study, as well as Moyer et al.’s (2010) research, demonstrates
that residents feel strongly about life-support values such as air purifying and water
quality and quantity. This may be a result o f the fact that residents live in remote forest
communities, and thus have a stronger connection to the natural environment around
them, as well as a heightened realization o f their dependence on the ecosystems they live
in. Conversely, trail users do not hold strong life-support values, probably because their
experience with the forest is, unlike for residents, very temporary. This result suggests
that values are strongly linked to people’s personal experiences with the forest. For
example, many residents in Dome Creek and Crescent Spur are past loggers, which might
explain the strong connection they have with the economic value o f timber (though not
specifically related to the ancient cedar trees), and visitors to the valley value the forest
for its recreational opportunities. These results reveal a strong human-centered, or
anthropocentric tendency to be influencing factors in valuing natural environments.
A ‘most important’ value chosen by more than 40% of the participants in the
interview exercise was air purifying, which reflects more than one orientation from
Kempton et al.’s (1995) value sources. Air purifying can stem from a human-centered
consideration if the respondent is concerned about the quality o f air in regards to their

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own well-being, or for the benefit o f humanity. Air purifying is also instrumental to the
health o f ecosystems, therefore the value can also stem from a biocentric source. It was
apparent from the conversations with participants that air purifying values were held in
concern for humanity as well as for all ecosystems, which suggests that the value is
supported by multiple sources.
The less frequent mention and endorsement of economic values among
participants can be attributed in part to the characteristics o f the ancient cedar forest. For
example, hunting, fishing, furniture, and medicine, were infrequently expressed values in
relation to the forest, as it appears that other forests in the region are better suited for
these purposes. Among economic values, anthropocentric sources o f values were
reflected in timber values. Logging is seen as being personally beneficial as it provides
employment, as well as socially beneficial, as it helps sustain communities. Socio­
cultural values relating to preservation were also anthropocentric in nature, including
education, community, and heritage, which were valued mostly for the greater social
good.
Aesthetic values are categorized as non-material in the Moyer et al. (2008)
framework, and are often anthropocentric in nature as they benefit the individual viewing
the landscape (Xu and Bengston, 1997). Among aesthetic values, beauty and
natural/undisturbed state were among the top five ‘most important’ forest values
surrounding the cedars, with an approximately 25% selection rate. This strong response
towards aesthetic values was also found in Owen et al.’s (2009) study, where several
respondents noted the importance o f the natural/undisturbed state o f old-growth forests,
and recognized them as a place of respite from urban life and degradation. Moyer et al.

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(2010) also provided this result: “the natural state, or the absence o f human disturbance...
seemed to be an important part o f what made it unique and valuable” (p. 258). Comments
from household residents relating to beauty in this study mostly reflect personal benefit,
however in the guestbook, a wider human-centered orientation is present as well, as
people wish the forest to be preserved so future generations can witness the beauty o f the
ancient cedars.
Complexity and beauty o f old-growth forests also inspires spiritual values.
Spiritual values, which are categorized as non-material, appear to stem from religious
sources, both Judeo-Christian as well as other feelings o f spirituality, as the ancient forest
is valued for providing individuals with personal feelings o f harmony, peace, and
perspective/insight. Spiritual feelings related to peace, tranquility, and harmony, as well
as gaining insight or perspective in a forest, were also found in Moyer et al.’s (2010)
study to be popular values experienced when in OGF conditions.
Habitat and age of trees are two most frequently selected “most important” endvalues that largely stem from a biocentric value source. Results show that residents have
an appreciation for species that are part o f the ancient forest ecosystem, as well as for the
ancient cedars themselves. Biodiversity in the ancient cedar ecosystem is also highlighted
in many media sources for the benefits it has to different species that live in the forest.
Values stemming from human-centered considerations surrounding the ancient
cedars are most prevalent in this study, as all participants (trail users, the public, and
residents) place importance on those values that benefit themselves and others. Concern
for living things, however, is also a factor that affects how people value the ancient cedar
stands, and values stemming from a biocentric source are often regarded as important as

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well. Religious sources of value are present in spiritual connections to the forest people
haves and are reflected mostly in comments from participants who have enjoyed time
physically in the forest. Results, therefore, emphasize all three sources o f value that give
rise to forest values in the ancient forest, and dominant anthropocentric values
demonstrate that there are many aspects in and about the forest that benefit humans
individually and at large.

5.2 Significance of Values
5.2.1 Conflicting Values
Categories where value conflicts are present also speak to the significance o f
values, as they indicate different group interests that can be taken into consideration when
forming old-growth forest policy. While some end-values received unanimously positive
comments such as air purifying, habitat, and education, other end-values had a large
amount of opposing opinions such as timber and tourism, highlighting contentious issues
surrounding the ancient cedar forest. These comments came mostly from area residents,
as interview methods allowed for a deeper discussion into values. One end-value that was
a source o f many conflicting values among residents was the economic value o f tourism.
Residents were divided on the issue o f tourism being an economically viable option for
the future o f the valley for reasons including the pay, the traffic in the valley, and the
accessibility of their location. Positive aspects of tourism conveyed by residents included
seeing a change in the valley, believing it to be a continuous resource, and recognizing it
as an option that promotes conservation o f special ecosystems. The conflict over the
value o f tourism is also reflected in the debate surrounding the ancient cedar stands, as

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the Minister of Jobs, Tourism, and Innovation leans towards timber over tourism in
response to dwindling forest resources (Prince George Citizen 2012).
The value o f cedar products was another point o f difference for local residents.
Due to their remote locations in the forest and their resource dependent lifestyles, many
residents enjoy using cedar for shakes, shingles, and firewood, particularly because it
does not rot. On the other hand, many residents feel that the quality of cedar wood in the
forest is too poor to make products from as the trees are mostly hollow. Aside from its
quality, another reason residents do not support cedar products in the valley is because
they believe that the non-economic values o f the ancient cedar stands outweigh the
economic value of the products it can make. This has to do with the broadening forest
values surrounding the ancient cedar stands, as well as the fact that logging companies in
the valley can only salvage the cedar in the valley for products like mulch and fence
posts.
Timber is another value with mixed opinions, as logging has a rich history in the
valley but is currently becoming a dwindling industry for small communities. This
understanding is often paralleled by residents in the valley, and since jobs are generally
scarce within Dome Creek and Crescent Spur, some residents hold timber values to be
very important. As well, some residents have memories o f the days when Dome Creek
and Crescent Spur were lucrative logging communities and feel their roots are in timber
production. These residents often see the worth o f a tree in its ability to be o f use to
humans, and specifically with the ancient cedars it is believed that they are using what
would “otherwise go to waste on the forest floor.” On the other hand, some residents
believe that the ‘waste’ actually comes from the logging practices associated with

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harvesting cedar for timber, and that there is no money to be made from logging cedar
because o f its poor quality. The majority o f residents who did not highly value logging
and using the cedar for timber stated that it is because the cedars are not a renewable
resource and therefore cannot be replaced easily or quickly like other species o f trees in
the valley.
People also differed in their endorsement o f ethical values, especially concerning
the idea o f the inherent worth of old-growth cedar. For example, some residents feel very
strongly about the value o f the cedars due to their age, and have a tendency to attach this
value to other values such as uniqueness, tourism, majesty, and perspective/insight.
People believe due to their age, cedar trees provide more for the ecosystem, and stress
that this adds to their irreplaceability. Age o f trees is also viewed as a triggering point for
interest and education, and is linked to values such as research and preservation. On the
other hand, some residents do not value the age o f the cedars, and place value on young
cedar instead. These residents believe that the ancient cedar is dying and decaying forest
that is going to waste, and that conversely, young trees put more back into the
environment.
The rareness o f the ancient cedar forest was an important value to some but not to
others. Because the ancient forest is among only a few inland rainforests in the world,
some residents believe that the cedars, as well as the diverse array o f other species living
in the forest, are rare and deserve protection/stewardship. This is also paralleled by
scientific literature, which recognizes the provincially and internationally unique
ecological status o f the interior wetbelt (Stevenson et al. 2011). Other residents, however,
believe the trees are just “part and parcel” o f the valley, and do not see them as rare or

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unique. While local resident opinions are important to study considering the intimate
relationship residents have with the forest ecosystems they live in, it is also worth noting
that residents may be incapable of judging the “rarity” or “significance” o f an ecosystem,
that while locally abundant, is globally endangered.
It is apparent from these findings that the intimate connection residents have with
the forest can result in appreciation o f the ancient cedar stands due to non-material values
such as inherent worth, spirituality, and beauty, or an aversion to considering the ancient
cedars as special because they are either common place for residents and/or residents are
more concerned with material values that directly benefit themselves.

5.2.2 Informing the Debate
The ongoing debate surrounding the cedars mirrors the breadth and sources o f
values found in this study as the government and community express concerns both for
the livelihood o f the provincial community at large, and also for the health o f the oldgrowth forest ecosystems, and those systems that depend on them. The history o f forest
values in the upper Fraser valley, in accordance with literature on the nature o f evolving
forest values, predominantly focused on timber values related to economic worth.
However, as research and recreation in the inland rainforest increased, non-timber forest
values concerning the stands o f old-growth cedar trees in the ITR began to receive
increased attention. Throughout the debate, a breadth o f end-values from Moyer et al.’s
(2008) old-growth forest value framework can be found.
Similarities exist between the conflicts present in the debate and the results from
this study. In the debate it is clear that there are two concerns that are publicized often -

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the creation o f jobs and the concern for biodiversity monitoring in the forest to ensure
sustainability. These two concerns are categorized as material values (life-support versus
economic) in Moyer et al.’s (2008) framework. The sources o f these values are mostly
anthropocentric (concern for benefits to humans) in nature; therefore it makes sense that
they are the most discussed when considering the best management of the forest.
It is clear in the debate as well that residents, government reports, and scientific
conferences, recognize life-support values as important. From loggers to
environmentalists living in the valley, everyone selected at least one life-support value as
‘most important’ to them regarding the ancient cedars. Air purifying was especially
stressed, as it is one o f the most obvious values related to the functioning o f life. Within
the debate, this reveals that, above all else, people are concerned that their environment is
healthy and can provide them with the processes and functions they need to maintain a
good quality o f life.
A gap also exists, however, between the values presented in the debate and the
values revealed in this study. Trail users, residents, and the public stress an array of
values including education, sacredness, and inherent worth. These values aren’t reflected
in much detail in the debate. Neither the FPB nor the government commonly mention that
the ancient forest should be preserved for research, the age o f its trees, or for the spiritual
connection people have to it, which often are important to people in a way that transcends
efforts to express them in economic terms.
Another difference between the debate and the values expressed in this study is
that logging appears to be the provincial government’s primary method for generating
money in the valley. The results from this research, however, indicate that many people

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believe that tourism has the potential to become an alternative industry in the valley.
Within the debate, this alternative is not explored in detail.
The conflict between harvesting and preserving the forest can be addressed by
recognizing specific values held surrounding certain areas o f the forest. When deciding
which areas in the ITR to preserve, areas that hold the highest number of end-values
should be considered. From this research it appears that the more values a forest type
provides for people, the bigger a role it plays in their lives.

5.3 Implications for Forest Management
The results from this study have implications for forest management decision­
making as they highlight the uniqueness and importance o f a specific forest type. Results
show old-growth forests are important to people in a variety of value categories including
life-support, socio-cultural, and aesthetic. These results can provide guidance on type and
location o f old-growth conservation areas. As the purpose o f this particular project was to
document the first collection o f the breadth o f values surrounding ancient cedar stands in
the ITR, future researchers can aim to identify, for example, the relationship between
these values and context specific conflicts and/or policy preferences.

5.3.1 Future Research
This study’s investigation into forest values was largely descriptive when
examining residents’ attitudes, beliefs, and values. Residents were asked what they
appreciated about the forest, rather than asked to engage in judgments about contextspecific management choices. While expressions o f environmental values are o f merit in

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and o f themselves, in order for values research to directly inform policy, Satterfield and
Gregory (1998) believe that the products o f the research must be shown to apply to
specific policy contexts. This would aid the success o f policy systems, which the
literature stresses should be inclusive o f public values, in using information about
environmental values to evaluate conditions and make decisions about difficult trade-offs
(Shindler et al. 1999). Considering the current conflict around harvesting or preserving
ancient cedar stands in the valley, therefore, it would be interesting to assess these values
while providing specific context, in order to help inform policy (Seligman et al. 1994).
Taking the next step to study values relevant to real problems is also supported by
Shindler et al. (1999), who state that identifying people’s values about forest resources is
important, but is not the end o f the story in today’s complex struggle for sustainable
forest solutions. From a research perspective, social scientists can play a significant role
in helping identify strategies for incorporating values into policy by expanding methods
to gather and analyze information that is relevant to real problems facing decision-makers
and concerned citizens. For example, Moyer et al.’s (2008) old-growth forest value
framework is a tool for discussing and prioritizing values, as respondents have the
opportunity to identify priority values in relation to the framework categories. Future
research can use these priority value categories to discuss criteria and indicators for
management options. As well, inter-relationships between the levels and among
categories within the levels o f the framework can be assessed. For example, habitat can
be valued for supporting the life of other species, but may also be linked to ethical
convictions about intrinsic worth. Further research could provide insight into the specific

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nature o f these inter-connections in order to rework to framework to represent these
differences better.
In addition, it is important to consider how management can be used to maximize
the expression o f the whole range o f values in OGF areas such as the ancient cedar stands
in the ITR. For example, logging techniques that are capable o f maintaining the natural
processes and habitat needs for OGF-dependent wildlife should be pursued so that
economic activities such as timber harvesting can occur while still preserving other
values and providing environmental services (Kimmins 1997). Due to the high spiritual,
aesthetic, and ethical values found in old-growth forests, Owen et al. (2008) point out that
it would also be worth considering how harvesting techniques might be modified to
maintain the features that enhance personal experiences in OGF. Furthermore, as many
sources stressed in this study, attention should be paid to ensuring that recreation and
tourism activities have a minimal impact on the forest ecosystem. In relation to the ITR,
the Forest Practices Board has recognized a real need for the government to maintain
coordination and monitoring o f old-growth retention areas to ensure that they are being
properly managed.
Since forest management conflicts are social problems, they require social
solutions that address the values that society seeks to satisfy (Robson et al. 2000). Future
research on ancient cedar forest values in the ITR can do more to inform and be included
in future forest management considerations. The guidance these forest values provide can
contribute to reducing and resolving the conflict present in resource dependent
communities located in unique ecosystems such as the inland temperate rainforest.

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The Moyer et al. (2008) framework was a helpful tool for studying the increased
breadth o f values surrounding ancient cedars as it provides a comprehensive
categorization of public forest values that should be considered and explored in oldgrowth forest research. The framework was originally built on the assertion that there are
more than just market-based economic values involved in society’s relationship to its
forests (Bengston 1994). Consequently, an abundance o f detailed nonmaterial values
reflective of old-growth forests is presented in the framework. The breadth o f values
surrounding the ancient cedar stands in the ITR can be understood using the Moyer et al.
(2008) old-growth forest value framework, where value categories, subcategories, and
end-values are all well represented across the different databases o f text. In this study, the
public expressed both material and non-material values surrounding the ancient cedar
stands. The breadth of values can be seen across value subcategories, as well as from the
array o f end-values expressed within each value subcategory. These results suggest that
Moyer et al.’s (2008) framework can be used for similar purposes to support other forest
management decisions.
The predominant opinion among local residents was that life-support values rank
highest for the benefit of both people and other species living in the valley. The
consensus among trail users was that recreational, aesthetic, and spiritual values are
important aspects of the forest. Through the media the public expressed that the value of
biodiversity was important to safeguard. From these results it is clear that a more
complex and broader range o f material and non-material values exist surrounding the
ancient cedar stands in the valley than has been previously documented. It is apparent
that people would like to safeguard their non-material values surrounding the cedars, as

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some people are actively looking for a change in the use o f the cedars and an expansion
of industries in the valley. “Decadent” forest opinions, such as those expressed by TRC
and the government, seem to be a minority among trail users, the public, and local
residents. This shift from seeing the ancient cedars as ‘wasted trees’ to considering them
a part o f a rainforest ecosystem represents a shift in social paradigms, as has been
experienced by society on a bigger scale (Bengston 1994; Dunlap et al. 2000). Future
research could extend this examination to the community o f McBride, located west o f the
Ancient Forest Trail, where the population is more heavily involved in industry, and
logging companies have rights to the timber in the ITR. This examination could explain a
broader range of factors that influence how a community values o f forest, and more
specifically, what timber interest does to old-growth forest values overall.

5.4 Limitations of the Research Design
Attempts were made to ensure methods used in this study provided valid and
reliable documentation of the held forest values surrounding the ancient cedar stands in
the ITR. However, as is common with academic research, limitations exist in relation to
the choices made for gathering data from participants. These limitations are discussed
below.
By gathering information from the AFT guestbook and media pieces, as well as
interviewing community residents living in Dome Creek and Crescent Spur, some value
perspectives may have been missed or underrepresented. For example, timber values may
have been better demonstrated by interviewing those individuals employed in the logging
industry in McBride and Prince George. In addition, the guestbook can only gamer

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comments that people voluntarily write and therefore may be missing perspectives. The
tourist value perspective may have been more completely captured if interviews were
conducted in person with people at the trail, as some trail users may not have left
comments in the guestbook, or may not have expressed themselves fully when doing so.
Finally, the community perspective may also have been more richly demonstrated if
interviews had been conducted in the community o f McBride, as McBride heavily
depends on the economic benefits from logging in the region and also supports hotels that
service tourists who pass through the valley.
By using only a qualitative approach, it was difficult to gam er large amounts of
responses. Results in the form o f number values could have been helpful in summarizing
value expressions over a larger amount o f people. A quantitative method could have
involved sending a survey instrument to McBride, Prince George, and all Robson Valley
communities in order to gather a more comprehensive understanding of values
surrounding the ancient forest. Economic valuation, for example, could have
demonstrated what people would pay to keep their values protected surrounding the
ancient cedars, providing a more specific interpretation o f what type of management
choices they would support.
Limitations exist by using a value framework from the literature as the basis for
studying specific forest ecosystems. Because the Moyer et al. (2008) framework is not
inclusive of all the possible values associated with old-growth forests, some end-values
did not relate specifically to the ancient forest and the two communities in the study area,
while other values specific to the communities were not present in the framework. In an
attempt to mitigate this limitation, the framework was modified slightly and participants

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were provided spaces on the value sheet to add their own values. However, when
modifying the framework, you run the risk o f losing its universal application and its
ability to be replicated.
Another limitation that is inherent in value research is the variability within value
definitions. Regardless of the definitions presented in the interviews, residents may have
used their own understanding of value categories to define the values presented to them.
When comparing values, therefore, the data may not be fully representative o f what the
resident intended. Providing a single set o f definitions from Moyer et al.’s (2008) study to
all participants was one attempt to address this limitation, however the potential for
misinterpretation still exists.
Cold-calling houses in the communities presented the limitation o f potentially
rushed and underdeveloped responses. If a person was not prepared for the interview (i.e.
if they were busy working their land since it was haying season), they may have provided
rushed answers in order return to work. If the interview was pre-arranged, respondents
might have been able to manage their time more appropriately and reflect on their values
prior to the interview. Also, because researchers were strangers to respondents,
respondents may have felt protective o f their opinions, and subsequently withheld honest
answers.
A limitations related to the use o f a multi-step value exercise was that some elder
residents found it harder to work with the long list o f values and felt slightly intimidated
by the multi-step, hands-on process. Other reasons for this difficulty included poor
eyesight and trouble using a pen to check off the boxes on the value list. Help provided
by researches in reading the list of values to the participants and checking off the value

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boxes alleviated this limitation. The help received in choosing their values, however, may
have made it more difficult to compare values relative to others. As well, results from
interviews with elder participants may include bias as a function o f increased researcher
involvement.

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Chapter 6
CONCLUSION
People are part o f forest ecosystems; they derive material and non-material
services from them, they live, work, and play in forests, and their social values, behavior,
and knowledge of forest ecosystems affect them in both direct and indirect ways
(FEMAT 1993). Forests appear to be valued differently by people with different
relationships to the forest. For example, people living within a forest often value the
environment for its life-support qualities; people working in the forest who are dependent
on the timber industry value it for its economic potential; tourists often value a forest for
its recreational opportunities; scientists studying a forest are sometimes captured by its
rarity or uniqueness. One group may be incapable o f judging a forest for all o f its values
accurately, therefore a range of value perspectives is important to consider. Documenting
and measuring the breadth of forest values can help broaden the understanding o f the best
and highest uses of unique ecosystems, such as the ancient cedar forest in the ITR.
Methods used in this research were successful in gathering and analyzing value
perspectives from three different groups o f people: trail users, the public, and local
residents. I would recommend this method to future forest value studies, as overall it was
a creative and effective way to allow people the freedom to consider their held values on
the spot. It does not require many supplies, and the equipment is easy to carry from place
to place. The way in which people choose to organize their values on the magnet board
can also lend itself to a whole other level o f analysis that could potentially speak to the
pattern and complexity of people’s values, and how they see those values shaping their
lives.

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Results from this research revealed a wide breadth of values surrounding the
ancient cedar stands including material values economic in nature, life-support values
beneficial to all species, and an equal breadth o f non-material values represented through
aesthetic, socio-cultural, spiritual, and ethical value categories. Sources o f values among
the three study populations (trail users, the public, and residents) stemmed from
anthropocentric, biocentric, and religious/spiritual influences. Some values received
unanimous endorsement from respondents, such as air-purifying and beauty,
exemplifying common concerns among different groups o f people. Conflict between
timber and tourism, cedar products, and inherent worth values such as age and rarity of
trees also produced valuable insights into the debate between conserving and harvesting
the old-growth forests.
The current debate is lacking in consideration o f the wider array o f non-material
values surrounding the ancient cedar stands. The results form this research represent a
breadth held forest values surrounding the ancient forest, as well as areas o f conflict
among values, that has previously been undocumented. Community members, policy
makers, and researchers, can use the results from this study to identify areas within the
ITR that may be more socially and economically sensitive to harvesting.
Logging has been a major part of the economy in the upper Fraser River valley,
and with dwindling future forest prospects, communities have been looking increasingly
to the interior wetbelt for their wood supply. On the other hand, other community
residents, recreationists, and scientists have recognized the ITR environment as globally
unique and significant, and are concerned about the cumulative impacts o f forest
harvesting on old-growth cedar stands. The values o f different users of the forest

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ecosystem are therefore important to consider in this situation. It has become apparent
through this conflict that the timber value, which has historically been the primary
indicator of a forest’s worth, is not the only useful indicator for management decisions;
exploring all held values, such has been done in this study, informs the highest and best
uses o f forest ecosystems.
There is consensus across a broad literature that values are a reasonable way of
conceptualizing how we make decisions about the environment (Dietz et al. 2005) and
how individual action can and does blossom from a strong set o f environmental values.
Providing expressed held forest values to various systems (political, economic, social)
allows natural resource managers to understand better what values individuals and groups
assign forest practices. In this way, values can have an effect on public policy,
economics, and human stewardship o f the environment. This does not necessarily mean
that if our values are environmentally conscious then globally unique ecosystems like the
ITR will no longer be threatened. However, if environmental policy options are based on
an appreciation o f how humans value nature then we may be able to relate to and manage
natural areas more appropriately.

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Appendix A: Participant Consent Form
CONSENT FORM

Vulnerability of Old-growth Forests
in British Columbia’s Inland Temperate Rainforest

Dear Participant:

The management of remaining old-growth inland temperate rainforest (ITR) stands in the
upper Fraser River valley is a high priority for the region. For this reason the University
o f Northern British Columbia is collecting information about the social and biological
values associated with the ITR. Our research will synthesize existing data sets, and
conducting additional field- and community-based studies to address knowledge gaps.
Our examination of the social and economic impacts of climate change on ITR stands
will focus on assessments in three major areas: (a) perceived values of future non-timber
uses o f the ITR; (b) perceptions o f vulnerability o f non-timber uses under different
climate change scenarios; and (c) opportunities for adaptation.
In this part o f the project we are asking residents o f Dome Creek and Crescent
Spur to participate in an interview. The interview should take about one hour. Your
participation in this project is completely voluntary and you may withdraw your
participation at any time during the project without penalty or risk of any kind. You
may choose to answer only the questions you are comfortable with. Should you choose
to withdraw then your information will also be withdrawn.
All information you provide will be recorded, with your consent, by written notes
and by audio tape. Your interview responses will be kept confidential. The
information we collect will be stored electronically in a database that can only be
accessed by the researchers o f the project team. All personal identifying information will
be removed from this database. In addition, any hard copy interview notes will be stored
in a secure locked filing system. All data will be destroyed within five years.
You may direct questions about the study to David J. Connell, Assistant
Professor, UNBC, at 250-960-5835 or connell@unbc.ca. Complaints about the project
should be directed to the Office o f Research, UNBC, at 250-960-5650 or reb@unbc.ca.
Thank you for your participation.
I have read and understood the above and I voluntarily agree to participate in this study. I
understand that I can ask questions and withdraw my participation at any time.

Participant name (please print)

Participant signature

Date

Researcher name

Researcher signature

Date

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Appendix B: Sample o f Interview Questions

A - Living in the Valley__________________________

_____________________________________________

Objective: To set the context for talking about values, and to assess the relative
importance o f the forest in the participant’s lifestyle in the valley.
Our first set o f questions will help us to understand your relation with the valley and its
forests. W e’ll start by asking a question you’ve probably answered a hundred times
already.
1) Can you tell us why you moved to the valley?
• Why here?
•

Were you bom in the valley?

•

Move here?
•

Why did you move here?

•

What brought you here? [Job? Family? Valley?]

•

How long have you lived here?

•

Have you ever had an opportunity to leave?
•

Why did you stay [or come back]?

2) [Forest] How important are the ecological features of this valley to you, such as
the rivers, mountains, forests, and wildlife? (general)

•

To what extent is the forest important to you:
□
□
□
□
□

Highly important
Important
Moderately important
Somewhat important
Not at all important

Explain [prompt if needed]
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•

[Prompt for assessing their level o f awareness o f the ancient cedars if it is not clear
by their previous responses: There exist specific pockets throughout the valley that
support ancient cedar stands. Toe slopes are an ecological feature that helps retain
snowmelt moisture and promotes the growth o f these ancient cedars.]
How important are the stands o f ancient cedars to you?
□
□
□
□
□

Highly important
Important
Moderately important
Somewhat important
Not at all important

B —Forest Values
Objective: To facilitate a conversation about forest values concerning the ancient cedars
in a way that is easiest for the participant.

1. [initial question] W e’d now like to know about your values relating to the ancient
cedar stands. For this we have a short exercise for you.
a. Show participants a list o f values and ask them to place a checkmark in the box
next to the values that are important to them.
b. From the values selected, ask the participant to identify the most important
values by placing an asterisk beside each one. (The list should be smaller now).
Select these values from the magnets and place them on the metal board.
c. Ask the participant to review their fin a l list o f ranked values. Ask i f they would
like to make any changes to the values included in the list or to the order o f the
values. (If values seem poorly chosen, prompt by mentioning broader value
categories)
d. Ask participant to rank these values in order from most to least important.

2. Explain why you have ranked these values in this way.

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Appendix C: Personal Background

Jessica Shapiro is from Toronto, Ontario. Living in Prince George was her first
experience in British Columbia and the north. She completed her Bachelor o f Arts degree
at McGill University in Humanistics, which is an interdisciplinary degree examining the
literature surrounding the question: “what does it mean to be human?” She graduated
with a minor in Psychology.
Jessica has worked as a student journalist since high school. During the interim
between her two degrees Jessica worked at Greenpeace as a door-to-door canvasser.
Jessica has also had extensive experience abroad, mainly in Spain and Argentina as both
a student and a traveler.

139