What's in your freezer?
Traditional Food Use and Food Security in Two Yukon First Nations Communities

Roseanne C. Schuster
B.Sc, Canisius College, 2007

Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of
The Requirements for the Degree of
Master of Science
In
Community Health Sciences

The University of Northern British Columbia
August 2009
© Roseanne C. Schuster, 2009

1*1

Library and Archives
Canada

Bibliotheque et
Archives Canada

Published Heritage
Branch

Direction du
Patrimoine de I'edition

395 Wellington Street
Ottawa ON K1A 0N4
Canada

395, rue Wellington
OttawaONK1A0N4
Canada
Your Tile Votre reference
ISBN: 978-0-494-60813-5
Our file Notre reference
ISBN: 978-0-494-60813-5

NOTICE:

AVIS:

The author has granted a nonexclusive license allowing Library and
Archives Canada to reproduce,
publish, archive, preserve, conserve,
communicate to the public by
telecommunication or on the Internet,
loan, distribute and sell theses
worldwide, for commercial or noncommercial purposes, in microform,
paper, electronic and/or any other
formats.

L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive
permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives
Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver,
sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public
par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, preter,
distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le
monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur
support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou
autres formats.

The author retains copyright
ownership and moral rights in this
thesis. Neither the thesis nor
substantial extracts from it may be
printed or otherwise reproduced
without the author's permission.

L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur
et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. Ni
la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci
ne doivent §tre imprimes ou autrement
reproduits sans son autorisation.

In compliance with the Canadian
Privacy Act some supporting forms
may have been removed from this
thesis.

Conformement a la loi canadienne sur la
protection de la vie privee, quelques
formulaires secondaires ont ete enleves de
cette these.

While these forms may be included
in the document page count, their
removal does not represent any loss
of content from the thesis.

Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans
la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu
manquant.

1+1

Canada

Abstract
Traditional foods are central to Aboriginal well-being; however the trend of decreasing
use can pose risks of chronic diseases. This study collected information on the frequency
and quantity of traditional foods consumed and level of food security of 29 Vuntut
Gwitchin adults from Old Crow and 33 Teslin Tlingit adults in Yukon, Canada.
Traditional foods were shown to be an important part of the diet, although challenges in
access to and availability of foods were reported.
There are limited data on mercury in caribou, a principal food source of the Vuntut
Gwitchin. Seventy-five caribou muscle, 63 kidney and 3 liver samples were analyzed for
total mercury. Estimated total mercury and methylmercury exposure and nutrient intake
was calculated by combining mercury and nutrient levels with reported dietary
information. Caribou issues were found to contribute high levels of important nutrients
to the diet and pose minimal health risk from mercury exposure.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract
Table of Contents
List of Tables
List of Figures
Acknowledgements
Contribution of Authors

ii
iii
v
vi
vii
viii

Introduction
Rationale
Research Questions
Organization

1
2
3
3

Chapter 1: Literature Review
Food Security
Factors Affecting Traditional Food Security
Factors Affecting Market Food Security
Food Use and Nutrition
Nutrition
Chronic diseases
Mercury in Traditional Foods
Methylmercury and Aboriginal Peoples
Risk Benefit Assessments of Traditional Food Consumption

4
5
6
8
10
12
14
16
16
19

Chapter 2: Importance of traditional foods for the food security of two First Nations
communities in Yukon, Canada
Introduction
Methods
Communities
Ethics and Research Agreements
Data Collection
Food Frequency Questionnaires
Food Security
Data Analysis
Results
Participants
Food frequency
Comparison between 1991-1992 and 2007-2008
Age and Gender
Food Security

24
25
28
28
29
30
30
31
31
33
33
35
40
46
49

in

Discussion
Limitations
Validity of comparison
Frequency of food use
Food security
Conclusion

55
55
55
55
58
61

Connecting Bridge

62

Chapter 3: Assessing risk of mercury exposure and nutritional benefits of consumption of
caribou (Rangifer tarandus) in the Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation community of Old Crow,
Yukon, Canada
Introduction
Methods
Community
Ethics
Food Frequency Questionnaires
Mercury Analysis of Caribou
Results
Discussion
Conclusion

63
64
67
67
67
67
68
71
78
81

Chapter 4: Conclusions

82

References

85

Appendices
Appendix 1
Appendix 2
Appendix 5
Appendix 6
Appendix 7
Appendix 8
Appendix 9
Appendix 10

97
98
102
119
120
121
122
123

iv

List of Tables
Table 2.1. Household participation

34

Table 2.2. Participant demographics

34

Table 2.3a. Quantity of traditional foods consumed by adults in Vuntut Gwitchin
households (n=26)

36

Table 2.3b. Quantity of traditional foods consumed by adults in Teslin Tlingit
households (n=32)

38

Table 2.4a. Frequency of traditional food use by adults in Vuntut Gwitchin households
in 1992 and 2008

41

Table 2.4b. Frequency of traditional food use by adults in Teslin Tlingit households in
1992 and 2008

44

Table 2.5. Median, mean and standard deviation g/day of traditional food consumption
for adults in Old Crow and Teslin

47

Table 2.6a. Median, mean and standard deviation for foods where there was significant
differences between genders

48

Table 2.6b. Median, mean and standard deviation for foods where there was significant
differences between age groups

48

Table 2.7. Access to traditional foods

54

Table 3.1. Reported consumption (g/person/day) of Porcupine Caribou muscle, kidney
and liver

72

Table 3.2. THg and MeHg concentrations in Porcupine Caribou muscle, kidney and
liver

74

Table 3.3. THg and MeHg intake from the consumption of Porcupine Caribou muscle,
kidney and liver

74

Table 3.4a. Contribution of caribou muscle, kidney and liver to nutrient intake in women
(n=14)
76
Table 3.4b. Contribution of caribou muscle, kidney and liver to nutrient intake in men
(n=12)

v

77

List of Figures
Fig. 2.1. First Nations traditional territory map of the Yukon (Wein & Freeman, 1995, p.
162; Reprinted with permission from the Arctic Institute of North America
29
Fig. 2.2a. Self-observed changes in diet of traditional food categories by adults in
Vuntut Gwitchin households (n=25)

51

Fig. 2.2b. Self-observed changes in diet of traditional food categories by adults in
Teslin Tlingit households (n=27)

51

Acknowledgements

This project would not have been possible without the community members of Old Crow and
Teslin. I sincerely appreciate your warm welcome and willingness to share your knowledge
and experiences with me. Special thanks to the research assistants: Tracy Kapuschak,
Bertha Frost, Edna Kyikavichik and Lorraine Peter (community coordinator) of Old Crow
and Santana Jules, Brittany Desjarlais and Marianne Keenan (community coordinator) of
Teslin.
Thanks to my supervisor, Dr. Laurie Chan, who continually challenged me to take this thesis
in new directions. I appreciate the contextual conversations of my committee members, Drs.
Josee Lavoie and Karyn Sharp. I would like to thank Pam Tobin for her guidance, quick
laughter and perspective throughout the project. I appreciate the data support of Amy Ing,
the nutritional expertise of Angela Grigg, the perspective of Neil Hanlon and the statistical
assistance of Drs. Paul Siakaluk and Peter MacMillan.
I have thoroughly enjoyed the supportive learning environment and friendship of the
members of the Chan Lab; sharing ideas, developing new strategies and savoring potlucks
has been an important part of my time in Prince George. I would also like to thank my
officemates and colleagues for your willingness to brainstorm over tea during the various
stages of the conceptualization and thesis-writing process.
Finally, thanks to my family and friends for your love, encouragement and varied
conversation topics that kept me from becoming buried in this thesis.

The funding for this project was provided by the Natural Science and Engineering Research
Council of Canada through the International Polar Year Program and by a Team Grant from
the Canadian Institute of Health Research, both through Dr. Chan, and a UNBC/Michael
Smith Health Research Award to Roseanne Schuster. Roseanne Schuster was also supported
by a Fulbright Scholarship from the U.S. Department of State and the Donald B. Rix BC
Leadership Chair for Aboriginal Environmental Health Student Award.

vii

Contribution of Authors
This is a manuscript-based thesis and includes two manuscripts to be submitted for
publication (Chapter 2 and Chapter 3). Chapter 2 is authored by Roseanne Schuster and coauthored by Eleanor E. Wein, Cindy Dickson and Laurie Hing Man Chan. Chapter 3 is
authored by Roseanne Schuster and co-authored by Mary Gamberg and Laurie Hing Man
Chan. The contributions of each of the authors for the manuscripts are stated below:
In respect to Chapter 2, Roseanne Schuster developed the study methodology, collected the
2007-2008 data, performed the statistical analysis and communicated results with the
communities. Eleanor Wein supported the method development and shared the 1991-1992
food frequency data. Cindy Dickson of the Council of Yukon First Nations facilitated
community engagement. Laurie Hing Man Chan initiated the project and advised the work
of Roseanne Schuster.
In respect to Chapter 3, Roseanne Schuster analyzed the caribou muscle samples for mercury
content and performed all data analyses for estimated mercury exposure and nutrient intake.
Mary Gamberg was responsible for the collection of all caribou samples and analysis of
mercury levels in the liver and kidney samples. Laurie Hing Man Chan initiated the project
and supervised the work of Roseanne Schuster.

vni

INTRODUCTION

While traditional foods are recognized to contribute to the health and well-being of
Aboriginal Peoples, there is an increasing inclusion of market foods in the diet (Batal et al,
2005; Deutch et al, 2007; Wein, 1994b). The replacement of nutrient-rich traditional foods
with market foods high in carbohydrates and saturated fats has been identified as a risk factor
for increased occurrences of chronic disease associated with the rapid nutrition transition
(Damman et al, 2007; Kuhnlein et al, 2004; Popkin, 2009). This shift in diet has occurred
due to a combination of socio-economic and environmental pressures that threaten food
security in northern communities (Guyot et al, 2006; Lambden et al, 2006; Willows, 2005).
The chemical contamination of traditional food sources has also become a food security
issue in recent decades. The developmental neurotoxin methylmercury has been welldocumented in fish and marine mammals, raising concern about prenatal exposure through
Aboriginal mothers' traditional diet (Gabrielsen et al, 2003; Kuhnlein & Chan, 2000;
Muckle et al, 2001). Caribou is one of the traditional foods most frequently consumed
among by Yukon First Nations (Wein & Freeman, 1995), yet there are gaps in the literature
surrounding mercury in these terrestrial animals (Gamberg, 2004, 2007; Gamberg et al,
2005). It is important to assess the safety of caribou as even low levels of mercury can pose
human health risk if frequency and quantity of consumption are sufficiently large.

1

Rationale
In 1991-1992, Wein & Freeman (1995) surveyed three Yukon First Nations living in
four communities for frequency of traditional food use. Traditional foods, particularly
caribou, moose and salmon, were found to be important components of the daily diet of
Yukon First Nations. The Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation community of Old Crow consumed
and the Tlingit community of Teslin reported the highest frequencies of traditional food use.
Since then, environmental and socio-economic pressures have continued to pose challenges
to traditional lifestyles, and communities across the north have reported concerns for the
integrity of their traditional food systems (Bird et al, 2008). Recent studies (Kuhnlein et al,
2006; Kuhnlein & Receveur, 2007; Kuhnlein et al, 2004; Nakano et al, 2005b) have been
conducted on the frequency of traditional food use and nutrient intake among adults in other
Yukon First Nations communities but have not included the original four surveyed by Wein
and Freeman (1995). Identifying potential trends in traditional food consumption patterns is
an important aspect of food security.
The chemical contamination of traditional food sources is a concern reported by many
northern communities. The Vuntut Gwitchin have sustained a unique relationship with the
Porcupine Caribou Herd for centuries, and the caribou is central to both the diet and culture
of the Vuntut Gwitchin. Investigating mercury levels in the caribou, which is the most
frequently consumed traditional food in Old Crow, is important for the Vuntut Gwitchin First
Nation's maintenance of traditional lifestyle, health and well-being.

2

Research Questions
There are two main objectives to this thesis. The first is to evaluate traditional food
consumption patterns in the context of food security in Vuntut Gwitchin households in Old
Crow and Tlingit households in Teslin. The second goal is to investigate mercury levels in
archived caribou samples. In order to address these objectives, the following research
questions have been asked and will be addressed within this thesis:
••• Has there been a change in traditional food consumption among adults in Vuntut
Gwitchin and Tlingit households in Old Crow and Teslin between 1991-1992
and 2007-2008?
o Are there differences between age groups and genders?
••• What, if any, are the challenges to food security in each community?
•

Does mercury exposure through consumption caribou muscle, kidney and liver
pose a health risk to consumers?

•

What nutritional benefits do Vuntut Gwitchin adults receive through consuming
caribou meat, kidney and liver?

Organization
This thesis is organized in a manuscript format, with the two middle chapters
presenting study results written as manuscripts that will be further prepared for publication.
The first chapter positions this thesis among the literature on northern food security, nutrition
and chemical contaminants in traditional food sources. The second chapter answers the first
two research questions and the third chapter addresses the third and fourth research questions
in manuscript format. The concluding chapter integrates the main points from the two
manuscripts and the literature review.

3

CHAPTER 1: LITERATURE REVIEW
Traditional foods can be defined as culturally accepted foods available from local
natural resources that constitute the food systems, with food systems encompassing the
socio-cultural implications, harvesting, preparation, use, composition and nutritional
consequences for people using the food (Kuhnlein et al, 2001). Traditional food systems
vary according to the geography and culture of Indigenous Peoples. Throughout this thesis,
traditional foods will be used to refer to the general food systems of Aboriginal Peoples (First
Nations, Inuit and Metis) and when specified will focus on the foods systems of a particular
group.
The health benefits of traditional foods are widely recognized by Aboriginal Peoples.
When asked about the most important advantage of traditional foods, the most common
answer of Dene/Metis, Yukon First Nations and Inuit across the Arctic is its contribution to
physical health and nutritional well-being (Kuhnlein et al, 2000; Lambden et al, 2007).
Almost half (42%) of Inuit mothers interviewed in Nunavik reported increasing their
traditional food consumption during pregnancy, with 26% for reasons of perceived health
benefits for mother and/or child (Muckle et al, 2001). In a survey of Yukon First Nations,
24% of 802 male and female respondents chose healthy and nutritious as the most important
advantage of traditional foods (Receveur et al, 1998). Yukon First Nations have also
expressed the belief that the consumption of moose, salmon and caribou is important for
health (Wein, 1994a). In interviews on the benefits of traditional foods, Dene/Metis, Inuit,
and Yukon First Nations have made comments to the effect that "[traditional food] makes
your blood strong" (Lambden et al, 2007, p. 312). Furthermore, regular engagement in
hunting, fishing, berry picking and plant harvesting contribute to fitness and overall health
4

(Deutch et al, 2007; Kuhnlein & Receveur, 1996; Lambden et al, 2007; Wilson &
Rosenberg, 2002).
However, the harvesting, preparation and consumption of traditional foods represent
much more than physical health and nutrition to Aboriginal Peoples (Kuhnlein & Receveur,
1996; Muckle et al, 2001; Van Oostdam et al, 2005; Wein & Freeman, 1992). The cultural
values inherent in these food-centered activities form the basis for societal well-being and
cultural identity (Egede, 1995; Kuhnlein et al, 2000; Wein & Freeman, 1992). Comments
from Dene/Metis, Yukon First Nations and Inuit women on the importance of traditional
foods have included "keeps our tradition," "brings people together" and "involves family in
food preparation]" (Lambden et al., 2007, p. 312). Harvesting and preparation activities
facilitate inter generational knowledge transfer between elders and youth and maintain the
spiritual connection with the land (Kuhnlein et al., 2000; Richmond & Ross, 2009; Wheatley,
1994). Furthermore, the circumpolar Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic (SLCiA)
showed a strong relationship between levels of subsistence activities and overall satisfaction
with life (Poppel et al, 2007). The societal and spiritual health benefits of harvesting and
using traditional foods are important to individual and community well-being.
Food Security
Food security has been defined as existing "when all people, at all times, have
physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary
needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life" (Food and Agriculture
Organization, 1996, para. 1). The World Health Organization notes that availability, access
and appropriate use are the three pillars of food security (World Health Organization, 2008).
Evaluating food security among Aboriginal Peoples must take into consideration their

5

culturally specific relationships with the land and the central role food plays in culture
(Lambden et al, 2007; Power, 2008). Food security in a northern and Aboriginal context has
been modified to include "the continual and predictable availability and access to food
derived from northern environments through Indigenous cultural practices (Paci et al, 2004,
p. 1). Factors affecting Yukon First Nations' food security include environmental changes,
prohibitive costs, and lack of adequate and functional equipment for harvesting country foods
as well as access to and availability of imported market foods (Lambden et al., 2006; Wein,
1994a).
Factors Affecting Traditional Food Security
Modification of the environment, chemical contamination and climate change are
principal among environmental stresses affecting traditional food security (Loring &
Gerlach, 2008; Willows, 2005). Disrupted water flows, changes in animal populations, and
local chemical contamination can result from industrial activities (Willows, 2005). In
addition to local industries, naturally occurring sources and long-range oceanic and
atmospheric transport contribute to the presence of contaminants such as metals and
organochlorines in the Arctic and subarctic (Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme,
2004; Brooks et al., 2005). Many of these contaminants bioaccumulate, building up in plants
and animals in the environment. Some contaminants biomagnify, meaning that their levels
increase according to the animals' position in the food chain, with highest levels in top-level
trophic animals. The bioaccumulative properties of these contaminants have raised concerns
for the safety of traditional foods for Aboriginal consumers. While this concern may be
warranted for consumers of high trophic level animals, such as the Inuit whose diet consists
of large quantities of seals and whales, contaminant exposure is generally less for other
Aboriginal populations who consume primarily terrestrial herbivorous animals (Berti et al.,
6

1998; Chan & Receveur, 2000; Hansen & Gilman, 2005). However, the perception of high
health risk due to contamination is pervasive, as well as the confusion about which foods are
safe and which are unsafe (Chan & Receveur, 2000; Usher et al, 1995). The lack of
comprehensive exposure assessments and improper or ineffective communication of
information are among the reasons for this confusion and have led to unnecessary changes in
food consumption patterns (Berti et al, 1998; Myers & Furgal, 2006; Usher et al, 1995;
Wheatley, 1997; Willows, 2005).
Climate change has raised concerns that the predictability, availability and quality of
traditional foods will be affected (Loring & Gerlach, 2008; Paci et al, 2004). Effects of
climate-related changes differ between communities based on location and baseline climate,
but overall trends show decreases in ice thickness and/or cover, fluctuations in precipitation
and an increased unpredictability in weather (Guyot et al, 2006; Nancarrow, 2007).
Changes in species presence and migration patterns have affected the length and calendar
time of hunting season (Guyot et al, 2006). This changed hunting period combined with
fluctuations in ice cover and snow melt have made personal safety an issue in deciding when
to go out on the land to harvest (Guyot et al, 2006; Nancarrow, 2007).
Time and income can act as barriers in a economy where both wage employment and
subsistence activities are pursued (Chan et al, 2006; Kruse, 1991). Individuals engaged in
regular wage-earning jobs may not have the time required to make harvesting trips to far
destinations as was traditionally done. For example, in an Inupiat community where
residents reported working more months at wage jobs than surrounding communities,
households were observed to derive less food from subsistence activities (Kruse, 1991). Inuit
in Nunavut have reported restricting harvesting activities to weekends and relying on elders

7

to feed younger generations as results of time demands (Chan et al, 2006). Still, the issue
is more complex than a subsistence-wage economy trade-off. For instance, subsistence
activities themselves have become more technologically enhanced, and money is necessary
to purchase and maintain equipment including snow machines, gas, and ammunition (Loring
& Gerlach, 2008; Poppel et al, 2007). Women in Yukon First Nations, Dene/Metis, and
Inuit households have reported not having enough equipment for hunting and fishing, as well
as perceiving these activities as cost-prohibitive (Lambden et al, 2006). Those belonging to
the highest income bracket of Northern Alaskan Inupiat households most frequently reported
obtaining over half their food from subsistence activities (Kruse, 1991). However, the
circumpolar SLCiA failed to establish a relationship between number of subsistence
activities and wage work as measured by income, suggesting there are factors in addition to
time and money that are involved in this dynamic relationship (Poppel et al, 2007). Those
factors may include proximity to harvesting areas and type and expense of equipment
required for the particular harvesting.
Factors Affecting Market Food Security
Market foods now account for a larger proportion of First Nation Peoples' diets than
previous decades, and obtaining and choosing nutritious market foods can be challenging
(Lawn & Harvey, 2003; Wein, 1994a; Willows, 2005). In northern and remote communities,
cost is often a prohibitive factor in obtaining nutritious market foods (Chan et al, 2006;
Lambden et al, 2006; Wein, 1994a). In a survey of 1771 women across 44 Arctic
Dene/Metis, Yukon First Nations and Inuit communities, between 26% and 58.3% reported
not being able to afford all food items their household needed from the store (Lambden et al,
2006).

8

High prices in stores in remote and northern communities result from the expense of
transporting goods long distances by truck, ship or air as well as the monopolies involved. In
comparing four Yukon communities, Wein (1994) found prices increased in the following
order: Whitehorse, Teslin, Haines Junction and Old Crow. The first three are accessible
along the Alaska Highway, while goods must be flown into Old Crow (Indian and Northern
Affairs Canada, 2007). Using information from the 1990 Northern Food Basket, which
represents the cost of a nutritionally adequate diet for one week for a family of four, prices in
Whitehorse, Teslin and Old Crow were 117%, 134% and 318% the cost of the same Northern
Food Basket in Edmonton (Wein, 1994a). The Revised Northern Food Basket was released
in 2007 to reflect market food consumption patterns of northern communities, and healthier
alternatives were exchanged for previously included items, such as skim milk for 2%
evaporated milk (Lawn & Hill, 2007). In 2008, the price of the Revised Northern Food
Basket was $207 and $496 in Whitehorse and Old Crow, respectively (Indian and Northern
Affairs Canada, 2009). The cost of market foods in Old Crow has been consistently at least
two and a half times that in Whitehorse, a reflection of the challenges communities face in
obtaining nutritious market foods in northern and remote locations.
The Canadian Government began the Food Mail Program in 1993 in an effort to
address the high shipping costs foods going to remote locations. This program subsidizes
transportation costs so that recipients pay $0.75 per parcel in addition to $0.80/kg and
$2.15/kg for perishable and non-perishable foods, respectively (Indian and Northern Affairs
Canada, 2007). This represents a decrease from 1992 prices, which shipped perishables for
$1.50/kg (Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 2007). Old Crow is the only Yukon
community to which the Food Mail Program is offered; however the local store does not

9

utilize the Food Mail program for non-perishables as it would not significantly reduce the
cost (Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 2009). Some community members order foods
from Whitehorse on their own (Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation, 2006); still, there are perceived
problems with accessing the Food Mail Program, including the need for a credit card,
planning ahead, and the delay in shipments from Whitehorse due to weather and overweight
planes (Community member, personal communication, March 2008).
Additional factors influencing the availability of market foods in stores in northern
communities include limited selection, poor nutritional quality and poor condition of
perishables (Bird et al, 2008; Chan et al., 2006; Deutch et al, 2007; Wein, 1994a). To
minimize losses from spoilage of perishable foods, stores tend to import foods with a longer
shelf-life, just as families with low incomes may choose foods that can be stored longer
(Tobin, 2007). Together these factors mean that the foods made available in remote locations
tend to be higher in preservatives, carbohydrates and saturated fats (Milburn, 2004).
Selection and quality of perishables is particularly limited in more remote locations. For
example, the actual shipment of goods to Old Crow depends on availability of space in the
transporting aircraft (Wein, 1994a). Coupled with limitations in inventory space in small
stores, limited selection results in desirable foods disappearing from shelves soon after
delivery (Wein, 1994a).
Food Use and Nutrition
Frequency of traditional food use has been shown to vary with geography, season,
sex, age and identity of the Aboriginal community (Batal et al, 2005; Kuhnlein et al, 1996;
Receveur et al., 1997; Wein & Freeman, 1995). Consumption of traditional foods increases
with northern latitudes and remoteness, and seasonal availability dictates species

10

representation in the diet (Kuhnlein et al, 1994; Nakano et al, 2005b; Receveur et al, 1997;
Wein & Freeman, 1995). In Yukon First Nations, terrestrial animals make up the largest
group of traditional foods, with moose and caribou the most frequently consumed species
(Batal et al, 2005; Nakano et al, 2005b; Wein & Freeman, 1995). Men generally consume
more traditional foods than women, and older individuals tend to consume more traditional
foods than younger individuals; however there is not a clear pattern when age and gender are
considered together (Kuhnlein et al., 2004; Receveur et al., 1997; Wein et al., 1991). In a
study of 44 Dene/Metis, Yukon First Nations and Inuit communities, men aged 20-40
consumed more traditional food than women of the same age group (Kuhnlein et al, 2004).
The same study showed that traditional foods accounted for 10-36% of total energy intake.
Traditional food consumption is lower still for children. In a study of children from three
Dene/Metis and two Yukon First Nations communities, traditional foods accounted for 4.5%
of total energy intake, with the highest rate in Old Crow (10.7%) and the lowest in Carcross
(0.4%) (Nakano et al, 2005a). Fat and sweets made up 21% and 20% of the children's
energy intake from market food consumption, with grains and then fruit and vegetables
accounting for 20% and 8%, respectively (Nakano et al., 2005a).
Still, First Nations have reported a preference for traditional foods over their market
equivalents (Wein, 1996; Wein & Freeman, 1992). In reporting their perceived ideal diet
when both traditional and market foods are abundant, respondents from four Yukon First
Nations communities chose foods that would result in a diet lower in energy from fat as well
as higher in iron and vitamins A and C when compared with their actual diet (Wein, 1996).
Over one-third (37%) of individuals from all communities interviewed noted that they would
prefer to eat more or mostly traditional foods, with other frequent comments supporting a

11

preference for more wild meat and an increased variety of both traditional and market foods
(Wein, 1996). Yukon First Nations value the purity and natural characteristics of traditional
foods, expressing concern for the chemical preservatives and additives in market foods
(Lambden et al, 2007; Wein, 1996).
Aboriginal Peoples' high regard for the purity of traditional foods is one aspect of
their spiritual connection with traditional foods and the land. The Haudenosaunee Runner
(2000, p.2) compares food to medicine, and notes "Food is a sacred gift of Creation meant to
nourish our mind and bodies." This sentiment is shared by others, with Ship (1997a, para. 2)
agreeing that food is eaten "not only to nourish our bodies but also to nourish our souls."
Aboriginal Peoples believe that spiritual energy is associated and transferred with food.
Therefore the individual must be in a good frame of mind while planting, nurturing,
harvesting, and preparing the food because his or her energy goes into the food, and this
energy will transfer to those who consume it (Elder G. Rossetti, personal communication,
May 8 2008).
Nutrition
Traditional foods, particularly animal foods, are important sources of the critical
vitamins and nutrients necessary for good health (Hidiroglou et al, 2008; Kuhnlein et al,
1994; Kuhnlein et al, 2002; Kuhnlein & Receveur, 2007; Kuhnlein et al, 2004; Moses et al,
2009). Even when consumed in low quantities, traditional foods contribute large amounts of
important nutrients so that individuals have significantly higher micronutrient intakes in days
when traditional foods are consumed than in days where traditional foods are not part of the
diet (Deutch et al, 2007; Kuhnlein et al, 2006; Kuhnlein & Receveur, 1996, 2007; Kuhnlein
et al, 2004; Receveur et al, 1997; Receveur et al, 1998). Although traditional foods
contributed an average of just 17% of daily energy in four Yukon First Nations communities,
12

they were responsible for 50% or more of daily intakes of protein, vitamin B12, riboflavin,
niacin, iron and zinc (Wein, 1995). Consumption of meat and fish are important sources of
iron, protein and n-3 fatty acids (Kuhnlein et al, 2008; Kuhnlein et al, 1996).
Cheap market foods tend to be low in nutrients and high in saturated fats, and their
increased inclusion in the daily diet has generated concern that Aboriginal Peoples are
lacking the critical nutrients found in a diet of mainly traditional foods. Low levels of
magnesium, folate, calcium, fiber, and vitamins A, D, and E have been reported in
Aboriginal diets across Canada (Kuhnlein et al, 2006; Kuhnlein et al, 2008; Wein, 1995).
Close to 100% of all age and gender groups of Dene/Metis, Yukon First Nations and Inuit
surveyed fell below the estimated average requirement (EAR) for Vitamin E, with almost
100% of all Dene/Metis below recommendations for Vitamin A as well (Kuhnlein et al,
2006). Age-related differences in vitamin A intake among Inuit have been linked with
differences in consumption of traditional foods, with younger Inuit consuming foods that are
rich in vitamin A (Egeland et al, 2004).
Among Yukon First Nations, no consistent age or gender pattern was observed with
levels of vitamins A, D and E (Kuhnlein et al, 2006). Older women (> 40) and young men
(< 40) had better status with vitamin A, with only 15% and 0% falling below the EAR,
respectively. All gender and age groups had a high percentage falling below the EAR for
vitamin D, this time with 100% of both older women and young men below the EAR, and all
individuals in the four groups below EAR for vitamin E. In studies with children from two
Yukon First Nations and three Dene/Metis communities, average intake levels showed more
than 50% of children aged 10-12 had levels below the EAR for calcium, phosphorous,

13

dietary fiber, co-6- fatty acids, co-3 fatty acids and vitamins A,D and E, and girls alone were
likely inadequate for magnesium (Nakano et al, 2005a).
Chronic Diseases
The global nutrition transition created by shifts in diet and activity patterns has been
characterized by the emergence of chronic diseases such as obesity, diabetes and
cardiovascular diseases and has disproportionally affected Indigenous Peoples (Popkin,
2009). During the past half-century Indigenous Peoples have experienced a relatively rapid
change in lifestyle, with a dietary trend shifting towards increased consumption of foods high
in carbohydrates and saturated fats while simultaneously receiving less nutritional benefits
due to decreased consumption of traditional foods (Damman et al, 2007; Kuhnlein &
Receveur, 1996; Milburn, 2004). While there is a global trend of increasing nutrition-related
chronic diseases, Indigenous Peoples are recognized to have higher rates of obesity, diabetes
and cardiovascular diseases compared with national averages (Johnson et al, 2002; Kuhnlein
et al, 2004; Kuperberg & Evers, 2006; Milburn, 2004; Popkin, 2009).
The Aboriginal Peoples of Canada are part of this rapid nutrition transition and, in
addition, are reporting higher poverty and hunger rates than non-Aboriginals in Canada
(Willows, 2005). Poverty is a predictor of poor nutrition among adults, as individuals with
low incomes tend to purchase cheap and filling foods characterized by low nutrient content
and high levels of saturated fat and refined carbohydrates (Bhattacharya et al, 2004;
Damman et al, 2007; Drewnowski & Specter, 2004). This, coupled with additional aspects
of food insecurity discussed in previous sections, places Aboriginals at high risk for obesity
(Damman et al, 2007; Kuhnlein et al, 2004). Mid-1990s prevalence of obesity for 41-60
year old Yukon First Nations and Inuit women (31% and 38%, respectively) greatly
exceeded the prevalence for all Canadian women of 12% (Kuhnlein et al, 2004). The
14

prevalence of childhood obesity among First Nations is also higher than the Canadian
average (Nakano et al, 2005a; Willows et al, 2007). First Nations youth and adults
identified the social factors of low literacy levels and disempowerment as barriers to healthy
eating and physical activity in addition to high cost and access to healthy market foods
(Skinner etal, 2006).
In the past fifty years, the endocrine disease diabetes mellitus has emerged from an
essentially nonexistent disease among Aboriginal populations to one of primary health
concern (Johnson et al, 2002). Risk factors for diabetes include obesity, sedentary lifestyle,
high cholesterol, high blood pressure and age (Health Canada, 2000; Public Health Agency
of Canada, 2003). Type 2 diabetes, characterized by the body's resistance to insulin or
insufficient insulin production, is the form of diabetes most commonly afflicting Aboriginal
Peoples (Young et al, 2000). The prevalence of diabetes among First Nations is three to five
times the national average, with all age groups displaying high rates (Dannenbaum et al,
2008; Health Canada, 2000). It is not just the high rates that are of concern; rather the
combination with early onset, severity at diagnosis, high rates of complications, lack of
accessible services, increasing trends and increasing prevalence of risk factors have
contributed to this epidemic (Health Canada, 2000). Studies have shown a north-south
gradient among First Nations populations, with a higher prevalence of diabetes in more
southerly communities (Green et al, 2003; Johnson et al, 2002; Martens et al, 2007). This
can be inversely linked with a north-south gradient in traditional food use and accompanying
nutritional benefits, with lower amounts of traditional foods consumed in more southern
communities. However, type 2 diabetes is poised to become a greater concern in northern

15

and remote communities as medical surveillance improves and socio-cultural and dietary
changes continue to occur (Green et al, 2003).
Mercury in Traditional Foods
The contamination of arctic biota with mercury from anthropogenic sources has
become an issue of concern for Aboriginal food safety. Recent mercury levels measured in
northern Aboriginal Peoples' teeth and hair are comparable to or higher than historic levels
even though current populations rely less on subsistence food, corresponding to an increase
in global anthropogenic mercury releases (Braune et al, 2005; Egeland et al, 2009).
Mercury has a residence time of one to two years in the atmosphere, which allows it to be
transported long distances via oceanic and atmospheric processes (Brooks et al, 2005;
Pacyna, 2005). Atmospheric elemental mercury (Hg ) undergoes oxidation to Hg + and is
removed from the atmosphere by dry deposition or precipitation in the forms of rain, snow,
and fog (Brooks et al, 2005). In rivers and oceans, sediment bacteria convert Hg + into
methylmercury (CH3Hg+), the most toxic form of mercury and the one that readily
bioaccumulates and biomagnifies in organic tissues (Hansen & Gilman, 2005). In the
terrestrial environment, soil microorganisms can reduce the deposited mercury back into
volatile compounds which return to the atmosphere (Hansen & Gilman, 2005).
Methylmercury and Aboriginal Peoples
Methylmercury is a well-known neurotoxin that targets the brain and kidneys (United
Nations Environmental Programme, 2002). Retrospective cohorts of adults exposed to high
doses of methylmercury in Iraq and Japan have exhibited a high prevalence of mental and
neurological disorders including paresthesia and sensory disturbances (Bakir et al, 1973;
Harada, 1995). Studies also suggest methylmercury is a potential carcinogen and contributor
to adverse effects on the cardiovascular system (United Nations Environmental Programme,
16

2002). The half-life of methylmercury in the human body averages 46 days for lactating
women, 70 days for adults, and 90 days for children (Swartout & Rice, 2000).
Methylmercury is of particular concern in fetal development. Two prospective
cohorts investigating effects of prenatal methylmercury exposure via environmental dietary
exposures have yielded conflicting results. A cohort of 900 prenatally exposed children in
the Faroe Islands, where the main source of mercury exposure was pilot whales, exhibited
measured neuropsychological and neurophysiological deficits at 7 years of age (Grandjean et
al, 1997). Another large-scale cohort in the Seychelles Islands, where the main source of
mercury exposure was fish, showed no association between prenatal mercury exposure and
neurological effects at 66 months and 9 years (Davidson et al, 1998; Myers et al, 2003). It
has been suggested that nutrients such as selenium in the fish may attenuate the effects of
mercury (Hansen & Gilman, 2005; Moses et al, 2009; Van Oostdam et al, 2005). In
addition, n -3 fatty acids from fish are being investigated for their potential to offset risk of
cardiovascular heart diseases hypothesized to result from exposure to methylmercury (Smith
era/., 2008).
Since methylmercury bioaccumulates and biomagnifies, Aboriginal consumers of
high trophic level animals are at risk. The main source of human exposure to methylmercury
is large predatory fish and marine mammals, as these organisms are at the top of the long
aquatic food chain with more opportunity for mercury biomagnification to occur (Van
Oostdam et al, 2005). Risk of mercury exposure in non-coastal northern communities is
comparably less since people consume more herbivorous terrestrial animals which are part of
a shorter food chain and methylmercury is less bioavailable in the terrestrial environment
than in the marine (Hansen & Gilman, 2005). Still, the terrestrial food chain has been

17

suggested to be an important pathway of mercury accumulation in the ecosystem (Poissant et
al, 2008). Cross-sectional studies have found mercury levels to be low in liver and kidney
of caribou and moose (Elkin & Bethke, 1995; Larter & Nagy, 2000); however caribou meat
has been identified as a major source of dietary mercury intake due to its high frequency of
consumption in Inuit communities (Kuhnlein et al, 2000). Unfortunately, the literature lacks
a comprehensive picture of contaminants in northern terrestrial mammals, including longterm data sets for mercury trends (Braune et al, 2005; Gamberg, 2007).
Mercury targets the kidneys and accumulates in the liver; these organs generally have
higher mercury levels than the meat and have thus been most often used to assess animal
levels (Berti et al, 1998; Gamberg, 2004; United Nations Environmental Programme, 2002).
Seasonality can dictate contaminant burden, as organ weights are hypothesized to fluctuate
due to changes in diet composition and environmental and biological stressors (Robillard et
al, 2002). The proportion of mercury-accumulating lichens in the diet may affect mercury
levels, and caribou have been shown to have higher renal mercury levels than moose, likely
due to their preference of mercury-accumulating lichen (Gamberg et al, 2005).
The Arctic Caribou and Moose Contaminant Monitoring Program began is the first to
annually sample caribou herds in an effort to create temporal and geographic trends of
contaminant burden (Gamberg, 2007). Under this program, the Porcupine Caribou Herd is
one of two barren-ground caribou herds to be sampled annually, with an additional five
caribou herds and two moose populations to be sampled every five years (Gamberg, 2007).
Renal mercury concentrations have been shown to increase over time in both male and
female Porcupine Caribou (Gamberg, 2008); however levels in caribou muscle meat have not
been reported.

18

Assessing mercury levels in terrestrial mammals is important since caribou and
moose top the list of frequently consumed foods in many northern Aboriginal communities
and are the two most frequently consumed traditional foods in the Yukon (Batal et al, 2005;
Kuhnlein et al, 1994; Kuhnlein et al, 2000; Nakano et al, 2005b; Wein & Freeman, 1995).
Among Yukon First Nations children, 86% of energy derived from traditional food comes
from terrestrial animals (Nakano et al, 2005b). Four Yukon First Nations communities
reported consuming caribou an average of 71.3 times per year with a maximum high of 540
times and reported consuming moose an average of 94.8 times per year with a maximum of
365 (Wein & Freeman, 1995). The relationship of the Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation with the
Porcupine Caribou Herd was apparent as Old Crow reported the highest mean frequency ( +
standard deviation) of caribou use with 240.9 + 136.4 (Wein & Freeman, 1995).
Benefit Risk Assessments of Traditional Food Consumption
Dietary exposure assessments for many non-marine northern Aboriginal communities
have often concluded that continued consumption of traditional foods is in the best interest of
the community's well-being (Berti et al, 1998; Receveur et al, 1998). These assessments
have evaluated the risks of consuming contaminants in traditional foods while
simultaneously evaluating the risks associated with increased consumption of market foods
and the loss of benefits from consumption of traditional foods (Receveur et ai, 1998). In
addition to physical aspects, it is essential to consider the detrimental socio-cultural effects of
discontinued consumption of traditional foods and associated activities (Arquette et al., 2002;
Curtis, 1992; Elias & O'Neil, 1995; Richmond & Ross, 2009). In communities where
traditional foods have been reported to be contaminated by methylmercury, socio-cultural
effects have been devastating (Ship, 1997b). In the 1960s mercury was found to be released
from a pulp and paper mill upstream of the Ojibwa community of Grassy Narrows in
19

northwestern Ontario and fish in the river were consequently deemed unsafe for human
consumption (Erikson, 1994). The community lost their principal food source, important
form of economic income and the ability to exercise traditional knowledge and skills, and
consequently increased cases of child neglect, solvent sniffing by young children, family
violence and alcohol-related violent deaths and suicides were reported in the years following
the mercury contamination (Erikson, 1994). A breakdown of traditional roles associated with
traditional lifestyles resulted in the Mohawk community of Akwesasne from fear generated
by the contamination offish in St. Lawrence River with mercury and other chemicals
discharged from industrial activities in the mid-1900s (Wheatley, 1997). Unemployment and
the number of individuals receiving social assistance increased, as did gambling, violent
crime and drug and alcohol abuse (Wheatley, 1997).
Overall, dietary exposure assessments of 10 Yukon First Nations and 16 Northwest
Territories Dene/Metis communities have shown limited contaminant exposure and few
associated health risks (Berti et al, 1998; Receveur et al, 1998). Only a few individuals
who frequently ate organs from large terrestrial mammals and particularly contaminated fish
species exceeded the provisional tolerable daily intake for mercury set by Health Canada, and
these individuals were not likely to exceed the provisional tolerable weekly intake (Receveur
et al, 1997). Although one meal of a caribou kidney or liver may exceed the daily
recommendations (Robillard et al, 2002), an individual's annual average daily intake is a
more realistic measure of assessing tolerable intake (Kuhnlein et al, 2000; Larter & Nagy,
2000). Therefore a blanket warning against consuming these foods is not generally issued;
the cultural and physical health benefits involved in traditional food harvesting, preparation

20

and consumption outweigh health risks posed by mercury (Berti et ah, 1998; Muir et al.,
2005).
Aboriginal Perspectives on Contamination
Even with current benefit risk assessments accounting for socio-economic effects, a
major gap in the literature exists in regards to the Aboriginal understanding and perspective
of contamination, which is important in effectively assessing risk and communicating results.
The literature includes an extensive and ever-expanding discourse on Western scientific
knowledge of contaminants, and Aboriginal writings recognize many of the same physical
health and socio-economic risks as the Western scientific community (Cole, 1997; Penn,
2006; Ship, 1997a, 1997b). Chemical contamination and other forms of environmental
damage have been identified as a violation of Aboriginal holistic well-being, as human health
and well-being are recognized to be intimately connected with that of the environment (Ship,
1997b). However, writings and recordings from the Aboriginal perspectives on the
implications of contamination are limited.
The gap in the Western understanding of the Aboriginal perspective of contamination
has created confusion in risk communication in previous decades, especially in communities
where a word for the specific effects did not exist. For example, the Cree Nation of James
Bay developed the term nemasahkosiwin, which means "the fish is sick" in the face of the
mid-1970s large-scale mercury exposure (Penn, 2006). Nemasahkosiwin intimates that the
initial Cree understanding of mercury was that it would go away, similar to other infectious
diseases that afflict aquatic life (Penn, 2006). The Ojibwa of Grassy Narrows used the term
pijibowin, meaning poison, to refer to the mercury exposure described above that rendered
fish inedible and led to chaos in the community (Erikson, 1994). After noting that one
cannot taste, feel, see or smell mercury, an Ojibwa elder explained his confusion about
21

mercury with "you know that it can hurt you, make your limbs go numb, make your spirit
sick. But I don't understand it. I don't understand how the land can turn against us"
(Erikson, 1994, p. 38). As mercury is naturally occurring in the environment, Aboriginal
Peoples have long been exposed to background levels (Penn, 2006). However, there was no
experience from which to draw traditional understanding for the large-scale mercury
exposures that resulted from anthropogenic industrial activities, and this inability to
comprehend and address the issues through traditional knowledge brought confusion and fear
to the communities affected (Erikson, 1994; Penn, 2006).
Myers and Furgal (2006) report that risk perception and communication may be
affected by differences in language, both in respect to the actual language (e.g. English vs.
Athapaskan) and in the differences in terminology and way of explaining between Western
science and traditional ecological knowledge (TEK). For example, Inuit community
members identified noise, modern technology, consumer goods, tourists and scientists as
sources of contaminants along with motor vehicles, garbage and air pollution (Myers &
Furgal, 2006), highlighting the differences between Inuit and Western understanding of
contamination. The gradient probability of risk and the uncertainties of direct health effects
reported in Western contaminant assessments are difficult to convey and may be
counterintuitive for communities that have traditionally relied on their senses, spiritual
understanding and TEK to evaluate the health of the environment (Erikson, 1994; Myers &
Furgal, 2006). Closing this gap in language and communication has been the motive of
partnerships and community consultations when conducting recent risk assessments. The
partnership of the Council of Yukon First Nations with the researchers at the Center for
Indigenous People's Nutrition and Environment for the assessment of the 10 Yukon First

22

Nations communities' dietary risks and benefits (Receveur et ah, 1998) is one example, and
this type of collaboration is now considered essential.
Summary
It has been established through the literature that food security in northern Aboriginal
communities is a complex situation affected by socio-economic and environmental factors.
Chronic diseases that are the hallmarks of the rapid nutrition transition can result from a
heavy reliance on market foods that are high in carbohydrates and saturated fats and low in
the nutrients that would have been previously obtained from traditional foods. Chapter 2 will
evaluate food consumption patterns in the context of food security for two Yukon First
Nations communities. Chapter 3 will evaluate estimated mercury exposure and nutrient
intake through caribou consumption among Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation adults. As
discussed, careful integration of Western and Aboriginal perspectives is important in
conducting a comprehensive benefit risk assessment. However, since the objective of
Chapter 3 is to provide estimated mercury exposure and nutrient intake for the appropriate
bodies to conduct a comprehensive assessment, a Western paradigm has been used with the
recognition that exploring the Aboriginal understanding of contamination, beyond just
chemical contamination, is imperative in accurately addressing and communicating the issue
of chemical contaminants in northern communities.

23

CHAPTER 2

Manuscript 1: Importance of traditional foods for the food security of two First
Nations communities in Yukon, Canada

1

O

"2

Roseanne C. Schuster , Eleanor E. Wein , Cindy Dickson and Hing Man Chan

1

Department of Health Sciences
University of Northern British Columbia
3333 University Way
Prince George, BC V2N4Z9
2

7135 Saskatchewan Dr.
Edmonton, AB T6G 2A4
3

Council of Yukon First Nations
2166 2nd Ave
Whitehorse, YTY1A4P1

24

1

Introduction
Traditional foods are central to the health and culture of Aboriginal Peoples and are
widely recognized as contributing to physical, social and spiritual well-being (Lambden et
al, 2007; Receveur et al, 1998). Harvesting and preparation activities bring the community
together, helping to maintain social relationships, facilitate intergenerational knowledge
transfer and sustain spiritual connections with the land (Egede, 1995; Lambden et al, 2007).
Regular engagement in hunting, fishing, berry picking and plant harvesting contributes to
fitness and overall health (Deutch et al, 2007; Kuhnlein & Receveur, 1996; Lambden et al,
2007). Even when consumed in small quantities, traditional foods supply large amounts of
essential nutrients to the diet so that individuals have significantly higher micronutrient
intakes on days when traditional foods are consumed than days where traditional foods are
not part of the diet (Bersamin et al, 2006; Deutch et al, 2007; Kuhnlein et al, 2006;
Kuhnlein & Receveur, 1996, 2007; Kuhnlein et al, 2004; Receveur et al, 1997; Receveur et
al, 1998; Wein, 1995).
Food security has been defined as existing "when all people, at all times, have
physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary
needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life" (Food and Agriculture
Organization, 1996, para. 1). Availability, access and appropriate use are considered to be
the three pillars of food security (World Health Organization, 2008). There are two levels of
food insecurity; moderate food insecurity involves not having the kinds and variety of foods
that an individual wants, while severe food insecurity occurs when an individual does not
have enough food to eat. A 2001 Health Canada study identified that 10% of all Yukon
households were severely food insecure and another 11 % moderately food insecure for a

25

total of 21%, significantly higher than the Canadian average of 15% (Ledrou & Gervais,
2005).
In respect to the culturally specific role that foods play in Aboriginal communities,
food security in a northern and First Nations context can be defined as "the continual and
predictable availability and access to food derived from northern environments through
Indigenous cultural practices" (Paci et al, 2004, p. 1). Factors affecting traditional food
security include but are not limited to climate change, changes in species populations and
migration patterns, real and perceived environmental contamination, modification of the land
from industrial activities and the related barriers of having enough time to get out on the land
to harvest and the cost of modern harvesting equipment (Loring & Gerlach, 2008). While a
switch to market foods can be an adaptation strategy to supplement decreasing traditional
food use, it can also be a health concern when the replacement foods are high in
preservatives, sodium, carbohydrates and saturated fats (Kuhnlein et al, 2004).
The nutrition transition which has been shown to disproportionately affect Indigenous
Peoples including Aboriginal Peoples is believed to be a significant risk factor for the global
rise in chronic diseases (Damman et al, 2007; Popkin, 2009). The shift from a diet
composed solely of traditional foods to one with a large proportion of market foods high in
carbohydrates and saturated fats has increased the risk of obesity, diabetes and cardiovascular
diseases among Aboriginal Peoples (Damman et al, 2007; J0rgensen & Young, 2008;
Kuhnlein et al, 2004; Young et al, 2000). The mid-1990s obesity prevalence for female
Yukon First Nations (31%) and Inuit (38%) aged 41-60 greatly exceeded the Canadian
female prevalence of 12% (Kuhnlein et al, 2004), and prevalence of childhood obesity
among First Nations also exceeds the Canadian average (Nakano et al, 2005a; Willows et

26

al, 2007). The prevalence of type 2 diabetes mellitus among First Nations is three to five
times the national average, with all age groups displaying high rates (Dannenbaum et al,
2008; Health Canada, 2000; Martens et al, 2007). Diabetes prevalence is higher in more
southerly and urban communities and has been suggested to be inversely related to adherence
to traditional lifestyle activities and consumption of traditional foods (Green et al, 2003;
Johnson et al, 2002; Martens et al, 2007).
There are limited baseline data on the temporal patterns of traditional food use within
Canada. Wein and Freeman (1995) documented the frequency of traditional food use of
three Yukon First Nations living in four communities from fall 1991-summer 1992.
Frequency of food use was found to be highest in the Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation
community of Old Crow and the Tlingit community of Teslin. The study concluded that
traditional foods, particularly caribou, moose and salmon, are important components in the
diet of Yukon First Nations. Continuing environmental and socio-economic changes in the
Canadian north are creating concern for the integrity of traditional food systems.
This study seeks to evaluate food consumption patterns in the context of food security
in the Yukon First Nations communities of Teslin and Old Crow. The quantity in which
traditional foods are consumed in 2007-2008 will be described and the frequency will be
compared to the early 1990s data (Wein & Freeman, 1995) in order to identify a potential
temporal trend in traditional food consumption as part of the rapid nutrition transition. Other
aspects of food security including access to and availability of traditional foods will be will
be explored as well.

27

Methods
Communities
Old Crow is the home of the Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation and is the northernmost
community in the Yukon, located 128 kilometers north of the Arctic Circle (Vuntut Gwitchin
First Nation, 2008b). Traditionally a nomadic people following the migrations of the
Porcupine Caribou Herd, the Vuntut Gwitchin have occupied Crow Flats for centuries, and
their permanent settlement on the banks of the Porcupine River since the 1950s continues to
provide access to the semi-annual migration of the Porcupine Caribou (Vuntut Gwitchin First
Nation, 2008a; Yukon Community Profiles, 2004a). Old Crow is accessible only by aircraft
and by river for certain windows in the summer and has thus has remained remote (Vuntut
Gwitchin First Nation, 2008a). The population of Old Crow numbers 253 (Yukon Bureau of
Statistics, 2006).
The Tlingit community of Teslin is located in the southern Yukon, 183 km southeast
of the territorial capital of Whitehorse along the Alaska Highway (Teslin Tlingit Council,
2003). Known as Dakh-ka or Inland Tlingit, the ancestors of the Teslin Tlingit moved inland
from the Pacific coast in the 18th century and became instrumental in trade between their
coastal relatives and Europeans (Yukon Community Profiles, 2004b). The settlement of
Teslin began as a trading post in the early 1900s and became permanent after the completion
of the Alaska Highway in 1942 (Teslin Tlingit Council, 2003). Today Teslin receives many
tourists due to its easily accessible location and the recreational opportunities at the junction
of Teslin Lake and Nisutlin Bay. Teslin Village has a population of 297 (Yukon Bureau of
Statistics, 2006).

28

Fig. 2.1. First Nations traditional territory map of the Yukon (Wein & Freeman, 1995, p.
162; Reprinted with permission from the Arctic Institute of North America).
Ethics and Research Agreements
Research followed the Canadian Institutes for Health Research Guidelines for Health
Research Involving Aboriginal Peoples (Canadian Institutes of Health Research, 2007), and
ethical approval for the study was obtained through the University of Northern British
Columbia's Review Ethics Board (Appendices 1 and 2). A research agreement was signed
between the researchers and the Vuntut Gwitchin Government (Appendix 3) and a contract
was signed with the Teslin Tlingit Council. It is important to recognize that this study was
invited by the Vuntut Gwitchin Government as part of a larger food security initiative during
the International Polar Year project Yeendoo Nanh Nakhweenjit K'atr'ahanahtyaa, "Looking
after the land for the future." Individual informed consent forms were used to describe in
detail participant rights and researcher responsibilities (Appendix 4). After reading through
29

the consent form with the participant, the research assistant asked if the participant
understood each of eight separate points central to granting informed consent. Results were
reported back to each community in January 2009, and the communities' comments and
feedback are included in the discussion of this paper.
Data Collection
Interviews were conducted in the spring (March-May) of 2008 in Old Crow and in the
summer (June-August) of 2008 in Teslin by three research assistants from the respective
communities. Thirty-three households in each community were randomly selected from lists
provided by the community governments, and one eligible male and one eligible female were
invited to participate from each household. Eligibility criteria were age of 19 or older,
written consent and membership in either a Vuntut Gwitchin household in Old Crow or
Tlingit household in Teslin. Due to difficulties in making contact with households in Teslin,
an additional 24 households were randomly selected for a total of 57 households in Teslin
only. Interviews were comprised of a food frequency questionnaire (FFQ) and additional
questions on access to traditional foods and food security (Appendix 5). The interviews were
conducted in English, coded for confidentiality and took approximately one hour to
complete.
Food Frequency Questionnaires
The study methods were intended to yield food frequency data directly comparable to
that collected fall 1991 through summer 1992 by Wein & Freeman (1995), and
methodological differences are explicitly stated. The FFQ utilized the same list of traditional
foods developed by focus groups of Yukon First Nations elders and leaders for use in 19911992. The FFQ asked how often the participant consumed each of 78 foods from five
traditional food groups (mammals, birds, fish, berries, other plants) in each of the four
30

seasons in order to capture seasonal variability. To facilitate recall, participants were asked
about consumption starting in the most recent season working backwards (winter 2008, fall
2007, summer 2007, spring 2007). The FFQ invited participants to add a food not listed and
inquired separately about muscle meat, liver, and kidney for caribou and moose only.
Participants were first asked if they had consumed the food during the previous year, and
then how many times per each season. Seasons were divided into equal lengths (90 days), so
a frequency response of "once a day" for each of the four seasons would be 360 times per
year. In addition to reporting frequency of food use, the FFQ asked participants for their
average portion size for each traditional food in order to calculate the quantity of foods
consumed. Food models were used as a guide for standardized portion sizes, and color
photographs of each species were available to assist in participant recall.
Food Security
Participants were asked six yes or no questions based on the methods of Lambden et
al. (2006) and then additional questions on access to traditional foods. A multi-step coded
question asked participants their perception of their own traditional food consumption
patterns now compared to fifteen years ago. In the final section, participants were asked the
eighteen multiple choice questions of the Households Food Security Survey Module
(HFSSM) that have been used in the Canadian Community Health Survey (Ledrou &
Gervais, 2005; Office of Nutrition Policy and Proportion, 2007).
Data Analysis
All data were entered into Epi Info v. 3.4.3 (Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention; Atlanta, United States) data entry files were then analyzed by the statistical
software package SPSS v. 16.0 (SPSS, Inc., Chicago, United States). Grams per person per
day (g/person/day) for each food was calculated by multiplying the individual's annual
31

frequency of consumption by their average reported portion size and dividing by 360 days.
Descriptive statistics for g/person/day consumption were reported in terms of all participants
surveyed as well as for consumers only. Three outliers (participants reporting in excess of
three times the standard deviation of their respective community's average of g/person/day)
were excluded from the data analysis. When two individuals from one household
participated, only the female's response was included in the analysis of the food security
sections, in which participants were asked to speak on behalf of their entire household.
Frequency and quantity (g/person/day, all participants and consumers only) of
consumption were compared for caribou meat, liver and kidney, each of the five traditional
food groups and total food consumption by age groups (19-40, 41-60, 61+) and genders using
the nonparametric Kruskall-Wallis and Mann-Whitney U tests, respectively. One male
declined to give his age and is therefore not included in age-specific analyses. The
comparison of frequency of food consumption between that reported in Wein & Freeman
(1995) and the collected data was performed using the Mann-Whitney U test. The frequency
of consumption for moose and caribou used in the comparison was calculated by adding the
frequency of consumption for the meat, liver and kidney. Age-analysis for six questions on
access to traditional food use was conducted using the Chi-Square test, and two older age
groups were combined into a 41+age group to meet the parameters for this analysis. Apvalue of 0.05 was used as the criteria for significance in all statistical tests performed.

32

Results
Participants
Nearly one-third of First Nations households in each community participated in the
study (Table 2.1). Twenty-nine individuals (15 males, 14 females) representing 27 Vuntut
Gwitchin households and 33 individuals (19 males, 14 females) representing 27 Teslin
Tlingit households participated in the interviews, and demographic information was similar
in both communities (Table 2.2).

33

Table 2.1. Household Participation
Old Crow

Teslin

First Nations households randomly selected (n)

92
33

90
57

Households contacted (n)

28

30

Households interviewed (n)

27

27

Refusals (n)

1

3

Non-responsive households (n)
Participation rate (households interviewed/
households randomly selected)

5

27

82%

47%

96%

90%

29%

30%

First Nations households in the community (n)

Participation rate (households interviewed/
households contacted)
% of First Nations households represented
(households interviewed/households in the
community)

Table 2.2. Participant demographics
Old Crow
29

Teslin
33

Total no. participants
Gender [No. (%)]
Male
Female
Age (years, mean + SD)
Number of persons in household
[Mean ±JSD (Range)]

15 (52)
14 (48)
49.7 ±.16.0

19 (58)
14 (42)
43. 7 ±17.6

2.5 ±1.6 (1,6)

2.4 ±1.4 (1,7)

No. of individuals in the
household per age group
[Mean ± SD, (Range)]
0-12
12-18
19-40
41-60
61 +

0.6 ± 0.9 (0, 3)
0.3 ±0.7 (0, 2)
0.7 ± 0.9 (0, 3)
0.6 ±0.8(0, 2)
0.4 ± 0.6 (0, 2)

0.6 ±1.0 (0,4)
0.2 ±0.4(0, 1)
0.8 ±1.0 (0,3)
0.6 ± 0.8 (0, 2)
0.3 ± 0.6 (0, 2)

34

Food frequency
Forty-five traditional foods were reported to be consumed in Old Crow (Table 2.3a)
and sixty in Teslin (Table 2.3b). All participants in both communities reported consuming at
least one food from the groups of wild game and fish during the year surveyed, and nearly all
participants reported having berries. Caribou meat, blueberry, chinook (king, spring) salmon,
salmonberry and low bush cranberry were the foods consumed in the largest quantities
(g/person/day, all participants) in Vuntut Gwitchin households. Foods eaten in the largest
quantities by participants in Tlingit households were moose meat, lake trout, caribou meat,
chinook salmon and blackberry.

35

Table 2.3a. Quantity of traditional food consumed by adults in Vuntut Gwitchin households
(n=26)
g/person/day Consumers
consumers
g/meal
g/person/dav - all
Median Mean + SD Median Mean ± SD
Traditional food
Mean ± SD
[n (%)]
26 (100)
259
372 ± 2 7 1
259
372 ± 2 7 1
Total
_

Mammals
Caribou meat
Moose meat
Caribou kidney
Caribou liver
Rabbit
Muskrat
Moose kidney
Moose liver
Porcupine
Beaver
Black bear
Arctic ground
squirrel

26(100)
26 (100)
24 (92)
19 (73)
16(62)
19 (73)
12 (46)
10(39)
7(27)
8(31)
4(15)
1(4)

90.7
75.4
3.1
3.1
1.2
1.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

124 + 99.9
86.9 ±81.7
15.8 ±35.8
6.6 ± 8 . 6
5.6 ±9.5
3.1 ± 5 . 2
2.6 ± 3 . 8
1.8 ±4.1
1.6 + 4.1
0.2 ± 0.4
0.1 ± 0 . 4
0.1 ± 0 . 3

90.7
75.4
3.2
7.4
5.4
2.1
5.1
1.9
3.0
0.6
0.8
1.5

124 ±99.9
86.9 ±81.7
16.5 ±35.5
9.0 ± 8 . 9
9.0 ±10.8
4.2 ± 5 . 6
5.7 ± 3 . 8
4.6 ± 5 . 7
5.8 ± 6 . 5
0.7 ± 0 . 3
0.9 ± 0.4
1.5

204 ± 1 8 5
211 ± 1 6 4
130 ± 1 4 3
150 ± 1 5 9
258±151
244 ± 1 1 9
147 ± 1 0 5
128±91.4
135 ±70.1
185 ±76.5
177

1(4)

0.0

0.0 ±0.1

0.5

0.5

94.7

Birds
Duck
Goose
Grouse
Ptarmigan

19 (73)
17 (65)
14 (54)
4(15)
6(23)

8.4
5.9
1.0
0.0
0.0

28.6 ±35.1
15.3 ±22.8
8.3 ±13.5
3.5 ±17.4
1.4 ±3.5

24.6
15.8
10.3
1.0
4.6

39.1 ±35.8
23.4 ± 24.8
15.4 ±15.3
23.0 ±48.9
6.1 ± 5 . 0

-

Fish
All Salmon
Chinook (king)
Coho (silver)
Chum (dog)
Sockeye (red)

26 (100)
26 (100)
26 (100)
18 (69)
16 (62)
4(15)

72.6
38.1
16.1
3.6
3.2
0.0

112 ± 1 0 9
56.6 ±52.1
27.8 ± 27.3
12.5 ±19.9
9.7 ±16.9
6.6 ±25.4

72.6
38.1
16.1
8.3
8.6
21.7

.
112 ± 1 0 9
56.6 ±52.1
27.8 ±27.3
202 ± 80.4
207 ± 87.9
18.1 +21.8
15.8 ±19.2
186 ±49.7
42.7 ±57.6
169 ±46.2
continued on next page

36

335 + 172
278 ± 1 6 9
338 ± 264
217 ±30.6

Table 2.3a - continued
Traditional food
Other fish
Lake whitefish
Fish eggs
Burbot (ling cod)
Arctic grayling
Fish liver
Broad whitefish
Round whitefish
Inconnu
Long nose sucker
Jackfish (N. pike)

Consumers
[n (%)]
22 (84)
15 (58)
19 (73)
8(31)
15 (58)
13 (50)
5(19)
3(12)
3(12)
2(8)
1(4)

g/person/dav - all
Median Mean + SD
34.2
55.1 ±77.8
3.7
12.1 ±20.6
3.5
11.9 ±17.9
11.5 ±43.7
0.0
1.4
7.8 ±12.1
0.2
7.4 ±13.1
2.2 ±8.6
0.0
0.0
1.5 ±5.9
0.4 ±1.3
0.0
0.3 ±1.3
0.0
0.0 ±0.2
0.0

g/person/day consumers
Median Mean ± SD
39.2
65.1 ±80.7
17.9
21.0 ±23.7
13.3
16.3 ±19.2
6.6
37.3 ±75.6
8.4
13.6 ±13.3
14.8 ±15.4
10.3
3.0
11.2+ 18.2
7.9
12.6 ±15.2
2.6
3.1 ±2.8
4.3
4.3 ±2.8
0.8
0.8

a/meal
Mean + SD
-

160 ±62.5
154 ±99.2
178+131
189 ±95.1
200 ±161
254 ± 226
118 ±0.00
143 ± 84.2
94.7 ± 0.00
143
_

Berries
Blueberry
Salmonberry
Low bush
cranberry
Rosehip
Strawberry
Raspberry
Black currant
Red currant

25 (96)
24 (93)
25 (96)

64.8
18.7
19.2

81.0 ±85.0
27.9 ±27.9
27.1 ±28.1

71.0
21.7
20.7

84.3 ±85.1
30.3 ±27.8
28.2 ±28.1

281 ± 1 8 4
269 ± 1 8 6

18(69)
7(27)
1(4)
2(8)
2(8)
3(12)

8.9
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

22.1 ±30.8
2.8 ±7.6
0.3 ±1.7
0.3 ±1.3
0.2 ±0.9
0.1 ±0.4

28.6
12.2
8.9
4.4
3.2
0.5

35.9 ±32.4
10.4 ±12.2
8.9
4.4 ±2.1
3.2 ±1.7
1.0 ±0.9

233 ± 87.0
180 ± 1 2 0
118
237 ± 1 6 7
118 ±83.6
138 ±68.3

Other Plants
Arctic dock (Old
Crow rhubarb)
Wild onion
Labrador tea
Spruce
Mushroom
Willow
Balsam fir

24 (92)

12.0

22.2 ±31.8

12.0

24.0 ± 32.5

_

18(69)
9(35)
24 (92)
13(50)
2(8)
2(8)
1(4)

6.9
0.0
2.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

12.9 ±24.0
4.2 ±12.6
3.6 ±4.8
1.2 ±2.4
0.2 ±0.7
0.1 ±0.4
0.0 ± 0.0

11.8
3.9
2.0
1.1
2.5
1.2
0.1

18.6 ±28.0
12.1 ±19.8
3.9 ±4.9
2.4 ±3.0
2.5 ±0.7
1.2+1.0
0.1

335 ± 1 4 1
87.2 ±63.7
18.8 + 11.6
15.8+11.0
148 + 41.8
59.1 ±0.1
2.0

37

Table 2.3b. Quantity of traditional foods consumed by adults in Teslin Tlingit households (n=32)
Consumers
[n (%)]
32 (100)

g/person/dav - all
Median Mean + SD
182
185 ± 1 0 5

g/person/day consumers
Median Mean + SD
182
185 ± 1 0 5

Mammals
Moose meat
Caribou meat
Moose kidney
Mountain sheep
Beaver
Moose liver
Black bear
Porcupine
Groundhog
Rabbit
Caribou kidney
Caribou liver
Muskrat
Arctic ground
squirrel
Elk
Deer
Lynx

32(100)
32 (100)
20 (63)
23 (72)
13(41)
22 (69)
16 (50)
6(19)
14 (44)
10(31)
10(31)
5(16)
5(16)
2(6)

82.2
77.0
1.3
0.8
0.0
0.7
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

104 ± 79.8
87.6 + 64.5
10.2 ±21.5
1.2 + 1.8
1.1+2.2
0.9 ± 1 . 0
0.6 ±0.7
0.4 ±1.4
0.4 ± 0.6
0.4 ± 0 . 6
0.3 ±0.7
0.1 +0.3
0.1 ± 0 . 3
0.1 ± 0 . 4

82.2
76.9
2.5
1.1
1.3
0.7
0.3
0.2
0.7
1.0
0.7
0.7
0.7
1.2

104 ±79.8
87.6 + 64.5
16.3 ±25.5
1.6 ± 2 . 0
2.7 ± 2 . 8
1.3 + 1.0
1.1 ± 0 . 7
2.1 +2.9
0.9 ± 0.7
1.2 ± 0 . 6
1.1 ± 0 . 8
0.8 ± 0.5
0.7 ± 0.4
1.2+1.2

228 + 147
290 ± 1 3 9
181 + 118
166 ±80.0
227 ± 1 8 1
187 ± 1 3 3
98.6 ± 1 0 7
253 + 207
323 + 205
272 + 254
171 ±89.3
171 ±89.3
414±418

5(16)
1(3)
2(6)
1(3)

0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

0.1 ±0.4
0.1 ± 0 . 3
0.1+0.2
0.0 ± 0.2

1.3
2.0
0.9
1.3

0.9 + 0.5
2.0
0.9 + 0.3
1.3

238 + 143
237
181 +78.0
473

Birds
Duck
Geese
Grouse
Ptarmigan
Gull eggs

27 (84)
19 (59)
10(31)
19 (59)
4(13)
1(3)

1.0
0.5
0.0
0.2
0.0
0.0

4.6 ±10.4
2.6 + 6.8
1.3 ± 4 . 0
0.5 + 0.7
0.1 ±0.5
0.0 ± 0.0

1.3
0.8
1.5
0.7
1.2
0.1

5.4+ 11.2
4.3 + 8.5
4.2 ± 6.4
0.9 + 0.8
1.2 ± 0 . 9
0.1

_

Fish
Salmon
Chinook
Sockeye
Chum
Coho
Other fish
Lake trout
Lake whitefish
Fish eggs
Arctic grayling
Broad whitefish

32(100)
27 (84)
22 (69)
8(25)
10(31)
4(13)
32(100)
32 (100)
20 (63)
23 (72)
17 (53)
10(31)

19.4
4.1
2.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
11.4
6.6
2.0
0.6
0.2
0.0

42.2 ±43.1
10.2 ±13.0
7.8 ±12.3
1.6 ±4.6
0.7 + 1.5
0.1 ±0.4
32.0 ±38.2
16.8 ±26.3
5.5 ±10.0
5.2 ±13.7
1.2 + 3.1
0.9 + 2.2

19.4
4.3
2.3
4.2
1.7
0.5
11.4
6.6
2.8
1.0
0.7
2.0

_
42.2 ±43.1
12.1 ±13.4
252 ± 1 9 4
11.3 + 13.5
6.5 ± 7 . 6
158 ±50.3
2.2 + 2.1
145 + 48.4
0.8 ± 0 . 8
149 ±58.5
32.0 ±38.2
16.8 ±26.3
236 ± 1 6 3
8.8 ±11.6
275 + 233
137 ±135
7.2+15.8
2.3 + 4.0
170 ±134
2.9 ± 3 . 1
147 ±44.9
continued on next page

Traditional food
Total

38

a/meal
Mean + SD
_

296 + 267
384 + 322
196+195
418 ±337
47.3

Table 2.3b - continued
Traditional food
Inconnu
Dolly varden
Burbot
Fish liver
Round whitefish
Jackfish
Rainbow trout
Arctic char
Halibut
Berries
Blackberry
Raspberry
Low bush
cranberry
Strawberry
High bush
cranberry
Blueberry
Soapberry
Saskatoon
Rosehip
Red currant
Black currant
Other plants
Wild rhubarb
Labrador tea
Balsam fir
Mushroom
Spruce
Pine
Dandelion
Bear root
Birch

g/person/day - all
Median Mean + SD
0.0
0.5 + 0.9
0.0
0.5 + 2.8
0.0
0.5 ±1.5
0.0
0.3 + 1.1
0.0
0.2 + 0.6
0.2 + 0.7
0.0
0.0
0.1+0.3
0.0
0.0 + 0.1
0.0
0.0 ±0.1

g/person/day consumers
Median Mean + SD
0.7
1.2+1.0
8.1
8.1 + 10.9
3.9
3.2 ±2.5
1.2 ±2.2
0.5
2.0
2.0 ±0.0
2.0
1.5 ± 1.1
0.7
0.8 + 0.3
0.7
0.7
0.3
0.3

30 (94)
27 (84)
27 (84)

16.4
2.3
1.0

33.1 ±43.3
7.6+ 13.1
5.2 ±13.4

16.7
3.0
1.8

35.3 ±43.9
9.0 ±13.9
6.1 ±14.4

155 ± 1 0 6
130 ± 1 3 0

18 (56)
22 (69)

0.2
0.2

5.0 ±9.6
4.5 + 10.4

5.0
1.0

8.9 ±11.4
6.5 ±12.0

91.4 ±97.8
98.5 ± 1 1 5

16 (50)
15 (47)
19 (59)
6(19)
7(22)
2(6)
3(9)

0.0
0.0
0.4
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

4.2 ±8.3
3.2 ±6.5
2.1 ± 3 . 0
0.7 ±1.6
0.5 ±1.5
0.2 ±0.7
0.1 ±0.3

4.2
4.9
3.0
3.8
1.4
2.5
0.7

8.4 + 10.2
6.8 ±8.2
3.5 ±3.2
3.5 ±1.8
2.2 ±2.7
2.5 ±1.5
0.7 ± 0.6

140 ± 1 3 8
172 ±77.2
140 +109
118 ±80.3
68.8 ±74.7
185 ±199
5.0 ±2.5

21(66)
6(19)
7(22)
16 (50)
5(16)
4(13)
3(9)
1(3)
2(6)
1(3)

0.1
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

2.0 ±4.5
1.2 + 4.1
0.4+1.5
0.1 ±0.2
0.1 ±0.5
0.0 + 0.2
0.0 ±0.2
0.0 ±0.2
0.0 ±0.1
0.0 + 0.0

0.8
3.1
0.1
0.0
0.7
0.3
0.6
1.0
0.3
0.0

2.9 + 5.2
6.6 ±7.9
1.9 + 2.8
0.2 ±0.3
1.1 + 1.3
0.3 + 0.4
0.5 + 0.2
1.0
0.3 ±0.4
0.01

_

Consumers
[n (%)]
14 (44)
2(6)
5(16)
7(22)
3(9)
5(16)
4(13)
1(3)
K3)

39

e/meal
Mean + SD
171 ±58.9
296 ±251
207 + 160
47.3 ±25.1
123 + 0.0
143 + 51.2
206 + 58.5
118
118
_

256 +142
10.4 + 9.9
3.8 ±3.6
65.6 + 59.9
1.4 + 0.9
7.7 ±12.2
355
126 ±157
4.3

Comparison between 1991-1992 and 2007-2008
In 2008 members of Vuntut Gwitchin households reported consuming traditional
foods a median of 443 times per year, not significantly different from the frequency reported
in 1992 (Table 2.4a). Caribou meat, Labrador tea, chinook salmon, blueberry and
salmonberry were the most frequently consumed foods in 2008 by median, with caribou (all
parts), blueberry, moose (all parts), Labrador tea and broad whitefish the most frequently
consumed in 1992. Frequency of consumption of salmon, all fish, berries and other plants
was shown to significantly increase in Old Crow between 1992 and 2008. Frequency of
consumption of beaver, rabbit and bird eggs decreased, but mammals and birds as a category
did not change. There was a decrease in frequency of broad whitefish consumption, but
increases in lake whitefish and chinook salmon led to an increase in overall frequency of fish
consumption. Statistically significant increases in salmonberry, spruce and Labrador tea
contributed to the increases in the categories of berries and other plants.

40

Table 2.4a. Frequency of food use by adults in Vuntut Gwitchin households in 1992
and 2008
Traditional Food
All traditional foods

1992 Annual Frequency
Median
Mean + SD
443
529.2 ± 345
285
264

298+186
241 ± 136

-

-

12.0

29.3 + 41.8

-

-

1.0
6.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

Birds
Duck
Geese
Ptarmigan
Grouse
Bird eggs*
All fish
All salmon
Chinook
Coho
Chum
Sockeye

Mammals
Caribou
Meat
Kidney
Liver
Moose
Meat
Kidney
Liver
Muskrat
Rabbit
Porcupine
Beaver*
Black bear
Arctic ground squirrel
Lynx
Groundhog

2008 Annual Frequency
Median
Mean + SD
582
749 ± 558

6.6 ±18.0
18 + 35.3
1.0 + 2.3
1.3 + 1.9
0.2 + 0.6
0.4 + 0.8
0.1+0.6
0.0 + 0.2

193
162
156
18.0
3.5
10.5
6.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
1.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

245 ± 160
204 ± 1 3 6
167 ± 1 0 3
21.2 ±26.5
16.0 ±32.9
31.7 ±49.0
23.5 ±41.6
4.2 + 9.1
4.0 ±9.5
4.3 ±6.2
4.2 ±5.7
0.7 ±1.4
0.3 ±0.8
0.1+0.6
0.1 ±0.4
0.0 ± 0.0
0.0 ± 0.0

12.0
6.0
1.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

26.6 + 31.8
14.3 + 16.7
8.6 ±17.1
3.1+6.5
0.1 ±0.5
0.8 ±2.0

15.0
8.0
1.5
0.0
0.0
0.0

31.9 ±43.0
15.7 ±21.5
11.9 + 21.1
2.3 ±5.5
2.0 ±8.8
0.0 ± 0.0

45.0
24.0
6.0
3.0
2.0
0.0

83.1 ±96.4
28.1 ±35.6
16.4 ±32.8
7.0 ±8.6
4.4 + 6.5
0.2+1.1

138
67.5
30.0
7.5
6.0
0.0

200 ±174
90.4 ±77.1
47.6 ±41.4
19.8 ±26.9
19.2 ±30.1
3.7 ±15.9

continued on next page

41

Table 2.4a - continued
Traditional Food
Other fish
Lake whitefish
Fish eggs
Fish liver
Arctic grayling
Burbot
Round whitefish
Broad whitefish
Inconnu
Long nose sucker
Jackfish (N. pike)
Arctic char

1992 Annual Frequency
Median
Mean + SD
55.0 ±83.5
24.0
0.0
0.8 ± 2 . 0
3.0
13.7 ±25.4
3.0
9.0 ±15.7
0.0
4.0 ±9.5
0.0
6.5 ± 14.6
0.0
0.0 ± 0.0
6.0
20.2 ±32.8
0.0
0.2+1.1
0.0
0.4 ±1.3
0.0
0.1 ±0.4
0.0
0.1 ±0.4

Berries
Blueberry
Salmonberry
Low bush
cranberry
Rosehip
Strawberry
Black currant
Red raspberry
Red currant
Blackberry
Soapberry

39.0
24.0
3.0
6.0

Other plants*
Labrador tea*
Spruce3
Wild onion
Arctic dock
Willow
Balsam
Mushroom
Bear root
Birch

2008 AnnualI Frequency
Median
Mean + SD
66.5
110+118
6.0
26.3 ±37.8
15.0
26.2 ±28.5
0.5
18.8 ±34.8
3.0
16.5 ±22.8
13.2 ±35.3
0.0
4.4+ 18.1
0.0
0.0
2.0 ±5.6
0.0
1.4 ±5.9
1.3 ±5.0
0.0
0.8 ±0.4
0.0
0.0
0.0 + 0.0

50.2 ±48.5
23.1 ±21.0
6.8 ±12.5

87.0
36.0
36.0

138 ± 1 5 6
44.8 ±49.3
44.6 + 49.4

0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

16.5 ±19.4
1.4 ±4.4
0.0 ± 0.0
0.0 ±0.2
0.4 ±1.3
1.6 ±6.0
0.2 ±0.8
0.1 ±0.5

16.5
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

37.4 ±52.5
7.6 + 21.4
1.0 + 5.3
0.8 ±2.9
0.8 ±3.6
0.5 + 2.4
0.0 + 0.0
0.0 + 0.0

24.0
6.0
0.0
0.0
3.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

71.4+ 111
57.9 ±107
0.7 ± 2 . 3
5.1 ±13.9
7.4 ±9.4
0.0 ± 0.0
0.0 ±0.2
0.0 ± 0.0
0.2+1.1
0.1+0.5

93.0
46.5
0.5
0.0
7.5
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

134 ±184
71.3 + 82.4
32.2 ±80.8
15.1 ±39.1
13.3 ±19.6
0.6 + 2.4
0.6 ±2.9
0.5 + 1.9
0.0 + 0.0
0.0 + 0.0

Significant difference, p < 0.05, Mann-Whitney U
* Significant difference, p < 0.01, Mann-Whitney U

42

In 2008 members of Tlingit households consumed traditional foods a median of 386
times per year, with moose muscle meat, lake trout, raspberry, chinook salmon and low bush
cranberry the most frequently consumed foods (Table 2.4b). The daily frequency did not
significantly differ from the 1992 average, when moose (all parts), chinook salmon,
blackberry, lake trout and lake whitefish were the most frequently consumed traditional
foods. Frequency of consumption decreased between 1992 and 2008 within the categories of
salmon, other fish and all fish, marked by decreases in consumption of chinook salmon, lake
whitefish, arctic grayling, burbot, round whitefish, jackfish and least cisco. There was a
decrease in frequency of consumption of other plants marked decreases in spruce, rhubarb,
bear root, wild onion and willow. Frequency of consumption of rabbit, bird eggs, blackberry
and red currant decreased but there was no statistically significant change in the categories of
mammals, birds and berries.

43

Table 2.4b. Frequency of traditional food use by adults in Teslin Tlingit
households between 1992 and 2008
1992 Annual Frequency
2008 Annual Frequency
Traditional food
Median
Mean + SD
Median
Mean + SD
Total
498
593 ± 452
386
496 ± 490
217
233 + 158
165
Mammals
170 ±95.9
Moose
186
202+123
150
148 ±79.5
Meat
144
144 ±78.7
Kidney
2.0
2.2 + 2.8
Liver
0.5
1.3 ± 1 . 8
Caribou
0.0
5.7 + 13.4
1.0
14.2 + 28.9
Meat
1.0
13.7 ±28.2
Kidney
0.0
0.3 + 0.7
Liver
0.0
0.3 ± 0 . 6
Mountain sheep
8.5 + 25.9
0.0
0.0
3.0 + 6.3
Beaver
1.7 ± 2 . 2
2.0
7.9 + 24.0
1.0
Black bear
0.8 + 2.6
0.0
0.0
0.9 + 2.3
Porcupine
0.0
1.3 + 2.3
0.0
0.6+ 1.0
Rabbit"
1.0
4.6 ±10.6
0.0
0.5 ± 0.9
Groundhog
1.2 ± 2 . 2
0.0
0.0
0.5 ± 0 . 9
Arctic ground
0.0
0.0
0.2 ± 0 . 6
1.0+1.7
squirrel
Elk
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.1 ± 0 . 6
Deer
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.1+0.5
Muskrat
0.1+0.2
0.0
0.0 + 0.0
0.0
Lynx
0.4
+
0.2
0.0
0.0
0.0 + 0.2
Mountain goat
0.4 ± 0 . 2
0.0
0.0
0.0 ± 0.0
13.3 ±26.4
Birds
4.0
2.0
5.0 + 7.6
Duck
6.3 + 18.0
1.0
1.0
2.8 ± 6 . 6
Grouse
1.0
3.2 ± 5 . 6
1.0
1.1 + 1.5
Geese
1.8 + 3.8
0.0
1.0 + 2.0
0.0
Ptarmigan
1.1 ±2.5
0.0
0.1 ± 0 . 3
0.0
Bird eggs
0.8 + 2.2
0.0
0.0 ± 0.2
0.0
Swan
0.12 ± 0 . 6
0.0
0.0 ± 0.0
0.0
72.6 + 83.1
All fish*
101
123 + 106
49.5
38.4 + 32.1
Salmon*
27.0
10.0
20.6 + 30.5
Chinook
24.0
32.7 ±28.8
4.0
15.3 + 28.3
Sockeye
0.0
3.3 ± 9 . 0
0.0
3.4 ± 8 . 1
Chum
0.5 ± 2.4
0.0
1.6 ± 2 . 9
0.0
Coho
1.9 ±5.7
0.0
0.3 + 1.1
0.0
84.7 ± 89.2
22.0
52.0 ±63.1
Other fish*
58.0
Lake trout
19.7 + 20.3
9.5
23.7 + 35.7
15.0
22.6 ±42.3
8.7 ±16.4
Lake whitefish
3.00
9.00
8.4 ± 8 . 9
8.3 ±17.0
Fish eggs
2.00
6.00
2.8 ±13.2
Fish liver
1.6 ± 2 . 3
0.00
0.00
continued on next page
44

Table 4b - continued
1992 Annual Frequency

2008 Annual Frequency

Broad whitefish
Arctic grayling
Burbot *
Inconnu
Round whitefish
Jackfish
Dolly varden
Rainbow trout
Arctic char
Halibut
Least cisco
Long nose sucker

Median
0.0
3.0
1.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

Mean ± SD
12.4 + 41.3
5.4 + 5.9
2.1 ±2.3
1.1 + 1.6
6.2 ±23.9
1.6 + 2.7
1.7 ±5.3
1.2 + 4.8
0.0 ± 0.0
0.0 ± 0.0
0.7 ± 2.4
0.0 + 0.2

Median
0.0
1.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
1.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

Mean ± SD
2.3 ±5.7
1.9 ±2.8
1.4 ±5.6
1.2 + 2.0
0.6 ±1.8
0.6 ±1.6
0.4 + 2.1
0.2 + 0.8
0.1 ±0.4
0.0 + 0.2
0.0 ± 0.0
0.0 ± 0.0

Berries
Low bush cranberry
High bush cranberry
Raspberry
Strawberry
Blackberry
Rosehip
Blueberry
Soapberry
Black currant
Saskatoonberry
Red currant
Bristly black currant
Bearberry
Bog cranberry

70.0
0.0
3.0
2.0
3.0
24.0
0.0
0.0
4.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

166 ± 2 4 2
27.9 + 76.9
15.6 ±30.3
24.8 + 38.6
14.0 ±26.0
28.6 ±28.5
5.6+19.5
5.2 ±8.8
18.8 ±50.0
11.4±31.2
1.6 ±4.3
11.0 ±26.5
1.4 ±7.2
0.0 ± 0 . 2
0.0 ± 0.2

149
4.0
0.5
7.5
2.5
10.0
0.0
0.0
2.5
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

162+185
33.7 ±62.9
27.5 ±61.1
27.3 ±42.7
25.2 ±50.6
13.7 ±14.8
9.4 ±35.3
7.9 ±16.0
6.5 + 8.3
6.1 ±23.6
4.3 + 17.0
0.5 ±2.2
0.0 + 0.0
0.0 ± 0.0
0.0 ± 0.0

5.0
0.5
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0

86.8 ± 299
29.0 ±88.2
22.7 ± 88.5
22.7 ± 88.5
9.7 + 35.3
1.8±5.2
1.0 ±2.8
0.1 ±0.2
0.0 ± 0 . 2
0.0± 0.2
0.0 ± 0.0
0.0 ± 0.0
0.0 + 0.0
0.0 + 0.0

57.1 ± 1 2 3
12.0
0.0
31.4+101
6.1 ±20.0
1.0
0.6 ±1.5
0.0
7.3 ±19.8
0.0
**
8.7 ± 20.4
1.0
Wild rhubarb
Mushroom
0.6 ± 2.4
0.0
0.4 ± 0.7
Bear root
0.0
Dandelion
0.0 ± 0.0
0.0
0.1 ±0.4
Birch
0.0
0.3 ±0.8
Willow*
0.0
Wild onion**
1.5 ±4.9
0.0
0.0 ± 0.2
Rice root
0.0
0.0 ±0.2
Wild mint
0.0
<Mann-Whitney
U
* Significant difference,p < 0.05,
Other plants
Balsam fir
Spruce
Pine
Labrador tea

Significant difference, p < 0.01, Mann-Whitney U
45

Age and Gender
There was no statistically significant difference in total quantity of consumption
(g/person/day) of all traditional foods by age and gender in either community (Table 2.5).
Annual frequency of consumption of birds in Old Crow was the only category shown to
differ significantly with both age and gender, with frequency increasing with age within each
gender (data not shown). A statistically significant difference was found between genders for
frequency and quantity (all participants) of caribou liver consumption, with Vuntut Gwitchin
men consuming more than women (Table 2.6a). Frequency of bird consumption, quantity of
bird consumption (all participants) and quantity of plant consumption (all participants) was
shown to increase with age in Old Crow (Table 2.6b). In Teslin, men consumed significantly
more birds (consumers only) than women. Women consumed more berries more frequently
and in greater quantities (consumers only). There was a statistically significant difference in
age-related consumption of birds, with those aged 41-60 consuming more than those 19-40
and those 61+ consuming the least amount.

46

Table 2.5. Median, mean and standard deviation g/day of traditional
food consumption for adults in Old Crow and Teslin
Old Crow (g/person/day)
Teslin (g/person/day)
Gender/Age
n Median Mean + SD n Median Mean + SD
Women
19-40
5
172
259 ± 229 7
210
198 ± 84.2
40-60
3
334 ±153 3
169
165 ±72.2
399
61+
142
6
479 ± 340 4
159 ±114
479
Men
254
19-40
3
482 ± 483 10
163
196+127
40-60
5
133
240 + 232 5
257
188 + 153
61+
3
492
490 ± 6.3
3
187
172±51
a
367 + 271 32
182
Total
26
259
185 +105
a
One male from Old Crow declined to give his age and therefore is
only included in the total analysis

47

Q *"": P

oo oo r^

S c >

X

O

C

•*
+
c

CO

+1 +1
lO

f-;

s
s Oi n co
CN

ft

»

rson/d
onsum
isumer
:dia

M

c

a
5
OH y
O
^b
3

tU

ON

r-I

fN

i-i

a
o

m m
^ i

Q
Crt

c

s *S a<u l/->
i-i
x>
£ .2 s f N
5*6 c

1
<u
H

2 r»l
3 5
CT O *3 —
C

3

gnifica nt differe esb

c

X!

«
*

XS

a o «
o
°
Si >
V3

oo

00
•3-

u
X!

•a
o
.o

TJ-

p

ST

c

O
•*'

00

« «
c
S3 £
o c

c

p

c
c

c

c
CU

s

d
d V
V

G.

a.

ca

IC
<n

Gen
Fem
Mai

T3

--^

,c » cCS
ca
u

ja

C
C3

„ r—*
u-l O
O

•o
•*

>

4—*

.-s xl

u
of u
o c
c a>

CN

VO
^4

*s
'2

Q "1 m
C/3
2 •*'
+1
S
+1 +1
o "":

c

O
(N

ca
o

en

y of caribou
isumption*
Mean + SD
16.4 + 43.2
15.6+15.8

OldC

t-

|^

c

oo

CN

O
d

0O

>o tN d

t-i

Frequ
liver
Media
0.0
10.5
iffere
differ

1

»-.

+1 +1 +1
^H

c

r-'

'day c
nsum
11)**
Mea

1U

n for f oods
standard de
dia mean

O

^

O

O

-Wh
n-W

was
ret

1 «=

CO

fN

a, "

"O

O
<D ^

m

! | o S
v2 c
53 o
"3b

^

^O

^-i

ON

c

-C

2.6a

0)

-1
OJ

s

u
—
<u

=,

c

f-H

~

•3

tS

T3
C

^

c
ca

"So

C3

aT

g/pers on/day bird
con sumpti on
(consu mers only)*
ean + SD
.1+0.7
.4+14.7

o
c

'>

oo

O
00

p-

u

dia

den
M
C

T—H

'

+ +1 +1

>->

e
0)

</~i
00

'

T3
It
•is e S^
•° o c

o

'S
'S

S c^
£?
op
c/3 *
* *

c
1)

X

Food Security
When asked their perception of their own consumption of traditional foods, the
majority of households in Old Crow said they ate the same amount of mammals, ducks and
geese, fish, berries and barks and saps in spring 2007-winter 2008 as they did 15 years ago
(Fig. 2.2a). The percentage reporting consuming less traditional foods than they did 15 years
ago was greater than those who reported consuming more. The largest self-reported
decreases in traditional food use among groups came from mammals, ducks and geese, and
ptarmigan and grouse. Two households reported a decrease in all animal groups due to
absence of a hunter or fisherman in the household, and another two households reported
concern for contaminants as their reason for decreased consumption of mammals, ducks and
geese, and ptarmigan and grouse. One household reported decreased availability or
unavailability as their reason for decreased consumption of ptarmigan and grouse and two
households reported this as their reason for decreased consumption of ducks and geese. A
large percentage of households reported not eating foods from the groups of wild greens,
bark and saps, roots and mushrooms, due to not liking the foods as the main reason. Two
households reported concern for safety as their reason for not eating roots and bark and saps,
while one household reported this as their reason for not consuming mushrooms and another
for not eating wild greens. Two participants were not living in Old Crow fifteen years ago,
so the sample size for this analysis was 25 households.
In Teslin, the majority of households reported that they consumed the same amounts
of mammals, ducks and geese, fish, berries and barks and saps as they did fifteen years ago
(Fig. 2.2b). The largest decreases in perceived consumption occurred in mammals, ducks
and geese, ptarmigan and grouse, fish and berries. The fraction of households reporting the
reason for decreased consumption was that foods were less or not available are 3/7 for
49

mammals, 2/8 for ducks and geese, 6/11 for ptarmigan and grouse, 4/7 for fish and 4/8 for
berries. Many households reported not eating wild greens, bark and sap, roots and
mushrooms, with reasons behind this reported as not liking the foods, never having tried it
and, for mushrooms, uncertainty on which types are safe. One household reported an
increase in all categories because it is better to eat "natural foods," and another participant
reported an increase in all categories except for wild greens and roots, giving the reason that
there is now a family to provide for. One participant reported a decrease in consumption of
all categories except roots because harvesting equipment was unaffordable.

50

120 100

• More
oU

• Less

60

•

—

-

Same

40

•

.1

20

H • , Ji 1 •

0

*

y

-^

x*

<? <#*
-^

,**
df

_o*
V

.&
J?

• Don't Ea

^ *

<?~

Figure 2.2a. Self-observed changes in diet of traditional foods categories by adults in Vuntut
Gwitchin households (n=25)

"0
60
• More

50
40
30
20
10
0

i

• Less

i JJ.iL JIL
J

y

<**<

Same
• Don't Eat

/

Figure 2.2b. Self-observed changes in diet of traditional foods categories by adults in Teslin
Tlingit households (n=27)

51

The vast majority of households in Teslin and Old Crow reported having a fisherman
and/or a hunter or trapper in the household, however households in both communities
reported difficulties in obtaining enough harvesting equipment (Table 2.7). Forty percent of
Tlingit households reported not having enough hunting and/or trapping equipment to fulfill
the family's food needs, with a truck, four-wheeler, snowmobile, gas and guns among the
equipment needed, and 22% of households in both communities did not have enough fishing
equipment. Access to hunting and/or trapping and fishing equipment was found to be agerelated in Teslin, with those aged 19-40 years significantly more likely to report not having
enough equipment than those over 40 years of age. No age-related differences were found in
Old Crow. Eighty-five percent of Vuntut Gwitchin households reported that their traditional
foods come from within their household or immediate family, while 15% reported others in
the community are their main source of traditional foods. In Teslin, all households reported
providing their own traditional foods, with half (52%) also receiving traditional foods from
other households in the community and 15% purchasing traditional foods, specifically
salmon, from an outfitter or another First Nation.
Seventy-four percent of households in both communities reported obtaining all the
traditional foods that their household wanted. Of the other 26% of households in Old Crow,
all wanted more caribou. In addition, one household wanted more geese, ducks, whitefish,
and berries and another reported wanting more moose meat. In Teslin, 15% of households
reported wanting more berries, 11 % more caribou and 4% moose organs, sheep, porcupine,
ducks, salmon, fish, water fowl and "all of them." When participants in Old Crow were
asked what prevents their household from obtaining all the traditional foods that they want,
two responded not having money for equipment and one reported not having money to hire
52

someone to hunt for them. In Teslin, four households responded that they had no time to
harvest, two that harvesting is too strenuous and one that harvesting restrictions are obstacles.
The HFSSM identified that only half (52%) of Vuntut Gwitchin households in Old
Crow are food secure, with 37% experiencing moderate food insecurity and 11%
experiencing severe food insecurity. Eight households in Teslin declined to answer enough
questions of the HFSSM for their level of food security to be assessed. Out of the nineteen
households that did complete this section, 95% were identified to be food secure and 5%
moderately food insecure.

53

Table 2.7. Access to traditional foods
Old Crow (%)a
Households
With hunter and/or trapper
89
With enough hunting and/or trapping
equipment to fulfill the family's
food needs
82
With functioning hunting and/or
trapping equipment
With a fisherman in the household
With enough fishing equipment to
fulfill the family's food needs
With functioning fishing equipment
That obtain traditional foods from:
Self/Immediate household
Community
Other
Another First Nation
Outfitter

Teslin (%)b
93
60

78
82

89
93

78
78

78
100

85
15
0

100
52
15
11
4

That obtain all the traditional foods its members want
Yes
74
No
26

' n= 27 for households in Old Crow
' n=27 for households in Teslin

54

74
26

Discussion
Limitations
The exclusion criterion of exceeding three times the standard deviation for total
g/person/day traditional food consumption may artificially eliminate high end consumers of
traditional foods; however this criterion was employed as the best method to protect against
the biases presented by self-reporting and use of the food models. Reporting bias in
traditional food studies tends towards an overestimation of the frequency (Lawn & Harvey,
2006). The food models were used as a tool to represent the individual's usual or average
portion size, and when faced with the various model sizes, individuals may have a tendency
to chose a larger portion size (e.g. a steak size) than the quantity in which they most often
consume that food (e.g., snack portion of jerky).
Validity of Comparison
The percentage of First Nations households interviewed in Teslin and Old Crow was
comparable to the percentage interviewed by Wein & Freeman (1995). The phrasing of the
FFQ question to establish frequency per season in this study was "How often did you eat
[each traditional food per each season]?" The phrasing of the question in Wein & Freeman's
(1995) study asked "How often does anyone in your household eat [each traditional food per
each season]?" in order to obtain the maximum frequency of any individual in the household.
This introduces limitations with the comparison, as it may be difficult to recall another
person's food consumption. However, the respondent may likely have answered with his or
her own food use, making the information directly comparable.
Frequency of Food Use
There was no decline in frequency of traditional food use in Old Crow; rather the
frequency of consumption of certain categories was shown to increase. Consumption of
55

traditional foods is generally higher in more remote communities such as Old Crow, which
have maintained more facets of a traditional lifestyle (Nakano et ai, 2005a; Wein &
Freeman, 1995). Market foods in Old Crow are a minimum of two and a half to three times
the price as in the Yukon capital of Whitehorse (Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 2009;
Wein, 1994a), which may be a factor in the maintenance of traditional foods in the diet. At
the community meeting in Old Crow, the frequency results for mammals and birds were
confirmed, but differing views were expressed on the apparent increase in frequency of
consumption of fish and berries.
The overall frequency of traditional food use in Teslin did not change; however
frequency of the groups all fish, salmon, other fish and other plants did decrease. At the
meeting, community members reported being concerned about declining salmon populations
for the past two decades. This increasing community concern has manifested in individuals
voluntary reducing their salmon catch and the Teslin Tlingit Council's implementation of 48hour net closures beginning in 1994 (K. Melton, TTC Fish & Wildlife Officer, personal
communication, April 28 2009). These are likely factors in the decreased frequency of
consumption of chinook salmon found between 1992 and 2008 as well as why 15% of
households obtained salmon from outfitters or other First Nations. The results of the FFQ
were confirmed at the community meeting in Teslin.
Only three plants other than berries (Labrador tea, spruce, arctic dock) were
consumed by half or more of the participants in Old Crow and only one (balsam fir) was
consumed by half of Teslin participants. Many participants in both communities reported not
eating foods from the categories of wild greens, bark & saps, roots and mushrooms. Of the
individuals who did consume plants, many reported having them on a very regular basis. It
56

was not the intent of this study to collect information on traditional medicines, and so plants
that individuals specified were for medicinal use were not included in the analysis. However,
participants were not asked to differentiate between medicinal use and consumption, as
traditional foods, particularly plants, are consumed for multiple reasons and it is difficult and
counterintuitive to separate out their purpose (Kuhnlein & Receveur, 1996; Wheatley, 1994).
Thus, plants and other foods used for medicinal purposes may still be included in the
collected FFQ information.
Frequency of traditional food use has been found to be higher among males and
increase with age in both genders (Kuhnlein et al., 2004; Receveur et al., 1997; Wein et al.,
1991), although clear trends have not been found when evaluating age and gender together.
This study identified a few age and gender related differences in traditional food
consumption, such as a greater frequency and quantity of berry consumption by women in
Teslin compared to men and increasing quantity of plant consumption with age in Old Crow.
However, general trends for either age or gender were not identified.
One theme that emerged from the community meetings, particularly in Old Crow, is
the importance of recognizing that variability in environmental conditions affects the
availability of traditional food sources. The Porcupine Caribou has been the principal
cultural and dietary resource of the Vuntut Gwitchin, and their irregular 2007 fall migration
left families without their average stock of caribou for the winter of 2008. As a result, some
families reported turning towards fish as a main protein source, which supports the increase
in frequency offish consumption between 1991-1992 and 2007-2008. Community members
emphasized that this was an anomaly and not a general trend towards increased fish use;
during the following summer of 2008 there was a Yukon-wide restriction on the First Nations
57

subsistence harvest of chinook salmon. In fact, the Vuntut Gwitchin Government bought and
distributed chinook salmon to community members in order to supplement the meager seven
fish that had been caught due to the abnormally low run and high water levels (S. Graupe,
VGG Director of Natural Resources, personal communication, March 31 2009). Community
members also noted that higher levels of precipitation resulted in more berries present than
usual in 2007, and naturally people will harvest the foods that are readily available.
Food Security
Households in Teslin and Old Crow experienced challenges in obtaining and
maintaining enough hunting and/or trapping and fishing equipment to fulfill the family's
food needs. This is a problem in other northern communities, as women in Yukon First
Nations, Dene/Metis and Inuit households have reported not having enough equipment for
hunting and fishing, as well as perceiving these activities as cost-prohibitive (Lambden et al,
2006). Harvesting activities often utilize modern equipment including snow machines, boats,
four-wheelers, gasoline, guns and ammunition, all of which require money for purchase and
upkeep (Loring & Gerlach, 2008; Poppel et al, 2007). The money necessary to fund
harvesting activities can be generated by participating in the wage economy; however
employment is limited in many communities. In Teslin, the 40% of participants that reported
their household did not have enough hunting or trapping equipment, such as vehicles
required to go far enough out on the land to access animals, were significantly younger than
those who reported having enough equipment. Age-related differences in food security have
been reported in the 2001 Canadian Community Health Survey, which noted that younger
individuals were more likely to experience food insecurity and hypothesized that this may be
due to financial responsibilities of young families or the low incomes of students or those
58

entering the workforce (Ledrou & Gervais, 2005). Not having enough time to harvest was
mentioned by 15% of Teslin households as an obstacle to obtaining all the traditional foods
that they want. This is an issue in communities where members participate in some form of a
wage economy, as the work week limits harvesters' ability to get out on the land (Chan et ai,
2006;Kruse, 1991).
Twenty-six percent of households in both Teslin and Old Crow reported not getting
all the traditional foods that they want, which is a manifestation of moderate food insecurity.
The 48% of Vuntut Gwitchin households identified as food insecure by the HFSSM is well
above both the 2001 Yukon-wide average of 21% (Ledrou & Gervais, 2005) and the 2004
data for Aboriginals off-reserve of 33% (Office of Nutrition Policy and Proportion, 2007).
The overall food insecurity level in Old Crow is comparable to that experienced in Nunavut
(56%), where the environmental and socio-economic challenges to traditional lifestyles are
similar. Only one household in Teslin was identified as moderately food insecure by the
HFSSM; however the eight households that declined to answer the HFSSM section may have
done so because they were experiencing food insecurity and found it is difficult to discuss.
Had they answered, the reported percentage of Tlingit households experiencing food
insecurity in Teslin would likely be higher. The food security results for both Old Crow and
Teslin were validated at their respective community meeting.
The physical health benefits of continued consumption of traditional foods are
important to the well-being of Aboriginal communities, especially when considering food
security in terms of market foods. Market food security in northern and remote communities
is affected by poor nutritional quality, limited selection, poor condition of perishables and
prohibitive cost (Chan et ai, 2006; Wein, 1994a). Obtaining nutritious market foods in the
59

north can be expensive, as transportation, monopolies in the supply chain and risk of spoilage
are factored into the high prices (Wein, 1994a). To minimize losses from spoilage of
perishable foods, stores tend to import foods with a longer shelf-life, just as families with low
incomes may choose foods that can be stored longer (Tobin, 2007). Together these factors
mean that the foods made available in remote locations tend to be higher in carbohydrates,
saturated fats, sugar and salt, which increases the risk posed by chronic diseases marking this
current nutrition transition (Milburn, 2004; Popkin, 2009).

60

Conclusion
Traditional foods continue to be an important component of the diet of First Nation
communities in the Yukon. Food security in northern First Nation communities is affected
by environmental and socio-economic changes, and the availability of traditional foods is
critical to maintaining their food security. Additional research is needed in order to identify
trends in traditional food use, particularly as yearly environmental variability plays a large
role in which foods are available and accessible.

61

Connecting Bridge
Chapter 2 demonstrated the importance of traditional foods in the daily diet of Yukon
First Nations. Adults in the Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation community of Old Crow reported
consuming traditional foods a median of one and a half times a day, and the single most
frequently consumed food was caribou muscle meat. This study also identified some of the
challenges to food security faced by both communities, such as the availability of particular
foods and having enough equipment to fulfill the family's traditional food needs. Another
food security concern among northern communities is the contamination of traditional food
sources with chemical pollutants such as mercury. Although mercury levels are generally
low in terrestrial mammals, there is limited information on mercury in caribou muscle meat,
which is a vital component of the Vuntut Gwitchin culture and diet. The Arctic Caribou and
Moose Contaminant Monitoring Program annually samples the Porcupine Caribou Herd, and
so with information collected from the food frequency questionnaires, it was possible to
estimate mercury exposure of Vuntut Gwitchin adults through consumption of caribou
tissues. Chapter 3 evaluates mercury exposure and nutrient intake through consumption of
Porcupine Caribou muscle, liver and kidney using the dietary information collected in the
food use study of Chapter 2.

62

CHAPTER 3

Manuscript 2: Assessing risk of mercury exposure and nutritional benefits of
consumption of caribou (Rangifer tarandus) in the Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation
community of Old Crow, Yukon, Canada

Roseanne C. Schuster , Mary Gamberg and Hing Man Chan

1

Department of Health Sciences
University of Northern British Columbia
3333 University Way
Prince George, BC V2N 4Z9
2

Gamberg Consulting
Box 10460
Whitehorse, YTY1A7A1

63

Introduction
Foods from the land represent the fundamental connection between Aboriginal
Peoples and their surrounding environment (Richmond & Ross, 2009; Wheatley, 1994) and
are an important part of maintaining social cohesion (Egede, 1995; Poppel et al, 2007). The
preparation and sharing of traditional foods brings individuals in the community together and
provides a forum for which stories are shared and knowledge is passed down to younger
generations (Lambden et al, 2007). Regular engagement in harvesting activities contributes
to overall fitness, and the nutritional benefits that traditional foods provide are important to
Aboriginal health (Kuhnlein & Receveur, 1996; Kuhnlein et al, 2001). Even when eaten in
small quantities, traditional foods contribute high levels of essential nutrients to the diet,
which is critical as traditional food consumption is decreasing in Aboriginal communities
across Canada (Kuhnlein & Receveur, 1996, 2007; Kuhnlein et al, 2004; Receveur et al,
1997; Receveur et al, 1998). Low intake of traditional foods presents health risks when the
replacement market foods are high in refined carbohydrates and saturated fats, which
increases the risk for chronic diseases such as obesity and diabetes that are manifestations of
the global nutrition transition (Damman et al, 2007; Dannenbaum et al, 2008; Green et al,
2003; Johnson et al, 2002; Kuhnlein et al, 2004; Popkin, 2009; Young et al, 2000).
Caribou (Rangifer tarandus) is an important part of the traditional diet for Indigenous
Peoples of the circumpolar north, and Aboriginal Peoples in the Canadian Arctic have relied
upon caribou as a source of nutritional and cultural sustenance for centuries. The Porcupine
Caribou Herd has been a significant cultural and dietary resource for the Vuntut Gwitchin
First Nation for centuries, and caribou is the single most frequently consumed traditional
food in the Vuntut Gwitchin community of Old Crow (Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation, 2008b;
64

Wein & Freeman, 1995). Caribou is a valuable source of several nutrients: the muscle is
high in protein and low in total and saturated fats, the liver provides high levels of Vitamins
A and E and a moderate level of Vitamin D, and the kidney is a moderate source of Vitamins
A and E (Kuhnlein et al, 2006).
Although the health benefits of consuming traditional foods such as caribou are wellrecognized, socio-economic and environmental changes including chemical pollution can
affect food security in the north (Chan et al, 2006; Loring & Gerlach, 2008). Mercury (Hg),
present in the environment from both natural and an increasing amount of anthropogenic
sources, is one of the contaminants of concern. Once emitted into the atmosphere, Hg has a
residence time of one to two years, which allows it to be transported long distances via
oceanic and atmospheric processes into northern environments considered to be pristine
(Brooks et al, 2005; Pacyna, 2005). Hg cycles throughout the environment, and its organic
form methylmercury (MeHg) is a well-documented neurotoxin that bioaccumulates and
biomagnifies within the food chain (Hansen & Gilman, 2005). Increasing Hg levels in the
Arctic tundra have been reported (Poissant et al, 2008), but the significance of potential
impacts on public health and food safety has not been fully characterized.
The main source of human exposure to MeHg is large predatory fish and marine
mammals, as these organisms feed at high levels on the long aquatic food chain where MeHg
is readily bioavailable (Derome et al, 2005; Hansen & Gilman, 2005). Therefore much
research with northern Inuit communities has been conducted to assess the risks posed by
contaminants in marine food sources (Deutch et al, 2007; Muir et al, 2005). Risk of
mercury exposure in non-coastal northern communities is comparably less since diets in
these areas include more herbivorous terrestrial animals (Chan & Receveur, 2000; Hansen &
65

Gilman, 2005). However, clear temporal and geographic patterns for mercury levels in
terrestrial mammals have not been established (Braune et al, 2005; Gamberg, 2007;
Gamberg et al, 2005). It has recently been shown that the terrestrial food chain may also be
an important pathway of accumulation in the ecosystem (Poissant et al, 2008) and there is
evidence of increasing renal mercury levels in Porcupine Caribou (Gamberg, 2008).
Therefore, it is important to assess the safety of consumption of caribou in terms of mercury
exposure as caribou are among the most frequently consumed traditional foods in the Yukon
(Batal et al, 2005; Nakano et al, 2005b; Wein & Freeman, 1995).
This paper reports the estimated mercury exposure and nutrient intake of adults in
Vuntut Gwitchin households in Old Crow through consumption of Porcupine Caribou muscle
meat, kidney and liver. The overall objective is to provide information for the Vuntut
Gwitchin First Nation and the relevant public health professionals to conduct a risk
assessment for mercury exposure in the context of the importance of caribou in the diet of the
Vuntut Gwitchin community of Old Crow in the Yukon territory of Canada.

66

Methods
Community
The Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation community of Old Crow is the northernmost in the
Yukon, located 128 km north of the Arctic Circle (Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation, 2008b).
Historically a nomadic people, the Vuntut Gwitchin settled in a location on the Porcupine
River that is central to the semi-annual migration of the Porcupine Caribou (Vuntut Gwitchin
First Nation, 2008a). Old Crow is accessible only by aircraft or by river during the summer
months and its remote location has allowed community members to continue many aspects of
traditional life (Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation, 2008b). The population in Old Crow numbers
253 individuals (Yukon Bureau of Statistics, 2006), and there are 835 beneficiaries of the
First Nation (T. Rispin, VGFN Enrolment Officer, personal communication, May 28, 2009).
Ethics
Research followed the Canadian Institutes for Health Research Guidelines for Health
Research Involving Aboriginal Peoples, and ethical approval for the study was obtained
through the University of Northern British Columbia's Review Ethics Board. Group consent
was acquired through a research agreement signed between the researchers and the Vuntut
Gwitchin Government. Individual informed consent forms were used to describe in detail
participant rights and researcher responsibilities.
Food Frequency Questionnaires
Thirty-three Vuntut Gwitchin households in Old Crow were randomly selected from a
community list provided by the Vuntut Gwitchin Government, and one male and one female
adult over the age of eighteen was invited to participate from each household. Three trained
community research assistants interviewed twenty-nine individuals (15 male, 14 female)
representing 27 Vuntut Gwitchin households in the spring of 2008. The interviews consisted
67

of a food frequency questionnaire (FFQ) and additional sections on food security, and
methodology has been detailed in the previous chapter. Briefly, the FFQ asked how often
during spring 2007-winter 2008 the participant consumed each of 78 foods from a list that
had been generated by Yukon First Nations elders and leaders for use in a 1991-1992 study
(Wein & Freeman, 1995). To facilitate recall, participants were asked about consumption
starting in the most recent season working backwards (winter 2008, fall 2007, summer 2007,
spring 2007). Seasons were divided into equal lengths of 90 days, and so a frequency
response of "every day" for each season would be 360 times per year. In addition to
reporting frequency of food use, the FFQ asked participants for their average portion size for
each traditional food in order to calculate the quantity of foods consumed. Color
photographs of each species were available to participants to assist in recall, and food models
were used as a guide for reporting standardized portion sizes. This study utilized the FFQ
information on the average daily quantity (g/person/day) with which caribou muscle meat,
liver and kidney was consumed during spring 2007-winter 2008.
Mercury Analysis of Caribou Tissues
Seventy-five muscle, 63 kidney and 3 liver samples from the Porcupine Caribou were
collected during the fall hunting season by local hunters and territorial biologists as part of
the Arctic Caribou and Moose Contaminant Monitoring Program of the Northern
Contaminants Program. The average age of the caribou was 5.0 years. Kidneys were
thoroughly homogenized before being analyzed. Kidney and liver samples were analyzed for
total mercury using cold vapour atomic absorption spectroscopy at NLET (Environment
Canada) or by the inductively coupled plasma technique with mass spectroscopy by
Elemental Research Inc., Vancouver, BC.

68

Total mercury (THg) in freeze-dried raw meat muscle samples was analyzed at the
University of Northern British Columbia using the commercial MA-2000 (Nippon
Instruments, Osaka, Japan) that integrates combustion, collection of mercury by gold
amalgamation and detection by atomic absorption spectrometry (C-GA-AAS). The
instrument detection limit was 0.2 ng THg, and sample sizes of approximately lOOmg dry
weight were used. The detection limit for this THg determination method was 0.002 mg/kg
dry weight or 0.0004 mg/kg wet weight. A standard curve was produced using commercial
Hg standards before each run. Blanks were run with each batch of samples. The standard
reference materials Dolt-4 dogfish liver (National Research Council Canada, Ottawa,
Canada) and SRM 8414 bovine muscle (collaboration of U.S. National Institute of Standards
and Technology, Gaithersburg, United States with Agriculture Canada, Ottawa, Canada)
were also run with each batch of samples. Recovery was within + 12% of the mean value for
Dolt-4 and + 30% of the mean for bovine muscle and both were within the SD of the certified
value. Samples were run in triplicate except when tissue quantity was limited to allow for
only duplicate (21 cases) and singular sample (12 cases) analyses.
To estimate MeHg intake, all THg found in the raw caribou meat was assumed to be
MeHg, following the conservative values of percent methylmercury found in flesh of other
large mammals (Moses et al, 2009; Wagemeann et al, 1997). MeHg has been found to
comprise a range of 19.9-20.4% and 2.7-26.4% of THg in mammalian kidney and liver,
respectively (Moses et al, 2009; Wagemeann et al, 1998). For this study, 20% of THg in
the kidney and 26% of THg in liver was calculated to be MeHg.
Exposure from each caribou tissue was estimated by multiplying the g/person/day
consumption by the THg or MeHg level for that tissue and dividing by an average body
69

weight of 70kg. Each participant's total estimated THg or MeHg exposure was then
calculated by adding the exposure from each tissue. The estimated THg and MeHg intakes
(ug/kg body weight/day) were compared to guidelines recognized by Health Canada (Health
Canada, 2007). Women aged 19-40 were considered women of childbearing age, and their
levels were compared to the appropriate guidelines. Hazard Quotients were calculated by
dividing the weekly estimated THg or MeHg intake by the Health Canada guideline levels.
Nutritional Analysis
Nutritional benefits from consumption of caribou meat and liver were determined
using the Canadian Nutrient File (Health Canada, 2008) for cooked meat and baked liver and
supplemented with Vitamin A and E values from Kuhnlein et al. (2006) for boiled meat,
baked liver and cooked kidney and with niacin equivalent values from Hidiroglou et al.
(2008) for cooked kidney. Intake of energy, total fat, protein, iron, phosphorous, zinc,
selenium, niacin equivalent, and vitamins A, B12 and E were calculated for each tissue by
combining the available database levels with the g/person/day consumption reported in the
FFQ. The total percent contribution of the combined tissues towards the estimated energy
requirement (EER) based on medium (low active) activity levels and estimated average
requirement (EAR) for all other nutrients were calculated using Health Canada's Dietary
Reference Intakes, with the more stringent requirement in place for collapsed age groups
(Health Canada, 2006).

70

Results
Consumption of Caribou Muscle Meat, Liver and Kidney
Dietary information from 26 individuals (12 male, 14 females) representing 25
households in Old Crow was collected and analyzed. Information collected from three males
initially interviewed was excluded from the analysis, as their reported g/person/day of total
traditional food consumption exceeded three times the standard deviation for the entire
population. All participants reported consuming caribou meat, 92% of men and 57% of
women ate kidney, and 92% of men and 29% of women had liver. Women of child-bearing
age reported a lower median g/person/day intake of caribou muscle, kidney and liver than all
other adults (Table 3.1).

71

Table 3.1. Reported consumption (g/person/day) of Porcupine Caribou muscle, kidney
and liver

Women 19-40
All except
women 19-40

n
5

Muscle
Median 90th %
71.5
396

Kidney
Median 90th %
0
11.8

Liver
Median 90th %
0
0

21

75.8

3.15

2.45

161

72

23.3

29.0

Mercury
THg levels in muscle, kidney and liver were found to be very low (Table 3.2).
Estimated intake of both THg and MeHg using g/person/day consumption of tissues were
below their respective provisional weekly tolerable intakes for women of child-bearing age
and all other adults (Table 3.3). The Hazard Quotients including those for high end
consumers (90th percentile) were well below 1, indicating minimal risk.

73

0\\

O

d
3 U H

O

-a
e

K .2 o

(D
60
cd
00

c
'C
cd
CD

X>

4—«

J3

cd

c.SP

>-.
e

cd <D

te

,>
-o

co

<N

r-~ co
o
o
4)

(50

§
8? ^

st o

d

1^

c
-o
•^
<u
o
CO

T3
CD*

^—^

1—1

U
<u
e

'X^i

§

(50

3

o

g

a

xi

d

•5

rcu

uCD ffit>0 £P^ o
o
H ^ o o
.s
60
o.
s,

o
o

$

entratio

oo .SP C M
,i o

O

CD
CD

CN

r-

1 o d d
i
* +1 +1
S <o« d
f?

§

O

&

b xj

X

CD

c

r-H

<-<'

CM
CN

(50

in

CN

o

o

I

ON

^_,

O £

<

CO
CO

C/3

C

S

5
H

S W

J

3

d

CD

K
H

u
o
~

<D

O
CN

3«£
6M

cd
60

CO

(N
-*t

X>
6 0 CN

-a
c

(50

cd

CD

X!

s
cd

3
H

O

CD

+1
o
o o
60 " ^ (50 CO
o VC CN
X 3 H (30 o
H
d d d

j j

3

N I

C

CN
CO

o

o
o

CO

E

as

"•4—»

(3

• ^ H

s

cd

_(D

a

o
c

T3

CM

a

T3 i

CH

o
c
o

ro

'a,

(50

o

CO

3
O

"S

a

o

£h§

d

• 1—1

3

3
CN

CM

3
cd
H

2

Nutrients
The g/person/day consumption of caribou muscle, liver and kidney contributed to
nearly two-thirds of the EAR for protein and zinc, half of the EAR for iron and one-third of
the EAR for phosphorous in women (Table 3.4a). The niacin intake was close to the EAR,
and the B12 intake was two and a half times the EAR. In men, caribou tissues contributed to
approximately half of EAR for protein and zinc, two-thirds for vitamin A, nearly all for iron,
and two and a half times for B12 (Table 3.4b). Caribou muscle, kidney and liver also
contributed low amounts of copper, calcium, sodium, magnesium, manganese, potassium and
vitamins C and D (data not shown) to the diets of both women and men.

75

P

~

u~> ( N

NO —i

ON , S |

S
id
§ oo - §
q rn oo $

oq m
*> *

- O g CN
- 1 CN 5=) -*

^

CO

^O

NO

CN

CO

o
II
c
E
o

CN
o
o

~-~
00

CN

—(

S

3

"">

-;

^

OO

CN

<-:

m vo CN io ON
+1 +1 +1 +1 +1 +1
m (S en Tt TJ- o
>o d
^ S «/->
H

c
u
•c

00
NO NO

2 o<
+1 +1 +1 +
°^ o
„
CN ^d —

CO

-H

NO

3
18.2
3.0
2.5
46.2
0.8

c
o

s Q
c
oS

>,
c
-a

+1 +1 +1 +1 +1

en

r- -*

+

00

+1 0 t0 '

CN O T f

-<

ON
ON
IT)

d

c

d
+1
NO

O

£ d «n S <*. <-

en ^.

c
•a

o
I

bO

3
O

OH

-H

a

CN

s

— d c
+1 +1 .a

D
c
U
o

<D
bO
03
4
o3-3
Co
D

(11

*-

<D

c

e
5 -a »

|f

C

>
'3
w> E a"

bO

E *
w

s

•S3 6 0

—
O
CN NO

bO

03

bO "S

VD

3

en '

+1 +1 en m
— d

+1 +1 +1 +1 +1 +1

u bO
en
u

—

r- oo — CN o o
2 oo in 2 ^ o>
^ CN
^

•n

c
o
U

O
*>
J^

«? o X>
— d
+1 +1

NO

— m m M in o\

3

~0
C
03

3
O

OS

d

o
c

+

ON

c

i2

1

§3

£3 00 CN

.8 ^ e
ftSRwZSw>>

3

o |

8* 8
c

c

E

03 T3
o3 ,«J
p

OS

c

«

co ON r- -< £} NO
o\ o ^ -H o\ ^ «

S

^> 00 ^

NO
U0

E2^

CN

ON

u

o

in

en
CN
CN

04
< o

a

S

CN

2 o
CN

NO

25
o
r-

c

CN

£
NO

CN

NO

rj- ^.

CO

o o
00
+1 +1 +1 +1 +1 +1 +l +1
CO O N r-; in
O
co °) m
2 i> in £^ in 06 ^ in

I
c
u

W0
•*

ON
o

+1 +1
ON
•n

«0

CM

•c
C
O

in

"

ON

^
NO

CO

VO

_• o

—

©

S

•*

CN

r~

—<

00

CO

06

©

p

^t

00

3 06

+

0)

>
+1 +1 -o
c
CN
^

+1 +1 +1 +1 +1
O
—H

00

NO

o
vo

03

^

p
O

13

ON

+1 +1
r- O

3
O

w

XI

"S

3
O

!o 2

c
c

•g
!5

in
in

NO

c

o
+1
o

2

NO

O
UO

ky-

in
O
—1

3

NO
O
CN

NO
^
CO

Tj—'

NO

rt

CO

NO

CO

O

TT

od ^

+l

+1 +1?,

+1 +1 +1 +1 +1 +1
NONooNor-co^^
CN

o
x>

_

00

o3 (U
*-' bfl
03
4) -C
O
O

« .S
£3

C

c5

in

C

o
c
_o

c
o

60

'•«-»

,33

, 0 -J3 •=
<*- 3 TD
<D X> 00

E

'C
c
o
U

(50

60 "31 I03 io IS
3

jd

60

CO

I

^
00

bO

-—-

3

Z

o
«

>

3 '3

o
60

—

03
60

C

e £ " o
p _C .3 u
A OH N M

o CN
£
Z 5

W
e

.W. 'E
03 03

> >

O

a

c

c
iS "O ^

Q S *

Discussion
Nearly all parts of a harvested caribou are used by the Vuntut Gwitchin; however
only the muscle, liver and kidney were evaluated in this study since the organs are targets for
MeHg accumulation and the meat is consumed in large quantities. The estimated average
daily THg and MeHg exposure of adults in Vuntut Gwitchin households through
consumption of caribou muscle, liver and kidney is low and therefore minimal risk of toxic
Hg effects exists from consumption of caribou in this community. Even the THg and MeHg
intake of high end consumers (top 90th percentile) was below Health Canada guideline levels.
The calculated Hazard Quotients were well below 1, suggesting the health risk for Hg
exposure from this route is minimal. Cooking methods, which have been shown to affect
THg and MeHg in tissues (Moses et al., 2009), were not taken into account in this analysis;
however since the estimated exposures were well below the guideline levels, the variations
caused by different preparation methods would likely not affect the results of the assessment.
Levels of THg in caribou organs generally increase with animal age and vary with
season, as seasonality dictates both the size of the organs and the proportion of mercuryaccumulating lichens in the caribou diet (Robillard et al, 2002). THg levels in Porcupine
Caribou kidney have been shown to be higher in spring harvested animals compared with
those harvested in the fall and higher in females than in males (Gamberg, 2008). Samples
analyzed for this study were collected only from male caribou during the fall hunting season.
Although the harvesting both males and females is allowed, the Porcupine Caribou
Management Board is encouraging the hunting of male caribou as a strategy to maintain a
healthy herd population (Porcupine Caribou Management Board, 2009). Therefore the
sampled male caribou can be considered representative of fall harvested animals. The

78

estimated exposure may increase a minimal amount if samples from spring harvested caribou
were included; however individuals would still not surpass guideline levels for THg and
MeHg. In addition, a conservative approach was employed to estimate the proportion of
MeHg in the tissue samples, and actual MeHg levels may be even lower.
Even though caribou tissues (muscle, liver and kidney combined) only contributed a
median of 5-6% of the EER, they contributed half or more of the median EAR for protein,
iron, zinc, B12 and niacin equivalent for both men and women. Total B12 intake exceeded
the EAR by two and half times for both men and women; however there is not an upper limit
(UL) for vitamin B12 as available research does not suggest adverse effects from high levels
of consumption. Men and women were both close to the EAR for niacin but are not in
danger of exceeding the UL, which is set for synthetic forms such as supplements and
fortified foods. Men had a median percent reference intake of vitamin A twenty times higher
than that of women due to their significantly greater consumption of liver. Since only a
small number of women consumed liver and two of those women consumed a relative large
amount, there is a positive skew for mean nutrient intakes for those nutrients present in high
levels in the liver.
Nutrient intake in Aboriginal communities has been found to be higher on days when
traditional foods are part of the diet than on days when market foods are consumed
exclusively (Kuhnlein et ai, 1996; Receveur et ai, 1997). A survey of four Yukon First
Nations communities that included Old Crow found that even when traditional foods
comprise 17% of the daily energy, they contribute 50% or more of daily intakes of protein,
vitamin B12, riboflavin, niacin, iron and zinc (Wein, 1995). These results suggest that
caribou tissues are critical in maintaining the nutrient requirement of individuals in this

79

community. The transition from traditional foods to market foods may decrease dietary
quality and increase risk for diabetes, obesity and cardiovascular diseases (Damman et al,
2007; Kuhnlein et al, 2004; Kuhnlein et al, 1996; Martens et al, 2007).
The study results resonate with comprehensive risk-benefit assessments conducted
with other northern First Nations communities. A 1995 study found mercury levels to be low
in Yukon wildlife and freshwater fish with the exception of loche, suggesting that mercury
exposure is not a significant problem in Yukon First Nations communities (Receveur et al.,
1998). A study of 16 Dene/Metis communities in the Northwest Territories including the
Teetl'it Gwich'in community of Fort McPherson similarly reported low risk from dietary
mercury exposure (Berti et al, 1998). Continued consumption of traditional foods was
encouraged, as the nutritional benefits were considered important to the health of the
communities and contaminant risk was low.

80

Conclusion
Consumption of Porcupine Caribou in Vuntut Gwitchin households in Old Crow
contributes high levels of nutrients to the diet. The average daily risk posed by mercury
exposure is low when evaluated on a g/person/day consumption basis of all tissues. Results
were discussed with the community to inform dietary choice and reported to the local health
authorities for the development of regional and culturally appropriate nutritional policy and
risk management. This paper examines contamination through a Western lens since the
objective is to contribute only estimate of mercury levels and nutrient intake from caribou
muscle, kidney and liver to a comprehensive risk assessment. A comprehensive risk
assessment would explore the concept of contamination from an Aboriginal perspective and
situate the assessment within the cultural understanding and implications of the
contamination.

81

CHAPTER 4: CONCLUSIONS
Traditional foods have been demonstrated to be an important part of the
contemporary diet of two First Nations communities, the Vuntut Gwitchin of Old Crow and
Teslin Tlingit. Forty-five traditional foods were reported to be consumed in Old Crow a
median of 582 times per year. Due to its more southerly location and increased species
diversity (Wein, 1995), a wider span of 60 different traditional foods was consumed in
Teslin, albeit at a lower median of 386 times per year. Traditional foods are important to
nutrition and physical health as well as to the spiritual and social well-being of the
communities, especially since the foods reported to be consumed in this survey are high in
protein, poly-unsaturated fatty acids, iron, zinc and vitamins A, B12, C, and E.
Even though traditional foods are frequently consumed, both communities reported
challenges to food security that stem from environmental variability. Twenty-six percent of
households in Old Crow and Teslin reported not getting all the traditional foods that they
want, which is a manifestation of moderate food insecurity. All of these Vuntut Gwitchin
households wanted more caribou, due to the irregular fall migration of the Porcupine Caribou
that left families without their normal stock for the winter. Caribou migration patterns can be
affected by climate change, snow depth and hardness and access to and availability of
preferred food sources such as lichen (Duquette, 1988; Manning, 2009). Tlingit households
mentioned wanting more salmon in the survey, and those at the community meeting made it
clear that the low salmon runs were affecting their community. Participants even reported
resorting to obtaining salmon from outfitters and other First Nations, and the Teslin Tlingit
Council purchased salmon from elsewhere and delivered it to community households in
need, beginning with elders, single parents and large families. Salmon harvests are affected
82

by overfishing, water levels of the harvest area, changes to the freshwater habitat and
variability in ocean conditions (Bradford & Irvine, 2000). The low 2008 salmon run in Old
Crow coupled with high water levels led to the harvest of only seven chinook salmon and the
Vuntut Gwitchin Government's purchasing of salmon to distribute to the community (S.
Graupe, VVG Director of Natural Resources, personal communication, March 31 2009).
Contamination of traditional food sources is another environmental issue threatening
food security. Two participants in Old Crow reported decreasing their consumption of
traditional foods because they were concerned about the foods' safety, specifically
contaminants in the liver and meat of animals. This study did not qualitatively explore the
community's perception of contamination and therefore it does not claim to have
comprehensively addressed these concerns. From the Western perspective, one common
scientific contaminant of concern, mercury, was measured and found to be of minimal risk
through consumption of the frequently eaten caribou muscle meat and the commonly
consumed mercury-accumulating organs, kidney and liver. The average daily nutrient
intakes through consumption of caribou muscle, liver and kidney were identified as
important factors in physical health, and the socio-cultural benefits of caribou and other
traditional food consumption are recognized as contributing to holistic well-being.
Reported socio-economic challenges to food security include not having enough time
to hunt, money to hire someone to hunt for them, a hunter/trapper or fisherman in the
household and enough and functioning equipment to fulfill the family's food needs. In
Teslin 40% of households did not have enough hunting/trapping equipment, and this was
found to be more of an issue with those under 40 years of age. In Old Crow, only 52% of
households were identified as food secure by the HFSSM, a number well below the Canadian

83

and Yukon averages. That statistic incorporates both traditional and market food insecurity
and is likely affected by the extremely high price of market foods in Old Crow due to its
remote location. Although this study did not evaluate potential social aspects of changing
diets that have been reported in other communities, such as the convenience of purchasing
market foods at the store, education and media influences, changing tastes of younger
generations and challenges in intergenerational knowledge transfer (Chan et ah, 2006;
Kuhnlein et al, 1996; Wein et ah, 1993), these are factors to be considered in a
comprehensive discussion of food security in the north.
Communities and regional health networks are seeking to address the challenges to
food security that are facing the north. Future work based on this thesis and other food
security studies include the development of adaptation strategies in Teslin and Old Crow in
partnership with the respective First Nation governments, the Council of Yukon First Nations
and the Arctic Health Research Network Yukon. In order to support these initiatives and
disseminate information to community members, it is crucial to clearly communicate the
study results. Therefore community-specific one page bullet-form summaries have already
been distributed during the community meetings, and a plain-language executive summary
report will be provided to community leadership and appropriate organizations.

84

REFERENCES

Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme. (2004). Chapter 2: Sources and pathways of
persistent organic pollutants. In AMAP Assessment 2002: Persistent organic
pollutants in the Arctic. Oslo, Norway: Arctic Monitoring and Assessment
Programme (AMAP).
Arquette, M., Cole, M., Cook, K., LaFrance, B., Peters, M., Ransom, J., et al. (2002).
Holistic risk-based environmental decision making: a Native perspective.
Environmental Health Perspectives, 770(Suppl 2), 259-264.
Bakir, F., Damluji, S. F., Amin-Zaki, L., Murtadha, M., Khalidi, A., Al-Rawi, N. Y., et al.
(1973). Methylmercury poisoning in Iraq. Science, 181, 230-241.
Batal, M., Gray-Donald, K., Kuhnlein, H. V., & Receveur, O. (2005). Estimation of
traditional food intake in indigenous communities in Denendeh and the Yukon.
International Journal Of Circumpolar Health, 64(1), 46-54.
Bersamin, A., Luick, B. R., Ruppert, E., Stern, J. S., & Zidenberg-Cherr, S. (2006). Diet
quality among Yup'ik Eskimos living in rural communities is low: The Center for
Alaska Native Health Research Pilot Study. American Dietetic Association, 106(1),
1055-1063.
Berti, P. R., Receveur, O., Chan, H. M., & Kuhnlein, H. V. (1998). Dietary exposure to
chemical contaminants from traditional food among adult Dene/Metis in the Western
Northwest Territories, Canada. Environmental Research, 76, 131-142.
Bhattacharya, J., Currie, J., & Haider, S. (2004). Poverty, food insecurity, and nutritional
outcomes in children and adults. Journal of Health Economics, 23, 839-862.
Bird, S. M., Wiles, J. L., Okalik, L., Kilabuk, J., & Egeland, G. M. (2008). Living with
diabetes on Baffin Island: Inuit storytellers share their experiences. Canadian Journal
of Public Health, 99(1), 17-21.
Bradford, M. J., & Irvine, J. R. (2000). Land use, fishing, climate change, and the decline of
Thompson River, British Columbia, coho salmon. Canadian Journal of Fisheries and
Aquatic Sciences, 57, 13-16.
Braune, B., Outridege, P., Wilson, S., Bignert, A., & Riget, F. (2005). Chapter 5: Temporal
Trends In AMAP Assessment 2002: Heavy metals in the Arctic. Oslo, Norway: Arctic
Monitoring and Assessment Programme (AMAP).

85

Brooks, S., Lindberg, S., Gordeev, V., Christensen, J., Gusev, A., Macdonald, R., et al.
(2005). Chapter 3: Transport pathways and processes leading to environmental
exposure. In AMAP Assessment 2002: Heavy metals in the Arctic. Oslo, Norway:
Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme (AMAP).
Canadian Institutes of Health Research. (2007). CIHR Guidelines for Health Research
Involving Aboriginal People. Retrieved November 28, 2007, from http://www.cihrirsc.gc.ca/e/29134.html
Chan, H. M., Fediuk, K., Hamilton, S., Rostas, L., Caughey, A., Kuhnlein, H., et al. (2006).
Food security in Nunavut, Canada: Barriers and recommendations. International
Journal of Circumpolar Health, 65(5), 416-430.
Chan, H. M., & Receveur, O. (2000). Mercury in the traditional diet of Indigenous peoples in
Canada. Environmental Pollution, 110, 1-2.
Cole, M. (1997). Paper presented at the International Joint Commission Great Lakes Water
Quality Agreement Public Forum Niagara Falls, Ontario.
Curtis, S. A. (1992). Cultural relativism and risk-assessment strategies for federal projects.
Human Organization, 57(1), 65-70.
Damman, S., Eide, W. B., & Kuhnlein, H. V. (2007). Indigenous people's nutrition transition
in a right to food perspective. Food Policy, 33, 135-155.
Dannenbaum, D., Kuzmina, E., Lejeune, P., Torrie, J., & Gangbe, M. (2008). Prevalence of
diabetes and diabetes-related complications in First Nations communities in northern
Quebec (Eeyou Istchee), Canada. Canadian Journal of Diabetes, 32(1), 45-52.
Davidson, P. W., Myers, G. J., Cox, C, Axtell, C, Shamlaye, C, Sloane-Reeves, J., et al.
(1998). Effects of prenatal and postnatal methylmercury exposure from fish
consumption on neurodevelopment: Outcomes at 66 months of age in the Seychelles
child development study. Journal of the American Medical Association, 280(S), 701707.
Derome, J., Fairbrother, A., Marcy, S., Wirtz, J., & Harding, K. (2005). Chapter 6:
Biological Effects. In AMAP 2002: Heavy Metals in the Arctic. Oslo, Norway: Arctic
Environmental Assessment Programme.
Deutch, B., Dyerberg, J., Pedersen, H. S., Aschlund, E., & Hansen, J. C. (2007). Traditional
and modern Greenlandic food- dietary composition, nutrients and contaminants.
Science of the Total Environment, 384, 106-119.

86

Drewnowski, A., & Specter, S. (2004). Poverty and obesity: The role of energy density and
energy costs. American Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 79, 6-16.
Duquette, L. S. (1988). Snow characteristics along caribou trails and within feeding areas
during spring migration. Arctic, 41(2), 143-144.
Egede, I. (1995). Inuitfood and Inuit health: Contaminants in perspective. Paper presented
at the Inuit Circumpolar Conference, Seventh General Assembly.
Egeland, G. M., Berti, P., Soueida, R., Arbour, L. T., Receveur, O., & Kuhnlein, H. V.
(2004). Age differences in Vitamin A intake among Canadian Inuit. Canadian
Journal of Public Health, 95(6), 465-469.
Egeland, G. M., Ponce, R., Bloom, N. S., Knecht, R., Loring, S., & Middaugh, J. P. (2009).
Hair methylmercury levels of mummies of the Aleutian Islands, Alaska.
Environmental Research, 109(3), 281-286.
Elias, B. D., & O'Neil, J. D. (1995). The study into the social, cultural, and disciplinary
understanding of risk perceptions and risk acceptability of contaminants in the
Canadian Arctic: Centre for Aboriginal Health Research.
Elkin, B. T., & Bethke, R. W. (1995). Environmental contaminants in caribou in the
Northwest Territories, Canada. The Science of the Total Environment, 160-161, 307321.
Erikson, K. (1994). The Ojibwa of Grassy Narrows. In A new species of trouble: The human
expderience of modern disasters (pp. 27-57). New York: W. W. Norton.
Food and Agriculture Organization. (1996). World Food Summit Plan of Action. Rome
Declaration. Retrieved November 1, 2007, from
http://www.fao.org/docrep/003/w3613e/w3613e00.HTM
Gabrielsen, G. W., Jorgensen, E. H., Evenset, A., & Kallenborn, R. (2003). Report from the
Arctic Monitoring Assessment Programme conference and workshop impacts of
POPs and mercury on Arctic environment and humans. Troms0: Norsk Polarinstitutt.
Gamberg, M. (2004). Contaminants in Yukon Moose and Caribou - 2003. Whitehorse:
Yukon Contaminants Committee and Northern Contaminants Program.
Gamberg, M. (2007). Arctic Caribou and Moose Contaminant Monitoring Program. Synopsis
of Research Conducted 2006-2007 Northern Contaminants Program, 127-130.

87

Gamberg, M. (2008). Contaminants in arctic moose and caribou - 2006. Technical report.
Whitehorse: Northern Contaminants Program.
Gamberg, M., Braune, B., Davey, E., Elkin, B., Hoekstra, P. F., Kennedy, D., et al. (2005).
Spatial and temporal trends of contaminants in terrestrial biota from the Canadian
Arctic. Science of the Total Environment, 351-352, 148-164.
Grandjean, P., Weihe, P., White, R. F., Debes, F., Arakib, S., Yokoyamab, K., et al. (1997).
Cognitive deficit in 7-year-old children with prenatal exposure to methylmercury.
Neurotoxicology Teratology 19, 417-428.
Green, C, Blanchard, J. F., Young, T. K., & Griffith, J. (2003). The epidemiology of
diabetes in the Manitoba-Registered First Nation population: Current patterns and
comparative trends. Diabetes Care, 26(1), 1993-1998.
Guyot, M., Dickson, C, Paci, C, Furgal, C, & Chan, H. M. (2006). Local observations of
climate change and impacts on traditional food security in two northern Aboriginal
communities. International Journal of Circumpolar Health, 65(5), 403-415.
Hansen, J. C, & Gilman, A. P. (2005). Exposure of Arctic populations to methylmercury
from consumption of marine food: An updated risk-benefit assessment. International
Journal of Circumpolar Health, 64(2), 121-135.
Harada, M. (1995). Minimata disease: Methylmercury poisoning in Japan caused by
environmental pollution. Critical Reviews in Toxicology, 25, 1-24.
Health Canada. (2000). Diabetes among Aboriginal Peoples of Canada: The evidence.
Ottawa: Aboriginal Diabetes Initiative.
Health Canada. (2006). Dietary reference intake tables. Food and Nutrition. Retrieved
March 1, 2009, from http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/fn-an/nutrition/reference/table/indexeng.php
Health Canada. (2007). Exposure through the consumption of fish. Mercury: Your health and
the environment. Retrieved November 20, 2008, from http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/ewhsemt/pubs/contaminants/mercur/q 12-q 17-eng.php
Health Canada. (2008). The Canada Nutrient File. Food and Nutrition. Retrieved March 1,
2009, from http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/fn-an/nutrition/fiche-nutri-data/cnf aboutusaproposdenous fcen-eng.php

88

Hidiroglou, N., Peace, R. W., Jee, P., Leggee, D., & Kuhnlein, H. (2008). Levels of folate,
pyridoxine, niacin and riboflavin in traditional foods of Canadian Arctic Indigenous.
Journal of Food Composition and Analysis, 21(6), 474-480.
Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. (2007). Northern Food Basket: Yukon. Retrieved
February 4, 2008, from http://www.aincinac.gc.ca/ps/nap/air/fruiiui/nfb/nfbyuk e.html
Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. (2009, January 15). Regional results of price surveys:
Yukon. Retrieved April 20, 2009, from http://www.ainc-inac.gc.ca/nth/fon/fc/rgrseng.asp
Johnson, S., Martin, D., & Sarin, C. (2002). Diabetes mellitus in the First Nations
populations of British Columbia, Canada: Part 3 Prevalence of diagnosed cases.
International Journal of Circumpolar Health, 61, 260-264.
J0rgensen, M., & Young, T. K. (2008). Cardiovascular disease, diabetes and obesity. In T. K.
Young & P. Bjerregaard (Eds.), Health transitions in Arctic populations (pp. 291307). Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Kruse, J. A. (1991). Alaska Inupiat subsistence and wage employment patterns:
understanding individual choice. Human Organization, 50(4), 317-326.
Kuhnlein, H. V., Appavoo, D., Morrison, N., Soueida, R., & Pierrot, P. (1994). Use and
nutrient composition of traditional Sahtii (Hareskin) Dene/Metis Foods. Journal of
Food Composition and Analysis, 7, 144-157.
Kuhnlein, H. V., Barthet, V., Farren, A., Falahi, E., Leggee, D., Receveur, O., et al. (2006).
Vitamins A, D, and E in Canadian Arctic traditional food and adult diets. Journal of
Food Composition and Analysis, 19, 495-506.
Kuhnlein, H. V., & Chan, H. M. (2000). Environment and contaminants in traditional food
systems of northern Indigenous Peoples. Annual Review of Nutrition, 20, 595-626.
Kuhnlein, H. V., Chan, H. M., Leggee, D., & Barthet, V. (2002). Macronutrient, mineral, and
fatty acid composition of Canadian Arctic traditional food. Journal of Food
Composition and Analysis, 15, 545-566.
Kuhnlein, H. V., & Receveur, O. (1996). Dietary change and traditional food systems of
Indigenous Peoples. Annual Review of Nutrition, 16, 417-442.

89

Kuhnlein, H. V., & Receveur, O. (2007). Local cultural animal food contributes high levels
of nutrients for Arctic Canadian Indigenous adults and children. The Journal of
Nutrition, 127(4), 1110-1114.
Kuhnlein, H. V., Receveur, O., & Chan, H. M. (2001). Traditional food systems research
with Canadian Indigenous Peoples. International Jrournal of Circumpolar Health, 60,
112-122.
Kuhnlein, H. V., Receveur, O., Chan, H. M., & Loring, E. (2000). Assessment of dietary
benefit risk in Inuit communities. Ste-Anne-de-Bellevue: Center for Indigenous
Peoples' Nutrition and Environment (CINE).
Kuhnlein, H. V., Receveur, O., Soueida, R., & Berti, P. R. (2008). Unique patterns of dietary
adequacy in three cultures of Canadian Arctic indigenous peoples. Public Health
Nutrition, 11(4), 349-360.
Kuhnlein, H. V., Receveur, O., Soueida, R., & Egeland, G. M. (2004). Arctic Indigenous
peoples experience the nutrition transition with changing dietary patterns and obesity.
The Journal of Nutrition, 124, 1447-1453.
Kuhnlein, H. V., Soueida, R., & Receveur, O. (1996). Dietary nutrient profiles of Canadian
Baffin Island Inuit differ by food source, season, and age. Journal of the American
Dietetic Association, 96(2), 155-162.
Kuperberg, K., & Evers, S. (2006). Feeding patterns and weight among First Nations
children. Canadian Journal of Dietetic Practice and Research, 67(2), 79-84.
Lambden, J., Receveur, O., & Kuhnlein, H. V. (2007). Traditional food attributes must be
included in studies of food security in the Canadian Arctic. International Journal of
Circumpolar Health, 66(4), 308-319.
Lambden, J., Receveur, O., Marshall, J., & Kuhnlein, H. V. (2006). Traditional and market
food access in Arctic Canada is affected by economic factors. International Journal
of Circumpolar Health, 65(4), 331-340.
Larter, N. C , & Nagy, J. A. (2000). A comparison of heavy metal levels in the kidneys of
High Arctic and mainland caribou populations in the Northwest Territories of
Canada. The Science of the Total Environment, 246, 109-119.
Lawn, J., & Harvey, D. (2003). Nutrition and food security in Kugaaruk, Nunavut: Baseline
survey for Food Mail Project. Ottawa: Indian and Northern Affairs Canada.

90

Lawn, J., & Harvey, D. (2006). Northern river basins food consumption survey (NRBFCS):
Final Nutrition Report.
Lawn, J., & Hill, F. (2007). The Revised Northern Food Basket. Ottawa: Minister of Indian
of Affairs and Northern Development and Federal Interlocutor for Metis and NonStatus Indians.
Ledrou, I., & Gervais, J. (2005). Food insecurity. Statistics Canada Health Reports, 16(3),
47-51.
Loring, P. A., & Gerlach, S. C. (2008). Food, culture, and human health in Alaska: an
integrative health approach to food security. Environmental Science & Policy, 12(4),
466-478.
Manning, E. (2009). Caribou and Climate Change: The Nelchina caribou herd, lichens and
fire. Alaska Fish & Wildlife News. Retrieved May 2, 2009, from
http://www.wildlifenews.alaska.gov/index.cfm?adfg=wildlife news.view article&iss
ue id=60&articles id=356
Martens, P. J., Martin, B. D., O'Neil, J. D., & MacKinnon, M. (2007). Diabetes and adverse
outcomes in a First Nations population: Associations with healthcare access, and
socioeconomic and geographical factors. Canadian Journal of Diabetes, 31(3), 223232.
Milburn, M. P. (2004). Indigenous nutrition: Using traditional food knowledge to solve
contemporary health problems. American Indian Quarterly, 28(3-4), 411-434.
Moses, S. K., Whiting, A. V., Bratton, G. R., Taylor, R. J., & O'Hara, T. M. (2009).
Inorganic nutrients and contaminants in subsistence species of Alaska: Linking
wildlife and human heath. International Journal of Circumpolar Health, 68(1), 53-74.
Muckle, G., Ayotte, P., Dewailly, E., Jacobson, S. W., & Jacobson, J. L. (2001).
Determinants of biphenyls and methylmercury exposure in Inuit women of
childbearing age. Environmental Health Perspectives, 109(9), 957-963.
Muir, D. C. G., Shearer, R. G., Van Oostdam, J., Donaldson, S. G., & Furgal, C. (2005).
Contaminants in Canadian arctic biota and implications for human health:
Conclusions and knowledge gaps. Science of the Total Environment, 351-352, 539546.
Myers, G. J., Davidson, P. W., Cox, C , Shamlaye, C. F., Palumbo, D., Cernichiari, E., et al.
(2003). Prenatal methylmercury exposure from ocean fish consumption in the
Seychelles child development study. The Lancet, 361(9310), 1686-1692.
91

Myers, H., & Furgal, C. (2006). Long-range transport of information: Are Arctic residents
getting the message about contaminants? Arctic, 59(1), 47-60.
Nakano, T., Fediuk, K., Kassi, N., Egeland, G. M., & Kuhnlein, H. V. (2005a). Dietary
nutrients and anthropometry of Dene/Metis and Yukon children. International
Journal Of Circumpolar Health, 64(2), 147-156.
Nakano, T., Fediuk, K., Kassi, N., & Kuhnlein, H. V. (2005b). Food use of Dene/Metis and
Yukon children. International Journal Of Circumpolar Health, 64(2), 137-146.
Nancarrow, T. L. (2007). Climate change impacts on dietary nutrient status oflnuit in
Nunavut, Canada. Unpublished thesis for MSc Dietetics and Human Nutrition,
McGill University: Ste-Anne-de-Bellevue.
Office of Nutrition Policy and Proportion. (2007). Income-related household food security in
Canada. Ottawa: Health Canada.
Paci, C. D. J., Dickson, C , Nickels, S., Chan, L., & Furgal, C. (2004). Food security of
northern Indigenous peoples in a time of uncertainty. Yellowknife, NT: 3 r Northern
Research Forum Open Meeting.
Pacyna, J. (2005). Ch 2: Sources and Emissions. In AMAP 2002: Heavy Metals in the Arctic
Oslo, Norway: Arctic Montioring and Assessment Programme (AMAP).
Penn, A. (2006). Mercury—some notes on the Cree experience. Retrieved May 10, 2008,
from http://www.acee-ceaa.gc.ca/010/0001/0001/0017/001/1313.pdf
Poissant, L., Zhang, H. H., Canario, J., & Constant, P. (2008). Critical review of mercury
fates and contamination in the arctic tundra ecosystem. Science of the Total
Environment, 400, 173-211.
Popkin, B. M. (2009). Global changes in diet and activity patterns as drivers of the nutrition
transition. In S. C. Kalhan, A. M. Prentice & C. S. Yajnik (Eds.), Emerging SocietiesCoexistence of childhood malnutrition and obesity (Vol. 63, pp. 1-14). Basel: Nestec
Ltd.
Poppel, B., Kruse, J., Duhaime, G., & Abryutina, L. (2007). SLiCA: Results. Anchorage:
Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of Alaska Anchorage.
Porcupine Caribou Management Board. (2009). Harvest Management Plan for the Porcupine
Caribou Herd in Canada. Whitehorse.

92

Power, E. M. (2008). Conceptualizing food security for Aboriginal People in Canada.
Canadian Journal of Public Health, 99(2), 95-97.
Public Health Agency of Canada. (2003). Diabetes: Are you at risk? Retrieved April 22,
2008, from http://www.phac-aspc.gc.ca/ccdpc-cpcmc/diabetesdiabete/english/risk/index.html
Receveur, O., Boulay, M., & Kuhnlein, H. V. (1997). Decreasing traditional food use affects
diet quality for adult Dene/Metis in 16 communities of the Canadian Northwest
Territories. The Journal of Nutrition, 727(11), 2179-2186.
Receveur, O., Kassi, N., Chan, H. M., Berti, P. R., & Kuhnlein, H. V. (1998). Yukon First
Nations' assessment of dietary benefit/risk. Quebec City: Center for Indigenous
Peoples' Nutrition and Environment.
Richmond, C. A. M., & Ross, N. A. (2009). The determinants of First Nations and Inuit
Health: A critical population health approach. Health & Place, 15, 403-411.
Robillard, S., Beauchamp, G., Paillard, G., & Belanger, D. (2002). Levels of cadmium, lead,
mercury and 137caesium in caribou (Rangifer tarandus) tissues from northern Quebec.
Arctic, 55(1), 1-9.
Ship, S. J. (1997a). Environmental contaminants and traditional foods. In Touch, 8(2), 8-14.
Ship, S. J. (1997b). Environmental damage and Aboriginal health. In Touch, 8(2), 1-7.
Skinner, K., Hanning, R. M., & Tsuji, L. J. S. (2006). Barriers and supports for healthy eating
and physical activity for First Nations youths in northern Canada. International
Journal of Circumpolar Health, 65(2), 148-161.
Smith, K. M., Barraj, L. M., Kantor, M., & Sahyoun, N. R. (2008). Relationship between fish
intake, n-3 fatty acids, mercury and risk markers of CHD (National Health and
Nutrition Examination Survey 1999-2002). Public Health Nutrition, 12(8), 12611269.
Swartout, J., & Rice, G. (2000). Uncertainty analysis of the estimated ingestion rates used to
derive the methylmercury reference dose. Drug and Chemical Toxicology, 23, 293306.
Teslin Tlingit Council. (2003). The village of Teslin. Retrieved May 1, 2009, from
http://www.ttc-teslin.com/teslin.html

93

Tobin, P. (2007). The social and cultural experiences of food security in the Takla Lake First
Nation: Informing public health. Unpublished thesis for MA in Interdisciplinary
Studies, University of Northern British Columbia: Prince George.
United Nations Environmental Programme. (2002). Global Mercury Assessment. Geneva:
United Nations.
Usher, P., Baikie, M., Demmer, M., Nakashima, D., Stevenson, M. G., & Stiles, M. (1995).
Communicating about contaminants in country foods: The experience of Aboriginal
communities. Ottawa: Inuit Tapirisat of Canada.
Van Oostdam, J., Donaldson, S. G., Feeley, M., Arnold, D., Ayotte, P., Bondy, G., et al.
(2005). Human health implications of environmental contaminants in Arctic Canada:
A review. Science of the Total Environment, 351-352, 165-246.
Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation. (2006). Living in Old Crow. Retrieved May 1 2008, from
http://www.vgfn.ca/pdf/living%20in%20old%20crow.pdf
Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation. (2008a). Old Crow, Home of the Vuntut Gwitchin: History
Retrieved February 1, 2008, from http://www.oldcrow.ca/history.htm
Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation. (2008b). Old Crow, Home of the Vuntut Gwitchin: Caribou
Coordination. Retrieved May 4, 2009, from http://www.oldcrow.ca/caribou.htm
Wagemeann, R., Trebacz, E., Boila, G., & Lockhart, W. L. (1998). Methylmercury and total
mercury in tissues of arctic marine mammals. The Science of the Total Environment,
218, 19-31.
Wagemeann, R., Trebacz, E., Hunt, R., & Boila, G. (1997). Percent methylmercury and
organic mercury in tissue of marine mammals and fish using different experimental
and calculation methods. Environmental Toxicology and Chemistry, 16(9), 18591866.
Wein, E. E. (1994a). The high cost of a nutritionally adequate diet in four Yukon
communities. The Canadian Journal of Public Health, 85(5), 310-312.
Wein, E. E. (1994b). The traditional food supply of native Canadians. Canadian Home
Economics Journal, 44, 74-77.
Wein, E. E. (1995). Nutrient intakes of First Nations people in four Yukon communities.
Nutrition Research, 75(8), 1105-1119.

94

Wein, E. E. (1996). Foods and nutrients in reported diets versus perceived ideal diets of
Yukon Indian people Journal of Nutrition Education, 28(4), 202-208.
Wein, E. E., & Freeman, M. M. R. (1992). Inuvialuit food use and food preferences in
Aklavik, Northwest Territories, Canada. Arctic Medical Research, 51, 159-172.
Wein, E. E., & Freeman, M. R. (1995). Frequency of traditional food use by three Yukon
First Nations living in four communities. Arctic, 48(2), 161-171.
Wein, E. E., Hwawrysh, Z. J., & Gee, M. I. (1993). Food preferences and food health beliefs
of native school children and mothers in northern Alberta. Ecology of Food and
Nutrition, 29, 259-273.
Wein, E. E., Sabry, J. H., & Evers, F. T. (1991). Food consumption patterns and use of
country foods by native Canadians near Wood Buffalo National Park, Canada. Arctic,
44, 196-205.
Wheatley, M. A. (1994). Aboriginal health and the environment. Arctic Medical Research,
J5(S2), 265-267.
Wheatley, M. A. (1997). Social and cultural impacts of mercury pollution on Aboriginal
Peoples in Canada. Water, Air, and Soil Pollution, 97, 85-90.
Willows, N. D. (2005). Determinants of Healthy Eating in Aboriginal Peoples in Canada:
The Current State of Knowledge and Research Gaps. Canadian Journal of Public
Health, 96, S32.
Willows, N. D., Johnson, M. S., & Ball, G. D. C. (2007). Prevalence estimates of overweight
and obesity in Cree preschool children in northern Quebec according to international
and US standards. American Journal of Public Health, 97(2), 311-316.
Wilson, K., & Rosenberg, M. W. (2002). Exploring the determinants of health for First
Nations people in Canada: Can existing frameworks accommodate traditional
activities? Social Science and Medicine, 55, 2017-2031.
World Health Organization. (2008). Food Security. Retrieved February 5, 2008, from
http://www.who.int/trade/glossary/story028/en/
Young, T. K., Reading, J., Elias, B., & O'Neil, J. D. (2000). Type 2 diabetes mellitus in
Canada's First Nations: status of an epidemic in progress. Canadian Medical
Association Journal, 163(5), 561-566.

95

Yukon Bureau of Statistics. (2006). Census 2006: Population and Dwelling Counts.
Retrieved February 4, 2008, from
http://www.eco.gov.vk.ca/stats/census/census06/popdwell.pdf
Yukon Community Profiles. (2004a). Old Crow. Retrieved February 4, 2008, from
http://www.yukoncommunities.yk.ca/communities/oldcrow/
Yukon Community Profiles. (2004b). Teslin. Retrieved February 4, 2008, from
http://www.yukoncommunities.yk.ca/comrnunities/teslin/

\

96

Appendix 1

UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
RESEARCH ETHICS BOARD
MEMORANDUM
To:
CC:

Laurie Chan
Pam Tobin

From:

Greg Halseth, Acting Chair
Research Ethics Board

Date:

October 2, 2007

Re:

E2007.0911.098
Adaptation strategies to effects of climate change and impacts on
diet and health

Thank you for submitting the above-noted research proposal and requested
changes to the Research Ethics Board (REB). Your proposal has been
approved.
We are pleased to issue approval for the above named study for a period of
12 months from the date of this letter. Continuation beyond that date will
require further review and renewal of REB approval. Any changes or
amendments to the protocol or consent form must be approved by the
Research Ethics Board.
Good luck with your research.

Greg Halseth

97

Appendix 2

UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
RESEARCH ETHICS BOARD
MEMORANDUM
To:
CC:

Laurie Chan
Pam Tobin

From:

Greg Halseth, Chair
Research Ethics Board

Date:

April 22, 2008

Re:

E2008.0221.041
Adaptation strategies to effects of climate change and impacts on diet and
health

Thank you for submitting the above-noted research proposal and requested amendments to
the Research Ethics Board. Your proposal has been approved.
We are pleased to issue approval for the above named study for a period of 12 months from
the date of this letter. Continuation beyond that date will require further review and renewal
of REB approval. Any changes or amendments to the protocol or consent form must be
approved by the Research Ethics Board.
Good luck with your research.

Sincerely,

Greg Halseth

98

Dr. Laurie Chan, BC Leadership Chair for Aboriginal Environmental Health
3333 University Way Prince George, BC V2N 4Z9
Tel: 250-960-5237
Email: lchan@unbc.ca
Principal Investigator: Laurie Chan Ph.D., University of Northern British Columbia
Responsible Institution: University of Northern British Columbia, Prince George, BC
Funding Organizations: Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada,
Canadian Institute of Health Research
Purpose: To find out the kinds and amounts of traditional foods eaten by Vuntut Gwitchin
adults in Old Crow. This will be compared with information from fifteen years ago to show if
there has been changes in traditional food use.
Description of the research: You will be asked to complete a questionnaire that will ask you
about your use of traditional foods over the past four seasons (winter, fall, summer, spring). You
will also be asked some questions about your level of food security and access to traditional
foods. If you would like to participate in this study, it will take about 1 hour.
Anonymity and Confidentiality: Each questionnaire will have an identification number. No
names or addresses will appear on the questionnaire so that no one can identify you from the
questionnaire. The interviewer will have a separate profile form with the identification number
and your name in order to keep track of participants but this form will not be shared with any
individual or group.
The collected interviews will be held in confidence by the Principle Investigator, Laurie Chan,
and his researcher, Roseanne Schuster, for up to two years in a secured data laboratory at the
University of Northern British Columbia (UNBC). At this time, after all the data are analyzed
and reports published, the material will be destroyed. A set of the data will be held by VGG and
will be administered under the VGG Access Policy.
Potential Risks and Benefits: There are no risks associated with the interview. The diet
information will help your community leadership have a record of traditional food consumption
and develop public health promotion programs.
Volunteer Status: Your participation is voluntary. You can choose to withdraw at any time,
and your information will be destroyed.
Research Results: The data will be co-owned by the community and the University of Northern
British Columbia. Results of the study will be communicated to participants within one year.
We will not release the individual results as only the collective results will be useful.
Paper and electronic copies of the results will be presented to the VGG. Results will also be used
to estimate nutrient and contaminant intake in the community. Final results will be published in
a thesis and scientific journal and also used for public health planning.

100

If you have any questions about this project please do not hesitate to contact Dr. Laurie Chan,
Principle Investigator, UNBC Community Health Program, 250-960-5237 or lchan@unbc.ca.
Complaints: If you have any complaints about this project they should be directed to UNBCs
Office of Research at 250-960-5820 or by email at officeofresearch@unbc.ca.
Traditional Food Use in Old Crow and Teslin
Informed Consent Form

Informed Consent
By signing this form, I agree that:
• The study has been explained to me

Yes

No

• All my questions were answered

Yes

No

• I agree to participate in the Traditional Food Use study

Yes

No

• I understand I can withdraw my participation at any time and
the information I provided will be destroyed

Yes

No

• I have the choice of not answering specific questions

Yes

No

• I am free now, and in the future, to ask questions

Yes

No

• I have been told that my personal information will be kept confidential.

Yes

No

• I understand that I will receive a signed copy of this consent form.

Yes

No

/

Printed name

Name of person who obtained consent

/

Signature

Date (m/d/y)

Signature

/
/
Date (m/d/y)

101

Participant ID

Appendix 5

/

/

Frequency of Traditional Food Use in Old Crow and Teslin
Interview Questionnaire
Interviewer ID

Date

/
M

/
D

Y

There will be three parts to this study. The first part has one question asking the number
of people in your household. The second will ask how often you have eaten traditional
foods in the last year and how much you usually eat. The third will ask questions about
your household's food security, or the availability and access to nutritious and culturally
appropriate foods.

I. HOUSEHOLD DEMOGRAPHICS
This first part is very short. In order to describe the group of people who took part in the
study, I will ask one question about your household.
HD_Q1: How many people total, including yourself, live in your household?
How many
a) Children 0 to 12 years
b) Teenagers 13 to 18 years
c) Adults 19 to 40 years
d) Adults 41 to 60 years
e) Adults 61 years and over
II. FOOD FREQUENCY QUESTIONNAIRE
/ will now ask you how often you ate several traditional food species in the past four seasons,
winter (December-February); fall (September-November); summer (June-August); and
spring (March-May). I will ask about muscle, liver, and kidneys separately for moose and
caribou only. I will also ask how often you ate fish livers and bird and fish eggs. For all
other species, when I ask how often you ate that bird, fish, or mammal, it includes all parts of
the animal: the meat, organs, marrow, etc. Then I will ask approximately how much of each
food you usually ate. I have food models here to help you estimate the portion size.

102

Traditional food

Caribou kidney

Caribou liver

Moose meat

Moose kidney

Moose liver

Mountain sheep

Mountain goat

Black bear

Grizzly bear

Lynx

Hare

Muskrats

Beaver

Porcupine

Groundhog (hoary
marmot, whistler)
Gopher (Arctic
ground squirrel)
Any other?

TF2

TF3

TF4

TF5

TF6

TF7

TF8

TF9

TF10

TF11

TF12

TF13

TF14

TF15

TF16

TF18

TF17

Caribou meat

TF1

MAMMALS

TF#

Eaten in
past year?
Yes
Z

O

#per
W/M

#per
Season

Winter
(Dec-Jan-Feb)
#per
W/M
#per
Season

#per
W/M
#per
Season

Frequency
Fall
Summer
(Sep-Oct-Nov) (Jun-Jul-Aug)
#per
W/M
#per
Season

Spring
(Mar-Apr-May)
#of
portions
Model

Thickness

Description of Portions

Duck eggs

Goose eggs

Gull eggs

Grouse (spruce,
blue, ruffed)
Ptarmigan (willow
rock)
Any other bird?

TF22

TF23

TF24

TF25

Round whitefish

TF30

Least cisco
(herring)
TF32 Inconnu (coney,
sheefish)
1

Broad whitefish

TF29

TF31

Lake whitefish

TF28

FISH

TF27

TF26

Swans

TF21

Ducks

Geese

i

Traditional food

TF20

TF19

BIRDS

TF#

Eate
past 5
Yes

e u o
— «
C 9?
#per
W/M

#per
Season

#per
W/M

#per
Season

#per
W/M

Winter
(Dec-Jan-Feb)
#per
Season

Frequency
Fall
Summer
(Sep-Oct-Nov) (Jun-Jul-Aug)
#per
W/M

#per
Season

Spring
(Mar-Apr-May)
#of
portions
Model

Thickness

Description of Portions

Cutthroat trout

Arctic grayling

Northern pike,
(jackfish)

Burbot (ling cod,
loche)

Long nose sucker

Fish livers

Fish eggs

Any other fish?

TF40

TF41

TF42

TF43

TF44

TF45

TF46

TF47

TF48

Dolly varden

Arctic char (incl.
stocked from lakes)
Rainbow trout

TF39

TF38

TF37

TF36

TF35

1

Chinook (king)
salmon
Sockeye salmon
(incl. kokanee)
Coho (silver)
salmon
Chum (dog)
salmon
Lake trout

TF33

TF34

Traditional food

TF#

1

Eaten in
past year?
Yes
o

#per
Season

#per
W/M

#per
W/M

#per
Season

Fall
(Sep-Oct-Nov)

Winter
(Dec-Jan-Feb)
#per
W/M
#per
Season

Summer
(Jun-Jul-Aug)

Frequency

#per
W/M
#per
Season

Spring
(Mar-Apr-May)
#of
portions
Model

Description of Portions

Traditional food

Black currants

Rosehips

Red raspberry

TF55

TF56

Bearberry
(stoneberry,
kinnikinnick)
Blueberry

TF62 High bush
cranberry

TF61

TF60

TF57

Cloudberry
(salmonberry)
TF58 Crowberry
(mossberry,
blackberry)
TF59 Soapberry

Saskatoon berry

TF54

TF53 Strawberry

TF52 Red currant

TF50 Bristly black
currants (swamp
gooseberry)
TF51 Gooseberry

TF49

WILD BERRIES

TF#

Eaten in
past year?
Yes
o

#per
Season

#per
W/M

#per
W/M

#per
Season

Fall
(Sep-Oct-Nov)

Winter
(Dec-Jan-Feb)
#per
W/M
#per
Season

Summer
(Jun-Jul-Aug)

Frequency

#per
W/M
#per
Season

Spring
(Mar-Apr-May)
#of
portions
Model

Thickness

Description of Portions

Traditional food

Fireweed shoots

Labrador tea

Wild mint

Dandelion greens

Willow buds

TF69

TF70

TF71

TF72

TF73

Bear root

TF75

TF76

Spruce bark or sap

TREE FOODS

Rice root

TF74

ROOTS

Arctic dock

TF68

Any other wild
berrv?
WILD GREENS (Shoots,
leaves, stems, buds)
TF66 Wild onion,
wild chive
TF67 Wild rhubarb

TF65

TF64 Bog cranberry

TF63 Low bush cranberry

TF#

Eaten in
past
year?
Yes
o
Z

#per
Season

#per
W/M

#per
W/M

#per
Season

Fall
(Sep-Oct-Nov)

Winter
(Dec-Jan-Feb)
#per
W/M
#per
Season

Summer
(Jun-Jul-Aug)

Frequency

#per
W/M
#per
Season

Spring
(Mar-Apr-May)
#of
portions

Model

Thickness

Description of Portions

Mushrooms

Caribou moss

Any other food?

TF82

TF83

TF84

Any other plant
food?
FUNGI, LICHENS

TF81

TF80

TF79

Poplar sap or
syrup
Birch sap or syrup

Balsam fir bark or
sap
Jackpine

TF77

TF78

Traditional food

TF#

Eaten in
past
year?
Yes
#per
W/M
#per
Season

Winter
(Dec-Jan-Feb)
#per
W/M
#per
Season

Fall
(Sep-Oct-Nov)
#per
W/M
#per
Season

Summer
(Jun-Jul-Aug)

Frequency

"-C
w
<u

c

a

u

eu
s
au
to
-a
o
o
to
O

CM

a

o
Z
o

00

#per
W/M
#per
Season

Spring
(Mar-Apr-May)
#of
portions

Model

Thickness

Description of Portions

III. FOOD SECURITY
Now we are starting thefinalpart of the interview. I would like to ask you a few questions
about your access to traditional foods and if you are getting the quantity of traditional foods
that you want.
PF_Q1: Where do you get your traditional foods from?
[ ] a) Self or immediate family in household
[ ] b) Friends or family in community
[ ] c) Other, please specify

PF_Q2: Do you get all the traditional foods you want?
[]

Yes

[]

No

[]

DK/Refused

PF_Q2a: If no, what traditional food(s) would you want to eat more of if you could get
more?
Food 1

(code PFQ2al)

Food 2

(code PFQ2a2)

Food 3

(code PFQ2a3)

PF_Q2b: If no, why can't you get all the traditional foods that you want?

109

PF_Q3: Compared to fifteen years ago, do you eat more, less, or the same amount of each of
the following traditional foods? If you are eating more, less, or don't eat any of these foods,
can you tell me why?
Compared to fifteen years ago, are you eating .. .

Traditional Food

More Less Same Don't Eat Reason #

Mammals (wild game)

1

2

3

4

Waterfowl (duck, geese)

1

2

3

4

Ptarmigan, grouse

1

2

3

4

Fish

1

2

3

4

Berries

1

2

3

4

Wild Greens

1

2

3

4

Roots

1

2

3

4

Tree Foods
(Bark for tea, sap)
Mushrooms

1

2

3

4

1

2

3

4

Other Explanation

Number codes for reasons:
1. More available
2. Not available
3. Less available
4. Concern over safety
5. Store food too expensive

6. Don't like
7. No hunter/fisher in the family
8. Can't afford equipment/gas
9. Don't know
10. Other; write in explanation

110

AC_Q1: Is there a hunter or trapper, in your household (including part time) ?
(Circle correct response)

a. Yes

b. No

AC_Q2: Does your family have enough equipment to go hunting or trapping for the family's
food needs? (Circle correct response) a. Yes

b. No

AC_Q3: Is the hunting and trapping equipment working?
(Circle correct response)

a. Yes

b. No

AC_Q4: Is there a fisherman in your household (including part time) ?
(Circle correct response)

a. Yes

b. No

AC_Q5: Does your family have enough equipment to go fishing for the family's food
needs?

(Circle correct response)

a. Yes

b. No

AC_Q6: Is the fishing equipment working?
(Circle correct response)

a. Yes

111

b. No

For the next set of questions, I will read you a statement and some responses. Please choose
the response that most accurately describes your situation. These questions may be
sensitive and difficult to answer, so I want to remind you that you have the right to
refuse to answer questions that you choose, and that all information will be kept
confidential.
HH_Q1. Which of these statements best describes the food eaten in your household in the
last 12 months:
[ ] a) We had enough of the kinds of food we want to eat
[ ] b) We had enough but not always the kinds of food we wanted
[ ] c) Sometimes we did not have enough to eat
[ ] d) We often did not have enough to eat
[ ] e) DK or Refused

Household Stage 1: Questions HH_Q2-HH_Q4 (asked of all households; begin scale
items).
HH_Q2: Now I'm going to read you several statements that people have made about their
food situation. For these statements, please tell me whether the statement was often
true, sometimes true, or never true for (you/your household) in the last 12 months—
that is, since last (name of current month).

The first statement is "(I/We) worried whether (my/our) food would run out before
(I/we) got money to buy more." Was that often true, sometimes true, or never true for
(you/your household) in the last 12 months?
[ ] a) Often true
[]

b) Sometimes true

[]

c) Never true

[]

d) DK or Refused

112

HH_Q3: "The food that (I/we) bought just didn't last, and (I/we) didn't have money to get
more." Was that often, sometimes, or never true for (you/your household) in the last
12 months?
[ ] a) Often true
[ ] b) Sometimes true
[ ] c) Never true
[ ] d) DK or Refused

HH_Q4: "(I/we) couldn't afford to eat healthy meals." Was that often, sometimes, or never
true for (you/your household) in the last 12 months?
[ ] a) Often true
[ ] b) Sometimes true
[ ] c) Never true
[ ] d) DK or Refused

Screener for Stage 2 Adult-Referenced Questions: If response [c] or [d] to question
FS_Q1 OR affirmative response (i.e., "often true" or "sometimes true") to one or more of
Questions HH_Q2-HH_Q4 continue to Adult Stage 2;
otherwise, if children under age 18 are present in the household, skip to Child Stage 1,
if no children under 18, skip to End of Food Security Module.
Adult Stage 2: Questions AD_Q1-AD_Q4 (asked of households passing the screener for
Stage 2 adult-referenced questions).
AD_Q1: In the last 12 months, since last (name of current month), did (you/you or other
adults in your household) ever cut the size of your meals or skip meals because there
wasn't enough money for food?
[] a) Yes
[] b)No (SkipADla)
[] c)DK or Refused (Skip AD la)
113

AD_Qla: [IF YES ABOVE, ASK] How often did this happen—almost every month, some
months but not every month, or in only 1 or 2 months?
[ ] a) Almost every month
[ ] b) Some months but not every month
[ ] c) Only 1 or 2 months
[] d) DK or Refused

AD_Q2: In the last 12 months, did you ever eat less than you felt you should because there
wasn't enough money to buy food?
[] a) Yes
[] b)No
[] c) DK or Refused

AD_Q3: In the last 12 months, were you every hungry but didn't eat because there wasn't
enough money for food?
[] a) Yes
[] b)No
[] c) DK or Refused

AD_Q4: In the last 12 months, did you lose weight because there wasn't enough money for
food?
[] a) Yes
[] b)No
[] c) DK or Refused

114

Screener for Stage 3 Adult-Referenced Questions: If affirmative response to one or more
of questions AD_Q1 through AD_Q4, then continue to Adult Stage 3;
otherwise, if children under age 18 are present in the household, skip to Child Stage 1,
if no children under 18 skip to End of Food Security Module.

Adult Stage 3: Questions AD_Q5-AD_Q5a (asked of households passing screener for
Stage 3 adult-referenced questions).

AD_Q5: In the last 12 months, did (you/you or other adults in your household) ever not eat
for a whole day because there wasn't enough money for food?
[] a) Yes
[ ] b) No (Skip AD_Q5a)
[ ] c) DK or Refused (Skip AD_Q5a)

AD_Q5a: [IF YES ABOVE, ASK] How often did this happen—almost every month, some
months but not every month, or in only 1 or 2 months?
[ ] a) Almost every month
[ ] b) Some months but not every month
[ ] c) Only 1 or 2 months
[ ] d) DK or Refused

115

Child Stage 1: Questions CH_Q1-CH_Q3 (Transitions and questions CH_Q1 and
CH_Q2 are administered to all households with children under age 18)
Households with no child under age 18, skip to End of Food Security Module.
SELECT APPROPRIATE FILLS DEPENDING ON NUMBER OF ADULTS AND
NUMBER OF CHILDREN IN THE HOUSEHOLD.

Transition into Child-Referenced Questions:
Now I'm going to read you several statements that people have made about the food situation
of their children. For these statements, please tell me whether the statement was OFTEN true,
SOMETIMES true, or NEVER true in the last 12 months for (your child/children living in
the household who are under 18 years old).

CH_Q1: "(I/we) relied on only a few kinds of low-cost food to feed (my/our) child/the
children) because (I was/we were) running out of money to buy food." Was that
often, sometimes, or never true for (you/your household) in the last 12 months?
[ ] a) Often true
[ ] b) Sometimes true
[ ] c) Never true
[ ] d) DK or Refused

CH_Q2: "(I/We) couldn't feed (my/our) child/the children) a healthy meal, because (I/we)
couldn't afford that." Was that often, sometimes, or never true for (you/your
household) in the last 12 months?
[ ] a) Often true
[ ] b) Sometimes true
[ ] c) Never true
[ ] d) DK or Refused

116

CH_Q3: "(My/Our child was/The children were) not eating enough because (I/we) just
couldn't afford enough food." Was that often, sometimes, or never true for (you/your
household) in the last 12 months?
[]

a) Often true

[]

b) Sometimes true

[]

c) Never true

[]

d) DK or Refused

Screener for Stage 2 Child Referenced Questions: If affirmative response (i.e., "often true"
or "sometimes true") to one or more of questions CHI -CH3, then continue to Child Stage 2;
otherwise skip to End of Food Security Module.

Child Stage 2: Questions CH_Q4-CH_Q7 (asked of households passing the screener for
stage 2 child-referenced questions).

CH_Q4: In the last 12 months, since (current month) of last year, did you ever cut the size of
(your child's/any of the children's) meals because there wasn't enough money for
food?
[ ] a) Yes
[]

b)No

[] c) DK or Refused

CH_Q5: In the last 12 months, did (CHILD'S NAME/any of the children) ever skip meals
because there wasn't enough money for food?
[] a) Yes
[ ] b) No (Skip CH5a)
[ ] c) DK or Refused (Skip CH5a)

117

CH_Q5a: [IF YES ABOVE ASK] How often did this happen—almost every month, some
months but not every month, or in only 1 or 2 months?
[ ] a) Almost every month
[ ] b) Some months but not every month
[ ] c) Only 1 or 2 months
[] d) DK or Refused

CH_Q6: In the last 12 months, (was your child/were the children) ever hungry but you just
couldn't afford more food?
[] a) Yes
[] b)No
[] c) DK or Refused

CH_Q7: In the last 12 months, did (your child/any of the children) ever not eat for a whole
day because there wasn't enough money for food?
[] a) Yes
[] b)No
[] c) DK or Refused

End of Food Security Section

END OF QUESTIONNAIRE

118