THE GEOGRAPHY OF COMMUNITY CRISIS: A CASE OF
TUMBLER RIDGE, BRITISH COLUMBIA

by

Lana Michelle Sullivan
B.A., The University of Northern British Columbia, 1998

THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
in
NATURAL RESOURCES AND ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES

© Lana Michelle Sullivan, 2002
THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

June, 2002

All rights reserved. This work may not be
reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or
other means, without the permission of the author.

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A PPROV A L
Name:

Lana Michelle Sullivan

Degree:

Master of Arts

Thesis Title:

THE GEOGRAPHY OF COMMUNITY CRISIS:
A CASE OF TUMBLER RIDGE, BRITISH COLUMBIA

Examining Committee:

Chair: Dr. Paul Bowles
Professor and Chair, Economics Program
UNBC

Supervisor: Dr.
Associate Professor, Geography Program
UNBC

Comifeittee Member: Dr. Gail Fondahl
Associate Professor, Geography Program
UNBC

Committee Member: Glen Schmidt, MSW
Assistant Professor, Social W ork Program
UNBC

ExtemafExaminer: Dr. Maureen G. Reed
Associate Professor, Department of Geography
University of Saskatchewan

Date Approved:

lM~. 3 . 0 0 ^

The Geography of Community Crisis:
A Case of Tumbler Ridge, British Columbia
Abstract
On March
2000, Teck Corporation announced the closure of the Quintette mine in Tumbler
Ridge, British Columbia. Traditional theories describing the development of single-industry,
resource-based towns suggest that when a major employer shuts down, the town closes. When
faced with the closure of the Quintette mine, however. Tumbler Ridge residents engaged in
transition activities and local revitalization.
This thesis tests whether the concepts of social capital, social cohesion, and community capacity
are useful in explaining the participation of Tumbler Ridge residents in transition activities.
Social capital is the building of trust between individuals and groups. Social cohesion is the
process of interaction that occurs when individuals and groups work together. Together, these
elements are key contributors to community capacity. The literature suggests that places with
high levels of social capital, and with experience working in socially cohesive groups, will have
high levels of community capacity to respond to stress. Using a case study approach, this thesis
examines the ability of Tumbler Ridge residents to build up and maintain social capital, and to
engage in socially cohesive events and activities. The departure of the major employer in town
acted as the stress whereby community capacity could also be tested. This thesis does not
answer whether the future of Tumbler Ridge will be secure. It does, however, contribute to a
better understanding of the usefulness of the concepts social capital, social cohesion, and
community capacity for towns dealing with stress and change.

11

T ab le o f C on tents
A b s t r a c t ............................................................................................................................................................ii
T able of C o n t e n t s ....................................................................................................................................... iii
L ist OF M a p s .................................................................................................................................................... v i
L ist of F ig u r e s .......................................................................... ....................................................................vi
L ist OF T a b l e s ............................................................................................................................................... vii
A c k n o w led g em ents .................................................................................................................................... ix
C H A P T E R O N E - S ettin g the Stage: A n O p e n in g .................................................................................1
1.1
1.2
1.3

In t r o d u c t io n ....................................................................................................................................... 1
P urpose a n d H ypo th esis ..................................................................................................................2
T hesis O r g a n iz a tio n ........................................................................................................................ 3

C H A P T E R T W O - R estru ctu rin g in R esource T ow ns: A R eview o f th e L ite r a tu r e ................5
2.1
2.2
2.3

In t r o d u c t io n .......................................................................................................................................5
R esource T o w n s .................................................................................................................................6
Im pact of G lobalization at the L ocal L e v e l ...................................................................11

2.2.1
2.3.2
2.3.3
2.4

S ocial C apital , S ocial C ohesion , a n d C om m u n ity C a p a c it y .....................................16

2.4.1
2.4.2
2.4.3
2.5
2.6
2.7
2.8
2.9

Corporate Restructuring.................................
12
Political Restructuring......................................................................................................13
Social Restructuring.......................................................................................................... 15
Social Capital..................................................................................................................... 17
Social Cohesion..................................................................................................................19
Community Capacity.........................................................................................................21

V olu nta ry O r g a n iz a t io n s .........................................................................................................24
A lternate F u t u r e s ........................................................................................................................ 25
L o c a l it y ............................................................................................................................................. 26
R esource T ow n A pplicability .................................................................................................. 27
C o n c lu sio n .........................................................................................................................................28

C H A P T E R T H R E E - Ju st A n oth er R esou rce T ow n?: A C ase o f T u m b ler R id ge, B C
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7

30

In t r o d u c t io n ....................................................................................................................................30
T he C a se S t u d y ................................................................................................................................ 30
T um bler R id g e ................................................................................................................................. 32
S ocial D esign P rinciples ............................................................................................................. 35
T u m bler R idge H ist o r y ............................................................................................................... 39
C en su s Info r m a tio n ...................................................................................................................... 44
C o n c lu sio n ........................................................................................................................................ 51

C H A P T E R F O U R - A T ow n in T ransition: T h e M eth od ological A p p ro a ch es........................ 53
4.1
4.2
4.3
4 .4

In t r o d u c t io n ................................................................................................................................... 53
In sider / O u t s id e r ...........................................................................................................................54
B a ck ground R esearch D e s ig n .................................................................................................55
F ieldw ork R esearch D e sig n ..................................................................................................... 56

4.4.1
4.4.2
4.4.3

Informal C hats..................................................................................................................56
Focus Groups.................................................................................................................... 59
Focus groups, social capital, and social cohesion......................................................62
iii

4 .4 .3 .a. Y outh...................................................................................................................................... 62
4.4.3.b
W om en ...................................................................................................................................63
4 .4 .3.C Seniors....................................................................................................................................65
4 .4.3.d Coal M iners.......................................................................................................................... 65
4 .4 .3.e
Econom ic Diversification G roup................................................................................... 66
4.4.4 Focus G roups Concluded...........................................................................................................67
4.4.5 Com m unity Event C a len d a rs....................................................................................................67
4 .4 .6 F orm al In terview s........................................................................................................................69
4.5
C o n c l u sio n ........................................................................................................................................ 75

CHAPTER FIVE - Exploration of the Three C’s: An Analysis o f Tumbler Ridge

76

5.1
In t r o d u c t io n ................................................................................................................................... 76
5.2
Interview ee E xperience in T um bler R id g e .........................................................................76
5.3
S ocial C a p it a l .................................................................................................................................90
5.3.1 The L ocal G overnm ent............................................................................................................... 96
5.3.2 W olverine N ordic M ountain S o ciety.......................................................................................97
5.3.3 Tum bler R idge Fam ily Support S o c ie ty .................................................................................97
5.3.4 Social C apital R e v ie w e d ........................................................................................................... 98
5.4
S ocial C o h e s io n .............................................................................................................................98
5.4.1
S ocial Cohesion an d Community C a le n d a rs.................................................................... 101
5.4.1 .a
Seasonal A ctivities...........................................................................................................102
5.4.1 b
Special E ven ts................................................................................................................... 107
5.4.2
S ocial Cohesion an d Social C apital R e v ie w e d ................................................................ 112
5.5
C om m unity C a p a c it y ....................................................................................................................1 14
5.5.1
Social S tre ss............................................................................................................................... 115
5.5.2
Econom ic S tre ss........................................................................................................................ 121
5.5.3
Com m unity C apacity R e v ie w e d ............................................................................................ 125
5.6
C o n c lu sio n ........................................................................................................................................126

CHAPTER SIX - Community Capacity: The Importance of Place......................

128

6.1
In t r o d u c t io n ...................................................................................................................................128
6.2
L o c a l it y ............................................................................................................................................ 128
6.3
S ocial C apital a n d S oclm. C o h e s io n ................................................................................... 129
6.4
C om m unity C a p a c it y ................................................................................................................... 131
6.4.1
Tum bler R idge Task F orce..................................................................................................... 132
6.4.1.a
British Colum bia’s Political Environm ent...............................................................132
6 .4 .1.b
Tumbler R id g e .................................................................................................................135
6.5
D isc u ssio n : S ocial C apital , S ocial C o h esio n , a n d C o m m u n ity C a pa c it y
145
6.6
E x ter na l V a l id it y ........................................................................................................................148
6.7
C o n c lu sio n ......................................................................
149

CHAPTER SEVEN - Final Thoughts: A Story in R eview ........................................................151
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5

In t r o d u c t io n .................................................................................................................................. 151
Research Q u e st io n s ..................................................................................................................... 151
L esso n s L e a r n e d ........................................................................................................................... 153
F u ture R esearch Q u e s t io n s .................................................................................................... 154
C o n c lu sio n ....................................................................................................................................... 157

BIBLIOGRAPHY.............................................................................................................................. 158
iv

APPENDIX I - Fieldwork: Focus Group Script......................................................................... 168
S ocial C apital a n d S ocial C o h e s io n ............................................................................................... 168
R eaction to S t r e ss .................................................................................................................................... 168
G eneral T um bler R idge Inform ation ...................................................
169

APPENDIX II - Focus Group FeedBack Tools and Thank-You G ifts.................................. 170
APPENDIX III - Fieldwork: Formal Interview.......................................................................... 172
Interview C onsent F orm ........................................................................................................................ 172
Interview S c ript .........................................................................................................................................173
H a n d o u t s ....................................................................................................................................................... 186

List o f Maps

Map 3.1

Tumbler Ridge, British C olum bia.............................................................................. 33

List of Figures
Figure 3.1
Figure 3.2
Figure 3.3

1986 Tumbler Ridge Population Pyram id................................................................. 46
1991 Tumbler Ridge Population Pyram id................................................................. 46
1996 Tumbler Ridge Population Pyram id................................................................. 47

Figure 5.1

Interviewees: If you need help or support, are people always willing to lend a
hand?
................................................................................................................ 93
Exclusivity of Groups in Tumbler Ridge.....................................................................94
Helping Organizations - Pre-Quintette Closure Announcement ............................ 95
Helping Organizations - Post-Quintette Closure A nnouncem ent.......................... 96
Interviewees: Effectiveness of linkages and partnerships?.....................
100
Interviewees: Few individuals do most w o rk ?.........................................................101
Number of Seasonal Activities Over T im e................................................................103
Seasonal Activities - Total All Years........................................................................ 107
Number of Special Events Over T im e....................................................................... 108
Special Events - Total All Y ears................................................................................109
Number One Social Stress...........................................................................................117
Number Two Social S tress..........................................................................................119
Reactions to Social Stress ........................................................................................ 120
Number One Economic Stress.................................................................................... 122
Number Two Economic S tress...................................................................................124
Reactions to Economic Stress ..................................................................................125

Figure 5.2
Figure 5.3
Figure 5.4
Figure 5.5
Figure 5.6
Figure 5.7
Figure 5.8
Figure 5.9
Figure 5.10
Figure 5.11
Figure 5.12
Figure 5.13
Figure 5.14
Figure 5.15
Figure 5.16

VI

List o f Tables

Table 2.1

Lucas / Bradbury Model of Community Development............................................. 8

Table 3.1
Table 3.2
Table 3.3
Table 3.4
Table 3.5
Table 3.6
Table 3.7
Table 3.8

Social Design Principles ............................................................................................ 36
Historical Timeline: Tumbler Ridge, British C olum bia..........................................39
Population: Tumbler Ridge............................................................................................45
Education: Tumbler Ridge............................................................................................. 48
Marital Status: Tumbler R id g e..................................................................................... 48
Family Structure: Tumbler R idge................................................................................. 49
Incomes: Tumbler R id g e............................................................................................... 50
Occupation 1996: Tumbler R id g e ................................................................................ 51

Table 4.1
Table 4.2
Table 4.3
Table 4.4
Table 4.5
Table 4.6
Table 4.7
Table 4.8
Table 4.9
Table 4.10

Informal Chats: Number Conducted Throughout Fieldw ork ................................... 58
Meetings: Number Attended Throughout Fieldw ork................................................ 59
Local Events: Number Attended Throughout Fieldw ork......................................... 59
Formal Interviews Conducted by Sector.................................................................... 70
Formal Interviews Conducted by Sector Including Overlap...................................70
Sex and Age of Interviewees........................................................................................ 71
Marital Status of Interviewees...................................................................................... 72
Interviewees: Do you have children?.......................................................................... 72
Education Level of Interview ees..................................................................................73
Employment Status of Interviewees............................................................................ 74

Table 5.1
Table 5.2
Table 5.3
Table 5.4
Table 5.5

Interviewees: When did you move to Tumbler R idge?........................................... 77
Interviewees: Have you ever lived in a small town or rural place?........................78
Interviewees: Where did you live prior to moving to Tumbler Ridge?................. 79
Interviewees: What were your main reasons for moving to Tumbler Ridge
80
Interviewees: When you moved and became settled, what were your reactions to
Tumbler Ridge? ........................................................................................................... 83
Tumbler Ridge as Unattractive or Attractive?........................................................... 83
Tumbler Ridge as Impermanent or Perm anent?........................................................83
Tumbler Ridge as Boring or Exciting?....................................................................... 83
Tumbler Ridge as Dull or C heerful?.......................................................................... 83
Tumbler Ridge with Poor Interaction or Good Interaction?....................................83
Tumbler Ridge as Ordinary or Distinctive?............................................................... 83
Interviewees: Quality of Life in Tumbler R id g e ....................................................... 84
Housing Tenure of Interviewees.................................................................................. 84
When Interviewees / Housing Owners Purchased Their H om e..............................85
Interviewee’s Feelings of Attachment to Tumbler Ridge .....................................86
Interviewees: How many groups are you involved w ith?........................................ 88
Interviewees: How many groups are you involved with that are work related?..89
Interviewees: How much longer will you live in Tumbler Ridge?....................... 90
Interviewees’ Trust and Confidence L ev els.............................................................. 92
Interviewees: There have been lots of groups in Tumbler R idge?......................... 99
Typical List of Activities: Spring 1984 .................................................................... 104

Table 5.5a
Table 5.5b
Table 5.5c
Table 5.5d
Table 5.5e
Table 5.5f
Table 5.6
Table 5.7
Table 5.8
Table 5.9
Table 5.10
Table 5.11
Table 5.12
Table 5.13
Table 5.14
Table 5.15

vu

Table 5.16
Table 5.17

Typical List of Activities: Spring 1994.................................................................... 105
Typical List of Activities: Spring 2 0 0 0 .................................................................... 106

Table 6.1
Table 6.2
Table 6.3
Table 6.4
Table 6.5

Tumbler Ridge Revitalization Task Force: Initial Meeting Participants..............137
Action Plan of Task Force ......................................................................................... 139
Task Force Structure: Governance G roup................................................................141
Task Force Structure: Administrative G ro u p .......................................................... 141
Number of Students Attending Public School in Tumbler R id g e ........................ 142

V lll

Acknowledgements
When under taking a two year project such as this, many people contribute to making it a
success. I am indebted to all of these people, many of whom I cannot name due to promises of
anonymity and confidentiality. All of you have been instrumental in the completion of this
thesis. You will remain forever in my heart and mind as I retain the knowledge and experience
of this thesis fondly.
Having said this, there have been individuals who have stood out as key contributors to my task
these past few years.
To the residents, past and present, of Tumbler Ridge. You embraced me like you do all
residents to your town. You taught me about how life in small towns and rural places is
fascinating and complex. You told me your stories, you shared your thoughts, and you
welcomed me into your lives. For this, and much more, I will be forever thankful.
To Mom and Bill. Your enthusiasm to learn things so different and new to you, and your ability
to ask the right questions, is reflected in my sense of curiosity and my passion to learn. Thankyou for everything, always.
To Grammy. Your strength through all of life’s trials, and your determination to keep your
mind and body alive through learning, questioning, and living, inspire me.
To Grampy, whose insight I can still hear, and whose love and interest in my thesis and research
was never ending.
To Dad. Who always believed at the bottom of his heart that I could do it, but always wondered
if I ever would. Your hard work and determination have forged me through the hardships and
wonder of professional life. Your path has paved my personal life. Your legacy will forever
live on.
To Gail, Glen, and Maureen. You provided me with insight and guidance that made this thesis
my best work. Thank-you for your effort, your time, and above all, your willingness to help me
learn.
To Greg. There are no words to express my highest esteem for you as my favorite teacher,
mentor, and lifelong friend. Your years of patience through my tears, your words of wisdom in
response to my never ending questions, and your brilliance, have motivated me in directions I
never thought possible.
Finally, to my buddy, Ryan. Your kindness and love for me extends further than I could ever
imagine. You know the times when I need support and encouragement, and the times when I
need a good push. Your dedication to me, to our dreams and our future together, and your
ability to make me confident in myself and my abilities is astounding. I will love you forever.
Lana Michelle Sullivan

IX

CHAPTER ONE
SETTING THE STAGE: AN OPENING
1.1

Introduction

The District of Tumbler Ridge was built in 1981 as a new, single-industry, resource-based town.
In August 2000, a major mine closed and brought the town’s economic viability into immediate
question. Historically, models describing phases of single-industry and resource-based
development have suggested that boom and bust cycles dominate town life and that the loss of a
dominant industry may lead to town closure. Recently, there are suggestions that some towns
may not simply close but may follow different options when adjusting to industry departure.
The question is, which future will Tumbler Ridge follow?

Threats of resource town closure create stress. Social capital, social cohesion, and community
capacity are key concepts identified in the literature as factors contributing to the success or
failure of places to react to stress. Social capital is the building of trust between individuals and
groups. Social cohesion is the process of interaction that occurs when individuals and groups
work together. Both social capital and social cohesion are, therefore, iterative. Community
capacity is determined by the success places have in building and maintaining social capital and
engaging in socially cohesive activities. Community capacity is assessed and measured by
determining how residents react to stress. The literature argues that places with high levels of
social capital, and with experience working in socially cohesive groups, will have high levels of
community capacity to respond to stress.

Social capital, social cohesion, and community capacity will be examined in this thesis to
understand how one town coped with stress and change. I will introduce my research questions

and will provide an outline of the thesis organization. Based on the key concepts of social
capital, social cohesion, and community capacity, this thesis will address the following research
questions;
1) Did groups and individuals in Tumbler Ridge have social capital?
2) Have there been opportunities for Tumbler Ridge residents to work together
cohesively?
3) Have Tumbler Ridge residents demonstrated community capacity in reaction
to stressful events over time?

1.2

Purpose and Hypothesis

This thesis will look at the case of Tumbler Ridge to examine the theoretical concepts of social
capital, social cohesion, and community capacity in a resource town dealing with transition.
Tumbler Ridge was chosen for three reasons. First, it is the newest resource town in British
Columbia. Given the struggle that single-industry, resource-based towns of the past had dealing
with boom-bust cycles, town planners implemented a set of social design principles in an effort
to assist residents dealing with challenges and change. The restructuring literature documents
how changes are occurring globally and increased stress is affecting single-industry, resourcebased towns. It is important to look at the impacts of these changes in a town designed to deal
with such challenges. Second, Tumbler Ridge has had a tumultuous history. This history has
provided opportunities for residents to build up social capital and to engage in social cohesion.
This research will test whether residents were able to use those opportunities to build social
capital and social cohesion. Third, one of two local coal mines recently closed in Tumbler
Ridge, with the second mine to close at some point in the near future. As significant stress is
required to test community capacity, the recent and potential mine closures act as such a stress.
The hypothesis of this research is that the concepts of social capital, social cohesion, and

community capacity are useful in explaining the participation of Tumbler Ridge residents in
transition activities.

1.3

Thesis Organization

This thesis is separated into seven chapters. This first chapter introduces the framework within
which the research questions and hypothesis will be tested and examined. The second chapter
offers a literature review covering the importance of resource towns and their traditional phases
of development, as well as issues of economic, political, and social restructuring and their
importance at the local level. The literature review examines the concepts of social capital,
social cohesion, and community capacity. Finally, I will look at an addition to traditional
models of resource town development to assist in understanding the different options towns
have when dealing with stress and change, and how, despite the potential for generalizability,
the importance of place or locality is crucial.

The importance of case study research and a description of the benefits and drawbacks of this
approach are outlined in Chapter Three. I introduce the initial social design principles that were
implemented in Tumbler Ridge. These principles demonstrate that town planners established
the town with mechanisms in place to help residents adjust to challenges and change. This
chapter also highlights a timeline of key events that have occurred in Tumbler Ridge’s relatively
short history, and concludes with a review of 1986, 1991, and 1996 Census data.

The fourth chapter outlines the methods used in the thesis research. It begins with an
introduction to insider / outsider approaches to ‘place- and interest-based’ community research.
Then, I describe a range of background research using primary and secondary data and link

these to this thesis. The fieldwork research involves four parts: informal chats, focus groups,
community event calendars, and formal interviews. Each of these is profiled through a
summary of how the data were collected and analyzed.

In Chapter Five I present the data analysis. Included are the figures and tables constructed from
community event calendars and formal interviews. I review these results in the context of social
capital, social cohesion, and community capacity.

Research findings are discussed in Chapter Six. To test if Tumbler Ridge residents have built
up and maintained social capital, engaged in socially cohesive activities and events, and
established community capacity, the Tumbler Ridge Revitalization Task Force is profiled. The
results are linked to the research questions and hypothesis of this thesis. Finally, Chapter Six
examines the external validity of this thesis.

The concluding chapter reviews the research questions and provides answers based upon
findings from the data collected. In addition, the lessons learned from this research are profiled,
as are suggestions for future research opportunities. Finally, this chapter concludes with the
central findings from the research.

CHAPTER TWO
RESTRUCTURING IN RESOURCE TOWNS: A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
2.1

Introduction

Single-industry, resource-based towns are important in Canada today. This is because not only
do they contribute to the economic fabric of Canada, but twenty-five percent of the Canadian
population lives in such towns (Porteous, 1987). Globalization is now affecting resource towns
in ways that may erode their viability. The purpose of this thesis is to find out how residents
engage in activities that may increase overall community capacity to respond to challenges and
change. This literature review addresses the elements that explain how resource towns cope
with local social and economic stress.

To set a context for this thesis, I introduce six main concepts. First, resource towns and the
traditional development models associated with them are discussed. Second, three types of
restructuring are defined with specific reference to resource towns. Third, the concepts of social
capital, social cohesion, and community capacity are reviewed. This serves as an outline of
specific attributes that resource towns may possess that can contribute to a capacity for coping
with significant change and transition. Fourth, a profile of voluntary organizations is provided
and contributes to an understanding of their importance during times of change and stress.
Fifth, I describe the ‘Alternate Futures’ model of local development in resource towns. Sixth, a
discussion of locality introduces the importance of place for individuals and creates a foundation
for understanding why different towns react differently to stresses. A general overview of
resource towns will link the theoretical foundation to reality by applying such concepts to place.

2.2

Resource Towns

Resource towns have particular characteristics that differentiate them from other types of small
towns.' Because of the nature of Canadian geography, the distribution of natural resources
make resource towns common across the landscape. Everitt and Gill (1993, p. 256) refer to
resource towns as those that “serve both renewable (forestry, fishing and tourism) and nonrenewable (mining) industries and are especially vulnerable to factors that affect this single
function.” Due to this vulnerability, it is important to study such towns to understand both their
social and economic development, and how residents react and adjust to stress associated with
change. The emphasis of this thesis is on the mining town of Tumbler Ridge, British Columbia.

Typically, characteristics of resource towns include isolation, small populations, and
dependence on a single resource. The majority of employment opportunities are provided
through one industry and its supporting institutions (Porteous, 1987). Historically, the purpose
of resource towns was to provide accommodation for workers involved in resource extraction
(McCann, 1978).

Historically, resource companies were expected to provide the bulk of the employment, housing,
and services for incoming residents and employees (Porteous, 1987). This was more common
in the forestry and mining industries. The structure of resource towns is based upon work and

’ Small towns do not necessarily fit into Statistics Canada’s definition o f urban or rural. Urban areas are defined as
“a continuously built-up area with a population of 1,000 or more and a population density o f at least 400 persons
per square kilometer based on the previous Census” (Statistics Canada, 1997, p. 108). Rural areas are “any area that
does not meet the requirements for an urban area” (Statistics Canada, 1997, p. 108). Statistics Canada analysts
have adopted a rural and small town definition that seems more appropriate {Rural and Small Town Canada
Analysis Bulletin, November 2001). They suggest that small towns are those where the population lives outside the
commuting zone of cities with a population over 10,000 or more, and where less than fifty percent o f employed
individuals commute to an urban area (Rural and Small Town Canada Analysis Bulletin, March, 2001).

their function depends on the firm (Porteous, 1987; Marchak, 1989; Barnes and Hayter, 1992).
Shift-work patterns and market fluctuations dominate daily life (Rose and Villemaire, 1997).

The historic pattern of resource town development has been that they follow cycles of booms
and busts. These cycles are linked to resource supply, demand, prices, and profitability. In the
case of towns based on a non-renewable resource, such as minerals, there is also the added
problem of town closure when the resource is economically depleted.

Examples of boom and bust cycles, and of town development and closure, can be drawn from
mining towns across Canada. Two examples are Schefferville, Québec, and Cassiar, British
Columbia. Schefferville was an iron-ore mining town in northern Québec built in 1953 by the
Iron Ore Company of Canada (Bradbury and St-Martin, 1983). Schefferville was the centre of
an enormous industry along the Québec-Labrador border. Rising costs of production caused the
company to leave town in 1980. As a result, the town closed and all that remains today is a
caretaker population for the mine site. We can also see examples of ghost towns in British
Columbia, such as the recent case of Cassiar. Cassiar, located in northwestern British
Columbia, was an asbestos mining town built in 1954 by Cassiar Mines and Metals Company
(Bradbury and Sendbueler, 1988; Northern Native Broadcasting, 1992). At its peak, it housed
2,000 people. The company announced its closure due to bankruptcy in February 1991. As the
company owned all of the infrastructure and facilities in town, everything was auctioned off to
the highest bidder to help defray the debt {Prince George Citizen, 2000). By October 3 E \ 1991,
the majority of the population had left. The town now is officially closed.

As a result of examples such as Schefferville and Cassiar, many people believe Keyes’ (1992)

argument that after a mining company closes its operations in a town, residents have scant
interest in town life beyond the mine. As the purpose of such towns revolves around work,
residents commonly move on to pursue alternative employment opportunities.

Although boom and bust cycles rather generally describe the economic histories in such towns,
traditional models depict specific phases of development in single-industry, resource-based
towns. These models are important as they provide an outline of how decisions are made in the
various stages of development. In a classic study of single-industry towns across Canada, Lucas
(1971) identified four stages of town development; ‘Construction’, ‘Recruitment’, ‘Transition’,
and ‘M aturity’ (Table 2.1).

Table 2.1
Lucas / Bradbury Model of Single-Industry, Resource Town Development
Town
Stage
Demographic
Management
Migration Characteristics
Company

Community

Company
(caretaker)

Construction

high population turnover
high % young men

Recruitment

high % young families
strong ethnic mix

Transition

stable workforce

Maturity

lack o f job mobility
youth out-migration

Winding down
(closure)

job losses
out-migration

Source: adapted from Lucas (1971); Bradbury and St-Martin (1983)

The first stage of development is ‘Construction’ of the town (Lucas, 1971). During this initial
phase, the population of the town is high due to a diversity of employment opportunities.
Transience of the construction population is another common characteristic, as residents are
typically single males looking for short-term employment in various trades. These men live in

8

work camps with few amenities. Few of these temporary residents will stay in the town after
the construction phase is complete.

The second stage of Lucas’ single-industry development model is ‘Recruitment’. As the initial
construction phase tapers off, the company begins to recruit permanent employees who will
work in the resource industry. Once more formal housing is constructed, married employees
begin to arrive with their families (Johnstone, 1993). Resource companies actively recruit
married couples with families as the resident type most likely to develop roots within the town,
and who will have the desire to make the new place a permanent residence (Mouat, 1995). The
benefit for the company is that this provides stability within the workforce. This new group of
employees enjoys the benefits associated with high wage employment; however, as new
residents, they also have great expectations for the town. They want and need a town that can
provide their families with amenities such as shopping, recreation facilities, and educational
facilities in order for their family to function normally while they are at work (Stein, 1952;
Robinson, 1962).

The third stage of Lucas’ model is ‘Transition’. As the town develops, the resident population
becomes more permanent and decision-making shifts from the company to the local
government. This shift becomes an integral part of local development aimed at “distancing the
town from the control of the companies” (Gill, 1990c, p. 181). Thus, the town moves into the
fourth and final stage of Lucas’ model, ‘Maturity’. At this stage, residents have lived in town
for some time and routines have become established. Residents assume more responsibility for
the operation of the town, such as maintaining basic local services.

Considering the examples of town closure after the major resource companies leave, as in the
case of Schefferville and Cassiar, Bradbury and St-Martin (1983) suggested that Lucas’ (1971)
model required a fifth stage of development, a ‘Winding Down / Closure’ stage. While all
resource towns face on-going uncertainty due to their dependence on markets and prices, mining
towns are especially vulnerable due to the finite resource base. The ‘Winding Down / Closure’
stage occurs when the company closes for reasons of supply or demand (Bradbury and StMartin, 1983) (Table 2.1). During this stage, there is an increase in out-migration as residents
leave for other opportunities.

There have recently been examples of towns surviving the closure of the main resource industry.
One example of a town that dealt with restructuring as opposed to closure is Elliot Lake, in
northern Ontario. Elliot Lake used to be the ‘uranium capital of the world’ (Mawhiney and
Pitblado, 1999). Since the last mine closed in 1996, the town has been involved with several
diversification projects that have thus far been successful. The ability of Elliot Lake to endure
the transition from an uranium-mining town to a retirement town challenges traditional models.
This shows a significant disjuncture with Lucas’ ‘maturity’, yet does not follow Bradbury and
St-Martin’s ‘closure’. Although Elliot Lake is one example, several other towns have engaged
in action to follow processes of transition as opposed to closure. These towns include places
such as Gold River, British Columbia (Gold River Historical Society, 2000), Port Albemi,
British Columbia (Barnes et a l, 1999) and Chemainus, British Columbia (Barnes and Hayter,
1992). The reason for the lack of fit between the traditional models and contemporary examples
is the great deal of change as a result of global economic restructuring and its impacts on

10

resource industries and towns. My thesis will look at the impact of globalization at the local
level.

2.3

Impact of Globalization at the Local Level

Globalization is an advanced state of capitalism driven by the restructuring of economic
relations and competition (Martin, 1989; Lowe, 1997). It has been defined for the OECD" as the
“increased movement of tangible and intangible goods and services, including ownership rights,
via trade and investment, and often of people, via migration” (Oman, 1996, p. 6). Thus,
globalization conceptually refers to “both the compression of the world and the intensification
of consciousness of the world as a whole” (Robertson, 1992, p. 80).

It has been argued that through processes of globalization, place will become less important
(Cemy, 1995; Scholte, 1996). However, in contrast to this view, many believe that towns are
shaped by an interplay occurring between the global and local levels (Massey and Allen, 1984;
Martinez-Brawley, 1990; Giddens, 1994). Therefore, the context of local areas “var[ies] greatly
in terms of circumstance, structures and traditions and their reactions or interactions with the
outside or global level vary in reflection” (Dawe, 2000, p. 5). Despite these differences in
perception, what is indisputable is that change is occurring and is influencing small towns by
affecting their ability to survive restructuring. Global restructuring processes have many effects
at the local level. With a focus upon resource towns, this section will address three main types
of restructuring: corporate, political, and social.

^ The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) brings together countries sharing the
principles o f the market economy, pluralist democracy, and respect for human rights (Oman, 1996).

11

2.3.1

Corporate Restructuring

The mode of production within which the corporate sector and labour force interact in resource
towns has changed dramatically since World War Two. From 1945 to 1975 resource towns
followed a ‘Fordist M ode’ of production (Barnes et a l, 1999). The term ‘Fordist M ode’
originates from the automobile industry assembly line innovator Henry Ford. It was
characterized by:
mass production of standardized products...a corporate organization of production line
principles...[and was]... associated with rising productivity, affluence, relatively low
unemployment rates, and significant state involvement (Barnes et a l, 1999, p. 782).
Historically, the role of the labour force was to supply low value commodities to distant
markets. In doing this, the role of specific workers was segregated by sharp class divisions
(Hayter, 2000). In addition, “unbalanced gender structures, limited recreation opportunities,
male dominated job opportunities, lack of higher education facilities and company-union
dominated politics” were common elements of resource towns under a Fordist mode of
production (Hayter, 2000, p. 293). Middle management supervised the production of the bluecollar labour force and ensured that secure, well-paid jobs were available to the men and
opportunities for summer work, part-time work, or educational endorsements were available for
local youth.

The conditions resulting from a Fordist mode of production fostered the rise of resource towns
as stable and prosperous (Hayter, 2000). Problems associated with a Fordist mode of
production were primarily strikes and lockouts (Hayter, 2000). However, in the mid to late
1970s, economic changes such as “inflation, increasing unemployment, falling productivity and
profitability, technological change, and global competitiveness” began to plague resource
industries and towns (Barnes et a l, 1999, p. 783). A more ‘Flexible M ode’ of production in

12

some resource sectors was beginning to replace the Fordist mode of production (Hayter, 2000).

Effects of the transition from ‘Fordist to Flexible M odes’ of production were many. Some
included “stable, structured, planned resource towns of Fordism [being] been undermined by
technological change, rationalization and closure of once dominant companies” (Hayter, 2000,
p. 18). Shifts were obvious in every level of production. In terms of the product, Hayter’s
(2000) research on forestry towns shows that shifts from basic commodities to a highly
diversified range of product manufacturing activities appropriate to the ever-changing
specifications of the customer were apparent. High standards of product adaptation to meet
escalating customer needs occurred due to global competition. Workers required retraining and
higher skill levels as implications of engaging in product diversity. In addition, computer-based
technology replaced many workers (Barnes et a l, 1999).

Corporate management also changed. Managerial staffs were considerably reduced as a result
of command and control hierarchies no longer being important (Hayter, 2000). Management
became less involved in the activities of workers and shifted to smaller, more flexible staff.
Whereas resource towns of the Fordist era were stable and provided secure, high paying jobs to
local residents, resource towns of the flexible era are volatile.

2.3.2

Political Restructuring

Political restructuring in the post World War Two era has occurred both as a result of
globalization, and due to the reorganization of services delivery at the federal, provincial,
regional, and local levels. Downloading of responsibility has increased the role local
governments must play in reaction to change. As Bruce (1997, p. 31) argues, “governments are

13

spending less on staffing and programming, and shifting programs, projects, and responsibility
to lower levels of government.” Therefore, it is important to understand the implications of
such changes for resource towns.

Prior to 1940, the importance of agriculture meant that rural areas played a key role in the
economy. As a result of a shift to industrial employment during World War Two, economic
activities became centralized in urban areas. This movement from farm to factory evoked major
change and “workers increasingly turned to government to provide them with some protection
and security” (Tindal and Tindal, 1984, p. 50). Thus began a pattern of workers relying on
government support when significant change occurred.

In order to document the changing role senior levels of government have had within towns,
Wallis et al. (1998) outline three specific stages to how governments have financially supported
towns. The first stage was in the 1970s when local organizations and governments worked in
coordination with each other. Senior governments provided funds for specific and defined
purposes, and played an active role in what programs and events would be sponsored within
towns. The second stage occurred in the 1980s as the structure and delivery of government
funding changed. Senior levels of government reduced the level of involvement in coordinating
events and programs within towns, and local people were forced to become more self-reliant.
The third stage was in the 1990s and focused not on support, but on empowering local
communities. It was believed that programs that strengthen local skills, knowledge, and
confidence were the most effective means of addressing the needs of individuals. As a result,
governments decreased funding provided to communities, and let them grow and develop on
their own. Although belief in ‘empowerment’ was justified as a way to strengthen local

14

resources, it has also served as a cost-cutting strategy and a downloading of responsibility by
higher levels of government to local levels. Thus, the movement to empowering communities
has meant that many changes within the social sector have also occurred.

2.3.3

Social Restructuring

Political and corporate restructuring brought about by globalization has had serious implications
at the local level. Corporations had fewer managers, and the “old paternalist corporatist ethic
around the resource [industry was] slipping” (Barnes et a i, 1999, p. 784). In addition, research
and general interest in citizen participation has increased in the past decade due to the changing
role government is playing in Canada (Marshall, 1999). In response, “local economic
development has now become the arena for many development decisions at the local level”
(Gill, 2000).

Pacione (1997, p. 415) argues, “while local arenas are important venues for exploring the
precise impact of societal changes, the power that local people have to direct their own futures is
limited.” Despite this limitation, Mayer and Greenberg (2000) argue that to move ahead in the
face of economic and political change and stress, town leaders must organize themselves to
create their own solutions. Thus, a greater burden has been placed on residents to resolve their
own local economic problems (Mayer and Greenberg, 2000). While taking initiative for their
futures may be a difficult task, it is one that town leaders must be willing to engage in as a result
of increased change.

For the purposes of this thesis, I use Halseth’s (1998) interpretation of community as both a topdown and bottom-up approach. Halseth describes the top-down, or ‘place-based’ definition of

15

community as that “defined by the imposition of boundaries [jurisdictional, administrative, or
otherwise] designed to enclose some part of a local area” (p. 44). Bottom-up, or ‘interestbased’, definitions include the conceptualization of community that includes both the social and
spatial framework within which individuals experience and conduct most of their day-to-day
activities. Bottom-up conceptualizations of community include those defined by individuals
“bound together by a shared sense of belonging, and [how] the group defines a distinctive
identity for its members” (Halseth, 1998, p. 43). To illustrate, the town of Tumbler Ridge is a
place-based community constructed by the top-down imposition of Municipal boundaries and
the physical layout of the site. Within the built site, residents form their own interest-based
community through the bottom-up interaction in local groups and activities.

2.4

Social Capital, Social Cohesion, and Community Capacity

When looking at the concepts of social capital, social cohesion, and community capacity,
Halseth’s (1998) definition of community as both ‘place-based’ and ‘interest-based’ is very
important. This is because such concepts are interactive processes that have different results
based upon context. For this thesis, I define social capital as the product of building up and
maintaining feelings such as trust, confidence, and reciprocity between individuals and within
groups. Such products are built up and maintained when residents interact and work together. I
define this process of interaction as social cohesion. Thus, social capital is a product and social
cohesion is a process. Social capital cannot exist by itself, it requires the process of social
cohesion to provide the opportunity whereby residents can come together. When residents
come together in either ‘place-based’ or ‘interest-based’ community groups (social cohesion),
they may create mutual visions and interests (social capital) that may contribute to local
capacity. Local capacity is crucial for towns responding to stress.

16

In this section, the three concepts of social capital, social cohesion, and community capacity are
introduced and linked with the theme of restructuring. In dealing with rapid economic
restructuring and social change, Bradbury (1989) argues that action often takes the form of
collective behavior (social cohesion) instituted either through formal or informal networks and
institutional structures (social capital) such as voluntary organizations. By working together as
individuals or in groups to establish and implement coping strategies, community capacity can
be built, recycled, and profits drawn from it (Bradbury, 1989). Thus, in order to gain the profit
of community capacity, social capital and social cohesion should exist.

2.4.1

Social Capital

There are many definitions for the term social capital. Putnam (2000, p. 19) believes that the
concept was first used by Hanifan (1916) who described social capital as “good will, fellowship,
sympathy and social intercourse among the individuals and families who make up a social unit.”
Roseland (1999, p. 193) believes that Jacobs (1961) used the term to describe “a norm of social
responsibility, a corresponding atmosphere of social trust, and interconnecting networks of
communication.” Portes and Landolt (1996) believe the resurgence of concepts such as social
capital came in the 1970s from sociologists Bourdieu and Coleman. While Bourdieu referred to
social capital as advantages and opportunities available through membership, Coleman
described social capital as a “resource of individuals that emerges from their social ties” (quoted
in Portes and Landolt, 1996, p. 1). Miller (1997, p. 165) describes social capital as a “durable
set of patterns of [local] interaction within a complex set of human relationships.” Social
capital, therefore, is an old concept that “intellectuals and policy makers across the political
spectrum have recently become enchanted with” (Portes and Landolt, 1996, p. 1). For this

17

thesis, social capital will refer to a resource that is developed and then drawn upon.

Putnam (2000, p. 19) argues that social capital has been re-introduced into the literature to “call
attention to the ways in which our lives are made more productive by social ties.” The central
notion of social capital is that social networks have value. These networks, Putnam (2000)
argues, are most powerful when embedded in a dense arena of reciprocal social relations.
Therefore, the importance of social capital rests on its usefulness and power of relationships that
develops between individuals and within groups.

Social capital is unique in that it must continually be built upon and maintained to make it
stronger. In addition, it must be treated in a “slow and iterative process that needs artful and
repetitious application” (Miller, 1997, p. 165). Unlike other types of capital, if social capital is
unutilized and unfostered, it may deteriorate to the point of being non-existent.

Portes and Landolt (1996) believe that despite the popular view portraying social capital as
wholly beneficial, it does have a significant downside. This is because social capital
characteristics (such as trust, reciprocity, and mutual visions and interests) may encourage
linkages within one group and, at the same time, may exclude others from membership. There
are many examples of such exclusion. Portes and Landolt (1996, p. 2) cite one example in their
description of San Francisco’s Chinatown. They state that:
[o]n the positive side, the [interest-based] community is a closely-knit enclave
that protects the Chinese from outside discrimination and helps them launch
successful enterprises and careers. ...[O n the negative side], [w]hat put teeth in
the clans’ demand for conformity was their control of business opportunities and
their ready willingness to ostracize anyone who violated the norms.

18

Membership in an organization often demands conformity, thereby stifling the individual spirit
and more independently minded (Portes and Landolt, 1996). It is important to acknowledge
these downsides although “without a vibrant community field to provide communicative
linkages that generate social capital,...it is doubtful that any [‘place- or interest-based’]
community could achieve the level of trust required to grapple meaningfully the different issues
surrounding [local] development” (Lacy, 2000, p. 6).

Regardless of whether social capital outcomes are negative or positive, several key aspects exist
for forming social capital relationships. These requirements include networking, pride of place,
and mutual visions and interests. Networks are informal groups of people who know each other
personally and who help each other cope with problems (Roseland, 1999). Trying to create
social capital networks allows individuals to work for the good of the locality and to express
their attachment to place (Teather, 1997). Pride of place gives “greater meaning to people’s
daily experiences and energizes citizens to participate fully in the ‘place- and interest-based’
communities they know and appreciate” (Martinez-Brawley, 1990, p. 95). It is such pride that
contributes to the appreciation of specific localities and that allows people to have common
concerns (Martinez-Brawley, 1990). Mutual visions and interests also contribute to the building
of social capital and are important for forming cohesive groups in places. The formation of
social capital hinges on the opportunity for people to interact cohesively.

2.4.2

Social Cohesion

As social capital aspects include the building of networks, pride of place, and mutual visions
and interests between individuals and groups, social cohesion is the process whereby individuals

19

interact. Social cohesion in a town can be evaluated by looking at how people interact to work
together collectively.

Collective action is characteristic of small town places (Gill, 1990a, 1990b, 1990c; Fitchen,
1991; Martinez-Brawley, 2000). This is because horizontal ties, which exemplify relationships
at the local level, are strong in small towns because of the similarity of experience, and because
of the remoteness often associated with small places {Gemeinschaff’). Martinez-Brawley (2000)
argues, urbanism is perceived to destroy cohesiveness, mutuality and ‘place- and interest-based’
community {Gesellschajt). While the traditional Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaft division may be
overstated, small places are more often associated with a “personalizing of issues, events, and
explanations, because familiar names and characters inevitably become associated with
everything that happens” (Martinez-Brawley, 1990, p. 6). As residents of small towns live in
such proximity to each other, daily events of the individual become communal concern and
knowledge for the whole. A sense of security is derived from these communal relationships,
from the familiarity of the environment, and more obviously from the affection and support of
friends and neighbours (Gill, 1990b; Martinez-Brawley, 2000). In addition,
[tjhe ethos of mutual help is an asset of small [towns]. .. .Stories of towns and
villages mobilizing to [fight or resist] are legion. In such ... times, smallness and
residents knowing each other promote unity...(Hodge and Qadeer, 1983, p. 136137).

^ Gemeinschaft is defined as . .human relationships [that] are intimate, enduring and based on a clear
understanding of where each person stands in society...sentim ents [that involve] close and enduring loyalties to the
place and people” (Martinez-Brawley, 1990, p 5).
Gesellschaft is defined as “associations which are contractual in nature, rational, depersonalized, and purged of
emotion, entered into on the basis of calculation” (Cater and Jones, 1989, p. 171).

20

Because physical isolation is characteristic of resource towns, networking relationships are more
prevalent. Saarinen (1999) discusses the sense of place in isolated Finnish rural enclaves and
resource towns in the Sudbury area in the late 1800s. He states that the reaction to physical
isolation was to create social networks and cultural institutions that provided a sense of placebased community and stability in an otherwise transient setting. In addition, due to the lack of
formal services, collaboration to provide for residents is a well-rehearsed attribute of small
towns. The involvement of residents in organizations and in the provision of services helps to
build strong networks (Martinez-Brawley, 1990). Social cohesion is the process of people
working together, and social capital is built and maintained through habitual patterns of trust
and reciprocity that stem from such group interaction.

2.4.3

Community Capacity

Economic restructuring has significantly affected resource towns. Such towns have fewer
human and financial resources upon which to draw during times of social and economic stress
associated with restructuring. As a result, it may be expected that small towns would have a
lower level of ‘readiness’ to respond to restructuring. However, different places have very
different potentials, or ‘strategic orientations’, to deal with challenges and change (Douglas,
1983; Pierce, 1999). An “important ingredient differentiating communities and placing them on
paths to sustainable change is the degree to which they are able to identify and capitalize on
these strategic orientations” (Pierce, 1999, p. 289). The ability of residents to mobilize during
times of stress is referred to as their community capacity.

Places that have a high degree of community capacity to deal with challenges and change are
those where residents are cognizant of the importance of becoming involved in organizations

21

that build social capital and social cohesion. Residents must see themselves taking charge and
achieving results (Ashton, 1999). This determination must exist through all stages of local
approaches - inputs, planning, and outcomes (Ashton, 1999). In addition, residents must have a
realistic vision, adopt a development framework to guide planning, and must be able to identify,
mobilize, and build upon existing local resources to respond to situations of stress and transition
(Markey and Roseland, 2000).

There are barriers to people being able to engage in socially cohesive activities that may provide
opportunities to build up and maintain social capital. These barriers include thresholds and
burnout. Thresholds are when people become unable to manage their current situation due to
lack of human and financial resources, or because they have become unwilling to engage in
various activities due to stress. Burnout is emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and
diminished sense of accomplishment (Maslach and Jackson, 1981). Jaffe (1995) argues that
team or group relationships may lead to burnout. Small towns are particularly vulnerable to
reaching thresholds and experiencing burnout as their small populations mean there are fewer
individuals available to share the workloads (Bruce et a l, 1999).

The readiness of people to respond to change depends greatly on the ability of the town to
understand its own thresholds and burnout limitations, and to adjust its goals to fit local needs.
Ashton (1999) argues that town leaders must become ‘ready’ to deal with the transitions faced
by all types of restructuring. Town leaders ready to engage are those who have “participation,
co-ordination and partnerships’’ as part of their culture (Ashton, 1999, p. 188).

22

Small towns face impediments when preparing to meet transition demands. Communities may:
lack leadership, the organizational requirements necessary to plan local
development, economic resources, or quality surroundings, all of which
contribute to a [town’s] ability to foster local economic development. Most
importantly, communities may also lack the ability to recognize local strengths
that could be mobilized to contribute to the development process (Markey and
Roseland, 2000, p. 11).
Despite the desire to become involved in transition initiatives, some places may simply not
possess the community capacity tools.

Towns that are ‘ready’ to engage in transition initiatives have distinct characteristics. Social
capital and social cohesion can assist communities in attaining a more ‘successful’ outcome in
strategizing and in taking action (Ashton, 1999). The term ‘success’ is ambiguous. To some it
means attaining balanced growth among the sectors, and to others it signifies greater
diversification of businesses (Ashton, 1999). What demonstrates the amount of community
capacity that exists within a place is the ability of towns to define what ‘success’ means to them,
and their ability to mobilize people and resources to achieve such success. This is because
“[vjiable communities depend on interaction” (Lacy, 2000, p. 5). As a result, interaction
strategies that strengthen local forms of social organization can provide the basis for
empowering communities. Empowered communities are most likely to stop erosion of placeand interest-based community, temper the impacts of globalization, and effectively sustain
quality of life, social justice, economic growth, and environmental integrity (Lacy, 2000).
Although resource towns are vulnerable to restructuring, and face obstacles in coping with
transition, engagement in social capital building through social cohesion opportunities help such
towns to become ‘ready’. Thus, empowered communities that can strategize to build social
capital and social cohesion are more likely to be successful in activities related to community

23

capacity.

2.5

Voluntary Organizations

Mutual assistance and interaction in small towns most often occurs through resident
involvement in voluntary organizations. This is because residents’ survival often depends on
mutual assistance (Hodge and Qadeer, 1983). In a town where services are elemental and
resources may be limited Hodge and Qadeer (1983, p. 136) argue that voluntary organizations in
small towns are “a functional necessity.”

Voluntary organizations are important in all communities. Almost everywhere, “informal
networks evolve around formal decision-making structures, but in small communities they
become very dominant” (Hodge and Qadeer, 1983, p. 137). The breadth and diversity of active
organizations can be a measure of the community’s capacity to respond to challenges and
opportunities. Participation in voluntary organizations, civic groups, and service clubs has long
been a cornerstone of society in Canada (Teather, 1997; Marshall, 1999; Lacy, 2000). Given the
changes in services provision that have occurred across rural and small town Canada, volunteerbased organizations are increasingly called upon to address a range of local needs.

Voluntary organizations are broadly defined by Marshall (1999, p. 1.9) as those “organizations
that people belong to part-time and without pay, such as clubs, lodges, good-works agencies and
the like”, and which an individual joins by choice. Voluntary organizations exist apart from the
private and government sectors. In practice, however, voluntary organizations are even more
complex.

24

Wilson and Musick (1997) discuss two main types of volunteering: formal and informal.
Formal volunteer groups can include organizations having all volunteer members and no
government funding to subsidize activities. They can also include a mix of unpaid volunteers
and paid staff members with a portion of their activities subsidized by government funding.
Formal voluntary groups can also include those with paid staff members, and significant
government funding, although their management board still consists of volunteers. Informal
volunteering is more private, unorganized, and often refers to helping friends, neighbours, and
kin outside of the household. Both formal and informal volunteering are important in resource
towns.

Voluntary organizations can respond to both the general and specific needs of residents in small
places. Activities such as running annual events or parades, setting up resource libraries, and
providing social services not otherwise available locally, are only a portion of the many
contributions made by voluntary organizations (Bruce et a l, 1999; Marshall, 1999). Such
activities also help to foster social cohesion, healthy communities, and may be especially
important in times of rapid change (Jones, 2000). As the downloading of responsibility means
that actions to cope with economic restructuring must come from the local level, it is voluntary
organizations - both formal and informal - that are relied upon to meet local needs.

2.6

Alternate Futures

As discussed earlier, not all resource towns close after the loss of a dominant employer or
industry. The discussion of community capacity suggests that places will react in different ways
to pressures of change. One way to interpret the options facing towns is through an ‘Alternate
Futures’ model of local development that Halseth (1999) suggested as an addition to the Lucas-

25

Bradbury model. The Alternate Futures model describes how towns may pursue different
development paths. One option is that the town would stabilize at a lower economic and
population level as the industry tapers off. The population may have aged and may choose to
continue to reside in the town they have come to enjoy. A second option is that the town could
restructure itself through diversification, or dependence on a new industry. In this case, the
population could initially increase as a result of opportunities for new residents to move into
town, but then would stabilize as in-migration of new residents slowed. A third option could
also be, as Bradbury and St-Martin (1983) suggested, that the town closes.

This addition to the traditional resource town development model represents much more clearly
the situation of resource towns under contemporary restructuring pressures. However, there still
exists a need to understand why there are differences in the ability of places to cope with
significant change. Because the Alternate Futures model has options, different towns have
different levels of ‘success’ coping with both social and economic stress. It is critical, then, to
look towards the concept of ‘locality’.

2.7

L ocality

Barnes et al. (1999) suggest that different places have displayed different reactions in response
to flexible modes of production. They argue that while in “some places nothing has happened,
in other places there has been considerable transformation” (Barnes et a l, 1999, p. 784).
Various factors contribute to these differences in how places adjust to challenges and stress. A
dynamic debate has emerged about the importance of place. This debate is between ‘place
release’ and ‘localism’. Place release involves the “conditions of daily life wherein natural or
constructed space and environment play limited roles in ordering interpersonal relationships or

26

in contributing to the social and psychological sense of personal and collective well-being”
(Martinez-Brawley, 1990, p. 81). In contrast, localism is where action is always related to one’s
place- and interest-based community (Martinez-Brawley, 1990).

According to the locality approach, communities react to changes in ways that express
individual circumstances, experiences, and thus, capacities (Hay, 1993). Massey (1984, p. 6)
believes that each place is unique, therefore, even general processes such as restructuring “never
work themselves out in pure form. There are always specific circumstances, a particular history,
a particular place or location” that affect what happens. Therefore, in order to understand
general outcomes, we must look towards the importance of place.

2.8

Resource Town Applicability

Resource towns are an ideal testing ground for concepts of social capital and social cohesion.
Traditional stresses associated with single-industry vulnerability now couple with the pressures
of global restructuring and concern over the viability of resource towns themselves. As a result,
local responses to change provide an opportunity to also test community capacity.

In building social capital and social cohesion, resource towns face three key difficulties. First,
the population base is small, which may lead to problems of burnout. In addition, fewer
organizations may exist within the town and often a few leaders are responsible for initiating all
group interaction within a place (Bruce et al., 1999). Restricted opportunities for interaction, or
social cohesion, can limit opportunities to build and maintain social capital. As well, high
mobility levels within the population are common due to market fluctuations, layoffs, or
instability in the town (Barnes and Hayter, 1992; Halseth, 1999). Among the many implications

27

of population turnover is that tremendous amounts of local skills, knowledge, and experience
are routinely lost. Third, shift work limits the ability of organizations to meet regularly (Gill,
1990b, 1990c; Rose and Villemaire, 1997).

Stress due to constant change is commonplace in resource towns. Contributing factors include
industry restructuring, fluctuating world prices for resources, the change to flexible modes of
production, and other effects of globalization. Accordingly, the maintenance of social capital
through socially cohesive opportunities is vital. The ability of resource towns to build and
maintain social capital and to engage in socially cohesive activities and events is regularly
assessed and tested through the capacity of the community to cope with stress. Those towns that
close after major crises such as mill, mine, or plant closures may have been unsuccessful at
building and maintaining enough social capital to sustain the town through major crisis. As
previously discussed, this does not mean that towns that have closed do not have social capital,
they simply do not have enough to cope with a particular stress. In contrast, towns that are able
to engage in transition activities in the face of industry shut down may be employing a wellrehearsed capacity to respond.

2.9

C on clusion

Resource towns are an important part of rural Canada. Globalization and restructuring have
altered traditional notions of resource town development and evoke examples of wide ranging
reactions to change and stress. Corporate, political, and social restructuring have created shifts
whereby the importance of local empowerment is crucial. Social capital and social cohesion can
be used to interpret the strength of networks and interactions. Community capacity can be used
to interpret the ability of resource towns to mobilize social capital and social cohesion to

28

respond to global restructuring. This thesis will examine one town’s community capacity
response to restructuring and crisis to see whether previous experience with social capital and
social cohesion has helped get the town ready to react.

29

CHAPTER THREE
JUST ANOTHER RESOURCE TOWN?; A CASE OF TUMBLER RIDGE, BC
3.1

Introduction

Tumbler Ridge was built during the early 1980s. The purpose of this chapter is to outline its
history and geography in order to provide a foundation for a study of social capital, social
cohesion, and community capacity. This chapter includes background information on the
historical development of the town so readers can evaluate the degree to which Tumbler Ridge
resembles or differs from towns with which they are familiar. After a discussion of case studies
as a methodological approach. Tumbler Ridge is introduced. The five main social design
principles implemented in the planning of the town are reviewed. An historical timeline of
major events that have occurred since the town was founded is discussed including the
identification of several stressful events in the town’s history.

3.2

The Case Study

Case study approaches to empirical research “investigate a contemporary phenomenon within
[a] real life context” (Yin, 1989, p. 23). Two primary strengths of the case study approach
suggested it for this thesis. First, the unique strength of a case study is its ability to deal with a
full variety of evidence (Yin, 1989). A case study tries to “illuminate a decision, or set of
decisions, why they were taken, how they were implemented, and with what result” (Yin, 1989,
p. 22). This allows the researcher to collect large amounts of information, from multiple
sources, in order to examine different aspects of the data (Patton, 1990). Second, the case study
approach allows the researcher to test theory in place. It uses the literature to inform the research
and to ground the fieldwork findings. In the case of this thesis, literature on the planning of
Tumbler Ridge, an historical timeline of key events, and Statistics Canada Census data are

30

compared to present day information collected through fieldwork. O f central importance to the
fieldwork was the use of key informants. Local residents are often critical to the success of a
case study, because such key informants “not only provide the investigator with insights into the
matter, but also can suggest sources of corroboratory evidence and initiate the access to such
sources” (Yin, 1989, p. 89).

A case study approach requires the specification of the temporal and spatial boundaries to allow
“a particular issue to be studied in depth and from a variety of perspectives” (Kitchen and Tate,
2000, p. 225). The time period for this thesis is from the initial planning of the town to the
Quintette mine closure in August, 2001.

Connections and linkages are drawn between the case study and the general literature in order to
understand the specific processes within a more general context. Although the results gathered
in this thesis cannot be statistically generalized, inferences made will serve as an example of
general outcomes of the applicability of theory specific to place. The data and findings can then
be contrasted with other examples or with expectations from theory. Concern over the ability to
provide scientific generalizations has been identified as a potential weakness of case study
research. To compensate for this potential weakness, methods of triangulation have been used
at each stage of the research. As Patton (1990, p. 188) argues, “studies that use multiple
methods make different types of data provide cross-data validity checks.” As the goal in this
study is to examine theory in a specific place, a case study approach is appropriate (Yin, 1989).

31

3.3

Tumbler Ridge

Tumbler Ridge is located in northeastern British Columbia and is approximately one hour’s
drive from Chetwynd and Dawson Creek, and about five hours drive away from Prince George
(Map 3.1). Incorporated in 1981, Tumbler Ridge was built to support the local activities of two
coal mining companies, Denison Mines and Teck Corporation. It was developed as the
province’s newest resource mega-project. The planning of the town involved the
implementation of sophisticated social design principles. These principles represented the stateof-the-art in post-World War Two resource town development.

32

Map 3.1 Tumbler Ridge, British Columbia

Fort St. John

LEGEND
•

M ain Tow ns
Highw ays
Railways
Provincial
Boundary

Dawson Creek

0 10 20 30 40 50
K ilom etres

Chetwynd

'.Grande Prairie

Mackenzie

Tumbler
Ridge

British
Alberta

Columbia
STUDY
AREA

Pacific

Ocean

Prince G eorge

United States

Source: Developed by Brian Stauffer

33

In the mid 1970s, after more than a dozen coal claims were staked in the region now known as
Tumbler Ridge, two mines. Quintette (owned by Denison Mines) and Bullmoose (owned by
Teck Corporation) won development rights (Halseth and Sullivan, 2000). The mines were to
supply métallurgie coal to the Japanese Steel Consortium for an initial contract period of fifteen
years, with an extension clause to be re-negotiated at some point in the future. Planning for a
new settlement to house the workforce began, and in less than five years, residents were moving
into a fully functioning townsite. Extensive efforts were put into the design, layout, and
servicing of the town (Gill and Shera, 1990). The mining companies, in conjunction with the
Provincial Government, built the town to attract and retain skilled and professional workers and
their families. The mandate of the townsite planners was to “build upon past experience and
avoid some of the difficulties residents and [single-industry towns] had experienced
historically” (Halseth and Sullivan, 2000, p. 28). As a result of the significant planning that
went into building the mine sites, a $12 million debt was incurred by the mining companies and
the Provincial Government (Knight, 1990). In addition, the District of Tumbler Ridge incurred
a $38.6 million debt for infrastructure, recreation centre, pool, and water treatment plant
(Tumbler Ridge Financial Statements 1983-2000). At the time of the March

2000 Quintette

closure announcement, the District’s debt was still $10.3 million (Tumbler Ridge Financial
Statements, 2000). This debt was an issue as the town dealt with transition.

Since the end of the Second World War, considerable attention has been paid to improving
living conditions and overall quality of life in resource towns across Canada (Porteous, 1987;
Bowles, 1992). Comprehensive planning models, that incorporate a broad range of social and
economic considerations into town development, were believed by planners to “remove

34

companies from town control, to stimulate local government organization and thus the provision
of urban services, and to foster an atmosphere of permanence” (Halseth and Sullivan, 2000, p.
6). For companies, the ability to retain a permanent workforce meant less money and time
being spent training new recruits. As families are more likely to establish themselves within a
town, companies began to concentrate on recruiting married men (Lucas, 1971). To attract such
workers, the company had to provide incentives for families to move to a new town. These
incentives are associated with the benefits of a mature town as defined by Lucas (1971) and,
therefore, much work was put into the design and planning of new resource towns.

3.4

Social Design Principles

To avoid many of the problems encountered by other resource towns, the land use planning staff
of the Ministry of Municipal Affairs of the Provincial Government identified a set of social
design principles. These principles were derived from social science research and it was
anticipated that their use would “maximize the achievement of three basic objectives in resource
town planning: high social cohesion, low labour turnover, and high residential satisfaction”
(Shera and Gill, 1990, p. 30). The purpose of the principles was to lay a foundation for
community capacity. Town planners Justified all elements of the social and physical planning of
Tumbler Ridge on the basis of their contribution to local development (Gill, 1990c). Town
planners implemented five social design principles; ‘Commitment’, ‘Challenge’, ‘Self-reliance’,
‘Choice’, and ‘Participation’ (Gill, 1990c; Gill and Shera, 1990) (Table 3.1). Although the
principles themselves are distinct, there is some repetition in the expected outcomes for each.
Despite these overlaps, each outcome had a different rationale based upon the social design
principle with which it was associated.

35

Table 3.1
Social Design Principles
Social Design Principles

Expected Outcomes

Commitment

•
•
#
#

Local government
Neighbourhood design
Town center design
Homeownership

Challenge

#
#

Base-level service provision
Network o f paths and open spaces

Self-reliance

#
#

Local government
Basic recreation facility

Choice

•

Limited range of goods and services

Participation

•
•

Social Development Officer
Inhabitants involved in modifying and adapting local
environment

Source: Derived from statements in Tumbler Ridge planning documents (BC NMA, 1978) and adapted from Gill,
1990c)

‘Commitment was the first social design principle (Gill, 1990c). The Provincial Government
and the mining companies appointed individuals in 1981 to act as the local government to
ensure that resident representatives were involved in the planning of what was to become ‘their
town’. Because there were no residents living in town at this time, the appointment of
individuals was necessary. The first local government was elected in 1984 and took over duties
from the appointed individuals. Town planners identified the early establishment of a local
government as important in order to increase the commitment of residents living in this new
town. In addition, town planners hoped that residents would increase their sense of commitment
if the town centre could enhance a sense of place through its aesthetic design. Characteristics
such as the town hall built with an old town ‘main street’ image were incorporated into the
infrastructure design. Town planners also designed neighborhoods to increase social interaction
and encourage the formation of friendships. Finally, planners emphasized the importance of
homeownership to increase residential stability.

36

Taggart (1993) argues that a town of homeowners will boost levels of housing satisfaction,
neighborhood life, and local participation regardless of socio-economic status. In addition, Kuz
(1984) found that there was a significant difference in housing tenure between those who stayed
and those who moved away from resource towns. ‘Stayers’ were most often married, employed
in the resource industry, and tended to own their own home. As a result, homeownership
became a central goal in the principle of commitment.

The second social design principle was ‘Challenge’ (Gill, 1990c). Planners believed that if base
level services were provided, it would appeal to a resident’s sense of pioneer spirit and would
encourage involvement and mutual aid. To encourage neighbourhood interaction, a network of
paths and open spaces would further the exploration and adventuring spirit of residents. Town
planners felt that, much like the principle of ‘Commitment’, the design of the town would
encourage residents to work at the ‘Challenge’ of building various aspects of their town.

The third social design principle was ‘Self-reliance’ (Gill, 1990c). The purpose of encouraging
residents to become self-reliant was to reduce the need for the employers (the two major mines)
and the Provincial Government to be involved in town development. In addition, it was
determined that only a basic recreation facility needed to be built as part of the initial town
design. If residents wanted more services they would have to initiate such activities themselves.
Planners believed this would reduce the financial and psychological dependence on the
Provincial Government and mining companies, and would encourage individuals to develop the
routine of working together to provide for themselves.

37

The fourth social design principle was ‘Choice’ (Gill, 1990c). Planners believed that residents
would benefit if they made their decision to move to Tumbler Ridge for reasons other than
simply economic. Jobs were of course key, but town planners felt other factors should play a
part in the decision-making of residents to relocate to Tumbler Ridge. Therefore, planners made
efforts to ensure the attractiveness of the town, in addition to the services and amenities
commonly associated with established resource towns. Town planners believed that if residents
had a variety of reasons for moving into town, their commitment to remain in the town would
become more solid, even if jobs were threatened.

The fifth social design principle was ‘Participation’ (Gill, 1990c). Planners thought that if a
Social Development Officer became responsible for integrating social services and activities,
resident involvement would increase and commitment to place would strengthen. Planners
believed that when residents are ‘participating’ in modifying a town to fit their own needs, the
level of ‘self-reliance’ and ‘commitment’ to remain in the town is increased.

All of the social design principles were closely associated with Lucas’ (1971) model. Planners
believed that when a town reaches ‘maturity’, the capacity of residents to cope with challenges
and change increases. While Lucas’ (1971) model depicted resource town development under a
Fordist mode of production. Tumbler Ridge’s social design principles reflected flexible modes
of adjusting to change within the town. Therefore, part of the initiative for the social design
principles was to increase residents’ capacity to deal with stress and change.

38

3.5

Tumbler Ridge History

Among the first permanent structures were the Royal Bank, an elementary school, a recreation
complex, and a grocery store. The Social Development Officer and local residents took the
initiative to establish a wide variety of voluntary organizations, an active Ministerial
Association, and many sports and leisure groups to augment local quality of life.

Much like the town planners predicted. Tumbler Ridge began to develop quickly and signs of
‘maturity’ could be detected from the start. However, the adequacy of implementing significant
planning principles to encourage flexibility in times of stress and crisis was tested from early on
in the town’s history. Despite the fact that Tumbler Ridge is only twenty years old, many social
and economic stresses have taken place (Table 3.2). These stresses provided opportunities for
residents to develop social capital and social cohesion.

Table 3.2
Historical Timeline: Tumbler Ridge, British Columbia_________________________________________
1970s
15 coal deposits identified and staked.

1981
Representatives o f Japanese Steel Consortium, Government of Canada, Denison Mines Limited, and Teck
Corporation sign a 15 year supply contract.
Town construction under way.
Town population sparse. Not recorded in 1981 Statistics Canada Census.
Social Development Officer hired to alleviate problems associated with newcomers in a new town.

1982
Royal Bank, first permanent building in Tumbler Ridge, opened.
Denison Mines, Quintette Coal, and Vancouver’s Edma Holdings purchased residential lots.

1984
Bullmoose Operating Corporation purchased residential lots.
Edma Holdings sold houses to Quintette employees.
Elementary school opened.
First train left for Ridley Island Coal Port.

39

1985
Japanese Steel Consortium paid $95 per tonne of coal, asked for a $14 per tonne reduction.
Quintette and Teck prices a third higher than other Japanese Steel Industry suppliers.
High School completed and opened.
Local enumeration identified population of town 3,833.
First local elections. Local autonomy in place for the first time.
Social Development Officer position terminated. Residents expected to initiate and organize their own events.

1986
Japanese Steel Consortium wanted price and volume concessions from all international suppliers.
Sales o f new homes built by Quintette slow, residents concerned about mine viability.
CMHC tightened rules for Tumbler Ridge, financing terminated for speculative building until inventory of
unsold homes was considerably reduced.
Population o f town 4,390 (Statistics Canada, 1986).

1987
BC Assessment Authority reached agreement with Quintette and Bullmoose to lower 1985-1986 mine assessment.
Tumbler Ridge owed Quintette more than $6.5 million, including interest because o f reassessments.
Tumbler Ridge Family Support Society founded.

1988
Pricing dispute with Japanese Steel Consortium continued.
Tumbler Ridge coal prices well above world levels.

1989
Quintette cut housing cost in half.
Quintette owned half o f homes and paid half of mortgages.
Two-week strike at coal mines (labour strike).
Bullmoose provided homeowners with a taxable allowance.

1990
Supreme Court of Canada Ruling: Quintette must drop price for coal by $10.50 per tonne in 1990 and another $2
per tonne over the next two quarters.
Quintette reimbursed the Japanese Steel Consortium over $4.6 million.
Quintette announced temporary and permanent cutbacks (total 9% o f workforce), offered voluntary termination
packages.
BC Rail strike.
Teck assumed management of Quintette.
Quintette laid off 60 staff members, another 340 of 1, 450 employees laid off after Teck takeover.
To prevent Quintette’s bankruptcy, CMHC extended its agreement on no rent increases.
Indoor swimming pool built.
Little girl molested by 16 year old youth.
Quintette laid off 62 employees.
Teck acquired 50% interest in Quintette from Denison Mines for $5.28 million.
Two apartment blocks closed down, people move into vacant homes to reduce maintenance costs.
Coal price set at $71.50 per tonne.

1991
M ost houses sold back to mines, only mine employees eligible for buy-back.
CMHC insisted on a 25% down payment due to higher than normal risk due to dependence on the mines.
CMHC agreed to help restructuring of mines by acquiring up to 100 company properties.
Tumbler Ridge Youth Services Society founded.
Population of town 4,586 (Statistics Canada, 1991).

40

1994
Residential property values endured sharp decline due to lack of sales and vacancies in apartment blocks.

1995
Tumbler Ridge Children’s Centre Society re-established as a voluntary organization after daycare run by District
was shut down due to lack o f users.
Bullmoose unionized for the first time. Communication Energy and Paperworkers Union voted in by 65%
of workforce.

1996
Population o f the town 3,800 (Statistics Canada, 1996).

1997
New contracts with Japanese Steel Consortium called for a 30% reduction in production at Quintette, guaranteed
production at the mines until April 2003.

1998
Population of town 2,300 (Local Population Enumeration, 1998).
Bullmoose put 15 houses on market for mine employees and 7 houses on general market.

1999
Bullmoose put 17 houses on market.
$2.6 million sawmill approved. Potential for 47 new jobs in Tumbler Ridge.
69 Bullmoose employees laid off.
School Board threatened to close Claude Galibois Elementary school due to low numbers o f students;
residents rallied and forced school to remain open.
March 23rd - Royal Bank fire destroyed entire building. Bank relocated to another building space in town.
May 20'*' - Vehicular Double Homicide.
September 23^“*- People’s Drug M art closed its doors.
December 6* - New council held inaugural meeting. Newly elected Mayor and councilors officially sworn in for
three-year term.

2000
Further reduced coal prices.
Price for coal at $39.00 per tonne.
Production levels 2.5 million tones.
Teck Corporation announced shut down of Quintette.
Bullmoose put 9 houses on market.
Tumbler Ridge Revitalization Task Force established with representatives from Provincial Government and
surrounding regional towns.
Two transition feasibility studies began in Tumbler Ridge paid for by the Provincial Government.
CMHC released holdings on homes. Tumbler Ridge District becomes new owner o f homes.
Housing sale begins in July - 1,000 homes for sale.
August 19 - Quintette closed, 500 employees laid off.
Claude Galibois Elementary School closed due to lack of students.
High school and elementary reorganized. Grades K-6 elementary school. Grades 7-12 highschool.
Tumbler Ridge Elementary and Tumbler Ridge Secondary guaranteed funding by Province.
250 homes sold to new residents by August.
Tumbler Ridge residents hosted potluck to welcome new residents to town - 650 attended.
Province agreed to pay o ff $5.8 million debt.
Province guaranteed stabilization o f health and education services through transition.
A1 and Edna Kopek and Jodie Guilby opened a new drug store.
Royal Bank announced closure o f the Tumbler Ridge Branch in 2001.
Source: Tumbler Ridge newspapers, Prince George Citizen, government reports

41

Since incorporation, Tumbler Ridge residents have had to cope and adjust to a number of social
and economic stresses. The major economic stress that has faced Tumbler Ridge over the past
twenty years has been the question of mine viability. The labour force for both mines was
reduced in an attempt to increase efficiency. As the world price of coal dropped significantly
very soon after the initial contracts between the mining companies and the Japanese Steel
Consortium were signed, the issue of mine profitability has always been questionable.
Residents have faced an uncertain future, and, despite early recommendations for the need to
diversify, the town has remained economically dependent on the two mines.

A second economic stress has involved the issue of housing. Although the social design
principles planned for homeowners in order to raise the commitment to the town, the
implementation of homeownership was problematic. Many residents had come from other
mining towns and were accustomed to significantly subsidized, or rental, housing. They
understood the cyclical nature of mining towns and did not understand the desire of planners to
make Tumbler Ridge different by having people own their own homes. New residents were
also reluctant to buy homes because the expense of purchasing a home was considerable,
especially in comparison to other towns in the Peace River region. Knowing the importance of
homeownership within Tumbler Ridge, and acknowledging that residents were generally
reluctant to purchase homes outright, both mines offered subsidized mortgages in the late 1980s.
However, in the early 1990s, Teck took over management of the Quintette mine and bought
most of the homes back as part of a bankruptcy plan. Despite the intentions of the social design
principles. Tumbler Ridge was transformed from a town of homeowners to one of renters.

42

Tumbler Ridge remained economically dependent on the mining industry. In August 2000, the
Quintette mine closed and approximately six hundred workers were laid off. For the following
year, eighty workers remained employed to assist with reclamation activities. However, in
August 2001, all but sixteen of the Reclamation Crew were laid off, with the remaining
employees continuing work to shut down the mine and to ensure public safety at the mine site
(pers. comm., 2001). The Bullmoose mine continues to employ approximately two hundred and
fifty employees. However, the supply of accessible coal has been exhausted and the company
does not seem interested in blasting open new mountaintops to access additional coal seams
(Vancouver Sun, 2000). Therefore, April 2003 is the predicted shut down date for the
Bullmoose mine. Although this date is speculative, sporadic increases in production (that mean
the supply of coal is being depleted at a faster rate) within the past year have led many
Bullmoose employees to believe that a closure announcement is imminent (pers. comm., 2001).

For Tumbler Ridge, the economic stress of mine viability and homeownership has impacted
residents significantly. Yet, when asked about stressful events in town my research participants
downplayed these economic stresses. Participants explained that although economics do affect
a town like Tumbler Ridge, residents with experience living in mining towns expect the cyclical
nature of mining. Residents understand and accept that technology decreases the tenure of a
mine. Miners in Tumbler Ridge commented that whereas a typical mine years ago may have
had a forty-year life span, today the average life of a mine is fifteen years due to the fact that
extraction can be done so much faster, and by fewer people (pers. conun., 2001).

In contrast, socially stressful events stood out to research participants. Events such as the death
of a resident often caused the town to gather together to take care of food preparation for the

43

affected family, or to help raise money to assist with medical costs. In addition, events that
residents had classified as ‘big city’ occurrences were identified as being particularly stressful.
Although these types of events, such as rape or murder, are stressful to any town regardless of
its size. Tumbler Ridge residents seemed particularly impacted because of their perception of
the town as ‘safe’ for themselves and their family (Chapter Five).

As described by Halfacree (1999, p. 72), the rural idyll involves “community, friendship and
belonging. The rural idyll is a very ‘conservative’ vision, respectful of private property and
‘traditional’ institutions such as the nuclear family.” People are not only attracted to towns such
as Tumbler Ridge for reasons of high paying employment, but also because they identify such
landscapes as utopias for raising young children. When events occur that shatter this image,
residents are left feeling confused and betrayed. Thus, socially stressful events stood out to
research participants as having longer-term impacts.

3.6

Census Information

Although Tumbler Ridge was incorporated in 1981, so few people lived in town when the
Canadian Census was conducted that population numbers were not recorded (Table 3.3). The
Census for 1986 and 1991 record populations of 4,390 and 4,586 respectively. After initial
rapid growth. Tumbler Ridge population counts have been declining since 1991. For example, a
local population enumeration identified approximately 2,300 residents living in Tumbler Ridge
in 1998. Such population patterns reflect that, since 1990, events connected with the coal price
and volume contracts with the Japanese Steel Consortium and the Quintette restructuring have
created uncertainty and layoffs. As the economy of Tumbler Ridge has been in a state of flux.

44

the population has declined. As argued by Halseth (1999), this pattern is very common in
resource towns in British Columbia.

Table 3.3
Population: Tumbler Ridge
Year__________ Tumbler Ridge
1981
1984*
1985*
1986
1987*
1988*
1989*
1990*
1991
1992*
1993*
1994*
1996
1997*
1998*

3,833
4,000
4,390

4,300
4,500
4,800
4,800
4,586
4,200
4,200
4,200
3,800
3,700
2,300

Source: Statistics Canada Census Data
*data from annual local enumeration

Population pyramids portray the age structure of a local population (Norton, 1998). By
separating the population by sex, and by age groups, the proportion of the local population in
each age cohort group is calculated. The percentages generated allow for easy comparison of
the changing age structure within a particular place over time.

For Tumbler Ridge, population pyramids have been constructed for the Census years of 1986
(Figure 3.1), 1991 (Figure 3.2), and 1996 (Figure 3.3). While there has been some aging of the
population, the age structure still shows the predominance of young families. This type of
pattern is typical in resource towns as it is young families who are recruited and encouraged to
settle and become part of the town.

45

Figure 3.1
1986 Tumbler Ridge Population Pyramid

Tumbler Ridge, 1986
tn 60 to 64
■c

■ M a le s
□ F e m a le s

■c 40 to 44
o
O
o 20 to 24
CD

<

0 to 4

10

10

0

P ercent
Source: Statistics Canada

Figure 3.2
1991 Tumbler Ridge Population Pyramid

Tumbler Ridge, 1991
« 60 to 64
•g 40 to 44
O
0) 20 to 24

□ Females
■ Males

O)

<

0 to 4
10

10

P ercent
Source: Statistics Canada

46

Figure 3.3
1996 Tumbler Ridge Population Pyramid

Tumbler Ridge, 1996
« 60 to 64
■§ 40 to 44

■ Males
□ F em ales

o

flj 20 to 24
O)

^

0to4
10

10

0

P ercent
Source: Statistics Canada

In collecting information on educational attainment, Statistics Canada includes only those
residents aged fifteen years and older (Statistics Canada, 1997). Significant portions of the
Tumbler Ridge population have completed high school, and have gone on to complete some sort
of trade program (Table 3.4). These actions reflect the incentive of job security or advancement
through specialized trade skills. Training for the use of equipment or technical devices has
increased the number of individuals earning trade certificates after high school. This trend is
also seen in other resource towns in BC and Canada (Halseth and Sullivan, 2000). While the
attainment of a university degree is noticeably lower, this trend can be explained by the pattern
of resource sector jobs and by the fact that many youth leave town to pursue post secondary
education opportunities, despite the existence of distance education programs offered in town
through Northern Lights College.

47

Table 3.4
Education: Tumbler Ridge
Date

Pop 15+

<Gr.9

9-13
(No
Cert.)

9-13
(Cert.)

Trade

1986

3,045

1991

3.210

1996

2,675

135
(4.4%)
120
(3j%0
15
(4.2%)

890
(28.9%)
835
C#%)
730
0#^% )

395
(12.9%)
450
U4%)
425
(15.8%)

105
(3.5%)
200
(&2%)
150
^.6%)

Other
Trade
(No
Cert.)
895
(29.4%)
230
Cd%)
925
(12.19&)

Other
Trade
(Cert.)

Univ.
(No
Degree)

Univ.
(Degree)

200
(6.6%0
75
0#^% )
715
(26.7%)

220
(7.2%)
310
(9.6%)
185
(6.0%)

200
(6.6%)
185
(5.7%)
130
H8%)

Source: Statistics Canada

Marital status for residents aged fifteen and over is an important indicator of the emphasis towns
place on social institutions and traditions (Statistics Canada, 1997). In looking at the marital
status of Tumbler Ridge residents, it is clear that the majority are married / common law (Table
3.5). This finding confirms earlier evidence about the importance placed on recruiting young
families to a new resource town. The marital status patterns shift slightly over time as an
increasing number of residents are separated / divorced. This trend reflects that of the general
Canadian population (Halseth and Sullivan, 2000).

Table 3.5
Marital Status*: Tumbler Ridge

Date
1986
1991
1996

Single
705
23%
910
28%
820
30%

Married /
Common Law
2,250
74%
2,075
65%
1,570
58%

Separated/
Divorced**
75
2j%
200
62%
270
10%

Widowed
15
Oj%
20
0.6%
30
1.1%

Source; Statistics Canada
* Includes only residents 15 years and older
** Separated/divorced includes all that are separated but still legally married and those who are legally
divorced

48

With most residents aged fifteen years and older being married or common law, it is natural for
the dominant family structure in Tumbler Ridge to be husband / wife (Table 3.6). An
interesting trend for lone parent families is that females head only sixty percent, in comparison
to the Canadian average where females head eighty percent of lone parent families (Halseth and
Sullivan, 2000).

Table 3.6
Family Structure: Tumbler Ridge
Date
1986
1991
1996

Husband/ Wife
1,060
(95.1%)
1,135
(93%)
930
(88.5%)

Total

Lone Parents:
Total
55
#4% )
85
(7%)
120
(11.4%)

Male Head
25
(45.4%)
35
(41.1%)
50
(41.6%)

Female Head
30
^Wj%)
50
(58.8%)
70
(58.3%)

n=l,115
n= 1,220
n= 1,050

Source: Statistics Canada

Tumbler Ridge has significantly higher income levels than Provincial averages (Table 3.7). In
1996, average family incomes in Tumbler Ridge were $69,361 in comparison to $56,527 in
British Columbia. In addition, male and female full-time workers earned $50,188 and $19,269
respectively in Tumbler Ridge in 1996, in comparison to the Provincial averages of $44,784 and
$31,218 respectively. Although male workers earn considerably higher incomes for full-time
work than the BC average, full-time female workers earn considerably less.

The structure of the Tumbler Ridge labour force helps explain these income trends. While
males typically hold full-time, high paying, unionized jobs, females typically hold part-time,
often minimum wage, service sector jobs. As the literature states, there are fewer opportunities
for women to engage in full-time work in resource towns (Rose and Villemaire, 1997). In fact,
there are fewer job opportunities generically for women in resource towns. In Tumbler Ridge,

49

labour force participation in 1996 for men averaged eighty-eight percent while for women it
averaged sixty-five percent (Halseth and Sullivan, 2000).

Table 3.7
Incomes: Tumbler Ridge

Date
1986
1991
1996

Females’ Incomes
Average
Median
$12,281
$7,035
$17,858
$11,973
$19,269
$16,021

Males’ Incomes
Average
Median
$41,886
$43,508
$46,556
$49,655
$50,188
$53,944

Family Incomes
Average
Median
$55,182
$49,899
$66,394
$64,442
$69,361
$67,131

Source: Statistics Canada

In looking at the occupations of employed Tumbler Ridge residents, it is clear that the town is
dependent on a single-industry (Table 3.8). Fifty-five percent of the working population is
employed in primary industries. A secondary occupation important in Tumbler Ridge is the
accommodation / food / beverage industry, an industry that often provides shelter and services
for workers with companies such as BC Rail, oil and gas companies, or construction workers
who use Tumbler Ridge as their temporary camp while working in or adjacent to town.

50

Table 3.8
Occupation, 1996; Tumbler Ridge
Occupation Classification

Tumbler Ridge
Number
Percent

Total Labour Force

2,070

99.7

Primary Industries
Manufacturing
Construction
Transportation and Storage
Communication
Wholesale and Retail
Finance, Insurance Real
Estate
Business Service
Educational Service
Health and Social Service
Government Service
Accommodation / Food /
Beverage

1,150
30
85
15
195
45

55.5
1.4
4.1
0.7
9.4
2.2

15
45
95
105
45

0.7
2.2
4.5
5.0

245

11.8

2.2

Source: Statistics Canada

3.7

Conclusion

Tumbler Ridge, as British Columbia’s newest town, was planned to avoid a ghost town future
and to encourage flexibility in dealing with challenges and change. The social design principles
were put in place to increase resident involvement and commitment. A cornerstone for this was
to be homeownership. Since Tumbler Ridge was incorporated, it has faced economic and social
stresses. The economic stresses have disrupted employment and eliminated homeownership.
The social stresses have impacted residents’ perception of the town as safe.

The dominance of mining and the significance of the Quintette restructuring are clearly reflected
in the Census data. Early population growth reflects young families moving into town. Later
population declines reflect both job losses and youth out-migration. On March

2000, Teck

Corporation announced that the Quintette mine would close. When residents were faced with

51

this most significant stress, it is crucial to see if the social design principles created the
conditions where socially cohesive opportunities yielded social capital and thus community
capacity.

52

CHAPTER FOUR
A TOWN IN TRANSITION: THE METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES
4.1

Introduction

When using a case study approach to examine the concepts of social capital, social cohesion,
and community capacity, it is necessary to review the methods of data collection. The chosen
methods are important as they limit the potential weaknesses of the case study approach and
provide more validity to the thesis findings. The purpose of this chapter is to provide an
introduction to the methods employed and to provide details on how the different types of data
were collected and analyzed.

There are two main parts of the thesis methodology: background research design and fieldwork
research design. The background research includes a review of primary and secondary data
collected prior to the thesis project. The fieldwork research includes informal chats, focus
groups, community event calendars, and formal interviews. The multiple methods and multiple
sources of data supported triangulation.

Denzin (1989) describes four different types of triangulation: data, investigator, theory, and
methodological. For the purposes of this thesis, data triangulation was used. Data triangulation
occurs when sources are combined to “efficiently employ the same methods to maximum
theoretical advantage” (Denzin, 1989, p. 237). By investigating a variety of data to examine the
same event, investigators can discover what their concepts have in common. In addition, the
“unique features of these concepts will be discovered in their [own] context” (Denzin, 1989, p.
237). The benefit of utilizing triangulation, therefore, is that whole relationships and processes
are examined.

53

Shera and Gill (1990, p. 32) concur with the importance of using multiple methods in studies of
resource town change as they believe this approach demands that the investigator “strive for
increased validity through the pooling of observations gained from different vantage points.”
Therefore, quantitative and qualitative data were collected through a triangulation of
methodologies. Given fallible measurements, recourse must be to multiple methods (Mark and
Shotland, 1987). Triangulation presumes that multiple methods provide answers more
accurately than would have occurred with one imperfect method.

4.2

Insider / Outsider

The fieldwork component of the research design was particularly important. After deciding
what fieldwork methods to use, I spent a considerable length of time living in Tumbler Ridge.
Whyte (1981) argues that living in a research site for long periods of time yields both benefits
and drawbacks. These outcomes were related to the insider / outsider phenomenon. Being an
insider may generate intimate knowledge from the field, but it also may blind the researcher to
the unique and important occurrences of the everyday (Whyte, 1981). Being an outsider allows
for seeing the unique, as outsiders are not residents and are more able to question the taken-forgranted (Whyte, 1981; Widdowfield, 2000). The challenge of all case study approaches is to
bridge the gap between insider and outsider positions in hopes of minimizing the drawbacks of
each. My goal was to establish an insider relationship with informants to optimize the
collection of intimate knowledge, and to retain outsider status to ensure objectivity and an
appreciation of uniqueness.

54

The established relationship between myself and my key informants developed over a long
period of time. Thus, my relationship with them was not binary where I attained insider status
while living there and outsider status when I was not. Rather, our relationship had ebbs and
flows along a spectrum. My familiarity and previous experience with residents gave me access
to information, the ability to attach a greater context to issues and discussions, and to understand
the broader context within which situations occurred. As a researcher, I maintained my status as
an outsider in town and as such, I was able to move freely between groups, and to establish a
relationship of trust with my key informants through my ability to maintain confidences.

The insider / outsider relationship I established in Tumbler Ridge speaks again to the
applicability of concepts of social capital and social cohesion. Because I had a previous
relationship with Tumbler Ridge residents through opportunities to interact, trust and confidence
had become established through my ability to maintain confidentiality and anonymity. In
addition, residents felt free to engage in a reciprocal relationship whereby they provided me
with the information I needed for my informal chats, focus groups, community event calendars,
and formal interviews, and I provided them with information they needed regarding research
requests such as historical facts about Tumbler Ridge, socio-economic profiles, and the
provision of research literature.

4.3

Background Research Design

Primary and secondary data on Tumbler Ridge were collected from September 1998 to August
2000. Within this time period, issues such as the types of activities offered by voluntary
organizations, the importance of such groups for Tumbler Ridge residents, and patterns of
housing transition were researched. In addition. Statistics Canada Census data for 1986, 1991,

55

and 1996 were used to build a profile of the town. Finally, newspaper and local history searches
were used to develop a timeline. Key events over time, such as challenges and successes
experienced by Tumbler Ridge residents, were fit into this historical timeline. All of these
information sources were used to contextualize the fieldwork.

4.4

Fieldwork Research Design

4.4.1

Informal Chats

The fieldwork research design included living in Tumbler Ridge for a period of two and a half
months. This provided the opportunity to arrange formal focus groups and interviews based on
a less restricted itinerary. In addition, it provided opportunities to engage in informal chats with
local residents. Such informal chats provided context to inform and crosscheck with
information from the focus groups, the community event calendars, and the formal interviews.
It was through this use of triangulation that the way in which various events had occurred in
Tumbler Ridge, and how residents reacted to such events, was understood.

The difficulty with living in town and doing social science research at the same time is
separating the subjective from objective data (Whyte, 1981). Subjectivity in research is
important to recognize as “not only can emotions affect the research process in terms of what is
studied or not studied, by whom and in what way, but they may also influence researcher’s
interpretations and ‘readings’ of a situation” (Widdowfield, 2000, p. 199). Regardless of this
danger, Whyte (1981) emphasized the importance of living in a study site in his classic book

56

Street C om er Society. Whyte (1981, p. 293) observed that:
[l]ife in Comerville did not proceed on the basis of formal appointments. To
meet people, to get to know them, to fit into their activities, required spending
time with them - a lot of time day after day. Commuting to Comerville, you
might come in on a particular afternoon or evening only to discover that the
people you intended to see did not happen to be around at the time. Or, even if
you did see them, you might find the time passing entirely uneventfully.

Living in Tumbler Ridge was an important strategy of the research design as the benefits
outweighed the costs. Not only did living in town increase the ability to interact with people on
a daily basis, it reduced the potential to accentuate negative aspects without taking into
consideration residents’ sense of place and support networks. Knowledge of these can emerge
through talking to people and / or experiencing a place over an extended period of time
(Widdowfield, 2000).

The informal chats primarily occurred with two sets of people. The first involved people who
recently moved to Tumbler Ridge and thus could not be included in the formal interview portion
of this study. The second involved active groups that have recently been established in Tumbler
Ridge. Many of these groups were themselves undergoing significant transition, and informal
chats provided first hand knowledge of how they were adjusting in times of stress and how
informal support networks function between groups in Tumbler Ridge.

Informal chats occurred in a number of ways. Many of the conversations sparked in response to
everyday interactions. Grocery store line-ups, local events and activities, or impromptu
meetings at the bank, for example, all provided opportunities for me to engage with residents
and to ask about events that had occurred in town. Although many of the informal chats were
impromptu conversations, efforts to include a diversity of individuals, across a broad range of

57

groups, were made (Table 4.1). Often the basis for these questions stemmed from my curiosity
to understand the broader context of events that were occurring everyday. Active individuals,
regardless of their length of tenure in town, were often able to explain how different events
happened in town, who the main players were in the event, and the reaction of residents to such
events.

T able 4.1
Info rm al C hats: N u m b er C onducted T hroughout Fieldw ork
Individual vrithin G ro u p
N um ber o f Chats C onducted
Local Government
5
Miners
4
Northern Lights College
2
Youth Services
3
RCMP
1
Recreation Centre
2
Counsellors / W om en’s Group
2
Tourism Groups
1
Source: Thesis Fieldwork Notes, 2001

I also attended meetings with groups helping with the transition process (Table 4.2), groups who
were organizing local events (Table 4.3), and all meetings of the town council between April
20^ and June 30*, 2001. At these meetings, information was gathered through listening and
observing interactions. After the meeting was complete, I engaged in discussions with
participants, most of whom were involved in the group out of interest or as volunteers. These
post-meeting chats provided depth to many of the issues raised at the meetings and provided me
the opportunity to better understand discussions.

58

Table 4.2
G ro u p M eeting

N um ber o f M eetings A ttended

Local Government
10
Library Board
2
Seniors Group
2
Tourism and Transition Groups
2
Youth Groups
2
Voluntary Organizations
2
Source: Thesis Fieldwork Notes, 2001

T able 4.3
Local Events: N u m b er A ttended T hroughout Fieldw ork
G ro u p H osting E vent
N um ber of Events A ttended
Local Government
4
Recreation Centre
3
Community W ide Events
3
Ministerial Association
3
Outside Groups
2
Voluntary Organizations
2
Schools (Youth)
2
Women
1
Source: Thesis Fieldwork Notes, 2001

While the informal chats did not undergo formal analysis, they did prove useful to
understanding how people have engaged in activities that build and maintain social capital and
social cohesion. The main purpose of the informal chats was to provide a broader context
within which the information gathered in the focus groups, community event calendars, and
formal interviews could be understood.

4.4.2

Focus Groups

Focus groups provided an opportunity for me to obtain qualitative data from small groups.
There are several advantages to employing a focus group technique. First, focus groups yield a
rich body of data expressed in the participant’s own words (Steward and Shamdasani, 1998).
Second, focus groups encourage individuals within the groups to uncover new and creative
ideas and concepts (Krueger, 1994). In addition, focus groups provide participants with the

59

opportunity to build on the responses of other group members (Steward and Shamdasani, 1998).

The primary goal of the focus groups was to gain a better understanding of events that active
individuals in Tumbler Ridge defined as challenges. Second, the focus groups identified how
different groups felt they reacted to these challenges. Third, the focus groups identified key
individuals who had been active in building and maintaining social capital and interacting in
socially cohesive groups and activities in town over time. The purpose of the focus groups was
to inform the interview script and to build a list of individuals appropriate for formal interviews.
(See focus group script in Appendix I for more detail)

Attention to focus group dynamics meant that groups were arranged according to age, gender,
and general compatibility. The number of participants in each group remained small (4-7
people) to ensure everyone had the opportunity to share insights yet was large enough to provide
some diversity of perceptions (Krueger, 1994). Groups of youth, women, seniors, coal miners
still living in town, and members of economic diversification groups were coordinated. These
five focus groups were decided on for a variety of reasons. Youth and women have long been
identified in resource towns as groups with critical needs (National Film Board, 1979; Rose and
Villemaire, 1997). Seniors were somewhat of a unique addition to the thesis research for two
main reasons. Although the seniors’ group in town was established after the Quintette mine
closure announcement, it was made up of long-term residents, thus providing a perspective on
the history of Tumbler Ridge. As well, seniors were no longer directly involved in mining and
looked to Tumbler Ridge as a suitable retirement town. Coal miners were included because
they were once the dominant group in town. Finally, individuals active in economic
diversification were invited as they were active in recent transition planning.

60

All participants in the five focus groups were recruited using a key informant. The key
informant was chosen using a combination of background and fieldwork methods. Because I
knew my key informant contacts beforehand, I was able to use their recommendations for
individuals who met three specific criteria; had lived in town for a considerable length of time,
were active in organizations, and were interested in sharing their experiences of living in
Tumbler Ridge. Once these names were collected, I contacted potential participants by phone
or in person to explain the purpose of the exercise and to arrange an appropriate time to meet.
The only case where this method differed was in the case of the seniors’ group. The key
informant for this group insisted on doing all of the recruiting and contacting of participants
herself; I only had to arrange an appropriate time to meet.

Once each participant had agreed to be involved in the focus group, and a suitable time to meet
was set, an invitation was sent out with the time, date, and location of the pre-arranged focus
group meeting. Caution was exercised throughout the recruitment process to ensure the
confidentiality of the individual’s participation in the focus group. This was done by ensuring
that participants were contacted at their homes, or in a private area.

All five focus groups were conducted in a room at the Tumbler Ridge Secondary School. This
location was chosen for a variety of reasons. First, the school is located in the centre of town,
thereby maximizing accessibility. Second, it was a neutral location for most participants as they
had never been in the high school and appreciated the opportunity to have a look inside. In
addition, it was a familiar location for youth participants whose level of comfort was most easily
compromised. The room used was sound proof with no traffic traveling in and out. This helped

61

participants feel comfortable about expressing their views and sharing their stories. The lack of
background noise proved optimal for audiotaping. This location was also readily available at all
times of the day or night, weekdays, and weekends, which greatly facilitated the coordination of
the focus group meetings. Classes did not use the focus group room and this allowed me to
leave the equipment set up between meetings. Only confidential materials were removed from
the room after each focus group was complete. Finally, the Principal and Vice-Principal of the
school provided the location free of charge.

4.4.3

Focus groups, social capital, and social cohesion

The ways in which each focus group reacted provided working examples of social capital and
social cohesion. As the women’s group had experience talking together and interacting (social
cohesion), a level of trust and confidence (social capital) was already established thereby
increasing the overall success of this focus group. In contrast, the group of youth had yet to
form bonding relationships, and had not built up patterns of interactions within which trust
could be built. Therefore, the youth focus group was disjointed due to a lack of social capital
and social cohesion.

4.4.3. a.

Youth

There were six participants in the youth focus group: four females and two males. All
participants were either in grade eleven or twelve, and were between the ages of sixteen and
eighteen. The youth focus group lasted approximately one hour and thirty minutes. The group
decided they needed a ‘smoke break’ halfway through the session, so the total time included a
fifteen minute break.

62

The youth participants were recruited through the high school Principal. Based on his
recommendations, six participants were contacted. All six were enthusiastic about participating,
particularly after being identified by the Principal as being outstanding students, either
scholastically or in terms of leadership.

The youth focus group raised some excellent issues in response to the set questions; however,
the drawbacks to including youth in an historical study are two-fold. First, events that occurred
early in Tumbler Ridge’s history were difficult for them to recall, even though they all lived in
town during the time of the events. Second, there was something of a general lack of trust from
the participants towards me as I was seen as an authority figure, as someone who could cause
trouble if confidences were betrayed. Because a trust had not been previously established with
the youth participants, there was noticeable hesitation in answering some questions. Despite
these drawbacks, some interesting comments were shared during the ‘smoke break’ when the
audiotape was turned off and the discussion was much more informal. As the focus group
progressed, the participants seemed to gain confidence in their responses, and spoke with much
more candor.

4.4.3.b

Women

The focus group of women included seven participants. Because all of the women had
previously been involved with another women’s organization in Tumbler Ridge, they were
comfortable sharing with each other and very familiar with the sort of issues raised in the focus
group. Therefore, the dynamic of this group was the best relative to the other focus groups
conducted.

All of the women in the focus group were wives of husbands who worked in one of the two

63

mines. They had moved to town with their husbands, following employment opportunities.
This factor became important as the women had very interesting perspectives on how local
residents reacted in times of social and economic stress. Many of the women had lived in
mining towns that had closed or downscaled, and drew from these perspectives when comparing
Tumbler Ridge with other places.

All of the women participants were employed. The majority of them had already finished
raising their children and were concentrating again on their own career. In addition, the women
commented that in order to be gainfully employed in a resource town, one must have
connections and friends who would hire you. All of these women had lived in Tumbler Ridge
for a long time and, as such, had connections. The women credited their long time in town, as
opposed to their skills or abilities, as the foundation for their jobs.

A distinct advantage to the participants being comfortable with each other is that their
interaction became much more ‘natural’. I observed this natural interaction as the group often
forgot that I was in the room and that they were answering specific questions. Questions that I
was going to ask came up naturally in the flow of the conversation, instead of being formally
posed. In addition to the flow of the conversation, the women spoke candidly about their
experiences and feelings throughout their tenure in town. I felt the women were being very
honest and it was evident that they were not trying to ‘paint a rosy picture’ of the town, or to
make things sound better or worse than they were. Although most of the issues raised fit within
the time period where all women could provide their perspective, it seemed that the women who
had lived in town from the very beginning dominated the conversation.

64

Despite my emphasis on confidentiality, several women from the focus group said later that they
continued the discussion after the focus group evening. Many commented on how much they
appreciated the opportunity to ‘take a walk down memory lane’ and get together with their
friends.

4.4.3.c

Seniors

The seniors’ focus group consisted of four participants. Initially, I planned to have six members
involved. However, two participants did not show up at the last minute. In addition to the
difficulty of having such a small number of participants, there were three females and one male
in the group and the one male tended to be hesitant to share his thoughts. I had to encourage his
participation regularly to ensure his perspective was included in the discussion.

Despite the small numbers, the seniors’ focus group provided a considerable amount of
information. As a participant arranged the focus group, the chemistry was good and the
participants interacted well together, each respecting one another while responses were being
given.

4.4.3.d

Coal Miners

The coal miners’ focus group had five participants: four males and one female. The gender
disparity did not seem to cause a problem in this group. The participants included employees of
both Bullmoose and Quintette mines and it was interesting to see the differences and similarities
in perspectives of workers from the different mines. In addition, four participants had lived in
Tumbler Ridge since the 1980s whereas one participant had only lived in town since the mid1990s. Four of the participants had never worked in any other industry and were very familiar
with the ebbs and flows of a mining town. The coal m iners’ focus group discussion strongly

65

reflected the impact of the Quintette mine closure. Although the participants were asked several
times to try and restrict their answers to events occurring in town before the mine closure
announcement, their responses to most questions included some commentary on the impacts that
had occurred since the announcement.

4.4.3.e

Economic Diversification Group

The economic diversification group had six participants: three men and three women. Despite
the fact that this group met regularly, and worked together on projects and activities within the
town, variation in the length of time individuals lived in town had an impact on the group’s
ability to answer questions. Two participants had lived in Tumbler Ridge since the early 1980s,
making their perspective more informed in terms of early events. The other participants, who
did not move to Tumbler Ridge until the late 1990s, had a shorter time span on which to base
their perceptions of the town.

Interestingly, only one out of the six participants was directly linked to the mining industry. As
a result of this lack of direct connection, participants did not express the impacts associated with
stressful events in mining as strongly as other groups. Although it was acknowledged that when
living in a mining town everyone is impacted by a m ine’s vulnerability and viability, the
impacts were not identified by this focus groups to be as stressful. Also, as four of the six
participants had lived in town for less than five years, their responses were rather different from
those in the group who had lived in town much longer. As a result, the long-term residents
often sat quietly despite encouragement to share their thoughts.

66

4.4.4

Focus Groups Concluded

In return for their participation, all focus group members were provided with three tokens of
appreciation: individual focus group summaries, collective focus group summaries, and small
gifts. The summaries also provided me with an opportunity to gain feedback on the accuracy of
recorded focus group responses and themes. (See Appendix II for more detail on feedback tools
and thank-you gifts)

4.4.5

Community Event Calendars

The Tumbler Ridge Recreation Centre was, and still is, responsible for gathering and publishing
information related to seasonal activities and special events. This is done through community
event calendars. The calendars are paid for by the District, published by the Recreation Centre,
and distributed free of charge to every household in town by local newspaper carriers (pers.
comm., 2001). This is one example of partnering that exists in Tumbler Ridge. Groups in town
are told about the printing of the calendar two months ahead of time. The opportunity to
advertise activities and events is provided to groups to assist them with marketing, and to help
residents plan for events occurring in town.

One method for evaluating whether opportunities existed for Tumbler Ridge residents to interact
and participate was to analyze the community event calendar information. All available copies
of the community event calendars from 1984 - 2000 were collected, and the information
contained within each was categorized by doing numerical counts of seasonal activities and
special events. Because opportunities to interact must be measured in order to evaluate social
cohesion, the data contained within the community event calendars are particularly important
for this thesis.

67

One problem with the community event calendars as a data source is that they “depend on the
organization of the groups, and particularly the strength of the groups’ leaders in order to make
a submission before the deadline” (pers. comm., 2001). Some organizations could host
programs and events year after year in town, but not submit anything for publication in the
calendars. Such regular activities or events would not be reflected in the community event
calendars. Another problem is that the calendars do not identify which activities and events
were successful and which ones failed. For example, sometimes groups plan to host an activity
or event and advertise it as such, yet due to lack of interest it is cancelled. Despite these
weaknesses, “the community event calendars do a good job of communicating what has been
[generally] happening in Tumbler Ridge over time” (pers. comm., 2001).

In analyzing the community event calendars, listings are categorized in two ways: seasonal
activities and special events. Seasonal activities are those offered most often between the
months of September to June (corresponding with the public school system schedule). These
activities usually involve weekly meetings. Examples range from Brownies or Cubs for
children, dance classes or tae kwon do for youth, knitting clubs for women, co-ed volleyball
leagues for adults, to public swimming.

Special events are typically larger events that require more planning and occur less often.
Examples of special events range from a Halloween costume parade for children, a Christmas
formal dance for youth, a special film documentary evening for women, adult bingo, to grand
openings for new infrastructure for the town as a whole. The main difference between seasonal
activities and special events is the mobilization of resources required to make the activity or

68

event run. Whereas seasonal activities are often organized by one group utilizing whatever
funds they have in their own budget, special events are often organized by more than one
organization, and have a core coordinating committee.

4.4.6

Formal Interviews

The fourth fieldwork technique was formal interviews. The interviews consisted of both openand closed-ended questions. The open-ended questions asked respondents to provide their own
answer to the question, providing an opportunity for them to elaborate as they wished (Babbie,
1979). The open-ended questions resulted in qualitative responses. The closed-ended questions
asked interviewees to select an answer from a list provided. This allowed for uniformity of
responses and facilitated processing (Babbie, 1979). The closed-ended questions were coded as
per a scheme developed prior to the interviews, and were entered into a Statistical Program for
Social Sciences (SPSS) database.

Two main sampling frameworks were used for the interviews. First, key informants were
targeted directly through background research that identified individuals active in key
institutions such as local government, religious organizations, recreational services, unions,
service clubs, local businesses, education, and protective services (Table 4.4). A snowball
technique then used recommendations from people within the town through informal chats,
focus groups, or formal interviews to sample those actively involved in local groups (Yegidis et

oA, 1999).

The goal of the formal interviews was to “learn how key informants view their [town] and to
understand the particular meaning they attach to events occurring there” (Nettekoven and

69

Sundberg, 1985, p. 27). The interviews collected information on social capital and social
cohesion in Tumbler Ridge, and the actions residents took that demonstrated their community
capacity to respond to challenges and change.

Table 4.4
Formal Interviews Conducted by Sector
Sector
Total Number Individuals Interviewed from each Sector
Local Government
Religious Organization
Recreational Services
Unions
Service Clubs
Local Businesses
Education
Protective Services

5
3
3
2
8
3
3
3

Total

30

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

Of the thirty interviews conducted, most interviewees were involved in many activities within
the town. Either through their work, general interests, or both, many interviewees were active
with multiple groups (Table 4.5).

Table 4.5
Formal Interviews Conducted by Sector Including Overlap____________________________________
Sector________________Number of Individuals Interviewed From Each Sector Including Overlap
Local Government
7
Religious Organization 5
Recreational Services
4
Unions
2
Service Clubs
13
Local Businesses
6
Education
7
Protective Services______ 6______________________________________________________________________
Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

The interview script was separated into five main sections (Appendix III). Section one asked
general questions on the history and experience interviewees had living in Tumbler Ridge,
including their reasons for moving to town, satisfaction with economic and social change over

70

time, quality of life, and feelings of attachment. The purpose of Section Two was to gain a
better understanding of how organizations in Tumbler Ridge have worked together. This
information was directly linked to the research question: “have there been opportunities for
Tumbler Ridge residents to work together cohesively?” The third section included questions on
how organizations worked together and how past relationships impacted decisions to work with
them again in the future. These questions are central to residents engaging in activities that
could build social capital, and set out to answer the research question: “did residents of Tumbler
Ridge have social capital?” In the fourth section, interviewees were asked to define stressful
events that had occurred in Tumbler Ridge, and how their particular group reacted to these
stressful events. Responses to this section helped to evaluate the research question: “have
Tumbler Ridge residents demonstrated community capacity in response to stressful events over
time?” The last section of the interview probed personal questions such as age, marital status,
education, and income.

Thirty interviews were conducted in Tumbler Ridge, seventeen with males and thirteen with
females (Table 4.6). Most of the interviewees were between the ages of twenty-five and sixtyfour.

Table 4.6
Sex and Age of Interviewees

Sex
Male
Female
Total

Age of
Interviewee
19-24
1
0
1

25-34
3
3
6

35-44
5
2
7

45-54
4
4
8

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

71

55-64
3
3
6

65+
1
1
2

Total
17
13
30

Most of the interviewees were married (Table 4.7) and had children (Table 4.8). These
characteristics follow the general resource town literature that documents the recruitment of
young families with children (Lucas, 1971; Bradbury, 1989). As the majority of interviewees
had lived in Tumbler Ridge for considerable periods of time, and because the majority had
moved to town for employment at the Quintette or Bullmoose mines, it is not surprising that
they have characteristics similar to that described in the literature.

Table 4.7
Marital Status of Interviewees
Marital Status :
Sex
Male
Female
Total

Married
15
11

Separated /
Divorced

26

Widowed
1

1
1

1

Other
1
1

Totai
16
13
29

Source; Thesis Interviews, 2001

Table 4.8
Interviewees: Do you have children?

Age
19-24
25-34
35-44
45-54
55-64
65+
Total

Do you have children?
Yes
1
4
7
8
6
2
28

No
2

2

Total
1
6
7
8
6
2
30

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

The thirty interviewees also had high levels of education (Table 4.9). This is a particularly
interesting characteristic in a resource town where employment opportunities traditionally did
not require formal education or training. However, the high level of education corresponds with
social capital literature which states that educated individuals know the benefits to becoming

72

involved in local events and activities and the importance of volunteerism (Putnam, 2000). As
the interview targeted individuals who were particularly active in Tumbler Ridge groups, the
high level of education is understandable.

One divergence from the literature, however, is that in Tumbler Ridge males on average were
better educated than the females. Traditionally, women in resource towns have higher levels of
formal education because men feel they do not need to continue their schooling after they
become employed with the resource company. Again, the general relationship between
education and participation likely affects this as well.

Table 4.9
Education Level of Interviewees
Educatio n
Complete d:

Sex
Male
Female

Total

Grade
8
1

Grades
9-12

1

5

3
2

Post secondary
(non university)
1

Some
University

4

3
3

5

6

University
Undergrad
Degree
6

University
Graduate
Degree

3

1
4

9

3

Total
17
13
30

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

Despite the fact that the majority of male interviewees were not employed in mining, male
interviewees held full-time employment (Table 4.10). While the female interviewees held fewer
full-time jobs than did the male interviewees, it is interesting to note that all the female
interviewees were also employed. This differs from the literature that states that it is difficult
for females in resource towns to find paid employment (Rose and Villemaire, 1997; Hayter,

2000).

73

Table 4.10
Employment Status of Interviewees

Sex

Employment Status.'
Full-time

Part-time

Seasonally

Retired

Male
Female

15
7

3

1
2

1
1

Total

22

3

3

2

Total
17
13
30

Source; Thesis Interviews, 2001

After the formal interview data were collected, they were organized into two different
databases: text files and SPSS files. The text files contained all of the qualitative data
and were arranged by question to show any differences or similarities in individual
responses. The text file database was analyzed using content analysis. Content analysis,
which focuses on social communications, words, paragraphs, and themes contained
within qualitative data, may be applied to virtually any form of communication (Babbie,
1979). By using content analysis, themes emerging within the interviews were identified
and extrapolated. In addition, content analysis allowed me to count the frequencies of
responses to certain questions. Such numerical counts were useful in identifying which
events in Tumbler Ridge stood out to interviewees as most significant. The drawback to
this type of approach is that the subjectivity of the researcher may pose validity and
reliability problems (Babbie, 1979). To reduce problems associated with subjectivity,
quantitative data were also collected and analyzed.

The SPSS database contained all data from closed-ended answers provided in the
interviews. Through the use of summary tables and figures, the validity of qualitative
data would be improved, in addition to providing support for the subjective conclusions

74

from the text files. All of these techniques were used to increase the validity of the
interpretations.

4.5

Conclusion

The methodological techniques of both background and fieldwork research facilitated data
collection on attributes of social capital, social cohesion, and community capacity. How social
capital and social cohesion played out among individuals and groups was demonstrated in the
focus groups. Whereas some groups had built up social capital through socially cohesive
opportunities in the past, other groups struggled due to the lack of social capital.

Triangulation was an important aspect of the background and fieldwork research. Throughout
each stage of the informal chats, focus groups, community event calendars, and formal
interviews, data collected were compared to material already compiled for Tumbler Ridge over
time. Informal chats provided an opportunity for increased context to be connected with all data
collected. The two main purposes for the focus groups were to inform the interview script by
identifying stressful events, and to identify key informants for the formal interviews. The data
collected from the community event calendars and the formal interviews provided a direct
opportunity to gather information related to the research questions. Data from the community
event calendars provided a rich source of information about the existence and regularity of
seasonal activities and special events. This information was useful to assess whether residents
had opportunities to engage in social cohesion. Formal interviews provided both qualitative and
quantitative data to answer all three research questions of this thesis. These data were crucial to
understanding the role of social capital and social cohesion in community capacity.

75

CHAPTER FIVE
EXPLORATION OF THE THREE C ’S: AN ANALYSIS OF TUMBLER RIDGE
5.1

Introduction

This thesis is interested in how residents mobilize to respond to social and economic crisis and
transition. Concepts of social capital and social cohesion are employed to examine the ways in
which residents organize to deal with an array of challenges. If residents develop and maintain
social capital and engage in socially cohesive activities and events, it is argued they may have
increased community capacity to deal with local stress. The purpose of this chapter is to
analyze the research findings. Evidence on whether Tumbler Ridge residents have built up and
maintained social capital, and have had opportunities to engage in social cohesion, will be
examined. To understand the fieldwork findings, a profile of interviewee experience in Tumbler
Ridge will also be given. This profile will introduce context from which many of the
conclusions on social capital and social cohesion were drawn. The findings highlight the
importance of the voluntary sector in resource towns. An analysis of the community event
calendars will be reviewed to supplement the findings on social cohesion. Finally, results to
questions on community capacity in Tumbler Ridge will be profiled. Such results are important
in both the identification of what residents deem to be stressful events that have occurred in
town over time, and the reactions they had to those stressful events.

5.2

Interviewee Experience in Tumbler Ridge

Before a discussion of social capital, social cohesion, and community capacity can take place;
an understanding of interviewee experience in Tumbler Ridge must be detailed. The thirty
interviewees were chosen specifically because of their involvement with local groups and
organizations, and because of the length of time they had lived in town. The interviewees,

76

therefore, had several characteristics that stood them apart from the general population. First,
seventy-seven percent of interviewees moved to Tumbler Ridge before 1989 (Table 5.1). Most
of the economic stresses began after the Quintette mine restructuring in 1991. Thus, the
majority of interviewees experienced life in Tumbler Ridge before the mine restructuring began
and they continued to reside in town despite its many effects. Due to the timing boundaries 1 set
on the research, (from initial town planning in 1978 to the closure of the Quintette mine in
2000), all interviewees were identified as long-term residents. Despite the fact that some
interviewees had only lived in town for three or four years, they had all experienced social and
economic stress, thereby giving them a perspective on social capital and social cohesion.

Table 5.1
Year Moved
1982
1983
1984
1985
1987
1988
1989

Number of
Interviewees
1
6
4
3
3
3
3

1991
2
1992
1
1994
1
1996
2
1997
1
Source; Thesis Interviews, 2001

Percent of Total
3.3
20.0
13.3
10.0
10.0
10.0
10.0
6.6
3.3
3.3
6.6
3.3

Second, when interviewees were asked if they had ever lived in a small town or rural place prior
to moving to Tumbler Ridge, most responded that they had (Table 5.2). Since interviewees had
experience living in such towns, their expectations upon arriving in Tumbler Ridge were more
easily matched to the realities associated with living in this small town setting.

77

Table 5.2
Interviewees: Have you ever lived in a small town or rural place?
Sex of Interviewee
Lived in a small town? Total
Yes
No
Male
16
1
17
Female
12
1
13
Total

28

2

30

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

Fitchen (1991, p. 107) explains the difference in perceptions between ‘city folk’ and ‘farmers’
in her study of rural America. She describes such differences by explaining that:
[m]ost rural residents are quite accustomed to dirt roads and dark nights. But,
they say, when people from the city move to the country, the first thing they want
is to have the hill roads paved and the next thing is to have streetlights. ...
... [A]lso at issue here is a set of different perceptions and expectations about
services and amenities appropriate for rural areas.
Not only did interviewees have experience living in small towns, they also had a diversity of
experiences living in various places, including other mining towns across Canada (Table 5.3).
This experience in mining towns helped them understand the cyclical patterns of mining and,
therefore, they were not caught off guard when instability associated with the global market
occurred. Where interviewees came from also reflects the initial hiring practices of the mining
companies. A first preference for workers was given to regional residents and “groups of
workers [who] moved from mines that [were] downsizing or closing, and management and
technical staff [were] often transferred from other company operations” (Gill, 1990c, p. 195).
Not only did many interviewees have experience living in small towns, including mining towns,
some also had experience working for the mining companies themselves, thereby facilitating the
adjustment period for residents to a new workplace. Interviewees’ experience with downsizing
and town closure was also important, but is discussed more appropriately in the section dealing
with levels of satisfaction with Tumbler Ridge as a place to live (Table 5.5).

78

Table 5.3
Type of town

Number of
Interviewees

Percent of Total

Mining Towns
Multiple Towns
BC Towns
Alberta Towns
Ontario Towns

II
8
7
3
1

10.0
3.3

Total

30

100

366
2&6
213

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

When asked why they moved to Tumbler Ridge, most interviewees cited one reason: the work
(Table 5.4). This most commonly listed reason was somewhat expected as Halseth’s (1999)
article “We Came for the Work” highlights the longstanding role of in-migration to resource
towns for new economic opportunities.

Although the most commonly listed reason for relocating to Tumbler Ridge was for
employment, interviewees identified additional reasons for being attracted to the town. Reasons
such as small town lifestyle, outdoor recreation opportunities, and a good place to raise children
were listed. As Fitchen reflects (1991, p. 67) “small communities in rural areas now realize that
lovely scenery, good deer hunting, good schools, and a low crime rate.. . [make such
environments] nice place[s] to live.” These benefits have long been associated with small towns
and rural places, yet were not associated with single-industry, resource-based towns and
highlights the emphasis by town planners via the social design principles for residents to move
to town for reasons other than economic.

79

Table 5.4
Interviewees; Main Reasons for Moving to Tumbler Ridge

Sex of
Interviewees
Male
Female
Total

Reasons for Mo vlng:
Employment
Business
Investment
10
2
10
0
20
2

Small
Town Life
0
1
1

Outdoor
Recreation
2
0
2

Good for
Kids
3
2
5

Total
17
13
30

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

Interviewees were asked how they felt about certain attributes of the town after they first moved
there and became settled. Interviewees were generally satisfied with Tumbler Ridge as a place
to live (Table 5.5). This was due to their previous experience living in small towns, in addition
to their experience living in mining towns. Levels of Tumbler Ridge resident satisfaction are
linked with the social design principles. Goals of attractiveness in town design and involvement
of residents in town planning were associated with the social design principles of commitment,
self-reliance, and participation (Gill, 1990c). In addition to linkages with the social design
principles, levels of satisfaction are important when conducting a study on social capital, social
cohesion, and community capacity. The higher levels of satisfaction residents have with their
town and its attributes, the more likely residents will engage in socially cohesive activities and
events that may build social capital and thus community capacity.

Eighty-three percent of interviewees after first moving into town felt that Tumbler Ridge was
very attractive (Table 5.5a). Residents liked the brand new, planned physical infrastructure and
the fact that the town was surrounded by natural wilderness. Interviewees who identified
Tumbler Ridge as unattractive, had first moved to town when it was still a construction camp
with little infrastructure. This first stage of development is typical of resource towns in their
construction phase and is described by Lucas (1971) as transient and temporary.

80

Interviewees had mixed feelings with respect to the sense of impermanence or permanence in
Tumbler Ridge after they had moved into town (Table 5.5b). Economic uncertainties in the
mining industry caused these mixed feelings. Because the world price of coal dropped
significantly after the initial contracts were signed, pressure to reduce the original contract
prices began almost immediately after production started. The news media attacked this
vulnerability, and a number of ‘black cloud’ news segments were aired provincially and
nationally. As a result, “ [t]here [were] frequent rumours that a reduction in the price paid for
the coal would lead to the closure of the mines and consequently the town” (Gill, 1990a, p. 356).
Despite the level of uncertainty in regards to whether Tumbler Ridge evoked a sense of
impermanence or permanence, interviewees continued to reside in town. This shows that
interviewee experience with downsizing and town closure assisted with their ability to continue
working locally as opposed to leaving town as a result of threats to the economic viability of the
mines and the town. Although the questions were raised by negative media messages about the
stability of the mines and the town, interviewee experience helped them remain in town as
residents.

Although thirty percent of interviewees gave a ‘neutral’ response when asked whether they felt
that Tumbler Ridge was boring or exciting after they had first moved to town, approximately
fifty-seven percent felt the town was either exciting or very exciting (Table 5.5c). The neutral
responses may reflect the fact that there were few formal groups or activities to partake in, and
there were few amenities to entertain residents, when they were not at work. Just as the social
design principles had anticipated, many residents embraced the ‘frontier mentality’ and ‘made
their own fun’ (pers. comm., 2001). In addition “while planners generally assume[d] that all

81

new residents ha[d] no social linkages when they first arrive[d]...the majority of residents ha[d]
some connection...mo[st] commonly as the result of having worked with other residents
elsewhere” (Gill, 1990b, p. 105). This common experience provided a ready foundation to
socialize and interact.

These sentiments are very much reflected in the discussion with interviewees of whether
Tumbler Ridge was dull or cheerful when they first moved into town (Table 5.5d). Seventy-six
percent of interviewees felt that Tumbler Ridge was a cheerful place to live while only ten
percent felt it was dull. Similarly, eighty-six percent felt that there were very good opportunities
to engage in social interaction (Table 5.5e). These sentiments are linked with the organized
seasonal activities and special events offered in town from very early on (Figures 5.8 and 5.10).
Finally, eighty-six percent of interviewees felt that the town was distinctive (Table 5.5f). They
had these feelings primarily because of the attention to detail planners put into the initial stages
of Tumbler Ridge’s construction.

82

Table 5.5
When you moved and became settled, what were your reactions to Tumbler Ridge?
a.) Unattractive /
attractive?

V.
Unattractive

Unattractive

I

b.) Impermanent
/ permanent?

V.
Impermanent
7
V. Boring

0
Impermanent

1
V. Dull

Dull

c.) Boring /
exciting?
d.) Dull /
cheerful?
e.) Poor
interaction /
good
interaction?

0
V. Poor
Interaction

I

f.) Ordinary /
distinctive?

V. Ordinary
I

Neutral

Attractive

V. Attractive

2
Neutral

2
Permanent

25
V. Permanent

4
Boring

6
Neutral

8
Exciting

4
V. Exciting

3

9
Neutral

7
Cheerful

10
V. Cheerful

3

4
Neutral

7
Good
Interaction

16
Very Good
Interaction

I

9
Distinctive

17
V. Distinctive

Poor
Interaction

2
Ordinary

Neutral

0

3

8

18

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

Associated with the initial impressions interviewees had of Tumbler Ridge, they were asked
about their overall quality of life in town in comparison to other towns in which they had lived
(Table 5.6). Seventy-six percent of interviewees felt their personal quality of life was better in
Tumbler Ridge, while sixteen percent felt their quality of life was not much different from
previous towns. Of the interviewees who felt the quality of life in Tumbler Ridge was not much
different from their previous residence, they came from other mining towns and had experience
coping with fluctuations in world markets and the resulting boom / bust cycles typical of mining
towns.

83

Table 5.6
Response

Percent of Total

Number of
Interviewees

Much Better
Better
Not Much Different
Worse
D on’t know

9
14
5
1
1

30.0
46.6
16.6
3.3
3.3

Total

30

100

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

Housing is an important aspect of social capital, social cohesion, and community capacity. This
is because investment in places through home purchase has an impact upon people’s perceptions
and outlook for the future (Halseth and Sullivan, 2000) and affects their social involvement
(Taggart, 1993). Town planners recognized the importance of homeownership and it was
integrated throughout the social design principles. In looking at the housing tenure of
interviewees, eighty-three percent were homeowners (Table 5.7). They had made a financial
commitment to Tumbler Ridge.

Table 5.7

Sex

Housing Tenure:
Rent

Own

Male
Female

3
2

14
11

Total

5

25

Total
17

13
30

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

When looking at how long these interviewees had owned their home in Tumbler Ridge, it is
clear that most purchased recently (Table 5.8). A two-fold explanation can be drawn from the
fact that fifty-six percent of interviewees did not purchase a home in Tumbler Ridge until the
year the mine closure was announced (2000-2001). First, the buyback of housing in the early

84

1990s limited opportunities for homeownership (Halseth and Sullivan, 2000). Second, 1998
marked a very important point for housing tenure in Tumbler Ridge as forty-eight Bullmoose
homes were put up for sale in the private market for one third of their original book value
(approximately $25,000 to $30,000 per home). The success of this first housing sale revealed
that many residents were interested in purchasing homes. Using the low prices set by the
Bullmoose mine as precedent, a larger housing sale developed. Therefore, although at first
glance it might appear that interviewees were not interested in purchasing their homes before
the mine closure announcement, in reality, the closed housing market prevented them from
doing so.

Table 5.8
When Interviewees / Housing Owners Purchased Their Home
When did you
purchase your
home?
1980s
3

1990-1995
3

1996-1999
5

2000-2001
14

Total
25

Source; Thesis Interviews, 2001

Homeownership is often linked to feelings of attachment by residents. Female interviewees had
stronger feelings of attachment than did their male eounterparts (Table 5.9). All female
interviewees stated that their feelings of attachment to Tumbler Ridge were strong or very
strong. In contrast, seventy-six percent of male interviewees felt their attachment to Tumbler
Ridge was strong or very strong.

85

Table 5.9
Interviewee’s Feelings of Attachment to Tumbler Ridge

Sex
Male
Female
Total

Feelings of
Attachment:
Very Strong
8
11
19

Strong
5
2
7

Average
2
0
2

Weak
2
0
2

Total
17
13
30

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

Interviewees had many explanations as to why they felt either strong or weak attachment to
Tumbler Ridge. There were three main descriptors for strong feelings. The first was ‘time’,
with interviewees describing instances of their kids growing up in town, their bonds with other
members of the town, being involved with groups in town, and going through challenges and
being successful. Second, interviewees stated that quality of life in Tumbler Ridge was a big
factor in assessing their sense of attachment. This included a vision of their environment as a
safe and beautiful place to live. Third, interviewees identified Tumbler Ridge as their ‘home’.
Baxter (1991, p. 9) describes ‘home’ as being “associated with personal identity, family,
relationships, a role in the [town], privacy, security, and the possession of personal property.”
Respondent’s choice of the word ‘home’ as a reason for their strong feelings of attachment
encompasses much more than simply having a house address within which to live. Each of
these themes is reflected in the following quotes from interviewees. (Numbers are used to
protect the identity of interviewees)

1 have only been here a short period of time but have seen and been part of
significant changes in the community since 1 arrived. This involvement gives
you a sense of accomplishment and makes you feel much more attached (11).

86

I know I feel attached because I remember how I felt when I heard that the mine
was closing for the first time. I felt like my world was gone. I felt like my
family was going to be gone, my home would be gone, my identity would be
gone, because my community would be gone. I knew if I moved on I could get
re-established, but still I felt like I was losing everything. I was worried that my
children would have no roots (10).
I feel safe here. I love the scenery, the mountains, and the clean air. I am
attached to the people, I have seen the town grow and prosper. It is pretty, I like
it here. There is so much community pride, it feels wonderful to beat the odds
from being a mining town to becoming just a town. Nice to be able to feel secure
that Tumbler Ridge will never close (17).
Tumbler Ridge is home (26) (27) (28).
“I have been here for eighteen years. Time has a big thing to do with
commitment. I have been here since the start of the town, and have seen it grow
from nothing to what it is today” (30).

In contrast, interviewees with average to weak feelings of attachment to Tumbler Ridge
generally felt a lack of loyalty to the town. These interviewees felt that there was nothing tying
them to the town for the long term. It is evident from the following quotes from interviewees
that much like the literature on social capital suggests, issues of thresholds and burnout are
threats to the building up and maintenance of social capital. Key leaders who had been active in
Tumbler Ridge in the past, were affected by thresholds and burnout, and as such, were
emulating weaker feelings of attachment to the town.

“I don’t plan on staying, have never planned on staying. Tumbler Ridge is a
gorgeous town, with a stress free environment, but have always planned on
retiring elsewhere” (12).
“Average feelings because if another opportunity came up I would take it. If
another job came up that would advance my career, then I would leave
immediately” (3).
“Everything you try to do like organizing soccer, business, ball teams is a
struggle. No commitment left anymore because the volunteer base is burnt out”
(8).

87

Regardless of the levels of attachment described by interviewees, all were very active in both
informal and formal groups in Tumbler Ridge. There was no distinct difference between the
number of groups in which male and female interviewees were involved (Table 5.10). This
finding differs from the literature that states it is women who are the linchpin of local life in
rural places (Valentine, 2001). Their work underpins many of the village activities that are said
to epitomize interest-based community such as “fêtes, the church, the parish council, mother and
toddler groups, [and] volunteer work ...” (Valentine, 2001, p. 251). The fact that all of the
interviewees are involved in a significant number of groups does not necessarily mean that there
is equal participation by all males and females in groups in Tumbler Ridge. Rather, it
demonstrates that the interviewees fit the criteria by which they were recruited to this study; as
active and involved, long time residents, and leaders of organizations.

Table 5.10
Interviewees: Number of Groups Involved With
Groups Involved
With:
Sex
Male
Female

<5

6-10

11-20

21+

4
1

9
6

4
5

0
1

Total

5

15

9

I

Total
17
13
30

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

O f the thirty interviewees, the majority felt that their involvement with groups in Tumbler Ridge
was voluntary and had nothing to do with their work responsibilities (Table 5.11). Despite this,
there were interviewees who associated their group activities with their daily work life. In such
cases, they explained that although their work requires them to be intensely involved in many
local activities, a significant amount of volunteer time and effort is still also required.

88

Therefore, although the formal role of some individuals is through a paid employment position,
there are areas of overlap.

Table 5.11
Interviewees; Number of Groups Work Related
Groups Work Related?
Number of Groups
Yes
6
No
24
Total

30

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

On average, interviewees were involved with 9.4 groups in Tumbler Ridge and, on average, 6.0
leadership positions. This demonstrates that the individuals interviewed were involved in
Tumbler Ridge as volunteers and as leaders.

Although interviewees were identified as key leaders of groups in Tumbler Ridge, when asked
how long they would remain in the town, twenty-three percent responded that they were unsure
(Table 5.12). In addition, twenty percent felt they would only live in Tumbler Ridge for another
two years. Residents chosen to participate in this interview process were long term, committed,
active individuals, who had demonstrated over time concern about the future of Tumbler Ridge
and a willingness to persevere through stressful times. After the announcement of the Quintette
closure, many active individuals believed there was a lack of choice involved with their decision
to stay in town or move away. The perceived lack of control over issues such as employment
opportunities, where their children would settle, business opportunities, and access to housing
contributed to interviewees’ feelings of uncertainty (pers. comm., 2001). These issues are
obviously key factors to encouraging people to stay in town.

89

Table 5.12
Options of
moving / staying

Interviewee
Responses

Percent of
Total

Less than one year
1-2 years
3-5 years
6-10 years
Over 10 years
Rest o f your life
D on’t know

3
3
5
4
2
6
7

10.0
10.0
16.6
13.3
6.6
20.0
233

Total

30

100

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

In addition to being homeowners, having relatively strong levels of attachment to the town and
being involved as members and leaders in groups and organizations, interviewees had very
positive associations with Tumbler Ridge as a whole (refer to Table 5.5). These sentiments
speak to the level of commitment interviewees had in pursuing actions related to securing the
future of the town outside of mining.

5.3

Social Capital

Social capital is a “key concept in the growing recognition of the interconnections between
social and economic outcomes” (LeBlanc, 2001, p. 6). There are two main types of social
capital: bridging and bonding. Bridging social capital refers to linkages made between groups,
whereas bonding social capital refers to relationships within groups (LeBlanc, 2001). Social
capital is argued by researchers to have several benefits. O f central importance in this study is
the asset of strong social capital ties leading to more prosperous and healthier communities that
are characterized by favourable social outcomes, strong economic performance, and less crime
(Flora and Flora, 1996; Putnam, 2000; Le Blanc, 2001). Social capital is often analyzed by
looking for correlations between networks of relationships, membership or participation in

90

informal or formal networks, levels of charitable giving, or levels of trust (LeBlanc, 2001).
However, although these linkages are sought out, the difficulty in measuring such factors cannot
be underestimated.

For the purposes of this thesis, questions probing social capital were asked of interviewees.
Data were gathered on the levels of trust and confidence that existed between (bridging social
capital) and within (bonding social capital) groups in Tumbler Ridge. Interviewees were asked
to answer these questions with respect to the organization with which they had the greatest
involvement. Due to the subjective difficulties with measuring trust and confidence, all
responses were based on the opinion of the individual interviewed, and extrapolations were not
made about the general sense of trust and confidence within the town as a whole.

Interviewees were asked about the levels of trust and confidence on behalf of the general public
towards their specific organization (Table 5.13). In the case of trust, interviewees evaluated this
by the overall impressions residents had of their groups. For example, if the organization had a
familiar name amongst residents, if there was a general sense that this group could be depended
on for support, if the group was devoted to its task or endeavour, this group would be evaluated
as trustworthy. Essentially, interviewees evaluated trust by their impressions of what the
general public perceived as an overall sense of faith in the organization. Confidence, however,
was evaluated by interviewees in terms of deliverables. For example, if a group or organization
had made promises to deliver on a particular project, event, or undertaking, and had been
successful at such delivery, then interviewees felt that the general public would have higher
degrees of confidence in the organization.

91

Ninety-three percent of interviewees felt that Tumbler Ridge residents generally trusted their
organization. The perception amongst key leaders in Tumbler Ridge was that residents trust
groups in town (bridging social capital). Of those interviewees who claimed that trust was
problematic for their organization, they felt it was not because they were not trustworthy, rather
because their organization had not existed for that long and, therefore, had not had an
opportunity to build up trust amongst residents (lack of bridging social capital). All
interviewees believed that people in Tumbler Ridge had confidence in their organizations. This
finding was significant as the general sense amongst key leaders within Tumbler Ridge is that
organizations could be counted on to deliver on their promises.

Table 5.13
Interviewees: Trust and Confidence Levels
Question Posed
Interviewee
Responses
Yes

Total
No

Do you think people had trust
In your organization?

28

2

30

Do people have confidence in
your organization?

30

0

30

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

In addition to there being perceived high levels of trust and confidence amongst key leaders of
groups in Tumbler Ridge, there was a strong sense among interviewees that people in town are
very helpful when there is a need (Figure 5.1). When asked, most interviewees replied that
people generally would help out if needed.

92

Figure 5.1
Interviewees: If you need help or support, are people always willing to lend a hand?

If y o u n e e d s u p p o r t , w i ll p e o p l e h e l p ?

I0) 20

■ac
oa . 15
s
cc 10
5 4

E3
z

0

Strongly
Agree

Agree

Neutral

Disagree

Strongly
Disagree

R esp on ses
Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

A main drawback of bonding social capital is exclusivity. Interviewees were asked whether
they felt exclusivity of groups was a problem in Tumbler Ridge. In response, eighty-three
percent of interviewees disagreed or strongly disagreed (Figure 5.2). Interviewees felt that some
groups in Tumbler Ridge had a reputation for being exclusive, but if an individual joined in on
meetings or events he or she would discover that the reputation of exclusivity exceeded the
reality. Several interviewees became irritated when asked this question as they had strong
feelings that organizations in Tumbler Ridge go out of their way to include, rather than exclude,
people. Interviewees claimed that it is the responsibility of every individual to get involved in
groups after moving to a new place, not the responsibility of the organization to actively and
aggressively recruit new members. There may be a tension in these behaviors as while some
organizations do advertise opportunities for people to become involved, it is still left to the
individual to seek out such opportunities.

93

Figure 5.2
Exclusivity of Groups in Tumbler Ridge

" T h e g r o u p s In T u m b l e r R i d g e a r e e x c l u s i v e , If
y o u d o n ' t f it In , y o u a r e n ' t w e l c o m e "
v>

20

Strongly
Agree

Agree

Neutral

Disagree

Strongly
Disagree

I n t e r v ie w R e s p o n s e s
Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

Interviewees were next asked to identify organizations that assisted residents recovering from
either socially or economically stressful events (Figure 5.3). First, many organizations were
cited multiple times by interviewees as being clear contributors to the recovery process. It is
these regular actions that build up trust between individuals (bridging social capital) and within
groups (bonding social capital) to create patterns of association with and between each other in
times of stress. Because the number of organizations mentioned by interviewees was high, it is
not surprising that as Tumbler Ridge residents faced the greatest time of change in town, many
of these same organizations were involved. The ‘single other’ category denotes organizations
listed by interviewees as those that provided help support, support, or advice, but were only
mentioned once.

94

Figure 5.3
Helping Organizations - Pre-Quintette Closure Announcement

Organizations Providing Help, Support, or Advice
u
_a

25 1

X
03

u

J
\F

y

O r g a n iz a tio n s
Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

In the period after the Quintette mine closure announcement, interviewees identified a few key
organizations that stood out as those that could be counted on for help, support, or advice
(Figure 5.4). These included many of those with a long track record as noted in Figure 5.3.
Despite the repetition of some individuals and groups identified as those willing to provide help,
support, or advice in the post-Quintette closure announcement period, there was a noticeable
reduction in the overall number identified from the pre-Quintette closure announcement period.
Although this at first may be interpreted as a negative effect of the Quintette closure
announcement, it is important to understand why the list of organizations became smaller.
Many leaders identified as helpers in the post-Quintette closure announcement period are also
leaders of the broader range of groups listed as helpers in the pre-Quintette closure
announcement period. Thus, leaders joined together to consolidate their strengths. This was
done to ensure the most powerful groups and leaders assisted the town with transition. In
dealing with recent crisis and change, interviewees felt it was the work of everyone in town, all

95

groups coming together (bridging and bonding social capital), that helped in the recovery
process.

Figure 5.4
Helping Organizations - Post-Quintette Closure Announcement

Organizations Providing Help, Support or Advice
15 -1

O r g a n i z a t io n s
Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001
WNMS - W olverine Nordic Mountain Society

Amongst the list of key helping organizations in the post-Quintette closure announcement
period, interviewees identified the contribution of three groups as key to the transition process in
Tumbler Ridge. The first group identified was the Local Government which also played a role
in managing the Recreation Centre. The second group identified was the Wolverine Nordic
Mountain Society (WNMS) which is one of the most active voluntary organizations in town.
The third group identified was the Tumbler Ridge Family Support Society.

5.3.1

The Local Government

The Local Government gained a positive reputation amongst residents for working with the
company Select Property Group to create the Tumbler Ridge Housing Corporation and to sell
off the homes to promote a sense of local pride through homeownership. As homeownership
96

had been an issue in town for so long, many interviewees applauded the efforts of the Local
Government for finally being successful in facilitating change. In addition to these efforts,
interviewees recognized the partnership that developed between the Local and the Provincial
Governments in securing transition funding for key services and facilities including education
and health care. It was the direct result of such actions that made interviewees feel confident
that the Local Government could be trusted in times of need.

5.3.2

Wolverine Nordic Mountain Society

The Wolverine Nordic Mountain Society (WNMS) underwent a key membership change during
the recent transition period. Two leaders left town and the future of the club was uncertain.
This loss of leadership was felt by many interviewees to be a detriment to both the group and
the town. The new leaders of WNMS decided to optimize on the transition opportunity and
recruit new residents to explore and experience the natural beauty of the area. Through the
promotion of various weekly activities, ranging from short bird walks for people of all fitness
levels to weekend hikes for the adventuresome, the WNMS established itself within Tumbler
Ridge in the past few years as a dominant group.

5.3.3

Tumbler Ridge Family Support Society

The Tumbler Ridge Family Support Society (TRFSS) has offered counselling and referral
services in Tumbler Ridge since 1987. Its services range from counselling services for children,
youth, and families, parenting classes, to emergency housing for women and children in crisis.
As an established helping group, TRFSS played an important role in helping Tumbler Ridge
residents adjust to the stresses associated with the transition process. TRFSS worked with the
Local Government to bring in a social worker who was responsible for providing support to
youth in transition. While this position was only available on a contract basis, it helped youth

97

express their feelings in the immediate stages of the transition process and provided them with a
venue to air their questions regarding the future of the town. TRFSS also partnered with the
RCMP to provide Victim Services support in town. This partnership still exists. Finally,
increased efforts were made on behalf of TRFSS to help families adjust to changes associated
with transition. These services were extended not only to long-term residents but also to
newcomers.

5.3.4

Social Capital Reviewed

Despite the fact that social capital is difficult to measure, interviewees’ feelings of trust and
confidence in regards to groups in Tumbler Ridge underscore the development of a strong social
capital base. Looking at key informants’ feelings of trust and confidence, it is clear that they
perceive high levels of both bridging and bonding social capital to exist. Although the literature
identifies exclusivity as a potential drawback of social capital, interviewees disagreed with it
being an issue among individuals and groups in Tumbler Ridge. Interviewees identified many
groups that acted as pillars of help, support, and advice during times of stress or change.
Although the number of groups which were relied upon as helpers after the Quintette closure
announcement was reduced, they were those with the most power to facilitate change.
Therefore, built up social capital enabled Tumbler Ridge residents to react efficiently by pooling
their most effective resources and leaders. These actions represented their ability to use existing
social capital, and to also continue to build and maintain social capital.

5.4

Social Cohesion

Whereas social capital emphasizes notions such as trust and confidence, social cohesion
emphasizes interaction (LeBlanc, 2001). Social cohesion, therefore, is a mechanism through

98

which social capital is created. When individuals come together in groups to build and maintain
social capital, the groups they work in enable them to cope with challenges. While social
capital is the outcome of individuals working together in groups, social cohesion is the process
of such interaction. In order to evaluate whether there is social cohesion amongst individuals
both between and within groups in Tumbler Ridge, we first must examine whether there have
been opportunities for residents to become involved in organizations over time, and whether
there were opportunities for residents to interact.

Eighty percent of interviewees indicated that historically there have been many groups in
Tumbler Ridge (Table 5.14). This response rate indicates two findings. First, that there have
been opportunities for individuals to engage in group interaction. Second, that these
opportunities have increased residents’ sense of place and commitment in town due to their
involvement in activities and events that build history and traditions.

Table 5.14
Interviewees: There have been tots of groups in Tumbler Ridge?

Sex of
Interviewee
Male
Female
Total

Response:
Strongly
Agree
2
4
6

Agree

Neutral
4
0
4

9
9
18

Disagree
2
0
2

Total
17
13
30

Source; Thesis Interviews, 2001

Interviewees were also asked about the effectiveness of linkages and partnerships their
organization had established with other groups in Tumbler Ridge over time (Figure 5.5). These
linkages or partnerships provide further opportunities to engage in social cohesion. Examples of
linkages could be as regular as groups hosting a series of events together several times

99

throughout the year, or a one-time trial run partnering to provide particular expertise in an area
or with an issue. Ninety-three percent of interviewees felt that linkages and partnerships built
between individuals and within groups in Tumbler Ridge were either effective, or very effective.
The effectiveness was rated on the interviewee perception of whether the link or partnership
would be made again at some point in the future.

Figure 5.5
Interviewees: Effectiveness of linkages or partnerships?

E f f e c t iv e n s s o f L in k a g e s a n d P a r tn e r s h ip s
■c= 18 1
c

0

1
DC

15
12

o 6
0)
a

E3
z

Very effective

Effective

Neutral

R esp o n ses

Not Effective

Very Not
Effective

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

Interviewees were asked if they agreed or disagreed with the statement “ 10% of the people do
90% of the work” (Figure 5.6). Eighty percent of interviewees either agreed or strongly agreed
with this statement. In considering the number of organizations that existed in Tumbler Ridge,
it is interesting that all of these efforts are the product of a few individuals. A study on
voluntary groups in Canada gathered information on the major challenges facing organizations
in nine small towns (Bruce et a l, 1999). A total of 71 organizations were interviewed, and
participants identified a lack of members, or little participation amongst members as one of the
top two issues facing volunteer groups (Bruce et a i, 1999). When interviewees in Tumbler

100

Ridge were asked about the leadership rates in voluntary organizations, their responses reflect
the same frustration felt in organizations across Canada.

Figure 5.6
Interviewees: Few Individuals do most work?

"10% o f th e p e o p le d o 90% o f th e w ork "
«

14

I 12

XJ

8 10
w
0)
Œ

8
6

! 4

I:

Strongly
Agree

Agree

Neutral

Disagree

Strongly
Disagree

I n t e r v ie w R e s p o n s e s
Source; Thesis Interviews, 2001

5.4.1

Social Cohesion and Community Calendars

While voluntary organizations are important in all communities, resource towns in particular
rely on them to provide for, and improve, resident quality of life. Volunteer-based organizations
are increasingly called upon to address a range of local needs. When individuals and groups
form partnerships to offer events within a town, they grow accustomed to working together.
This pattern may develop into friendships, creating opportunities to trust each other and the
willingness to rely on each other for help, support, or advice. Although positive social capital
may not evolve from interactions, the opportunity of such interactions is nonetheless important.
When residents become involved in voluntary groups, this interaction is social cohesion. In
order to understand if Tumbler Ridge residents have had opportunities to engage in socially

101

cohesive activities and events, we must look to the data collected through the community event
calendars.

In all seasonal activities and special events offered in Tumbler Ridge, the number of programs
offered depended on the stability of the population. In order to host activities or events,
members had to be willing to engage in weekly meetings, or participate in programs. The
population flux that followed the economic situation in Tumbler Ridge is reflected in the flux in
the number of seasonal activities and special events offered over time.

The categories of kids (those under the age of ten), youth (those between the ages of eleven and
eighteen), women only (exclusive to women), men only and co-ed (exclusive to men and men
and women), and community (all age groups) were chosen to understand the number of seasonal
activities and special events that were offered to various age groups. Because traditionally in
resource towns few activities or events are offered to women, ‘Women Only’ activities and
events were isolated to see if this was the case in Tumbler Ridge. As typically ‘Men Only’
activities and events are abundant in resource towns, they were integrated with ‘Co-ed’
activities and events. •

5.4.1. a

Seasonal Activities

Even at periods of economic downturns, never has there been a point in Tumbler Ridge’s
history where no seasonal activities were offered (Figure 5.7). Therefore, regardless of the
stresses associated with resource dependence, efforts have been made to engage in weekly
activities and meetings. Such opportunities helped involve residents with interaction on a daily
basis despite uncertainty over the future of the mines.

102

Figure 5.7
Number of Seasonal Activities Over time

Number of Seasonal Activities Over Time
tn 200
0)

■> 150
U

<

«►
- 100
o

0)

n

E

3
Z

50
0
T r i n ( o o o o ) O i - ( N c o ' 4 - i o ( D M o o o ) 0
0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 ) 0 ) 0 ) 0 ) 0 ) 0 ) 0 ) 0 ) 0 ) 0 ) 0
0

0

)

0)

0)

0)

0)

0)

0)

0)

0)

0)

0)

0)

0)

0 ) 0

Y ears
Source: Community Event Calendars, 1984-2000

A regular pattern of seasonal activities was offered to residents over time in Tumbler Ridge. An
example of activities from the community event calendars for one season of the years 1984
(Table 5.15), 1994 (Table 5.16) and 2000 (Table 5.17) helps to put into perspective the number
and range of activities that took place. From these lists one can see that despite challenging
economic times, residents had an array of regular seasonal activities in which to participate.

103

Table 5.15
Typical List of Activities: Spring 1984
W om en’s Time Out
Christian Coffee Break
Come to the Movies - children’s movie matinee
Spring Craft Fair - organizational meeting
Beavers, cubs, brownies, girl guides, scouts
Fitness classes
Adult jazz classes
Fashion course
Downhill skiing
Cross country skiing
W om en’s curling
Figure skating
Junior ballet
Public skating
Adult co-ed basketball
Adult co-ed badminton
Adult co-ed broomball
Adult co-ed volleyball
Church services
After school day care
Moms and Tots
Bingo
Toastmistress club
Daycare and nursery school
Pre school
Play school
Arts council - organizational meeting
Guitar lessons
Adult slow pitch / fast pitch leagues
Children’s baseball / soccer leagues
Weight training club
St-John’s Ambulance Brigade
Chamber of Commerce meeting (monthly)
G olfer’s organizational meeting (monthly)
Tumbler Ridge radio broadcasting
Teen jazz
Teen library nights
Teen floor hockey
Teen badminton
Teen fashion courses
Teen ballet
Teen guitar lessons
Children’s bingo
Source: Tumbler Ridge Recreation Centre, Spring 1984

104

Table 5.16
Typical List of Activities: Spring 1994
Kid Country Daycare
Adventure Valley Out o f School Care
Magic M ountain Preschool
Me and You
Bigger and Better
Indoor tot soccer
Children’s Slo Pitch League
Sun Fun
TR Hockey School
Tae Kwon Do
Co ed Floor Hockey
Rock n ’ Roll late night teen skate
Co ed badminton
Co ed lacrosse
W hite Men Can’t Jump league
Teen ball hockey league
Creative beaded earings craft month
Personalized weight training program
Gymnastic Association
Tumbler Ridge Archery Club
Global Tae Kwon Do
Circuit Training
Body Shaping
Exercise Rehabilitation Program
Tennis clinic
Introduction to water colours
Drop in ice hockey
Early morning public skating
L il’ Bubble Blowers Splash Time
Synchronized swimming
Swim team
Private swim lessons
Stroke improvement program
Adult / teen swim lessons
Preschool swim lessons
Red Cross / Royal Life program
Bronze Medallion / Senior Resuscitation
National Lifeguard Service
W ater Safety Instructor I
W ater Safety Instructor II
Aquatic Emergency Care
RLSS Instructors
Aquafit
Youth swim
Summer Splash Camp
Summer Synchro Camp
Lifesaving Camp
Public swim
W eight Training Instructor Level I
Wallyball
Sport training programs________________
Source: Tumbler Ridge Recreation Centre, Spring 1994

105

Table 5.17
Typical List of Activities: Spring 2000
Busy Bee
Drop In Wallyball
Co ed Floor Hockey
M inor Ball
Dog Obedience
M onday Bingo
Racquetball and squash courts
W eight room
W om en’s Resource Society
Public swim
Preschool swim lessons
Aquatots
Aquaquest
Aqua adults
Aqua fit
Unfit and Fluffy Aquafit
Private / semi private swim lessons
Aqualeaders course
Synchronized swimming
25 Kilometer Adult Swim Challenge
Aquafit Module
N obody’s Perfect Parenting Groups
Public Library____________________
Source: Tumbler Ridge Recreation Centre, Spring 2000

In looking at the number of seasonal activities offered to various age groups in Tumbler Ridge
over time, a few patterns are easily seen. First, particularly in the case of youth and women groups traditionally overlooked in resource towns - activities have always been available
(Figure 5.8). In fact, the category of women shows many opportunities to interact. Second, it is
important to note that, despite the belief that most seasonal activities in resource towns are for
children, in Tumbler Ridge this is not the case. In fact, the number of seasonal activities offered
to kids are almost equal to those offered to youth. In addition, many more seasonal activities are
organized for men only and co-ed than for kids. Although children in Tumbler Ridge were kept
busy with seasonal activities, it is important to note that the town had opportunities to come
together outside of child-related activities.

106

Figure 5.8
Seasonal Activities - Total All Years

Seasonal Activities - Total All Years
600
C/i

i> 500
<
k
1
z

400

300
200
100
0
Kids

Youth

Women Only

Men Only &
Co-ed

Community

Types of Activities

Source: Community Event Calendars, 1984-2000

5.4.1b

Special Events

The ebbs and flows in the number of special events offered to residents followed those of the
economy and was reflected in the downturns and upswings of the mining companies. Despite
these fluctuations, special events have always been offered to residents (Figure 5.9). In fact,
over the past few years, years of significant change, the number of special events has remained
approximately seventy per year, with a recent increase in 2000.

107

Figure 5.9
Number of Special Events Over time

Number of Special Events Over Time

«

100

T j - i o ' O o o o v O —
C \ 0 \ C \ C \ C \ C \ C \ 0 \ C \ C \ C \ 0 \ C \ C \ 0 \ O

o o o o o o o o o o c \ c \ o \ c \ o \ c \ C \ o \ c \ o \ C )

Years

Source: Community Event Calendars, 1984-2000

Special events are those that bring the town together both in terms of the planning efforts that
are required and in terms of the events that mean the most to residents. The numbers of events
speak to the opportunities for Tumbler Ridge residents to work together within their respective
organizations, and to interact with partner organizations. There were opportunities for residents
to engage in social cohesion activities through special events in Tumbler Ridge.

Place- and interest-based community special events are those open to everyone in town and
involve the most time and effort to organize by the broadest segment of the town (Figure 5.10).
Not only did a large number of these place- and interest-based community wide events exist, but
they were available to a wide cross section of the local population. Thus, the opportunities to
engage in socially cohesive events are available not only because they promote a broad segment

108

of the population to come together to participate in the event, but also because partnerships must
be established in order for these events to be planned and organized successfully.

Figure 5.10
Special Events - Total All Years

Special Events - Total All Years

>

200

ou 150
100

e

K id s

W om en O nly

Y o uth

M en O n ly &

C om m u n ity

C o-ed

Types of Events

Source: Community Event Calendars, 1984-2000

In addition to numerous special events being available for residents to participate in, a few large
events have been offered each year regardless of economic downturns or upswings. Two
characteristics separate these events from other special events. First, they are organized by
multiple organizations and bring the town together and provide a sense of history and tradition
for residents other than that created by the company. Second, for many residents these events
‘define’ the town (pers. comm., 1999, 2000, 2001). Due to the importance of special events in
building both social capital and social cohesion, two long-standing events. Grizzly Valley Days
and the Tumbler Ridge Indoor Swimming Pool Society Craft Fair, will be profiled. These
profiles will outline not only the significance of the resources required to run these annual
events, but also the importance of these events for residents and as local traditions.

109

5.4.L b.I

Grizzly Valley Days

Grizzly Valley Days is a week long event that has been held in Tumbler Ridge every summer
since the town’s incorporation. Despite changing themes, names, key leaders, and sponsors
over the years, the event always brings the town together. While events such as Canada Day are
much anticipated, the popular Grizzly Valley Days is unique to Tumbler Ridge.

A committee of volunteers takes the lead in brainstorming ideas for activities and is responsible
for coordinating the week’s events. The committee meets once a month and represents both
informal and formal organizations. In addition to the year-round efforts of the committee, many
more individuals and organizations contribute to making Grizzly Valley Days a success.
Particularly important are the roles played by the Local Government and the Recreation Centre.
They support the efforts of the committee through the provision of space and services for
personnel and staff, and funding to hire local or regional entertainment acts.

Volunteers run the entire event and its success depends on the commitment of individuals to
organize, lead, supervise, and clean up from the various activities. It has become an opportunity
where everyone in town gets involved. From small children’s groups helping collect garbage or
participating in children’s activities, to the seniors in town attracting their grandchildren for
visits at that particular time of year, many individuals become part of the 'Spirit o f Tumbler
Ridge

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5.4.1.b.2

TRISPS Craft Fair

The second event unique to Tumbler Ridge is the Indoor Swimming Pool Society (TRISPS)
Craft Fair. This event is held every November and has roots very different than most
established local events. It began with two children trying to raise money to build an indoor
swimming pool in town. The children put out advertisements typed and photocopied by their
mother to ask people to donate money. A group of adults joined in fundraising efforts in order
to help the kids. The first event was an ‘entertainment night’ where residents would pay for a
movie, popcorn, and candyfloss, and all proceeds went towards the pool building fund.
Entertainment nights were popular early on when there were few other activities for residents.
However, as services and facilities became more established, the entertainment nights were
replaced by a craft fair.

The craft fair has now been running for seventeen years. Grafters pay $5.00 per table to set up
their crafts, and they donate ten percent of their overall sales to TRISPS. The organization then
donates all proceeds to the Aquatic Centre fund. The pool was built in 1990, with TRISPS
donating over $40,000. Despite the fact that pool has been built for a number of years, the craft
fair continues to be held. All proceeds are still donated to the Aquatic Centre; the money now
goes towards purchasing toys and equipment to support leisure activities and the teaching efforts
of the lifeguards and instructors. This donation has equaled upwards of $1,000 annually and
benefits all Aquatic Center users.

Just as the TRISPS craft fair has evolved over time, the structure of its leadership has also
changed dramatically. Although this event had a group leadership structure, today one
individual is responsible for coordinating crafters and residents alike in this once-a-year event.

I ll

The sole organizer commented that her efforts would be futile if it were not for the efforts of
many volunteers come the day of the actual event. Recreation Centre staff help set up tables
and chairs for the displays, in addition to providing space free of charge. Local volunteers in
town have latched onto the craft fair idea, and have created various additional activities for
residents. For example, a ‘Cheesecake Café’ is put on by volunteers and is now formally part of
the craft fair, providing a place for residents to enjoy a cup of coffee. In addition, the library
offers a special story-telling session for children so they can be entertained while parents do
Christmas shopping. Finally, local crafters Join together to ensure a festive environment is
enjoyed by setting up Christmas decorations in the room.

Events such as Grizzly Valley Days and the TRISPS Craft Fair have provided the town with two
important outcomes. First, an opportunity to interact and work together to celebrate their town.
As interaction and opportunities to work together are characteristics of social cohesion, these
special events have provided opportunities for residents to engage cohesively. Second, as a
process where the development of a sense of place is encouraged through the development of
mutual visions and interests, these special events have provided residents with the opportunity
to build and maintain social capital.

5.4.2

Social Cohesion and Social Capital Reviewed

When Tumbler Ridge was established, town planners identified in the social design principle

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‘Participation’ that a Social Development Officer should be hired. This Provincial appointment
was to:

help alleviate some of the problems experienced by newcomers [when]
settling into a new town. His approach was a proactive one and he
took an aggressive stance in organizing associations and events and
encouraging residents to participate (Gill, 1990c, p. 193).
Despite the positive impact the Social Development Officer had organizing activities and
events, his position was terminated in 1984 after the town’s first local elections. Since this time,
residents had to initiate and organize their own programs (Gill, 1990c). It was through resident
initiation of such responsibility that the community event calendars evolved.

Apart from the formal organization of social events. Tumbler Ridge was designed to foster
social interaction (Gill, 1990a, 1990b, 1990c; Gill and Shera, 1990). The purpose was to
“enhance social interaction and best meet the needs of family lifestyles” (Gill, 1990c, p. 194).
Therefore, although there have been fluctuations in the number of seasonal activities and special
events offered over time, the opportunity to interact socially in addition to the opportunity to
develop friendships in town, was encouraged and stimulated through town design.

Key leaders in town have been provided with assistance and support through bridging (between
groups) and bonding (within groups) social capital. The accrued social capital has been built up
and maintained through regular opportunities to interact (social cohesion). As these networks of
support exist, and have been mobilized to take action when needed in the past, residents know
they can count on these helping organizations and leaders. As social capital and social cohesion
have been demonstrated to exist in Tumbler Ridge, the literature argues that increased levels of
community capacity should also exist (Ashton, 1999; Lacy, 2000; Putnam, 2000). It is these

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community capacity elements that must be discussed in relation to stressful events over time in
Tumbler Ridge.

5.5

Community Capacity

Community capacity is determined by the success places have in building and maintaining
social capital and engaging in socially cohesive activities and is assessed and measured by
determining how residents react to stress. Stress through constant change is commonplace in
resource towns. Contributing factors include fluctuation in world resource prices (a facet of
globalization) and the need for more flexible modes of production. The ability for residents to
build and maintain social capital and social cohesion is regularly assessed and tested through the
capacity of the community to cope with stress. Theoretically, towns that are able to restructure
themselves in the face of crisis are employing a well-rehearsed capacity to respond.

In order to test concepts of community capacity in Tumbler Ridge, information on stressful
events had to be collected. This was done through the formal interviews. Crucial to
determining if Tumbler Ridge residents have, in the past, exercised community capacity when
dealing with stressful events, is to gauge their reactions to such stresses. Interviewees were
asked about their reactions after a stressful event had occurred. These reactions are what test the
amount of community capacity that exists in a town. For example, if the reaction of residents to
a particular stressful event was to move away, community capacity would not appear to be
strong, as the residents did not exercise opportunities to work together to meet the challenge.
However, if residents took some type of action to negate, or deal with, the impacts of the

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stressful event this w ould be an exercise o f com m unity capacity. T herefore,

whether shocks manifest themselves in terms of trade declines, natural disasters,
strikes, disputes over access to water, domestic violence or the death of a spouse,
those social entities able to weather the storm will be those that are more likely to
prosper (Woolcock, 2001, p. 16).

For communities, the ability to manage stress and optimize on opportunities is a central
component in their ability to attain community capacity.

5.5.1

Social Stress

Twenty-six interviewees replied to the question on what they felt was the number one socially
stressful event in Tumbler Ridge’s history. Of these, forty-seven percent identified the incident
of Vehicular Double Homicide (Figure 5.12). This incident was one that stemmed from
domestic violence. A husband and wife were separated, and the wife was dating another man.
The husband grew jealous and made several threats to his estranged wife. The couple had a
twelve-year-old son. On Thursday May 20, 1999, the husband ran over them both with his car,
killing the wife instantly, and seriously injuring the boyfriend who later died in the hospital
{Community Connections, 1999, p. 2). At the time of the incident, the husband was on
probation for assaulting his wife. The husband then returned to his home where he attempted
suicide, and was arrested by police. The husband was found guilty of second-degree murder
and is currently serving two consecutive life sentences in jail. The son was taken in by a
neighbour and was raised in Tumbler Ridge by this family and the town for three years. He
currently lives with relatives in Alberta.

Interviewees identified reasons why they felt this incident stood out to them as the number one
socially stressful event. One respondent explained that domestic violence was a common

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occurrence in Tumbler Ridge, particularly when the population of the town was larger and more
transient. During these times, drug and alcohol use were very high, and the social atmosphere
was much less stable. Despite the fact that interviewees felt shocked, many stated that there had
been several warning signs. Residents also felt angry with the RCMP who had been warned by
several people of the potential that the husband might kill his wife. In fact, the wife had a
restraining order filed against her husband in hopes of gaining formal protection {Prince George
Citizen, 1999c, p. 5). Because the husband was on parole for assaulting his estranged wife and
uttering threats, many interviewees felt that the RCMP should have been monitoring the
situation much more closely.

From my perspective, because the Vehicular Double Homicide incident occurred relatively
recently, interviewees also had it fresh in their minds. In addition, because all three people
involved in this incident were very active in the town many people knew them for their
positions at work and through leisure. Lastly, because the son was raised by individuals in town
after being taken in by a neighbour, interviewees felt a sense of responsibility towards the boy to
ensure that he always had avenues to talk about what happened and to help him mourn the loss
of both his parents. Therefore, interviewees were able to identify with the incident on many
levels (Figure 5.11).

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Figure 5.11
Number One Social Stress

N u m b e r O n e S o c ia l S tr e s s
10 %
■ Vehicular Double
Homicide

14%
□ Little Girl

47%
□ Death at m ines /
Quintette C losure
□ Marriage Break Up /
Rumour Mill / Black
Cloud

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

When asked, fifty-two percent of interviewees felt that the second most socially stressful event
in Tumbler Ridge’s history was the incident of the Little Girl (Figure 5.12). Interviewees
identified with this incident as hitting very close to home. In this case, a seven-year-old girl was
raped and left for dead in the woods area of a local neighbourhood. The little girl was well
known in town and, before her attempted murder, had been playing outside with several other
children at a nearby playground. The attacker was a local youth, sixteen years of age. This
particular boy, a fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) child who had been diagnosed with severe
Attention Deficit Disorder (ADD), had caused problems with his own peer group and had been
ostracized by them as a result (pers. comm., 2001). He had problems coping in school, and was
under care by local therapists and counsellors (pers. comm., 2001). He found solace in playing
with the younger children and was considered by the local counsellors to have outbursts only

117

when provoked (pers. comm., 2001). He was not believed capable of hurting anyone physically,
as most of his attacks had been verbal up until this point.

Many interviewees felt that this incident “acted as a wake up call for parents and the innocence
of this small town was lost” (respondent #18). Many regarded Tumbler Ridge as a particularly
safe place for children, and felt a sense of camaraderie among parents of children, who would
take joint responsibility for watching over the children when they were playing at the local
playgrounds. The shock many interviewees associated with this incident was because they felt
that such things were not supposed to happen in small towns. Interviewees also remarked that
after this incident they felt much more protective of their children’s whereabouts. These steps
made interviewees who were parents feel less secure with the small town stereotype of safety
and security.

Another reason interviewees identified this incident as being socially stressful was because
many felt that the treatment given to the father of the molester was poor (pers. comm., 2001).
Many cited incidents of abuse targeted towards the father at work and at home. Several
interviewees identified circumstances where the father had previously accessed resources to get
help dealing with his two sons, both of whom were affected by FAS and ADD. The father was
viewed, in the opinion of many interviewees, to have gone to extreme lengths to raise his boys
to the best of his potential as a single father. Despite this, interviewees explained that many
other residents placed blame upon the father, and eventually ran the family out of town.
Therefore, interviewees identified the incident as socially stressful not only because local
innocence was lost, and a little girl was seriously wounded, but also because the lives of two
families were destroyed.

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Finally, interviewees felt frustration with the incident concerning the little girl as it served as a
wake up call for the lack of services available in a small town, despite the need for these
services. Many interviewees felt that if proper services were available for the father to gain
more assistance for his two troubled boys, and if counsellors could have been better able to help
the molester through proper treatment, then this incident may never have happened. In addition,
interviewees felt frustrated that they could not provide support to the victim and her family after
the event because the town did not have the medical facilities necessary for her rehabilitation.
The victim and her family had to move to another town.

Figure 5.12
Number Two Social Stress

N u m b e r T w o S o c ia l S t r e s s

I Little Girl

12%

□ Vehicular D ouble
Homicide

14%

52%

□ EAR Program /
Availability of Health
Care / S u icid es /
Quintette C losure
□ Royal Bank Burning
Down

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

After interviewees identified the top two socially stressful events in Tumbler Ridge’s history, it
was important to review the actions residents took after the stressful events. Interviewees
mentioned fourteen times that a common reaction to social stress was to get together and help

119

each other (Figure 5.13). Informal networks of support exist particularly in small towns because
formal services do not. As pointed out by Fitchen (1991) and Woolcock (2001), the importance
of support from individuals, whether they be neighbours or friends, is often viewed by residents
in small places to be more valuable than official programs offered by government and the like.
Despite the use of informal networks, counselling groups and local churches within the
Ministerial Association were often named as key helpers of residents who were in need of more
professional advice or assistance. These organizations stand out as both helpful and being
trusted amongst interviewees in times of stress. The category of ‘single other’ does not involve
people reacting on their own (as individuals), rather it denotes there were nine other reactions to
social stress but these were cited only once by interviewees. Examples may include time
passing and court or legal proceedings.

Figure 5.13
Reaction to Social Stress

Reaction to Social Stress
■2
e

I
I

I

%
People got together /
Town rallied

Counselling /
Ministerial Assoc

People moved

Reactions

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

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Single other

5.5.2

Economie Stress

The number one economic stress identified by interviewees was the closure of the Quintette
mine (Figure 5.14). When the fieldwork portion of this thesis began, the time boundary was to
be the closure announcement of March

2000, thus excluding the effects of the actual mine

closure later on that year. By excluding comments on the Quintette closure, it was the intent to
focus on events that led up to the closure announcement. However, because of the number of
residents who were affected by the closure, I could not exclude this from the list of economic
stress choices.

Considering the timing of the Quintette closure, and the after-effects of a town in significant
transition it was quite natural that interviewees identified this as the number one economically
stressful event. Because interviewees insisted to include the Quintette closure as part of their
responses, more weight was placed upon the evaluation of the second most stressful economic
event.

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Figure 5.14
Number One Economic Stress

N u m b e r O n e E c o n o m ic S t r e s s

■ Quintette C losure
□ Mine Layoffs

46%
El No H om eow nership /
Buyback
□ Quintette Restructuring

42%

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

The number two economically stressful event in Tumbler Ridge was identified to be the 19901991 Quintette corporate restructuring. This event for many was more stressful because of the
after-effects it caused rather than the actual restructuring itself (Figure 5.15).

The Quintette restructuring occurred after the Supreme Court of Canada ruled in 1990 that
Denison Mines pay retroactively the money owed to the Japanese Steel Consortium for not
reducing their contract price to world levels. As a result of the court decision. Quintette Coal
Limited filed for bankruptcy protection, the homes that were mortgaged to Quintette employees
on buy-back policies were sold back to the company, and the management of the mine was
taken over by Teck Corporation. Interviewees felt that these actions led to a number of further
stressful events. Layoffs as Teck attempted to downsize Quintette to make it profitable, a
housing buyback with Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) to download many

122

of the mortgages held by Denison, and strike actions, were ail felt to be outcomes of the
Quintette restructuring. Many identified that the worst of these was the housing buyback.
Although initially regarded positively, this is now seen to be the worst mistake Tumbler Ridge
residents ever made. The shift from a town of homeowners to a town of renters seriously
limited the town’s ability to attract new residents and to promote a sense of local pride.
Interviewees claimed that the recovery from the Quintette restructuring has only recently begun
with the housing sale by the Tumbler Ridge Housing Corporation.

Interviewees also cited the Quintette restructuring as a stressful event because it led to the
departure of many of their friends from Tumbler Ridge. Because of the number of people
affected by the layoffs, in addition to the frustration felt by many in town at not being able to
own their own homes, people left Tumbler Ridge to pursue more stable employment
opportunities. Interviewees stated that when people left after 1990, many of the key leaders
who had been responsible for generating involvement in groups and events were gone. In many
cases, local groups disappeared with their leaders. This fact is important as it relates to the
ability of the town to build community capacity. Because such large numbers of residents
departed, the tow n’s ability to build and maintain social capital and social cohesion was
threatened.

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Figure 5.15
Number Two Economic Stress

N u m b e r T w o E c o n o m ic S tr e s s
■ Q uintette R estructuring

4%

□ M ine Layoffs

16%
36%

■ BC Rail Strike

■ Drug S tore C losin g

■ Q uintette Strike

20 %
El B u llm o o se Potential
C lo su re / W e s tc o a s t
E nergy pulling out

20 %
Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

Figure 5.16 summarizes interviewees’ opinions on how residents reacted to economic stress.
Most interviewees felt that the most common response to economic stress was for residents to
leave town. This is not surprising as the foundation of the town is built around the opportunities
associated with the resource industry, and the dominant employees are young males in need of
economic stability to support their families. Therefore, if an economic stress such as mine
layoffs, closure of the Quintette mine, or BC Rail strike occurs, employment for some residents
would be threatened. It became necessary for some families to move away for work.
Interviewees also felt that due to the hardships imposed by economic stress that many residents
have still not yet recovered. A few interviewees commented that residents kept going, used
drugs and alcohol, or took time to recover from economic stresses. The category of ‘single
other’ in this table again does not necessarily imply individual actions taken in response to

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economic stress. Rather, ‘single other’ denotes twelve reactions to economic stress cited one
time by interviewees. Examples of such include the town dividing through differences in
opinion, or the establishment of programs to help people deal with the stress. The disjuncture in
reactions to economic stress is impacted by the immediate nature of the Quintette closure
announcement. Although interviewees were asked to restrict their thoughts on responses to
economic stress for events that occurred before the announcement, the timing of my thesis
fieldwork corresponded to the immediate transition phase of the town.

Figure 5.16
Reactions to Economic Stress

R e a c tio n to E c o n o m ic S t r e s s

P e o p le left

Som e

Kept g o in g

V io len ce

h aven 't

and

r e co v e re d

a lco h o l

T im e

S in g le
o th er

high

R e a c tio n s

Source: Thesis Interviews, 2001

5.5.3

Community Capacity Reviewed

Tumbler Ridge residents used a number of different coping strategies in response to social and
economic stress. For social stresses, interviewees recalled residents rallying together and
providing each other support through informal and formal organizations. Socially stressful
events caused residents to build and maintain social capital by engaging in socially cohesive

125

activities and events. In contrast, economic stresses caused residents to either leave town, or
dwell on the after effects of the stress. Therefore, social capital and social cohesion did not
seem to be part of the reaction to economic stress.

However, when considering the current situation of Tumbler Ridge, its transition after the
Quintette closure impacted interviewee’s responses to questions probing the reactions to
economic stresses. Because the transition process associated with the Quintette closure was
happening at the same time as the fieldwork, interviewees had the impacts of this stress
prominent in their minds. Despite this, many interviewees felt that economic stress also had
social implications, and therefore, the reactions to the social stresses in which social capital and
social cohesion were exercised may also reflect response to economic stress.

5.6

Conclusion

Despite the fact that social capital is difficult to measure, by looking at trust and confidence
levels it has been demonstrated to exist between individuals (bonding social capital) and within
groups (bridging social capital) in Tumbler Ridge. In addition, through the use of the
community event calendars, I have identified available opportunities for residents to engage in
both seasonal activities and special events. These opportunities of interaction (social cohesion)
are cornerstones in the development of social capital networks. Because social capital was built
up and maintained, and socially cohesive opportunities were available before the Quintette
closure announcement, community capacity levels are predicted to be high.

When examining both socially and economically stressful events in Tumbler Ridge, differences
can be seen in the way residents responded. In the case of social stress, residents rallied

126

together. This, in turn, created opportunities for social capital and social cohesion to develop.
In contrast, economic stress pulled residents apart as many residents left town and others did not
cope. This departure limits the opportunities for social capital and social cohesion to be built up
and maintained, and in turn, threatens the capacity of the community.

The impact of the Quintette mine closure on Tumbler Ridge residents and interviewees cannot
be underestimated. The conflict between reactions to social and economic stress reflects just
how significant such a transition is within a single-industry town. Because respondents claimed
that their reaction to economic stress were actions that did not build social capital and social
cohesion, it is important to triangulate these findings with the documented actions leaders in
Tumbler Ridge took in direct relation to their biggest stress, the mine closure.

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CHAPTER SIX
COMMUNITY CAPACITY; THE IMPORTANCE OF PLACE

6.1

Introduction

This chapter discusses the concepts of social capital, social cohesion, and community capacity
as they relate to Tumbler Ridge. Drawing upon the findings outlined in Chapter Five, I will
begin by addressing the research questions by probing whether Tumbler Ridge residents had
social capital and if they had opportunities to engage in socially cohesive events and activities. I
will then look at the research question on community capacity by outlining the Tumbler Ridge
Revitalization Task Force (Task Force). This organization will be profiled in terms of the actors
involved in the process, how it came together, and what its goals and outcomes were. By using
the Task Force as an example, I will demonstrate the way in which Tumbler Ridge reacted to its
biggest change, stress, and crisis: the Quintette closure announcement. This will allow us to
evaluate whether the development of social capital, and opportunities to engage in social
cohesion, contributed to the community capacity of residents to mobilize.

6.2

Locality

In discussing concepts such as social capital, social cohesion, and community capacity, it is
important to situate the argument within the context of specificity to place. As Massey (1984, p.
9) states, each place is unique, therefore, the “importance of specificity, the ability to explain,
understand, and recognize the significance of the unique outcome” is crucial. Although this
research was concerned with how the general events and wider processes unfolded, the focus of
this chapter will be on the example of Tumbler Ridge and how the processes of social capital,
social cohesion, and community capacity relate to this particular place.

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6.3

Social Capital and Social Cohesion

When asked about exclusivity of groups interviewees agreed that it was not an issue within
organizations in Tumbler Ridge. However, a critical examination of exclusivity revealed a
contradiction. Interviewees clearly stated that they were willing to participate in groups yet they
were not willing to approach newcomers hesitant to get involved on their own. Interviewees felt
that all residents should take responsibility for becoming involved in groups, and that it was not
their responsibility to encourage participation. These sentiments reflected the need for residents
to get involved in activities and events from early on due to their experience with a ‘frontier’
landscape. Although the frontier landscape was an effective means of bringing residents
together, an atmosphere of exclusion developed making it difficult for newcomers to join in.
Despite these drawbacks to the establishment of social capital in Tumbler Ridge, for a study
structured around long-term residents, exclusivity was not an issue. However, it may become
important when analyzing the relationship between long-term residents and newcomers and the
ability for both of these groups to work together to build and maintain social capital in the
future.

Examples of groups utilizing each other for help, support, and advice in times of both social and
economic change and stress are useful despite the difficulties measuring social capital. As
interviewees identified several organizations they could count on if needed, it is understood that
such organizations are key players in providing instrumental services. Thus, groups in Tumbler
Ridge fostered an environment whereby both bridging and bonding social capital networks have
emerged and become established.

129

In terms of social cohesion, there were opportunities for Tumbler Ridge residents to interact
through seasonal activities and special events. Activities run by voluntary organizations, with
the support of the District, were available to all age groups. Not only did individual
organizations offer activities and events for residents, but linkages and partnerships were
regularly formed between organizations allowing for a two-tiered process of interaction.
Residents were interacting together at the organizational / planning / leadership level, and also at
the participant level.

The existence of social capital and social cohesion in Tumbler Ridge before the Quintette mine
closure announcement, and the subsequent transition processes, are connected with the initial
social design principles implemented by town planners. The second and third principles of
challenge and self-reliance outlined the importance of a frontier landscape to encourage
residents to establish for themselves the facilities that they felt they most needed. Because
residents had to work together to acquire services and facilities, as opposed to having such
provided for them, valuable skills were learned. Early partnerships and linkages to establish the
indoor pool, for example, brought the town together. Residents still engage in activities
supporting the Aquatic Centre in events such as the TRIS PS Craft Fair. These two social design
principles seem to have been successful as residents were encouraged to work together and form
partnerships (social cohesion), thus fostering the building and maintenance of social capital.

Despite the apparent successes of the second and third social design principles, there were
aspects of these principles that were not as successful. An anticipated outcome of challenge and
self-reliance was decreased dependence on the Provincial Government and the local mining

130

companies. Although elements of this did emerge, the level of dependence Tumbler Ridge
residents had with the mining companies continued to be high.

Although the warning signs of closure could have been anticipated by Quintette employees and
Tumbler Ridge residents, no transition plans were set in place before the announcement came.
Even after Teck Corporation announced the closure of Quintette, local residents actively
discussed the company’s level of responsibility to the town. Residents were shocked to learn
that Teck Corporation had no intention to re-locate 1aid-off workers, to provide funds to take
care of the tow n’s debt, or to open the housing market once again to facilitate homeownership.
These discussions went so far as to include Teck Corporation management on the guest list of
speakers for the Task Force, although, in the end, they were never invited to the table.
Therefore, despite the fact that the social design principles sought to reduce such dependence it
seemed to exist nonetheless.

6.4

Community Capacity

The ability of residents to deal with challenges is a measure of the level of social capital, social
cohesion, and therefore, community capacity that exists within a place. Much like social capital
and social cohesion, any framework for community capacity must rest on place. While some
places may have social capital and may have experience working in cohesive units, the ability of
residents to organize themselves when under stress may be completely different depending upon
the circumstances of each place. In addition, local skills, leadership, and economic resources
are also important contributors in the ability of specific places to react to crisis. Thus, while the
deployment of community capacity within a particular place depends on the amount of social
capital that has been built up and maintained and the opportunities available for socially

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cohesive interactions to occur, the challenges, such as thresholds and burnout, associated with
deployment can prevent residents from putting these resources to use in time of need. Although
it is clear that social capital and social cohesion opportunities existed in Tumbler Ridge, it is still
crucial to test whether residents displayed capacity when reacting to social and economic stress.

6.4.1

Tumbler Ridge Task Force

The best method to test whether Tumbler Ridge residents were able to exercise community
capacity when reacting to crisis is to review their actions immediately after the Quintette mine
closure announcement. As previously noted, this event by far stands out as Tumbler Ridge’s
most economically stressful. Not only did interviewees identify this event as the most
significant, the potential loss of both the employment and tax base increased the social stress on
the town as a whole. Therefore, the actions of Tumbler Ridge residents immediately following
the closure announcement will be reviewed. This section will serve to further discuss the
research question; “have Tumbler Ridge residents demonstrated community capacity in reaction
to stressful events over time?”

6.4.L a

British Columbia’s Political Environment

The pressures of globalization have been felt in all resource industries since the 1980s (Hayter,
2000). As a result, industries are struggling to deal with the change from Fordist to flexible
modes of production. In reaction to corporate (industrial) restructuring, changes were also
occurring in the political sector. All of these changes impacted the social sector, bringing about
massive changes in British Columbia. To understand the reaction Tumbler Ridge leaders had to
the announcement of the Quintette closure, it is important to briefly describe the political
circumstances in British Columbia during this time period.

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First, Tumbler Ridge was not the only town in the late 1990s that experienced significant
corporate, political, and social stress. Forestry and mining towns in the province were rapidly
evaluating their fate under increasing pressures in the global economy (Halseth, 1999). With
flexibility on the minds of all mill and mine owners, and productivity being threatened by the
lack of technology, innovation, and infrastructure in old resource towns, the viability of many
places was threatened. Two examples in British Columbia stand out as affecting the outcome of
Tumbler Ridge after the Quintette mine closure was announced: Skeena Cellulose and Gold
River. The role these examples play shed light on the situation in Tumbler Ridge, as they set
the stage for the actions taken in response to local transition. In addition, these examples
demonstrate the different strategies the Provincial Government used over this period to provide
transitional assistance.

Skeena Cellulose operates a pulp mill in Prince Rupert, sawmills at Terrace, Carnaby, and
Smithers, and other facilities in northwestern BC. Approximately 2,400 direct and 7,000
indirect jobs were threatened when the parent company, Repap Industries Ltd. of Montreal
abandonded Skeena Cellulose after claiming bankruptcy in 1997 {Prince George Citizen,
1999a). The Provincial Government (NDP) stepped in and promised a $329 million loan to help
make Skeena Cellulose “viable and attractive to potential buyers” {Prince George Citizen,
1999a, p. 5). The government defended its position by stating “the loss of that company and the
associated unemployment and social impacts were unacceptable” {Prince George Citizen,
1999a, p. 5). Although the people of Prince Rupert supported this strategy, the hopes of
attracting an alternate buyer were stopped by poor market prices for lumber, a cost of pulp
production well above world levels, and the $170 million upgrade needed at the forty-year-old
mill.

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This bailout strategy follows the typical 1980s form of services delivery where government was
seen as the provider to local constituents and towns. As argued by Tindal and Tindal (1984), the
government was relied upon to provide relief from transition-related stress. Having not yet
adopted the 1990s form of services delivery where government encouraged towns to be selfreliant in adjusting to stress and change, the NDP responded to the Skeena-Celiuiose situation
by doing what governments in the past had done - provide.

On February 16'*’, 1999, the pulp mill in Gold River, BC, closed down. This closure threatened
the viability of the town. Gold River’s residents approached the NDP government for a bailout
plan similar to the one given Skeena Cellulose. However, the government stated that it “had no
appetite for another Skeena Cellulose-style bailout unless the private sector [was] willing to step
in as well” {Prince George Citizen, 1999b, p. 5). This decision came as the result of the lack of
success reselling the Skeena Cellulose mills, in addition to the fact that the Gold River mill had
lost $180 million between 1992 and 1999, and forecasts for pulp prices at the time were very
low {Prince George Citizen, 1999b).

In addition, the Provincial Government was also restructuring the nature of services provision.
It realized the fiscal and political benefits associated with ‘empowerment’ as discussed by
Wallis et al. (1998). Following the theory of empowerment, assistance was provided to Gold
River, but local residents were to set their own priorities for issues deserving attention. The
goal was to have residents of Gold River become more self-reliant, as opposed to governmentdependent. Therefore, instead of the bailout plan, an alternate strategy was put in place.

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As a result of this political restructuring, a transitional task force was set up with members of
the Provincial Government, and members of the Gold River municipal government. Agenda
items were set according to the priorities identified by the task force members. Financial
assistance was provided based upon the priorities identified by the task force and was only
related to transitional activities.

6.4.L b

Tumbler Ridge

The Quintette closure announcement came without prior consultation with Tumbler Ridge
residents, leaders, or government officials. In fact. Provincial leaders had been involved with
Teck Corporation over talks to make the Quintette mine more viable (Vancouver Sun, 2000).
Energy and Mines Minister Dan Miller stated to the press that he was “blindsided by the
decision by the m ine’s operator, Teck Corporation, to speed up plans to close the money-losing
mine [in] August putting 500 people out of work” (Vancouver Sun, 2000, p. D l). Based on this
shock. Miller also initially stated that as a result of the mine closure, the town would most likely
close. Miller commented to journalists that “[tjhe [town] was built for one purpose, as a [place]
to house the workers for the two mines, and without the mines, I don’t know that you could
convert the [town] to some other use” (Vancouver Sun, 2000, p. D2). In addition to this, the
NDP party had elected a new leader only one week prior to the announcement. As a result,
many of the key governmental leaders were unprepared to engage in action and the initial
decision-making was left to the leaders of Tumbler Ridge.

Tumbler Ridge leaders took action. Just two weeks after the closure announcement, an article in

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the local p ap er articulated the feelings o f T um bler R idge residents that;

[djespite the media messages, and the abandonment of Tumbler Ridge as a
disposable [town] by Provincial politicians, there is a strong current of
confidence about our future running through town. Many residents are survivors
from other mining towns...Pine Point, Faro, Uranium City, Cassiar, and
Granisle, to name a few. A significant number of residents call Tumbler Ridge
their permanent home and are not willing to move {Community Connections,
2000, p. 1).

Six days after the closure announcement, local councillors gathered together to make an
emergency action plan. The hope was to establish a ‘game plan’ to approach the Provincial
Government for help and support (pers. comm., 2001). At this meeting, two issues were
immediately identified as needing attention: provincial support generally and issues surrounding
housing specifically. As Markey and Roseland (2000) argue, if residents and leaders have
vision, are cognizant of their existing resources, and are able to develop a working framework
through which priorities needing attention could be identified, they have capacity to engage in
action. Because all of these criteria of mobilization occurred in Tumbler Ridge immediately
after the closure was announced, local capacity existed.

By March 15'*', 2000, the Provincial Government was finally convinced of the need to provide
Tumbler Ridge with support. Minister Dan Miller travelled to the town and met with a group
representing the Peace River region (Table 6.1). Regional support had been offered to the
District of Tumbler Ridge immediately after the announcement. Organizers of the meeting
wanted to demonstrate strong regional support to show the Province that it was important to
everyone to have Tumbler Ridge survive (pers. comm., 2001). As the towns within the
Regional District had worked together previous to the closure announcement, and valued the
existence of Tumbler Ridge as part of their extended ‘community’, support was provided from
very early on in the transition process.

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Table 6.1
Tumbler Ridge Revitalization Task Force: Initial Meeting Participants
Name
Position Held
Town
Dan Miller
Karen Concurrada
Dr. Hal Gueren

Victoria
Victoria
Victoria

Jack W eisgerber
Moray Stewart
Karen Goodings

Peace River
Peace River Reg. Dist.
Peace River Reg. Dist.

Minister of Energy and Mines
Ministry o f Energy and Mines
Assistant Deputy M inister o f Community Development
Cooperatives and Volunteers
MLA
Administrator
Chairperson

Clay lies
Fred Banham
A1 Kopeck
Tom Dali
Bill Hendley
Ray Proulx Jr.
Ralph Higdon
Glenda Nikirk

Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge

Mayor
Administrator
Councillor
Councillor
Councillor
Councillor
Councillor
Councillor

Blair Lekstrom
Jim Noble

Dawson Creek
Dawson Creek

Mayor
Administrator

Steve Thorlakson
Colin Griffth

Ft. St. John
Ft. St. John

Mayor
Administrator

Charlie Lasser
Mike Redfeam

Chetwynd
Chetwynd

Mayor
Administrator

Yvonne Eldon
Bill Deith

School District #59
School District #59

Chair
Administrator

Sheila Barnes
South Peace Health Unit Chair
Rick Robinson
South Peace Health Unit Chief Administrative Officer
Source: Task Force Meeting Minutes, 2000; pers. comm., 2001

Clay lies, M ayor of Tumbler Ridge, began the meeting with a speech about the importance of
Tumbler Ridge. M any individuals from the meeting commented that M ayor Des did a good job
of proving to the Provincial Government how important it was to ensure Tumbler Ridge’s
survival. Tumbler Ridge was ‘ready’ (Ashton, 1999). The group, made up of both local and
regional members, was organized. Participation and coordination of efforts were customary
methods of behaviour between individuals and groups in Tumbler Ridge and with surrounding
communities in the Peace River region. Therefore, before representatives from the region were
formally invited to participate, they had already offered their services to reciprocate support.

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In reaction to Tumbler Ridge’s presentation, Minister Miller told all meeting attendees that there
was nothing the Province would do to stop the closure of the mine, contrary to the case with
Skeena Cellulose. However, the Province would be willing to provide transitional assistance as
they had done in Gold River. Dr. Hal Guerin, Assistant Deputy Minister of Community
Development, Cooperatives and Volunteers, was offered to Tumbler Ridge as co-chair of a task
force to facilitate the reproduction of the Gold River experience. Thus began the establishment
of the Tumbler Ridge Revitalization Task Force (Task Force).

Within the confines of the Task Force, a common purpose was identified and defined in the
Terms of Reference (2000, p. 1):
[t]he purpose of the Tumbler Ridge Revitalization Task Force Committee is to
focus on the [town] and its ability to deliver municipal, educational, community
health, and social services to a viable and stable community infrastructure.
Special emphasis will be put into creating an economic environment that creates
economic diversity.

Once this purpose was set, the action plan identified three specific sets of horizons: short term,
intermediate term, and long term (Terms of Reference, 2000, p. 5). Each horizon identified
specific goals to be met (Table 6.2). In developing the goals to fit the horizons of transition
planning. Task Force participants identified three priorities. Short term goals were to focus
primarily on housing issues. Intermediate term goals were to focus upon transition planning.
Long term goals were to focus on economic diversification.

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Table 6.2
Horizons and Goals of the Task Force Action Plan
Horizons
Short Term

Goals
•

housing (sales and rental opportunities)

(immediate)

•
•

local services (education, health, social)
funding stability (industry adjustment, schools, health)

Intermediate Term

•

forming local services committee to address:
■ municipal sustainability
■ population transition
■ assessment loss
■ transition planning
■ interim stability for services
■ developing a strategic marketing plan

•
•
•

stable population
projects / partnerships
diversification / development

(2-3 years)

Long term
(5 years)

Source: Terms o f Reference, 2000

After the March 15*, 2000 meeting confirmed the assistance of the Provincial Government, the
structure of the Task Force took form. From a suggestion made by Moray Stewart,
Administrator of the Peace River Regional District, and Colin Griffth Administrator of Fort St.
John, the Task Force was divided into two subgroups: the governance group (Table 6.3), and the
administrative group (Table 6.4).

Because the closure announcement came six months before the actual closure occurred, time
was a critical factor. The separation of the Task Force into two separate groups provided the
opportunity for both groups to work on two separate tasks to achieve their objective as quickly
and efficiently as possible. The governance group would meet four times throughout that sixmonth period. Their central role was decision-making. They got updates from the
administrative group and made the final decisions about further directions. The governance

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group was also responsible for taking the final funding assistance proposal to the Provincial
Government.

In contrast, participants in the administrative group referred to themselves as the ‘worker bees’
(pers. comm., 2001). The administrative group met every Tuesday over the six-month period to
review and report on progress, and to reassign tasks. The group was responsible for getting all
the work done to inform the governance group, and to carry out the decisions made by the
governance group. Task Force participants felt that this separation of jobs was crucial to the
success of the process (pers. comm., 2001).

Many of the representatives on the Task Force were also individuals who offered their
assistance up front after the mine closure was announced. Upon agreeing on the participant list,
the Administrator for Tumbler Ridge, Fred Banham, called people to formally request their
involvement on one of the two committees. Individuals contacted did not hesitate to become
involved (pers. comm., 2001). Tumbler Ridge residents in general were also invited to
participate in the process through the opening of Task Force meetings to the public. Several
interested observers came to watch the meetings in session, and participated by asking questions
and listening to the process. Regular updates of the progress of the Task Force were published
in local and regional newspapers.

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Table 6.3
Name

Place

Position Held in Group

Clay lies
Hal Guerin

Tumbler Ridge
Victoria

Co-Chair
Co-Chair

Ralph Higdon
Glenda Nikirk
Ray Proulx Jr.
Bill Hendley
A1 Kopek
Rob MacKay
Mike Hunter
Tom Dali
Yvonne Elden
Bernice Greengrass

Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge
Tumbler Ridge

TR Council
TR Council
TR Council
TR Council
TR Council
Steelworkers: TR Labour
CEP: TR Labour
School District #59
School District #59
Northern Lights College

Tom Caton
Peace River Reg. Dist.
Peace River Reg. Dist.
Steve Thorlakson
Fort St. John
Mayor
Blair Lekstrom
Dawson Creek
Mayor
Charlie Lasser
Chetwynd
Mayor
Sheila Barnes
South Peace Health Council
Janet Hartford
Peace Liard Community Health Services Society
Tumbler Ridge
Jack Weisgerber
South Peace MLA
John Backhouse
Northern Development Commissioner
Prince George
Source: Tumbler Ridge Revitalization Task Force Terms of Reference, 2000

Table 6.4
Task Force Core Coordinating Committee: Administrative Group
Name
Position Held in Group
Place
Fred Banham
Dale Leitch

Tumbler Ridge
Victoria

Co-Chair
Co-Chair

Moray Stewart
Peace River Regional District
Colin Griffith
Administrator
Fort St. John
Jim Noble
Administrator
Dawson Creek
Mike Redfeam
Chetwynd
Administrator
Charlie Parslow
School District #59
Lucinda Lindsay
Northern Lights College
Tumbler Ridge
Rick Robinson
South Peace Health Council
Dr. Kay Wotton
Peace Liard Community Health Services Society
Ministry of Community Development
Tim Cottrell
Laslie Lax
Northern Development Commissioner
Ian Back
Ministry of Energy and Mines
Rob Rounds
Ministry o f Municipal Affairs_________________
Source: Tumbler Ridge Revitalization Task Force Terms of Reference, 2000

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Tumbler Ridge’s Mayor Clay lies and Administrator Fred Banham gave a presentation to the
Northern Development Commission on April 18'*’, 2001. The purpose of this presentation was
to update the Commission on the Task Force’s progress. Their progress was evaluated by
outlining three horizons and associated goals. Short term goals were identified as housing, local
services, and funding stability. In regards to housing, the District of Tumbler Ridge acquired
title to 985 units (sixty-one percent of the total housing stock in town) and, in coordination with
the Tumbler Ridge Housing Corporation, the homes were aggressively renovated, marketed, and
sold starting July 22"^, 2000. At the end of April 2001, 787 homes were sold, representing
almost eighty percent of the acquired stock.

In regards to local services, education, health, and social services were priorities. The Task
Force negotiated with the Ministry of Education to guarantee seventy-five percent of education
funding based on the 1999/2000 school year attendance. Although the transition funding was
set in place to be used over a five-year period, the number of students attending school in
Tumbler Ridge has remained relatively stable and, therefore, the funds have yet to be utilized
(Table 6.5).

Table 6.5
School Year

Number of Students

1999 /2 0 0 0
429
2 0 0 0 /2 0 0 1
403
2001 / 2002
401
Source: Northern Developm ent Commission Presentation, 2001

Funding was put in place to secure two physicians and a nursing staff in addition to the
education services. Secure funding for health care professionals was especially important for
both seniors moving to town, and for families with young children wishing to stay in town.

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Although the transition plan for physicians was set in place, it has not yet been utilized as the
caseload for both doctors has increased rather than decreased. The plan for nurses was not as
successful. Tumbler Ridge has had trouble attracting nurses to work full-time for their health
clinic - an issue encountered by the Province of BC as a whole. Finally, to ensure efficiency in
the system, social services in Tumbler Ridge were consolidated. The Ministry of Health funded
assessment and referral services, counselling, and self-improvement programs. These social
services are provided through one office. The Tumbler Ridge Development Services
Committee (TREDS), new programs offered by the Tumbler Ridge Family Support Society
(TRFSS), and a social worker hired to assist youth going through the transition process were
also part of the social services plan in the Task Force.

Industry adjustment was the priority for the goal of funding stability. A joint Provincial /
Federal industrial adjustment service agreement established an aging worker training program
and provided services for Quintette employees. Although many residents rave about the
successes of this program, the funding only lasted until the end of November 2000. Therefore,
the Reclamation Crew that was laid off in October 2001, and the Bullmoose workers who may
be laid off in 2002 / 2003, will not have a program to help them. The Local Government and
the unions created a local program to provide job retraining and employment search
opportunities to any employee facing layoffs or transition.

Intermediate term goals prioritized transition planning that identified municipal stability and
dealing with the assessment loss. The town debt and the expected loss of property tax posed
significant problems for Task Force members. The town still had a $10.8 million infrastructure
debt. This debt constituted the highest municipal debt per capita in all of British Columbia

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(Northern Development Commission Presentation, 2001). Quintette paid for thirty-four percent
of the municipal property tax revenue. Immediately, Tumbler Ridge would lose $44 million in
annual property tax revenue. This would grow to $68 million annually if Bullmoose closes.

In order to eliminate the debt, three main sources were tapped. The Municipal Finance
Authority provided credits realized from sinking fund surpluses and debt reserve funds to a total
of $5,086,443. The Province provided $3,480,072 in lieu of its responsibility in establishing the
town in partnership with the mines. Finally, the town itself used the balance of its debt reserve
fund to pay the remaining $1,700,452. As a result. Tumbler Ridge was cleared of its debts by
December 22, 2000 (Northern Development Commission Presentation, 2001). Through the
housing sale, many new residents and homeowners found Tumbler Ridge attractive.
Homeowners began to pay property tax, which helped pay for municipal service costs.
Entrepreneurs started eleven new businesses in town, many associated with home improvement
efforts that continue to dominate the activities of new and old residents. The atmosphere of
home improvement and renovation is a welcome sight for many residents as it is an indicator of
homeownership and local pride (pers. comm., 2001). After so many years of rentership.
Tumbler Ridge as a town of homeowners finally appeared to meet the expected outcomes of
commitment as outlined in the social design principles by the initial town planners. Hopefully,
this shift will produce an atmosphere that fosters a sense of commitment to place for newcomers
(Gill, 1990a, 1990b, 1990c).

Finally, the Task Force identified economic diversification as the priority of the long term goals.
The Provincial Government hired Consultants to research the potential for economic
diversification in Tumbler Ridge. Their reports highlighted a diverse range of opportunities for

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the area. The infrastructure is, in many ways, ready to take on most of the suggestions made by
consultants, however; residents of Tumbler Ridge are resistant to change in some of these
directions. When discussing diversification in town, residents still look towards big business
and seem to be attracted to high resource sector wages rather than long-term economic viability
and stability (pers. comm., 2001). Local leaders continue to pursue different economic
directions (such as oil an gas, forestry, a new mine, and tourism); key leaders and residents in
Tumbler Ridge have not yet come to grips with the fact that they must find alternate economic
resources outside of mining or forestry.

6.5

Discussion: Social Capital, Social Cohesion, and Community Capacity

Although the findings of this thesis seem to place concepts of social capital and social cohesion
in a positive light, there are downsides to such concepts that must be considered and integrated
into the analysis. As Halseth (1998, p. 47) describes, local “conflict is one of the major social
processes in [‘place- and interest-based’] community life [and is] something that can be
expected to appear when groups or individuals are making adjustments to meet new conditions.”
Especially in the case where divisions may exist between oldtimers and newcomers, the
question must be raised about exclusiveness between and within groups (Halseth, 1998).

While the benefits of social capital before the mine closure announcement are demonstrated
clearly in this thesis, it is unclear how the ‘new versus old’ scenario will play out in Tumbler
Ridge. Residents, regardless of the length of time spent in town, must continue to be involved.
If new residents feel excluded from existing groups, the social capital that has been built up and
maintained over time may be seriously threatened. The deterioration of social capital may
negatively affect both individual and collective action (Portes and Landolt, 1996; Lacy, 2000).

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The daily rhythms of resource town work provided a basis for examining the concept of social
cohesion. Residents are generally of the same demographic, are employed in the same sector of
the economy, and often share common interests and goals. The similarity in shift work schedule
with friends and neighbours allow residents to vacation together, and potentially share childcare
responsibilities. Habitual patterns of interaction and basic patterns of daily activity bond
residents in such towns. Residents coming to town following economic revitalization may not
share the same interests, work schedules, or vacation plans thereby posing a potential threat in
their ability to engage cohesively.

The concept of population diversity is introduced when newcomers, not interested or involved
in resource-based activities, come to live in resource towns. Although a mixed population has
its advantages, multiple interests and goals may pose difficulties when making decisions and
attempting to achieve consensus over future directions for the town. In addition, while resource
towns often attract residents who have experience living in small towns, and who are
accustomed to the cyclical nature of a resource economy, the new residents in Tumbler Ridge
may not be accustomed to such aspects of local life.

Because the prices for housing in Tumbler Ridge throughout the big sale that began July 2001
were so low, many different types of residents were attracted to Tumbler Ridge. Although some
new residents were accustomed to life in small towns, others are ‘big city folk’ looking for a
cheap, country getaway to spend their retirement years. Initially attracted by the marketing
video of the town, many of these new residents have expressed frustration upon moving to
Tumbler Ridge due to the lack of basic services and amenities they had come to expect, and

146

appreciate, in larger centres (Halseth and Ryser, 2002). As new residents are themselves going
through an adjustment to their new town, processes of involvement, exclusion, community
conflict, and integration may affect social capital, social cohesion, and community capacity in
Tumbler Ridge.

Tumbler Ridge has executed two phases of Halseth’s (1999) ‘Alternate Futures’ model. There
are residents living in Tumbler Ridge who have grown older living in town and are, therefore,
determined to remain in the town they love. In addition, residents and leaders are struggling
with redefining Tumbler Ridge from what it was, to what it will be one day. This struggle has
been more difficult than many of the leaders anticipated, but their efforts continue.

The third option of Halseth’s (1999) ‘Alternate Futures’ model is town closure. This bleak
option still looms over Tumbler Ridge despite extensive efforts to eliminate this threat in the
recent past. Although the possibility of town closure seems implausible after the town
transformed from a rental to homeowner landscape, lessons about complacency must be learned
from mistakes made in the past. Tumbler Ridge was built under the initial guise that if planning
instruments were put in place early on, the town would be the resource town that ‘never closed’.
These sentiments continued despite the finite nature of the fifteen-year contracts signed between
the mining companies and the Japanese. As the very existence of Tumbler Ridge has been so
seriously threatened of late, residents have hopefully learned not to be complacent. Residents
and leaders must remain conscious of the threat of closure, and continue to work hard to
maintain their town.

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6.6

E xternal V alidity

External validity refers to the extent to which findings apply beyond cases that were actually
studied (Yegidis et ah, 1999). It relates to the nature of cases studied, and the extent to which
such case studies are representative of other cases not studied. In the situation where only one
case study is used, it is widely documented that generalizability is very difficult, if not
impossible (Babbie, 1979; Yegidis et a l, 1999; Kitchin and Tate, 2000). In fact, Yegidis et a l
(1999, p. 139) argue, “such generalizations [to situations not studied] would be presumptuous.”

Tumbler Ridge differs from other resource towns. For example. Tumbler Ridge is only twenty
years old, making it the newest town in British Columbia. The planning framework
implemented social design principles not used in the planning of any other town. These
elements differentiate Tumbler Ridge from other resource towns in Canada, and makes
generalizability of findings difficult.

Despite these differences. Tumbler Ridge also has a number of similarities to single-industry,
resource-based towns that make findings of this thesis worth noting when applying concepts of
social capital, social cohesion, and community capacity in other places. First, the very nature of
single-industry, resource dependence is a characteristic of many towns across Canada. As it
was a town planned after the Second World War, Tumbler Ridge shares many physical elements
of towns built in this same period. Examples from planned towns across the country such as
Kitimat, BC, Thompson, Manitoba, Elliot Lake, Ontario, and Fermont, Québec show similar
neighbourhood structures and attention to the creation of attachment to place. Like these towns.
Tumbler Ridge is located off the main highway, and remains isolated. The small populations
and geographic isolation so characteristic of resource towns also exist in Tumbler Ridge.

148

Finally, the impacts of globalization are affecting all resource towns across Canada. Although
Tumbler Ridge has unique characteristics, my thesis results can be looked at in a much more
general way to further investigate other towns of a single-industry, resource-based nature to
discover how concepts of social capital, social cohesion, and community capacity play out in
different environments.

6.7

Conclusion

In the conclusion of the presentation to the Northern Development Commissioner, the Tumbler
Ridge Mayor and Administrator outlined ‘keys for the road to success’. All of these ‘keys’ are
built around the concept of cooperation. Task Force members agree that the successes of the
Task Force happened because of the efforts of many. Because of municipal, regional, and
provincial cooperation, positive results were attained. Due to the ability of Tumbler Ridge
residents to act initially and immediately in response to the mine closure announcement, they
mobilized resources - both human and economic - to help make a plan to save their town.

Despite these efforts, their work is not complete. As with the concepts of social capital and
social cohesion, community capacity is an outcome that only occurs with constant vigilance and
attention. Positive enthusiasm, vision, and determination have brought Tumbler Ridge residents
a long way through the process of transition. However, their struggle to incorporate economic
diversification still poses a threat to the future viability of the town. In addition, the amount of
work required of key leaders to accomplish what they have since the mine closure
announcement has been tremendous. Thus, the potential for burnout of these volunteers is high.
The future of Tumbler Ridge lies in the hands of its residents - old and new. Although it is
clear through their actions and involvement in the Task Force that community capacity was

149

demonstrated in reaction to the Quintette closure announcement, there is still no guarantee that
the future of the town will be secure.

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CHAPTER SEVEN
FINAL THOUGHTS; A STORY IN REVIEW
7.1

Introduction

Traditional resource town development models suggest that town closure results when the main
employer leaves town. Yet, recent examples suggest that this may not always be the case.
Elliot Lake in Ontario, and Gold River and Chemainus in British Columbia have all engaged in
community transition after economic stress threatened their viability. These actions
demonstrate that an ‘Alternate Futures’ model of place-based community development may be
more applicable than traditional models for today’s resource towns. Using a case study of
Tumbler Ridge, British Columbia, the concepts of social capital and social cohesion have been
used to demonstrate that residents had enough community capacity in the months following the
closure announcement of the Quintette mine to establish the Tumbler Ridge Revitalization Task
Force and undertake transition planning.

7.2

Research Questions

Three main research questions were addressed in this thesis. First, “did groups and individuals
in Tumbler Ridge have social capital?” Social capital was operationalized as the building of
trust and confidence between individuals and within groups. For my sample. Tumbler Ridge
residents have come together successfully over time to form linkages and partnerships, trust and
confidence have been built up and maintained.

The second research question was “have there been opportunities for Tumbler Ridge residents to
work together cohesively?” Social cohesion was operationalized as opportunities to interact,
work together, and form linkages and partnerships. Over the years, many seasonal activities and
special events have been held annually in Tumbler Ridge. In addition to these routine

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opportunities, significant social stresses have confronted Tumbler Ridge residents, and have
added to the economic stress endured by most resource towns. Helping organizations are in
place, and act as avenues whereby Tumbler Ridge residents can receive help, support, or advice.
From my sample, it is clear that there have been opportunities to develop socially cohesive
groups and relationships.

The third research question was “have Tumbler Ridge residents demonstrated community
capacity in reaction to stressful events over time?” My description of the Task Force
demonstrated that key leaders in Tumbler Ridge had the capacity to react to, and mitigate, the
stress associated with significant change. Because social capital (trust), and social cohesion
(interaction) were built up and maintained over time, these leaders were able to react
immediately and effectively to the Quintette closure announcement. Their ability to mobilize
partners from their own town, and from surrounding communities, partnerships between the
Local, Regional, and Provincial Governments, allowed action to take place immediately. Such
action clearly demonstrates that Tumbler Ridge was ready to deal with significant stress.

Social capital, social cohesion, and community capacity are useful concepts in explaining the
organization of Tumbler Ridge residents as they proceeded with the initial stages of transition.
Although the leaders of Tumbler Ridge worked in partnership with outside agencies, the
foundation of trust, and the ability of local groups to work together successfully, had to be
established before action took place. The hard work of people willing to volunteer their time for
their town was impressive, and should be acknowledged for the contribution it made to help
ensure Tumbler Ridge’s immediate transition.

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This thesis does not answer or predict whether Tumbler Ridge will continue to exist in the
future. At present, residents old and new continue to encounter challenges in regards to local
transition and economic diversification. However, as the findings from this thesis suggest,
capacity in the face of significant stress can exist if social capital and social cohesion has been
built up and maintained and opportunities to engage in social cohesion have been regular.
Although a great challenge persists for Tumbler Ridge, residents have the potential to engage in
this challenge due to their knowledge and experience. Whether residents materialize such
potential will be interesting indeed.

7.3

Lessons Learned

This thesis has demonstrated that social capital and social cohesion can play important roles in
contributing to the level of community capacity that exists within a place. Lessons can be
learned about the significance of the voluntary sector in resource towns. It is important to
acknowledge that social capital and social cohesion in Tumbler Ridge were built up from
opportunities residents had working together in groups. Although some formal organizations
such as the District or the Recreation Centre played key roles, many of these opportunities
centred around informal organizations. As the structure of resource towns revolves around the
workplace, it becomes increasingly important for the voluntary sector to offer activities and
events for residents to participate in, and for traditions to become established. Beyond the
significance of social capital and social cohesion as factors contributing to community capacity,
a key lesson learned in this thesis is that voluntary organizations are important, and the efforts of
volunteers contribute greatly. Towns like Tumbler Ridge should embrace and support their
voluntary organizations, as it may be these organizations that become key players in the process
of local transition.

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7.4

Future Research Questions

An analysis of Tumbler Ridge through its entire process of transition could not be done in the
scope of a two-year masters degree thesis. The time required to examine the process of a town
in transition is a lengthy undertaking. This thesis has raised many questions to be considered by
future research endeavours. Six main themes have arisen from these questions and are
recommended as possible future research opportunities.

First, measuring social capital was raised as a difficult issue. Issues of trust and confidence are
very difficult to measure for many reasons. Most importantly, individuals have very different
ideas of what these words mean. Therefore, a future research task would be to further develop
appropriate methods by which social capital can be measured and evaluated. By learning new
ways to measure social capital, a greater understanding of its usefulness in examining how
individuals cope with social and economic stress, and of local processes of transition will be
gained.

Although Tumbler Ridge residents reacted positively to the challenges they faced after the
Quintette closure announcement, the town continues to face challenges associated with
economic diversification. New residents moving into Tumbler Ridge include a mix of people
interested in retirement, raising small children, and other pursuits. In order to sustain such a
diverse population, it is essential that additional economic opportunities be brought to the area.
Tumbler Ridge residents, at this point, seem dedicated to pursuing opportunities that bring high
wages such as mining or forestry operations. Attracting such companies to northeastern British
Columbia in the era of increased globalization is difficult. Therefore, a future research

154

endeavour would be to better understand the process Tumbler Ridge follows in pursuing
economic diversification. Benefits of this would be twofold. First, it would provide an
opportunity to see if Tumbler Ridge residents optimize on their potentials. Second, a better
understanding would emerge of why economic diversification, even in times of economic
disaster, is such a struggle for local leaders of single-industry, resource-based towns.

Socio-economic trends reveal much about the various processes that are taking place in any
town. Tracking the changing socio-economic characteristics of Tumbler Ridge would be useful
for understanding the changing nature of a town through its process of transition. Population
characteristics dictate the level of funding, services, and amenities that a town needs to provide
for its residents. Population characteristics also become a factor in the delivery of services such
as local provision of sewer, water and road maintenance, emergency services, and health and
educational services. If socio-economic characteristics are tracked through time, the changing
nature of services needs is also tracked. Research conducted by Matthiasson (1971) in resource
towns revealed that residents evaluate quality-of-life based on their satisfaction with the level of
services and amenities provided. Research evaluating socio-economic characteristics in
Tumbler Ridge may also predict the levels of satisfaction residents have with living there.

A common finding within the academic literature is the occurrence of place- and interest-based
community conflict between oldtimers and newcomers (Halseth, 1998; Fitchen, 1991). Future
research investigating this situation in Tumbler Ridge would be very useful. The roles
newcomers play in town will become an important element for its future. In regards to the
concepts of social capital and social cohesion, the way in which newcomers and oldtimers
associate with each other may inhibit or encourage the building and maintenance of such tools.

155

This, in turn, may affect the ability of Tumbler Ridge residents to have capacity in situations of
future stress or crisis.

The efforts on behalf of Tumbler Ridge residents and key town leaders were impressive
throughout the Task Force process and the immediate transition activities. However, their work
is far from complete. The significant amount of time and energy required by the Task Force
Terms of Reference placed a large amount of pressure on all those involved. Some of these
initiatives went far beyond the formal structure of the Task Force, which lasted only six months.
Adjusting to the housing sale, engaging in economic diversification, and redefining the town are
all issues that residents must continue to address. A future research endeavour would be to track
the actions of Tumbler Ridge residents to see if threats to social capital, social cohesion, and
community capacity such as thresholds, burnout, or a lack of leaders willing to volunteer
impacts their ability to engage in transition activities. To build and maintain social capital
people must continually engage in socially cohesive activities and events. If residents are
complacent, action will not necessarily occur and might lead to depleting these resources. Not
only will this type of research help to understand the nature of a longer-term evaluation of local
transition, it will assist with gaining a better understanding of how the threats to social capital,
social cohesion, and community capacity may affect the ability of towns to utilize such tools.

Finally, although it is known that the social design principles are unique to Tumbler Ridge, what
is unknown is if these principles have had an effect on the amount of social capital, social
cohesion, and thus community capacity that exists within the place. Therefore, an important
project for the future would be to study other towns developed without the influence of the
social design principles. This type of research would test if social capital still existed in

156

abundance, if social cohesion opportunities were as great and, therefore, if community capacity
is demonstrated in reaction to significant stressful events as efficiently as they were in Tumbler
Ridge.

7.5

Conclusion

It has been useful to employ concepts of social capital and social cohesion to evaluate a
community’s capacity to react. Groups and individuals in Tumbler Ridge worked hard over
time to build social capital. Through opportunities to engage in socially cohesive events and
activities, feelings such as trust and reciprocity became strong between individuals and groups.
Regular opportunities to interact and form partnerships for fun, traditional events, or in
situations of social or economic stress, provided Tumbler Ridge residents with opportunities to
build and maintain social capital and to demonstrate community capacity. This enabled
Tumbler Ridge residents to react with rehearsed capacity when their biggest, and most
significant, stressful event occurred: the Quintette mine closure announcement. By tracking the
utility of the concepts of social capital and social cohesion in Tumbler Ridge as it went through
the initial stages of local transition, this thesis has argued that such tools contribute to
understanding and deploying community capacity.

157

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APPENDIX I
FIELDW ORK: FOCUS G RO UP SCRIPT

When providing answers or generating ideas in regards to these questions, please remember that
we are interested in your feelings and involvement in groups and organizations before the
Quintette Mine closure announcement of March 1*', 2000.
Social Capital and Social Cohesion
1.) Would you say that there were opportunities for residents to work together in Tumbler
Ridge?
2.) Have there been lots of opportunities for residents to become involved in groups and
organizations?
3.) Did the groups and organizations that existed before the announcement or that are still in
existence today in Tumbler Ridge ever work together or did (do) they mostly keep to
themselves?
4.) Would you say that there were many leaders of organizations, or was it the same few
people who held all the leadership positions?
Reaction to Stress
5.) Do you remember a specific event or instance (negative or positive) that required people
in Tumbler Ridge to form groups and work together?
6.) Has this group been involved with any other group (s) on a regular basis?
7.) If a situation arose where your group had to act in a situation of crisis or emergency,
were there groups or organizations in town that you could count on to work with you in
response or for help?
8.) What stood out to you as major events or crises that have occurred in Tumbler Ridge for
as long as you can remember?
9.) In regards to these stressful events, what do you recall was the reaction of community
residents, individual or groups to this situation?
10.) What was the outcome of this situation?
11.) Do you think that this outcome was positive or negative?

168

G eneral Tum bler R idge Information

12.) W hat are some drawbacks or disadvantages to living in Tumbler Ridge?
13.) What are some advantages to living in Tumbler Ridge?
14.) From the experiences you have had working in groups and organizations in Tumbler
Ridge over time, do you have anything else that has not been touched on here that you
would like to comment on?

169

APPENDIX II
FOCUS GROUP FEEDBACK TOOLS AND THANK-YOU GIFTS

The success of long term research projects in small towns depends on the relationship that
develops between the researcher and the researched. Not only are components of high quality
research, such as confidentiality and anonymity, crucial to such success; developing an
atmosphere whereby trust and reciprocity are outcomes, is equally important.
Due to the need to establish a relationship whereby characteristics of trust and reciprocity are
fostered, implementing feedback tools and thank-you gifts into the research design of fieldwork
in small towns is critical. For the focus group component of this thesis, efforts were made to
develop a sense of professionalism by ensuring that confidences were maintained and identities
of participants were kept anonymous. One way this sense of professionalism was executed by
the choice of feedback tools provided to focus group participants. Unlike traditional methods of
feedback tools where the audio-tapes are transcribed and handed out to focus group participants
(Krueger, 1994), I chose to implement a more direct approach as outlined by Gill (1996). This
approach required that summaries were developed from each of the five focus groups, in
addition to general summaries of themes from all of the focus groups combined. These
feedback tools were handed out to focus group participants immediately after the focus groups
were complete. The opportunity was available for participants to comment on the accuracy of
what was recorded. The feedback tools were useful in showing participants that:
1.) their input was a necessary part of the data collection process;
2.) their time was well used because their comments were organized into themes that were
incorporated into the development of the interview script.
In addition to providing focus group participants with feedback tools upon which to identify the
usefulness of their participation, small thank-you gifts appropriate to each focus group were
handed out. The reaction focus group participants had to the thank-you gifts speaks to the
importance of providing such tokens at the end of an intense focus group session.
1.) Gifts of University of Northern British Columbia (UNBC) logo T-shirts were given to
the youth focus group participants along with a hand written thank-you card. Although
the youths did not seem too pleased with this token at the time, I saw all six participants
wearing the T-shirt in the remaining time I spent in town.
2.) The womens’ focus group participants were given a coffee table book documenting the
construction of the UNBC, in addition to small 4x5 picture frames. A hand-written
thank-you card accompanied the gifts. These gifts were well received by all participants.

170

3.) The seniors’ focus group participants were also given the UNBC coffee table book, in
addition to a glass, heart shaped, candy dish from UNBC. The one male in the seniors’
focus group was given a ceramic coffee mug instead of a candy dish. A hand-written
thank-you card was addressed to each participant and accompanied the gifts. The
seniors seemed very happy with the thank-you gifts.
4.) The coal miner focus group participants received a copy of the UNBC coffee table book
and UNBC logo T-shirts. The one female coal miner participant received a 4x5 picture
frame instead of the T-shirt as the sizes were far too large for her. The group was
shocked to be receiving gifts and mentioned that it seemed backward to have been given
the opportunity to talk about their town and receive thanks for it. They said it should
have been them giving thank-you gifts to me for the opportunity to “walk down memory
lane”.
5.) All participants in the economic diversification focus group received a ceramic UNBC
coffee mug in addition to the coffee table book. A hand-written thank-you card was
addressed to each individual participant and accompanied each gift. The participants
seemed pleased with the token of appreciation, and laughed about the gift of a reusable
mug as suitable for everyone.
None of the thank-you gifts were expensive or excessive. The personalized thank-you card was
most appreciated by all focus group participants and was appropriate after such an intimate
session of sharing. Although the focus group experience itself is one where a researcher can
become very familiar with the views and feelings of the participants, the extension of feedback
tools and thank-you gifts solidifies the relationship bound in professionalism, and opens
participants up to facilitating the subsequent phases of the research project.

171

APPENDIX III
FIELDW ORK; FORM AL INTERVIEW

Interview Consent Form
Purpose - The purpose of this interview is to learn how long time, active residents view their
community and to understand the particular meaning they attach to events occurring there. Of
special interest is how key informants view change that occurs within Tumbler Ridge, and how
residents, groups and organizations tend to react to such change. This research is for my MA
thesis on the role of community in the town of Tumbler Ridge,
How respondent was chosen - The participants in the interview portion of this research have
been chosen directly by the researcher due to their formal or informal positions within groups or
organizations within the community. Participants may have also been identified by other key
informants as instrumental people to talk to.
Anonymity and Confidentiality - All of the information shared in this interview will be held
within strict confidence of the researcher herself. All records will be kept in a locked box in a
locked research room at UNBC. The information will be kept until the researcher completes her
thesis defense. After this time, shredding will destroy all documents related to the interview.
Potential Risks and Benefits - This project has been assessed by the UNBC Research Ethics
Board to be of no risk to participants. I hope that by participating in this research project you
will have a chance to reflect on how you feel about the community of Tumbler Ridge, and about
issues related to groups and organizations involved in town before the March 1st, 2000
Quintette Mine closure announcement.
Voluntary Participation - Your participation in the research project is entirely voluntary and,
as such, you may chose not to participate and, if you do, you have the right to terminate the
interview at any time.
Research Results - In case of any questions that may arise from this research, please feel free to
contact Dr. Greg Halseth in the Geography Program at UNBC (250) 960-5826. Please feel free
to also contact Dr. Halseth to inquire about obtaining a copy of the final research results.
Complaints - Any complaints about this project or the interview should be directed to the
Office of Research and Graduate Studies, UNBC (250) 960-5820.___________________________
I have read the above description o f the study and I understand the conditions o f my
participation. My signature indicates that I agree to participate in this study.

(name - please print)

(signature)

(date)

**OPTIONAL**
If you would like a copv of the final research results mailed to you, please attach vour mailing
address

172

Interview Script

A. To begin this interview, let us start with a few general questions on your history and
your experiences living in Tumbler Ridge.
1.) When did you move to Tumbler Ridge?
2.) Presently, what is your main employment role here in town?
3.) Did you hold any other main employment during your time in Tumbler Ridge?
4a.) Why did you decide to move to Tumbler Ridge? (H an d ou t #1)
Please pick all that apply.
1 - Employment
2 - Business / Investment Opportunity
3 - Small Town Lifestyle
4 - Scenery
5 - Outdoor Recreation / Access to Natural Environment
6 - Affordable Housing
7 - Good place to raise Children
8 - Commuting Distance from Work
9 - Retirement
10 - Family and Friends
11 - Other (please specify)
_____________________________________________

4b.) Of the reasons identified above for deciding to move to Tumbler Ridge, what are the three
most important reasons? Why do you consider these to be the most important? (Handout
#1)
#1 Reason #2 Reason #3 Reason 5.) What sort of town did you live in prior to moving to Tumbler Ridge?
1 - Farm
2 - Rural Non Farm
3 - Village (<1,000)
4 - Town (1,000 - 10,000)

5 - Small City (10-30,000)
6 - Medium City (30-100,000)
7 - Large City (>100,000)
8 - Suburb of Large City

I f m e d iu m /la rg e/su b u rb city, go to question 6. I f other options, go to question 7.

173

6.) Have you ever lived in a rural or small town place?
1. - Yes
2 . -N o
7.) Why did you decide to leave your previous town?
8.) At the time you moved to Tumbler Ridge, were you satisfied with the economic situation in
Tumbler Ridge? (on a scale from 1-5 where 1 is very satisfied and 5 is very dissatisfied)
1 - Very Satisfied
2 - Satisfied
3 - Neither Satisfied or Dissatisfied
4 - Dissatisfied
5 - Very Dissatisfied
Please explain:
9a.) During the time you have lived in Tumbler Ridge has your overall satisfaction with the
economic situation changed? (on a scale from 1-4 where 1 is more satisfîed and 3 / 4 is
less satisRed / don't know)
1 - More Satisfied
2 - About the Same
3 - Less Satisfied
4 - Don't Know
Please explain:
I f yes, go to question 9b. I f no, go to question 10.
9b.) Do you recall anything specific that sparked this change in overall satisfaction with the
economic situation of Tumbler Ridge? (Handout #2)
Positive
Negative
1 - Change in Town's Facilities______________ ______
________
2 - Change in Social Environment
______
________
3 - Change in Natural Environment
______
________
4 - Change in Cost of Living
______
________
5 - Rate of Development
______
________
6 - Type of Development
______
________
7 - Other (please specify)
___________________________________________

Please explain:

174

10.) At the time you moved to town were you satisfied with Tumbler Ridge as a place for social
interaction? (on a scale from 1-5 where 1 is very satisfied and 5 is very dissatisfied)
1 - Very Satisfied
2 - Satisfied
3 - Neither Satisfied or Dissatisfied
4 - Dissatisfied
5 - Very Dissatisfied
Please explain;
11a.) During the time you have lived in Tumbler Ridge, has your overall satisfaction with the
town as a place for social interaction changed? (on a scale of 1-4 where 1 is more
satisfied and 3 / 4 is less satisfied/ don't know)
1 - More Satisfied
2 - About the Same
3 - Less Satisfied
4 - Don't Know
Please explain:
I f yes, go to question 11b. I f no, go to question 12.
1 lb.) Do you recall anything specific that sparked this change in overall satisfaction with the
town as a place for social interaction? (Handout #3)
Positive
Negative
________
1 - Change in Town's Facilities______________ ______
2 - Change in Social Environment
______
________
3 - Change in Natural Environment
______
________
4 - Change in Cost of Living
______
________
5 - Rate of Development
______
________
6 - Type of Development
______
________
7 - Other (please specify)___________________________________________________

12a.) Compared to the last town you lived in, would you say that your personal quality of life in
Tumbler Ridge is: (on a scale from 1-6 where 1 is much better and 5 / 6 is much worse /
don't know)
1 - Much Better
2 - Better
3 - Not Much Different

4 - Worse
5 - Much Worse
6 - Don't Know

175

12b) Can you provide some explanation as to why you feel this way? (i.e. what aspects of
quality of life you are referring to when answering this question)
13.) Which of the following best describes your feelings of attachment to Tumbler Ridge? (on a
scale from 1-5 where 1 is very strong and 5 is very weak)
1 - Very Strong
2 - Strong
3 - Average
4 - Weak
5 - Very Weak
Why do you feel this way?
14.) How much longer do you think you will be living in Tumbler Ridge? (Handout#4).
1 - Less than 1 year
2 - 1 - 2 years
3 - 3-5 years
4 -6 -1 0 years
5 - over 10 years
6 - Rest of your Life
7 - Don't know

176

B. In the second section of this interview, I hope to gain a better understanding o f how
groups and organizations in Tumbler Ridge have worked together.

15b.) Job
Related?

15a.) Groups Involved With

15c.) Position
in Group

1.)
2.)
3.)
4.)
5.)
6.)
7.)
8.)
9.)
10.)
11.)
12.)

16.) What are your impressions of the involvement of Tumbler Ridge's resident participation in
the following groups and organizations;
Lots of
Involve­
ment

Involved

Community Service Clubs /
Voluntary Organizations
Unions / Business Organizations
Civic Committees (governmental
organizations)

Please explain:

177

Neutral

Not
Really
Involved

Not
Involved

Don't
Know

17a.) Would you way that there are many leaders of groups and organizations in Tumbler Ridge
or only a few leaders?
17b.) Please indicate how you feel about the following statements:
Strongly
Agree

Agree

In Tumbler Ridge, 10% o f the
people do 90% of the work.
Everyone in Tumbler Ridge is
always willing to help.
If you need help or support,
people in Tumbler Ridge are
always willing to lend a hand.
Once you volunteer, people in
Tumbler Ridge rely on you to
always help out.
There are lots of community
groups in Tumbler Ridge.
The groups in Tumbler Ridge are
very exclusive, if you don't fit in
you aren't welcome.
There are lots o f activities for
kids, youth, moms with kids in
Tumbler Ridge.
Very high degree o f burnout for
volunteers in Tumbler Ridge.
In Tumbler Ridge, you have the
same leaders all the time.

Comments / Elaborations?

178

Neutral

Disagree

Strongly
Disagree

Don't
Know

18a.) W hat are some groups that you
have been involved with that have
worked together on projects or events?

18b.) How would you rate the effectiveness of these linkages or
partnerships?
Very
Effective

1.)

2.)

3.)

4.)

5.)

6.)

7.)

8.)

9.)

10.)

179

Effective

N eutral

Not
Effective

Very
Not
Effective

D on't
Know

C. In the third section of this interview, I would like to better understand the interactions
your organization had working with other organizations in the past, and how these
relationships have impacted your decisions to work with them again in the present or
future.
For the purposes o f this section, please:
draw upon your experiences as a ...
answer in terms o f your role as a ...
provide responses from the perspective o f your involvement with ...
19.) How many people would you say belong to your group / organization?
20.) O f these people, how many would you say were active members of the group /
organization?
21.) Do most people in Tumbler Ridge know about your group / organization?
1. - Yes
2 . -N o
3. - Don't Know
Explain:
22.) How many people participate in activities / events that your organization hosts?
23.) Do you think people have confidence in your organization to know you will carry through
with promised activities / projects?
1. - Yes
2. - No
3. - Don't Know
Explain:
24a.) Do you think people in Tumbler Ridge had trust / confidence in the organization?
24b.) How can you tell?
25.) Can you give any examples of people relying on your group / organization for help /
support / advice?
26.) If you or your organization needed help / support / advice, what groups would you trust?
27a.) From your perspective, has this changed at all now? Do people in Tumbler Ridge trust /
have confidence in your organization today more, less or the same than they did before the
March 1, 2000 Quintette Mine closure announcement?

180

27b.) How can you tell?
D. In the fourth section of this interview, I would like to better understand what you define
as stressful events that have occurred in Tumbler Ridge's history, and how your group /
organization reacted to these stressful events.
28a.) Please describe if you agree or disagree with whether the following events that occurred in
Tumbler Ridge's history were socially stressful to the residents of Tumbler Ridge.
(Handout #5)
Strongly
Agree

Agree

| Neutral

Disagree

i

Strongly
Disagree

Don't
Know

Little Girl Molested
Triple Murder
Vehicular Homicide
Royal Bank Burning Down
Deaths at Mines

28b.) Can you think of any other socially stressful events? (Handout #5)
28c.) From the above list, including your own suggestions, what would you classify as the top
two socially stressful events that occurred in Tumbler Ridge over time? (Handout #5)
#1 Socially Stressful Event
#2 Socially Stressful Event
29a.) Please describe if you agree or disagree with whether the following events that occurred in
Tumbler Ridge's history were stressful economically to the residents of Tumbler Ridge.
(Handout #6)
Strongly
Agree

Agree

Neutral

Disagree

Strongly
Disagree

Don't
Know

Dennison Buy Back
Dennison Bankruptcy
Mine Layoffs
Strikes at Quintette
People's Drug M art Leaving Town

29b.) Can you think of any other economically stressful events? (Handout #6)
29c.) From the above list, including your own suggestions, what would you classify as the top
two economically stressful events that occurred in Tumbler Ridge over time? (Handout
#6)
#1 Economically Stressful Event;
#2 Economically Stressful Event:

181

30.) What do you recall was the initial reaction of Tumbler Ridge residents to these four (two
social, two economic) stressful events?
#1 Social 31.) How did residents recover from these stressors?
32.) How did your organization specifically react initially to the stressors?
33.) How did your organization specifically recover from the stressors?
34.) Did your organization play a role in helping residents recover from the stressful events?
35.) What other organizations played a central role in helping residents recover from the
stressful events ?
30.) What do you recall was the initial reaction of Tumbler Ridge residents to these four (two
social, two economic) stressful events?
#2 Social 31.) How did residents recover from these stressors?
32.) How did your organization specifically react initially to the stressors?
33.) How did your organization specifically recover from the stressors?
34.) Did your organization play a role in helping residents recover from the stressful events?
35.) What other organizations played a central role in helping residents recover from the
stressful events ?
30.) What do you recall was the initial reaction of Tumbler Ridge residents to these four (two
social, two economic) stressful events?
#1 Economic 31.) How did residents recover from these stressors?
32.) How did your organization specifically react initially to the stressors?
33.) How did your organization specifically recover from the stressors?
34.) Did your organization play a role in helping residents recover from the stressful events?
35.) What other organizations played a central role in helping residents recover from the
stressful events ?
30.) What do you recall was the initial reaction of Tumbler Ridge residents to these four (two
social, two economic) stressful events?
#2 Economic -

182

31.) How did residents recover from these stressors?
32.) How did your organization specifically react initially to the stressors?
33.) How did your organization specifically recover from the stressors?
34.) Did your organization play a role in helping residents recover from the stressful events?
35.) What other organizations played a central role in helping residents recover from the
stressful events ?
36a.) By reflecting back on how you felt about Tumbler Ridge when you first moved into town,
please indicate whether you agree or disagree with the following statements;
Strongly
Agree

Agree

Neutral

Disagree

Strongly
Disagree

Don't
Know

Tumbler Ridge was not going
to be just another mining town.
Tumbler Ridge residents were
determined to not let Tumbler
Ridge close.
No attempt at economic
diversification occurred before
the Quintette Mine closure.
The Tumbler Ridge population
was very transient.
W e had no intention o f staying
in Tumbler Ridge after we
moved here.
Everywhere you went in
Tumbler Ridge there were
always lineups.
It was easier to move to
Tumbler Ridge because you
already knew lots o f people
from other towns.

36b.) Please provide some explanation as to why you had these feelings upon moving to
Tumbler Ridge.

183

E. In this fifth section o f the interview I will ask some personal questions about yourself.
The purpose of these questions is to help analyze the information collected in the four
sections above.
37.) Age
1 - under 18
2 - 25-34
3 - 35-44

4 -4 5 -5 4
5 - 55-64
6 - 6 5 and over

38a.) Do you have children?
1 - Yes, go to question 36b
2 - No, go to question 37
38b.) If you have children, how many do you have currently living with you in each of the
following age groups?
1 - 4 yearsand under
2 - 5-9 years
3 -10-14 years

4 -15-19 years
5 - 20-24 years
6 - 25 years and older

39.) What is your marital status?
1 - Single
2 - Married
3 - Separated / Divorced

4 - Widowed
5 - Other (please specify)________________

40.) What level of education have you completed?
1 - Grade 8 or less
2 -G rades 9-12
3 - Post Secondary
(non university / technical / trade)

4 - Some University
5 - University Undergraduate Degree
6 - University Graduate Degree

41.) Which of the following best describes your employment status?
1 - Employed Full-time
2 - Employed Part-time
3 - Employed Seasonally
4 - Unemployed
42a.) Do you own or rent your home?
1 - Rent (go to question 42)
2 - Own (go to question 41b.)
42b.) What year did you purchase your home? (go to question 43)

184

43a.) If you rent your hom e, did you ever ow n a hom e in T u m b ler R idge?

I f yes, go to question 42b, if no, go to question 43.
43b.) If you owned a home in Tumbler Ridge before, please explain why you no longer own
your home.
F. In the final section of this interview, I would like you to have an opportunity to share
with me any information you think is revalent to me understanding your involvement with
groups and organizations in Tumbler Ridge, or to provide you with the opportunity to
share anything else you wish.
44.) Can you think of anything else that we have not discussed, and that is important for me to
understand about how groups and organizations functioned in Tumbler Ridge before the
March 1, 2000 Quintette Mine closure announcement?
45.) Any final remarks or questions that you would like to add / ask?
Thank-you very much for your time. Your assistance and willingness to share stories and
experiences living in Tumbler Ridge was greatly appreciated.

185

Handouts

Handout #1
A 4a.) Why did you decide to move to Tumbler Ridge? (Handout #1)
1 - Employment
2 - Business / Investment Opportunity
3 - Small Town Lifestyle
4 - Scenery
5 - Outdoor Recreation / Access to Natural Environment
6 - Affordable Housing
7 - Good place to raise Children
8 - Commuting Distance from Work
9 - Retirement
10 - Family and Friends
11 - Other (please specify) _____________________ :_______

Handout #2
8.) Once you moved to Tumbler Ridge and became settled, what were your reactions to the
following attributes of the town: (Handout #2)
Unattractive
Sense of Impermanence
Unsafe
Boring
Poor Social Interaction
Dull
Ordinary

1 2 3 4
12 3 4
1 2 3 4
1 2 3 4
12 3 4
1 2 3 4
12 3 4

5
5
5
5
5
5
5

Attractive
Sense of Permanence
Safe
Exciting
Good Social Interaction
Cheerful
Distinctive

Handout #3
1 lb.) Do you recall anything specific that sparked this change in overall satisfaction with the
economic situation of Tumbler Ridge? (Handout #3)
Positive
1 - Change in District’s Facilities
2 - Change in Shopping Facilities
3 - Change in Recreation Facilities
4 - Change in Social Environment
5 - Change in Natural Environment
6 - Change in Cost of Living

186

Negative

7 - Rate of Economic Development
8 - Other (please specify)_________

Handout #4
13b.) Do you recall anything specific that sparked this change in overall satisfaction with the
town as a place for social interaction? (Handout #4)
Positive
Negative
1 - Change in D istrict’s Facilities____________ ______
________
2 - Change in Shopping Facilities
______
________
3 - Change in Recreation Facilities
______
________
4 - Change in Social Environment
______
________
5 - Change in Natural Environment
______
________
6 - Change in Cost of Living
______
________
7 - Rate of Economic Development
______
________
8 - Other (please specify!________________________________________________

Handout #5
A 13.) How much longer do you think you will be living in Tumbler Ridge? (Handout#5).
1 - Less than 1 year
2 - 1 - 2 years
3 - 3-5 years
4 - 6-10 years
5 - over 10 years
6 - Rest of your life
7 - Don't know
Handout #6
18.) What are your impressions of the involvement of Tumbler Ridge's resident participation in
the following groups and organizations: (Handout #6)
Lots of
Involvement

Involved

Neutral

187

Not
Really
Involved

Not
Involved

Don't Know

H andout #7

19b.) Please indicate how you feel about the following statements: (Handout #7)

30a.) Please describe if you agree or disagree with whether the following events that occurred in
Tumbler Ridge's history were socially stressful to the residents of Tumbler Ridge.
(Handout #7)

31a.) Please describe if you agree or disagree with whether the following events that occurred in
Tumbler Ridge's history were stressful economically to the residents of Tumbler Ridge.
(Handout #7)

38a.) By reflecting back on how you felt about Tumbler Ridge when you first moved into town,
please indicate whether you agree or disagree with the following statements: (Handout #7)

Strongly
Agree

Agree

188

Neutral

Disagree

Strongly
Disagree

Don't
Know

H andout #8

(Handout #8)
20a.) What are some groups that you
have been involved with that have
worked together on projects or events?

20b.) How would you rate the effectiveness of these linkages or
partnerships?

Event
Groups

Very
Effective

1.)
2.)
3.)
4.)
5.)
6.)
7.)
8.)

189

Effective

Neutral

Not
Effective

Very
Not
Effective

Don't
Know

U|/0C

UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN
BRITISH COLUMBIA
Ethics Committee

MEMORANDUM
To:

L a n a S u lliv a n

From ;

A le x M ic h a lo s
C h a ir , R e s e a r c h E th ic s B o a r d

D ate:

M ay 10, 2001

R e:

E th ic s R e v ie w 2 0 0 1 .0 4 2 6 .3 8
T h e G e o g r a p h y o f C o m m u n ity C r is is - S o c ia l C a p ita l, S o c ia l
C o h e s i o n a n d C o m m u n i t y C a p a c i t y in T u m b le r R i d g e , B C .”

Thank you for providing the revisions to the participant information and consent forms
req u ested by th e R esearch Ethics Board. Your project h as now been approved and
you m ay begin your research.
If you have any questions, p lease feel free to contact me.
Sincerely,

Alex Michalos,
Chair, R esearch Ethics Board