FOOD SECURITY IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: THE ROLE OF FOOD AID AND TRADE LIBERALIZATION by Michael Odur B.A., Makerere University, 1994 PROJECT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS m INTERNATIONAL STUDIES © Michael Odur UN[VERSfrY ofNORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA LIBRARY Prince Georp, B.C. THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA December, 2004 Abstract The world's resources are adequate to produce enough food for its population. However, sub-Sahara Africa (SSA) faces a daunting task of feeding its population, and thus, it is threatened by food insecurity. The food problem is aggravated by poor economic performance, high population growth rates, persistent drought, and gross political neglect. Achieving food security is a complex process. It involves collaboration among socioeconomic and political processes. Since multiple shocks (natural, economic, social, and health) affect food prospects, a sustained multi-sectoral approach emphasizing food production, imports, storage, income generation, and a well-functioning welfare system are needed at different levels of society. These will enhance food access, availability, and utilization, the tenets of food security. I argue that, the economy of SSA is not globally competitive. Limited access is granted to foreign markets, especially to agricultural products. This has undermined national and household incomes, thus increasing poverty. While the link between trade liberalization, food aid, and food security continue to be debated, the project has found that they play a limited role in increasing per capita food access and availability. The motives and policy dynamics behind food aid undermine its reliability and sustainability. The import of grains, the main food import to SSA, only plays an insignificant part in the overall food availability and access. To restore hope in SSA food security, reducing poverty and promoting the main sources of food are essential. This can be achieved by integrating various approaches which positively impacts SSA food initiatives. Trade and food aid alone will not suffice in the absence of long term policy initiatives involving sustained food production, preservation, and economic empowerment of the poor. II TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ............................................................................................... .ii Table of Contents .. .................... . ....................................... ... ..... ... . ... . ..... .iii List of Tables ......................................................................................... v List of Figures ....................................................................................... vi List of Acronyms .. . . ........................... . ... .. ... . .. ............ .. ..... . . .......... .. ....... vii Acknowledgement ............. . .... . ..... ............ .. . . ... ... . .................. . . . .... ... ..... ...ix Chapter 1 - Introduction .. ..... ....... ....... ... .... ........................ ......... ... ... .... .. ............... .... .. .... . 1 1.1 Food security definition and dimension .. , ..... ·.·... .... . .................. .... . .... . ..... ... 1 1.2 Background and food security trends ... ... . ... . ....... .... ..... . ....... . ........ .. . . .. .... .... 3 1.3 Theoretical considerations and levels of food security analysis ..... .. ..... ..... ... .. ........... .. 5 1.4 International attention and evolution of policies ........... ...... ...... ... ... ... ... .... ...... .............. 7 1.5 Project purpose and research questions ........ ............ ..... .. .... ... ..... ...... ..... ........ ........... .... 8 1.6 Approach to the issues ................................................ ... ......... ... ... ... .... .. ........................ 9 1.7 Chapter outlines and way forward .............................................................................. 10 Chapter 2 - Food Security Features and Dynamics ..... ... ............ ... ... ...... ........ ......... .... 12 2.1 Introduction ....... ... ..... ................... ................ ................ ............... ........................... .. ... 12 2.2 Food security theoretical framework and constraints .. ..... ......... .. ....... .... .. ... .... ......... .. 13 2.3 Food security trends in the developing world and SSA .. ....... ... ...... ... .................. .. ..... 15 2.3.1 Background ........... ................................... ....... ....... ... ... ... ....... .................. ........ .... 15 2.3.2 The alarming food insecurity trend in developing countries ................................ 15 2.3.3 Reasons for SSA worsening economic performance ......................................... .. 17 2.4 Approaches in food security analysis .......................................................................... 18 2.4.1 Food availability decline (FAD) approach and Sen's Entitlement Theory .......... 18 2.4.2 Integrating gender in food security debate ........... ................................................ 21 2.4.3 Food security measurement indicators and associated problems .. ....................... 22 2.5 Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 24 Chapter 3 - The Theoretical View of Poverty and Food Insecurity Nexus .......... ...... 25 3.1 The issue and historical context of current SSA problems .. ...... .. .................... ........... 25 3.2 Economic trends in sub-Sahara Af1ica and their implications ... ... ..... ....... .................. 28 3.3 The nature and determinants of poverty .... ... ................................ ..... .... ....... ... .... .... .... 34 3.4 The devastation of HIV/AIDS on food security and poverty in SSA ......................... 38 3.5 Conclusion .. ... ...... ............ ..... ..... ... .. ... ...... ... ..... .. ..... .... .................. ........ .. ..................... 41 lll Chapter 4 - International Food Aid and Food Security in SSA .... ... ...... .. ... ..... .. ... ... .. .43 4.1 Introduction and brief history of food aid .......... ....... ..... ...... ... ... ..... .. ... ... .... .... ..... ....... 43 4.2 The opposing arguments in the food aid debate .. ....... ..... .. ..... .. .. .... ....... ......... ..... ... ..... 47 4.3 Food aid programs, methods of disbursements, and associated problems ... ....... ... .... .48 4.4 Multilateral and bilateral food aid and its future .... ...... ... ....... ... .... .... ..... .... .... ... ....... ... 50 4.5 Food aid trends in SSA and implication ..... ... .... ... ... .. ......... .... .. .... .. .... ...... ............. ...... 52 4.6 Food aid commodities, aid for food debate, and the changing policy environment ... 53 4.7 The effect of food aid on food security and its future ... ..... ......... ..... ..... .... ... .... ... ....... . 59 Chapter 5 - Trade Liberalization and Food Security Links ... ..... ...... ...... .. ..... ....... ...... 62 5.1 Background and introduction ... ......... .... ..... .... ... .... .... .... .... .... ... .... .... .. ... ... ..... ...... ........ 62 5.2 Theoretical arguments about the role of food trade in food secwity and features of SSA trade flows within global economy ....... ... ... ....... .. .... ..... .. ..... ....... ........ ..... ..... . 64 5.3 Importance of agriculture, international trade theory, and controversy ... . ... . ... ... .. .. 66 5.4 The effect of trade on food imports (grain_s) and its implications .. ... ...... ... ..... ..... ....... 69 5.5 The implications of Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP) on pove1ty, agiiculture growth, and foo security ..... . .. ... .. . .. . ... .. ... . .. . .. . . . ... .... . .... .. . .... .. .... . .. .. . . . ... .71 5.6 Evaluation and conclusion .. ... .... .. .. . . ...... .. . .. ... .... .. . . ...... ... .. ... ... . ....... . .. .... 74 Chapter 6- Conclusion .............. ....... ....... ......... .................... ............................. ....... ...... 75 References ... .. ... ....... ........ ....... ..... ....... ........... ... ....... ....... ........... ......... ..... .. ....... ... ....... ...... 82 Appendices .................. ................ ................ ............... .. .... . .... .... .. .. ..... 96 Appendix A: Regional HIVI AIDS Statistics and Features, end of 2002 .. . . ....... . .... 96 Appendix B: Impact of HIV/AIDS on Agricultural Labour Force in the most Affected African Countries (projected losses in percentages) . . . . . . . . . .. 97 Appendix C: Food Aid Convention, Annual Grains Shipments by major Donors, 1995/96- 1998/99, June/July Year, Metric Tons: Wheat Equivalent .... ....... . ....... . . ... .. ..... . . .. . ... .. ................. . .. . .... . ... .. 98 IV List of Tables Table 1: Food Security in Developing Countries, 1969-71, 1990-92, and 2010 17 Table 2: Per Capita Incomes, GNP growth, and Calorie Consumption Levels for 12 SSA Countries 31 Table 3: Economic Decline in SSA, 1980-1990 33 Table 4: Selected Poverty and Food Security Indicators for Four SSA Countries 36 Table 5: HIV/AIDS Prevalence in Selected Southern African Countries 39 Table 6: Cereal Production, Import Requirement, and Cereal .Gap in SSA, 1995-2003 (in thousand tones) 45 v List of Figures Figure 1: A Conceptual Framework for Understanding Food Insecurity 14 Figure 2: Cereal Gap Trend for SSA, 1995-2003 46 VI List of Acronyms ACC United Nations Administration Committee on Coordination AIDS Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome DAW Division of the Advancement of Women EU European Union FAO Food and Agricultural Organization FCND Food Consumption and Nutrition Division FIVIMS Food Insecurity and Vulnerability Information and Mapping Systems GATI General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs GM Genetically Modified mv Human Immunodeficiency Virus IAWG Inter-Agency Working Group ICRW International Center for Research on Women IFPRI International Food Policy Research Institute IMF International Monetary Fund NGO Non-Governmental Organization ODA Overseas Development Assistance ODI Overseas Development Institute SAP Structural Adjustment Programs SNC United Nations System Standing Committee on Nutrition SSA Sub-Saharan Africa UN United Nations Vll UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development UNDP United Nations Development Programs UNICEF United Nations Children's Fund US AID United States Agency for International Development us United States UNFPA United Nations Family Planning Agency WB World Bank WFP World Food Program WFS World Food Summit WHO World Health Organization WRI World Resource Institute WTO World Trade Organization Vlll Acknowledgement During the project process, many people contributed their knowledge, support, guidance, and patience, without which the task would have been much longer and difficult. My most sincere thanks are extended to my dedicated supervisor, Dr Fiona Macphail and the supervisory committee, Dr Angele Smith and Dr Jalil Safaei. Your patience and sage advice inspired me to produce this work. I am heavily indebted to you. Special thanks to my late Dad and Mum, who ensured, amidst difficulties, I had my share of education. I wish you lived to see this through. I owe immeasurable respect and gratitude to my brother, Dr Tomson Ogwang and his family for their unwavering support. No amount of thanks is worth your contribution and dedication. To my wife, Mary Grace Odur, your patience, love, and support have been outstanding. Your kindness and understanding during my long absence have been a source of inspiration for which I am grateful. I acknowledge the support of my brothers and sisters: Geoffrey, Tonny, Beatrice, Sophia, Betty, Margaret, and Sarah Akoo. Your words of encouragement during the good and bad times have led to this. To my amazing friends: Geoffrey Odongo, Harjit Virdee, Yong Wang, Maki, Laura, Lucy, Doris, Brenda, Dimple, Lavern, and indeed all graduate students, I thank you for making UNBC graduate office home away from home for me. I will not forget Dr Chris Opio' s assertion that, "it takes time, insistence, and patience to achieve." You have all been so helpful and considerate and I wish you all the best. IX Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Food security definition and dimensions The concept of food security has evolved considerably over time (Hoddinot, 1999; Hall, 1998). However, it has been defined by the World Bank (WB) as being achieved "when all people, at all times, have physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life" (World Bank, 1986, p.1; WFS, 1996, p. 1; for similar definitions, see also FAO, 1996a; Madeley, 2000; Shaw, 2002; Thomson and Metz, 1997). Since the World Food Conference in 1974, the food security concept has centered around two sub-concepts: food availability and food entitlement. Food availability refers to 1 the supply of food available at local, national, or international levels. Food entitlement refers to the capability of individuals and households to obtain food by either trade-based, production-based, labour-based, or transfer-based entitlements (Sen , 1981). According to Sen, hunger occurs not because of an insufficient supply of food, but because people have insufficient resources, including money ('entitlement') to acquire it (Sen , 1981). Another aspect of food security is food utilization. For proper utilization of food, adequate diet, sanitation, and healthcare are required. The three pillars of food security, food availability, access , and utilization are difficult to achieve as a package in SSA. The complexity arises due to economic, social, political, and cultural factors involved in food production, distribution, access, and utilization. In 1991, the Sub-Committee on Nutrition of the United Nations Administrative Committee on Coordination (UNACC/SCN) argued that, "a household is food secure when it 1 has access to the food needed for a healthy life for all its members (adequate in terms of quality, quantity, safety, and has to be culturally acceptable), and the risk of losing such access should be low" (UNACC/SCN, 1991, p. 6). While Sen's entitlement relations explain food security, the UNACC/SCN argues for adequacy in terms of quantity, quality, safety, and the cultural acceptability of food. In this project, food security will refer to physical and economic access to food while recognizing the quality, safety, and cultural acceptability of it. In essence, the supply of food needs to match the demand for food at all times. Economically, the available food should be affordable by individuals and households . CuJturally, the food should not contrast the cultural preference and safety concerns of consumers. It should be noted that, lack of food security is food insecurity. Two forms of food insecurity exist (Gladwin eta!, 2001). Chronic food insecurity is a long term problem caused by lack, at the household level, of income or assets to produce or buy food adequate for the household. Transitory food insecurity is a short term food problem caused by a shock to the food production or economic system, where income or resources necessary to adjust to the shock are not available (Gladwin et al, 2001). SSA suffers mainly from chronic food insecurity (Devereux and Maxwell, 2001). This is unsuitable for broad based economic growth and development. Thus, there is need for a sustainable food level and food system. The need to address temporary food deficits due to lack of income and low food production and chronic or structural food deficits caused by factors with long term impacts (Bohnet, 1997) is essential for development. This may be achieved by food production or provision, trade facilitation , resource transfer (food aid), and private sector investment in food projects. 2 The success depends on the level of intervention, the partnerships among individuals, households, national governments, and the international community. 1.2 Background and food security trends The developing world, confronted with an overwhelming population growth (WRI, 2002), is faced with a daunting task of feeding its population. Globally, there is enough food for all. In sub-Sahara Africa (SSA), there is low food production due to poor farming methods (Braun et al, 2003) and low level of food imports, the main food sources. The situation is exacerbated by the poor economic performance of SSA (Rakodi, 1996; Fuchs, Brennan, Chamie, Lo and Ulito, 1994) manifested in low national and individual incomes, limited export base, and restricted access to world markets. These factors undermine food production and imports to meet the shortfall. During the 1980s and 1990s, incomes stagnated, employment declined, and poverty worsened in many developing countries. However, "nowhere has the situation been more severe than in SSA" (Todaro, 2000, p.708). Many factors, some beyond SSA control, are responsible for the economic hardships. The heart of SSA dilemma is attributed to, among others, "persistent drought, rapid population increase, diminished foreign and food aid, the loss of export revenues, and the destruction of fragile ecosystem" (Todaro, 2000, p. 710). Thus, SSA is unable to feed its people (food insecurity), the main focus of the project. Further, falling prices for key exports, debt service obligations, and poor development policies (UNCTAD, 2000) frustrate the food cycle. I know that sound economic prosperity is fundamental for the sustainability to all aspects of life, including food. It is not surprising food insecurity in SSA is getting worse than other world regions as shown in Table 1 (p. 17). 3 The Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) puts it more bluntly that "the state of food security in the world is not good" (FAO, 2002b, p.l). The FAO (2001a, p. iv) argues that "the tragedy of hunger amidst plenty is a stark reality in today's world." Despite the global food inequity, the 1994 United Nations Human Development Report described food security as an aspect of human security. Food security has a mutually interactive relationship with other forms of security, namely, economic, health, environmental, personal, and political. Against this background, "almost 200 million people in SSA, 28% of the population, are chronically hungry and nearly 13 million in Southern Africa alone are facing starvation" (Shaw, 2002, p. 572). Projections.by the FAO indicate an increase to 264 million by 2010 (FAO, 2001a). Child malnutrition caused by hunger, expected to fall in other regions, is projected to rise in SSA (UNICEF, 2002). "Of the world's 150 million malnourished children in 2000, 52% were in SSA" (Shaw, 2002, p.573). These estimates indicate a severe food security problem in SSA. The trend in the entire developing world is not good either. About 20% of the developing world's total population was chronically hungry during the 1990s, with East Asia having 32% hungry, South Asia, 30%, and SSA, 28% (FAO, 1996a). The global trend is equally grim. With the global population projected to rise to 8~3 billion by 2025, food security could worsen unless policy measures are taken to avert the threat. Since the early 1970s, the gap between food production and population growth in SSA has been widening (World Bank, 1997c; Pinstrup-Andersen and Pandya-Lorch, 1998). This gap needs to be narrowed. Out of 46 countries designated by the United Nations as "least developed," 32 are in SSA, and they face widespread chronic food insecurity and persistent threats of famine (Devereux and Maxwell, 2001). Hunger undermined SSA's 4 attempts to assure the minimum requirement of 2,200 calories per person per day for most people to date (FAO, 1997a). SSA remains worse off in terms of hunger amidst resources critical for hunger reduction. Hunger approaches need to change from the 'business as usual approach' if food security is to improve. 1.3 Theoretical considerations and levels of food security analysis Food insecurity is as old as civil society. It is a complex political, economic and moral problem of the time. Yet, food security is a measure of development, especially in low income countries (FAO/WHO, 1992). Food security analysis requires the understanding of how people get their food. In SSA, food is obtained from domestic food production, transfers from government or between people, food aid and food imports. The main source of SSA food is domestic production (FAO, 1996a). For the sustainability of food, there needs to be mechanisms for food preservation, a well-functioning welfare system, a fair trade policy, and substantial food imports. However, poor weather, traditional methods of farming, poor food policy, and lack of storage facilities undermine the sustainability of food. In my culture, the traditional food preservation methods (in granaries) are slowly but surely disappearing due to low food production. In Uganda, national food reserves are highly unreliable and at times non-existent. This is made worse by lack of income and lack of a well-functioning welfare system to facilitate access to food. The prevalence of poverty inhibits physical and economic access to available food and reduces local food production. In tum, the quantity and quality of food accessed is compromised. While food aid has been used in emergency situations, it is not always adequate to meet the food shortfall and is highly unreliable. The targeting of food aid programs leaves many people affected by the chronic food problem uncovered. The viability of trading as an 5 alternative source of food is undermined by the lack of income to buy the food. At the same time, food imports are an insignificant portion of overall food availability in SSA. This is further undermined by poor economic prospects. The unfavorable global trade further complicates the national and household food situation. Thus, while SSA grapples with the problem of sustained food production and food preservation, the future of food aid and trade in food security remain uncertain. Food security has many levels: global, national, local and family (WFP, 1998). Ultimately, food security is about individuals. The level of intervention determines policy responses to the food problem. However, internal and external dynamics limit approaches to food security. Poor and variable climates, political instability and civil strife, population growth, low productivity, lack of infrastructure, intra-household decision making, and poor policies (Peterson, 2002, p. 1) affect food production and consumption. These factors operate at different levels and have different impacts on food access and availability. Thus, the role of government in food matters is essential. With effective food policies, national governments can increase food production and imports to meet the food shortfall of its people. The major issue is the inequity in food distribution at all levels. According to Sen, entitlement relations contribute to food security (Sen, 1981). However, political and civil strife, lack of income, and low productivity affect trade based entitlements. Likewise, poverty and poor climate hamper production-based entitlements. Transfer-based entitlements are affected by poor government policies and household economic stress. At the same time, conflicts and low prices of labour affect labour-based benefits. The result is poverty, entitlement failures , and ultimately, food insecurity. Food 6 security can only be achieved when sufficient food is available, food supplies are stable, and those who need, should be able to obtain it. 1.4 International attention and evolution of policies Since 1920, estimates show that more than 120 international declarations, conventions and resolutions have been reached on various issues relating to the right to food (Pinstrup-Andersen, Nygaard and Ratta, 1995). "The right to food and the elimination of hunger were enshrined in the in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted at the United Nations (UN) in New York in 1948; in the Universal Declaration on the Hunger and Malnutrition, passed at the World Food ~ in Rome in 1974; in the World Declaration on Nutrition, approved at the International Conference in Rome in 1992; and at the World Food Summit in 1996" (Shaw and Clay, 1998, p. 57). However, while many UN agencies, bilateral programs, and non- governmental organizations (NGOs) have targeted SSA food security, little progress has been made in its improvement. In 1996, the World Food Summit (WFS) was convened, attended by 185 countries, the European Union (EU), 24 UN agencies , 55 other inter-governmental organizations, and 457 NGOs. They pledged to achieve a measurable and monitorable goal " .. . to eradicate hunger in all countries, with an immediate view to reducing by half the number of undernourished people (from 800 million to 400 million) no later than 2015 ." (FAO , 2001b, p. 1). At present, the WFS global projection of 650 million hungry by 2005 is way off its goal (FAO, 2001b). In SSA, the situation has worsened (see Table 1, page 17). It is known that hunger in SSA has socioeconomic effects in other regions. Still, some remain pessimistic about hunger reduction . Shaw and Clay (1998, p. 59) argue," ... that as hunger becomes "everybody' s business," it may become nobody ' s business." The pessimism 7 arises due to the multi-faceted and multi-dimensional nature of food system. Thus, there is need to assess the effectiveness of programs and policies already tried. The project focuses on the links between poverty and food security, food aid and food security, and trade liberalization and food security. While international policies raise some optimism, lack of domestic commitment to implement them undermine their effectiveness. It needs to be emphasized that food policy is the domain of domestic governments. Good institutional structures can lead to food security attainment. 1.5 Project purpose and research questions According to the FAO projection, if q.ment trends in tackling food insecurity and hunger continue, 750 million will be hungry by 2005. Ideally, it should have dropped to 650 million by 2005 to halve the number of globally hungry by 2015 (WFS, 1996). This discrepancy questions current approaches, programs and policies targeting hunger. The 1996 WFS outlined seven policies to improve food security: (1) to ensure and enable a political, social and economic environment designed to reduce poverty, (2) to pursue participatory and sustainable food production and rural development policies, (3) allocate public and private investment to foster human resources, sustainable agricultural systems, rural development in high and low potential areas, (4) to implement, monitor and follow up the plan of action at all levels of cooperation with the international community, (5) to reduce poverty, (6) to distribute food aid in emergency, and (7) to promote trade (WFS , 1996). These are enormous tasks involving many stake holders. This project evaluates the effectiveness of three of these policies namely: poverty reduction, food aid, and trade liberalization in SSA food security. This is premised on WFS acknowledgement that, poverty, food aid, and trade liberalization policy, are key components of food security. 8 However, SSA has been fighting poverty, received food aid, and practiced trade liberalization for a long time. Thus, an evaluation of such efforts is needed for future improvement. The impacts of poverty reduction, food aid, and trade liberalization should be seen in light of improved food availability and access to be considered effective. A fair global trade system should benefit all participants. It is also believed that food aid improves food availability and access (Shaw, 2002). To be fair, both are necessary but not sufficient in the food security puzzle. Many socioeconomic, political and cultural factors breed negatively on food access and availability. Ironically, food aid to SSA has been declining over the years (Shaw, 2002) despite, increasing demand due to complex natural and human made emergencies and development plans. The general question for the project is: how effective has poverty reduction, food aid, and liberal trade policy in improving SSA food security? The specific questions to be answered include: (a) Have poverty reduction, food aid and enhancing trade liberalization reduced hunger and improved food security in SSA? (b) What policy changes, if any, are necessary for effective performance of these three factors? 1.6 Approach to the issues The project analyses the questions based on literature review of economic trends in SSA and the implications for poverty, global and SSA food insecurity trends, the features and dynamics of food security, and the nature, motives and dynamics of food aid. The literature on trade liberalization and agricultural trade in particular are reviewed to establish who 9 benefits most from global trade. I will draw conclusions on the role food aid and trade play in food availability, access, and the cultural implications. The resources reviewed are books, journals articles by food policy experts, reports from international organizations concerned with food and human development (examples are FAO, WFP, UN, World Bank, IMF, and UNDP, among others), and generally, internet sources. My own experience, having lived in SSA since birth, is essential. From the literature and my experience, I will point out key findings, draw conclusions, and give some recommendation for improvements. I will acknowledge the difficulties encountered during the project process. 1.7 Chapter outlines and way forward The project has six chapters. Chapter 1 has outlined the purpose of the project and the research questions. It identifies, though briefly, the poor economic performance of SSA region and its implications for food. Chapter 2 discusses the features and dynamics of food security. It also shows the worsening food and hunger problem in SSA and reviews trends in other regions. In addition, the food security conceptual framework is highlighted and its implications shown. Chapter 3 focuses on SSA economic crisis and its relation to poverty. It investigates the link between poverty and food security, with a special focus on the devastating impacts of HIV/AIDS on food production, income, and the disaggregated gender impact. The overarching argument blames SSA food insecurity to poverty arising from colonial legacy. Chapter 4 defines food aid and answers the question, why donors give food aid? It also answers the question why countries accept food aid. It investigates the motives and the effectiveness of such aid, and evaluates its contribution in the food security debate. An 10 assessment of food aid composition, the reliability of supply, and the potential problems are discussed. The future of food aid is also discussed. Chapter 5 discusses trade liberalization, particularly, agricultural trade. The question "how effective has trade liberalization been for food security in SSA ?"is answered. The argument is based on varying global economic, social and political power relations. I will show how the theory and practice of trade liberalization have impacted food security through their impacts on food production, imports, and food prices. I will also investigate why structural adjustment programs (SAP) promised so much but delivered so little in terms of SSA food security and recommend some chaoges . . In chapter 6, the main findings of the project will be pointed out as the conclusion. I will suggest some food aid and trade liberalization policy recommendations which donors, governments, and households may adopt to improve food security. In regard to poverty, I will propose a comprehensive approach which tackles the socioeconomic, political, and cultural aspects which define poverty. The problems encountered during the project process will also be acknowledged. 11 Chapter 2 Food Security Features and Dynamics 2.1 Introduction The term food security evolved over the last decades. According to the World Food Program (WFP), there has been a shift in the level of analysis. In the 1970s, the primary concern was national and international food security. The main concern was the level and reliability of aggregate food _supplies. In the 1980s, the focus shifted to individual and household food security, with emphasis on access, vulnerability and risk (WFP, 1998; Hall, 1998). In the 1990s, poverty reduction domin'ated development discussions. The main argument was premised on the idea that development leads to food security. Despite the fact that this may be true, it is not obvious. To discuss food insecurity, understanding of the underlying causes is essential. That is, how to physically and economically acquire sustainable food. Also important is how to ensure food safety, quality, and culturally preferred food types. The underlying implications of the food problem and the lack of a universal measure pose policy challenges in addressing food insecurity. Approaches to food security are many. Amartya Sen advanced the "entitlement" theory from the "food availability decline" (FAD) approach (Sen, 1981). Lately, the gender dimension of food security has become prominent (Rogers, 1997). The roles of governments have become instrumental lately also. The challenge, however, remains how to improve the level of food access and availability, cope with shocks to food security, and ensure food quality, safety, and cultural acceptability in the case of food aid. 12 2.2 Food security theoretical framework and constraints Theoretically, food security can be explained in socioeconomic, political, and natural terms as shown in Figure 1. The framework explains the interplay between food insecurity (at the bottom) to the ultimate goal of food security (at the top) and the intervening factors. The three dimensions, food availability, access, and utilization and how they relate to each another are shown. The lower part shows shocks to food security (natural, economic, and social and health shocks) and their mutual interaction. These have their history in colonial legacy and SSA deteriorating economic trend (see sections 3.1 and 3.2). The central and upper parts of the diagram show that ~ resources, productivity, income, and human capital can avert the shocks. In tum, food availability, access, and utilization, the strategic goal, can be achieved. However, the issue of quality, safety, and cultural acceptability is not explicitly brought out. Food availability is enhanced by domestic agricultural output, sustainable use of natural resources (water, land and vegetation), and food imports (Paterson, 2002; USAID, 1995, 1996). However, climatic changes, poor distribution methods, and soil fertility depletion affect food production and availability. Food access is determined by income, market availability, and government policy. Food utilization is affected by health and sanitation. Locally, market disruptions during crises and unemployment affect access to food market. Conflicts, loss of coping options (e.g. border closure), and the lack of safety net institutions (USAID, 2003), affect food access and availability too. The inability to mitigate these negative impacts causes food insecurity. However, food availability does not guarantee access (Rieley, Mock, Cogill, and Kenefic, 1999). It is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for food access and utilization at the household level. 13 Figure 1: A Conceptual Framework for Understanc!i ng F ooc! Insecurity FOOD SECURITY STRATEGIC GOAL (/) ;:::w ::2: Adequate Food Availability (20 O::JU OufOw::J .l U..(/)0 - t Resources Natuml resource susta inJb illty: Productive assets; secure livelihoo ds ::2: Cf (.? 0 0::(/) a.w Adequate Food Access H t t Productivity Lob or prol1uctlvity: L1ve1111ood "( sta l)ility and ._ diversification ... . Income Market ~ .._ Purcha sing , power: -j. Savings potentinl: Credit access 0:;2: wo Q;u r.f)fw::J t 00 • Enhanced ~ Community Resiliency ----t -------. -------*--------- ' : ' ' • : 1 1 0 t- I (f) 1 1 ~ (f) I CY : >- ~ ::J 0W 1 : 1 1 Natural Shocks Climatic shocks: Natural resource mining and degradation: Yie ld vo latility: Asset depletion: NegleCt or natural hazmd mitigation ' : , ' , ~ Appropriate Food Utilization t t A .... Human Capital Consumption Equ ity in intraNutrition: Healtll household rood & s