The Changing Governance of Rural Regional Development: A case study of the Cariboo-Chilcotin Beetle Action Coalition by Chelan Zirul B.A., University of Northern British Columbia, 2006 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN NATURAL RESOURCES AND ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES (GEOGRAPHY) THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA July 2010 ©Chelan Zirul, 2010 1*1 Library and Archives Canada Bibliotheque et Archives Canada Published Heritage Branch Direction du Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street OttawaONK1A0N4 Canada 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-75139-8 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-75139-8 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a nonexclusive license allowing Library and Archives Canada to reproduce, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, communicate to the public by telecommunication or on the Internet, loan, distribute and sell theses worldwide, for commercial or noncommercial purposes, in microform, paper, electronic and/or any other formats. L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, preter, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou autres formats. The author retains copyright ownership and moral rights in this thesis. Neither the thesis nor substantial extracts from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced without the author's permission. L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci ne doivent etre im primes ou autrement reproduits sans son autorisation. In compliance with the Canadian Privacy Act some supporting forms may have been removed from this thesis. Conformement a la loi canadienne sur la protection de la vie privee, quelques formulaires secondaires ont ete enleves de cette these. While these forms may be included in the document page count, their removal does not represent any loss of content from the thesis. Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu manquant. 1+1 Canada ABSTRACT This case study of the Cariboo-Chilcotin Beetle Action Coalition (C-CBAC) examines one regional governance organization in the context of contemporary economic and political transition. First ro what extent is C-CBAC representative of dominant trends in Canadian rural regional development? Second, what factors have assisted or impeded the formation ofCCBAC? C-CBAC was devolved the responsibility of rural regional development planning in the Cariboo-Chilcotin and this is representative of dominant trends. C-CBAC formed in response to the mountain pine beetle (MPB) epidemic, but the history of working together and transition towards neoliberal policies supported their formation. However, the same factors also hindered its formation. First, the MPB was a crisis and was not able to sustain interest of regional stakeholders or senior governments. Second, the history of working together resulted in exclusion. Finally, neoliberal policies resulted in the lack of financial or policy control devolved to C-CBAC required for implementation. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract Table of Contents List of Tables List of Figures Abbreviations Acknowledgements ii iii vi vi vii viii Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduction 1.2 Situating C-CBAC 1.3 The Cariboo-Chilcotin 1.4 Research Questions 1.5 Thesis Outline 1 1 2 3 5 6 Chapter 2 Literature Review 2.1 Introduction 2.2 Rural Regional Development History: Canada and British Columbia 2.2.1 Post WWII to Mid-1980s 2.2.2 Mid-1980s to Current 2.3 Rural Restructuring and Change 2.4 Neoliberalism: Re-Orienting Roles 2.5 New Regionalism 2.6 Governance, Social Cohesion, and Social Capital 2.7 Neoliberalism and New Regionalism in Northern BC 2.8 Conclusion 8 8 8 8 12 15 17 20 22 27 28 Chapter 3 Methodology and Methods 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Methodology 3.3 Methods 3.3.1 Primary Data Collection 3.3.1.1 'The Field' 3.3.1.2 Power Relations in Field Research 3.3.1.3 Interviewing 3.3.1.4 Observations and Field Notes 3.3.2 Secondary Data Collection 3.4 Data Analysis 3.4.1 Manifest Content Analysis 3.4.2 Latent Content Analysis 3.5 Ensuring Rigour 3.6 Conclusion 30 30 30 31 32 32 33 35 45 47 48 49 50 52 54 Chapter 4 Context 4.1 Introduction 55 55 iii 4.2 Study Boundaries 4.3 Regional Population 4.4 Regional Economy 4.5 Local Government in the Cariboo-Chilcotin 4.5.1 Municipal 4.5.2 Regional 4.5.3 First Nations 4.6 Regional Planning Processes 4.6.1 Commission on Resources and the Environment 4.6.2 Cariboo-Chilcotin Land Use Plan 4.6.3 Cariboo Economic Action Forum 4.6.4 Cariboo-Chilcotin Regional Resource Board 4.6.5 Cariboo-Chilcotin Beetle Action Coalition 4.7 Conclusion 55 58 61 65 65 66 67 71 72 74 76 77 78 84 Chapter 5 Results 5.1 Introduction 5.2 Governing Rural Regional Development 5.2.1 Autonomy 5.2.2 Summary 5.3 Assisting Factors 5.3.1 Impetus 5.3.2 History of Working Together 5.3.2.1 Structural Dimension: Model of Success 5.3.2.2 Social Dimension: Repetitive Regional Leadership 5.3.3 External Supports 5.3.4 Summary 5.4 Hindering Factors 5.4.1 Exclusion 5.4.1.1 Exclusive Board 5.4.1.2 Insiders and Outsiders of the Process 5.4.2 Lack of Institutionalized Regional Collaboration 5.4.3 Government Policies and Programs 5.4.3.1 Federal Jurisdiction 5.4.3.2 Provincial Jurisdiction 5.4.4 Summary 5.5 Sampling Framework Analysis 5.6 Conclusion 86 86 87 88 94 94 95 98 99 103 107 109 109 110 110 112 115 120 120 123 125 126 127 Chapter 6 Discussion 6.1 Introduction 6.2 Scale and Structure of Decision-Making: Then and Now 6.3 The Formation of C-CBAC: Assisting and Hindering Factors 6.3.1 The Mountain Pine Beetle Epidemic 6.3.2 The History of Regional Activity in the Cariboo-Chilcotin 129 129 130 136 136 138 iv 6.3.3 Transition Towards Neoliberal Policies by Senior Governments 6.4 Conclusion 143 145 Chapter 7 Conclusion 7.1 Introduction 7.2 Research Questions 7.3 Lessons Learned 7.4 Policy Recommendations 7.5 Future Research Directions 147 147 147 150 151 155 References 160 Appendix A Appendix B Appendix C Appendix D Appendix E Appendix F Appendix G UNBC Research Ethics Approval Interview Consent Form Interview Guide Sample Frame Participant Organization Involvement Manifest Content Analysis Results: List of Words and Word-Pairs Latent Content Analysis Results: List of Themes 179 180 181 185 187 191 201 v LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1 Federal Regional Development Initiatives (Post-WWll to Mid-1980s) 10 Table 2.2 Provincial Regional Development Initiatives (Post-WWll to Mid-1980s) 11 Table 2.3 Federal Regional Development Initiatives (Mid-1980s to Present) 13 Table 2.4 Provincial Regional Development Initiatives (Mid-1980s to Present) 14 Table 2.5 Voluntary Rural Regional Development Organizations 19 Table 3.1 Sampling Frame: Sub-Regional Representation 43 Table 3.2 Sampling Frame: Urban/Rural Representation 43 Table 3.3 Sampling Frame: 'Sector' Participants 44 Table 4.1 Member Municipalities: CRD and C-CBAC 56 Table 4.2 CRD Population, 1976-2006 59 Table 4.3 CRD Population Distribution 60 Table 4.4 Employment Sector Statistics 61 Table 4.5 Record MPB Infestations 63 Table 4.6 TSA Harvest Characteristics 64 Table 4.7 Local Government Characteristics 66 Table 4.8 First Nations Government in the Cariboo-Chilcotin 70 Table 4.9 Regional Planning Processes in the Cariboo-Chilcotin (1990 to Present) 71 Table 4.10 Signatories to the C-CLUP1 75 Table 4.11 CEAF Steering Committee, July 1994 77 Table 4.12 CRRB Membership 78 Table 4.13 C-CBAC Participants 79 Table 4.14 C-CBAC's Working Group Regional Development Sector Strategies 82 Table 5.1 Results Guide: Relationship of Results/Themes to Research Questions 87 Table 5.2 Provincial Support for Regional Beetle Action Coalitions 91 Table 5.3 Sector Participation in Regional Decision-Making 100 Table 5.4 Federal Government Funding Sources, as identified by participants 122 Table 5.5 Provincial Impacts in the Region, as identified by participants 124 Table 6.1 Discussion Guide: Relationship of Themes/Literatures to Research Questions 130 Table 6.2 BC Examples: Rural Regional Development Governance Organizations 131 Table D.l Sample Frame, proposed 185 Table D.2 Sample Frame, as filled during field work 186 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1 Figure 4.1 Figure 4.2 Figure 4.3 Figure 4.4 Figure 6.1 The Cariboo-Chilcotin Region C-CBAC Boundaries Estimated Increase and Decrease in Harvesting, Quesnel TSA Interest Sectors of the Cariboo-Chilcotin CORE Process C-CBAC Structure C-CBAC Newsletter Headline, April/May 2006 5 57 64 73 81 137 vi ABBREVIATIONS AAC ACOA BAC BC C-CBAC Allowable Annual Cut Atlantic Canada Opportunities Agency Beetle Action Coalition British Columbia Cariboo-Chilcotin Beetle Action Coalition C-CIC C-CLUP C-CRRC Cariboo-Chilcotin Investment Corporation Cariboo-Chilcotin Land Use Plan Cariboo-Chilcotin Regional Resource Committee CCC CEAF CED CEDI CMC CORE CRD CRRB Cariboo Communities Coalition Cariboo Economic Action Forum Community Economic Development Community Economic Development Initiative Cariboo Management Committee Commission on Resources and Environment Cariboo Regional District Cariboo Regional Resource Board DM DREE EDWG EU GWG IAMC ILMB INAC IWA LEADER MLA MoCD MoCRD MoCS MoED MoF MoFR MPB District Municipality Department of Regional Economic Expansion Economic Development Working Group European Union Governance Working Group Inter-Agency Management Committee Integrated Land Management Bureau Indian and Northern Affairs Canada International Woodworkers of America Liaison Entre Actions de Developpement Rural Member of Legislative Assembly Ministry of Community Development Ministry of Community and Rural Development Ministry of Community Services Ministry of Economic Development Ministry of Forests Ministry of Forests and Range Mountain Pine Beetle NDI OBAC Northern Development Initiative Omineca Beetle Action Coalition RD RDO Regional District Regional Development Officer SDWG SIBAC TSA UNBC Social Development Working Group Southern Interior Beetle Action Coalition Timber Supply Area University of Northern British Columbia WED Western Economic Diversification ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS As those who have followed this path with me know, my thesis work challenged me in more ways than I expected. I have grown tremendously as an individual in the process and the support of my loved ones carried me through. To my mom, dad, and brother: You will not have to endure thesis-related stories at each family gathering from here out. I make no promises about stories of rural and small town development, though. To Ma & Pa Z: Thank you for your motivation to embark on this adventure, but - more importantly your encouragement through it and your reminders to keep it in perspective when it became overwhelming. John: Four years ago, when I told you what I wanted to do, you stared at me blankly. Though you maybe didn't always know or understand what I was doing, you - more than anyone - have seen me through the happiest and hardest moments of this process. You are my frontline worker and have been exactly where I needed you every moment. I love you. To my friends: My commitment to this took me away from you. Thanks for waiting. Jen, Marc, and Joe (and others): Our times together made this journey much easier. I will forever treasure our laughs over "nuances" and other gestures. I am especially lucky t o have gone through this process with such a supportive and understanding group. Greg: Your influence on my personal and professional development is unparalleled. I thank you for your commitment to help me grow and your support along the way. I can only work from here out to mirror your dedication to rural and small town places; this passion will remain in me for many years to come. To my committee members, Gary and Sean, and my external examiner, Bill. I deeply thank each of you for your contributions to my work and my understanding of some of the important issues to consider. Greg always told me that, as my knowledge grew, so too did the circumference of darkness around it; this darkness showed me what I did not know. Your contributions to my knowledge helped to grow that circle of darkness through the whole process to understand and confuse the world around me. I think this is the ultimate goal of grad studies and I am very fortunate to have had your contributions. Thank you. Finally, with special recognition, I want to thank those residents of the Cariboo-Chilcotin who agreed t o participate in my research. The collective time I spent with you gave this research meaning. Your stories and assistance gave this research life. I have worked hard to interpret them fairly and I hope I have done them some justice in my interpretation. "Tough times never last, but tough people do." - R o b e r t H.Schuller VIII Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduction The intent of rural regional development initiatives is to overcome regional (economic) disparities and to promote regional self-reliance and endogenous growth (Savoie 1992; Markey et al. 2005). However, traditional initiatives by senior governments to promote rural regional development in Canada have seldom achieved this goal. At times, they have achieved the opposite, increasing regional disparities and dependence on the central state. As a result, overtime, investments in regional development have become less of a priority for the central state (Fairbairn 1998). Recent research suggests that a regional approach to development is receiving renewed interest, but with a different scale and structure of decision-making (Wallis 1994a; Amin 1999). Specifically in rural regional development, more local decision-makers are seeking and are being permitted greater control over development decision-making (Paquet et al. 2000; Odagiri and Jean 2004). The resurgence of interest in rural regional development in Canada warrants investigation, particularly given the changing pattern of decision-making from 'top-down' initiatives to those which are energized from the 'bottom-up.' The organization central to this case study, the Cariboo-Chilcotin Beetle Action Coalition (C-CBAC), formed in early 2005. In this organization, local government organized with industry and regional special interest groups to address the significant impacts that were expected to result from the emerging mountain pine beetle (MPB) outbreak. C-CBAC's initiatives to address the economic and social impacts of the MPB were supported by senior governments. The situation appeared to be a collaboration between senior governments 1 and a regional organization concerned with their future. Thus, the establishment of C-CBAC provides an opportunity to study the changing governance of rural regional development. 1.2 Situating C-CBAC In rural and small town places, economic, political, social, and physical environmental changes are taking place (Hayter 2000; Apedaile 2004). Economic, political, and social changes are often influenced by changes in the scale at which industry and government operate, with operations increasingly centralized to achieve economic efficiency (Hayter and Barnes 1997b; Hanlon and Halseth 2005). In response to this, some rural and small town places in BC have re-scaled their development initiatives, from being locally- to regionally-based (Halseth et al. 2006). Changing environmental conditions have also driven responses. For example, C-CBAC and the Omineca Beetle Action Coalition (OBAC) both formed to address impacts of the MPB (C-CBAC 2005c; OBAC 2005). In both the Cariboo-Chilcotin and the Omineca areas, local governments are collaborating with other regional stakeholders to collectively respond to challenges which are too large to be addressed otherwise. The establishment of rural regional development organizations in BC is paralleled by new approaches to regional development internationally (Tonts 1999; Bruckmeier 2000; Thompson 2000; Sancton 2001; Alpert et al. 2006). 'New regionalism' literatures argue that, given economic and political globalization, contemporary regional activity requires new governance approaches (Wallis 1994b). In a new region, wide participation in governance is encouraged, emphasizing the inclusion of private and non-profit sectors (Marsden and Murdoch 1998; Smyth etal. 2004; Coulson and Ferrario 2007). 2 Movements towards a new regionalism are happening at the same time as many senior governments around the world are adopting neoliberal policies (Lovering 1999; Ward and Jonas 2004). Under a neoliberal agenda, the central state removes itself from some of its post-war Keynesian roles and defers to the private sector (Young and Matthews 2007). Among other things, these changes have encouraged local actors to adopt the role of rural regional development planning (Tonts and Haslam-McKenzie 2005; Pinkerton et al. 2008). Thus, there has been a change in who takes up issues of rural regional development. Decision-making that used to be the role of the central state is now being adopted by local public entities. Moreover, involvement in decision-making is extended to include private and non-profit sectors; this is consistent with the overall trend from government to governance (Marsden and Murdoch 1998). Thus, governing rural regional development appears to have shifted from the 'top-down' to 'bottom-up.' The examination of C-CBAC will provide insight into the governance of such new regional development approaches. The intent of this thesis is to examine the organization and operation of one contemporary approach to rural regional development in the context of dominant trends in Canadian policy, and against local factors which may influence the formation of such an organization. As such, historical approaches to rural regional development in Canada, the framework of neoliberalism, and the new regionalism literatures are used to understand how C-CBAC fits in the larger context of Canadian and international development trends. 1.3 The Cariboo-Chilcotin Located in the central interior of BC, the Cariboo-Chilcotin (Figure 1.1) has a history of regional governance and development activity. The Cariboo Regional District (CRD) was incorporated in 1968 as a form of local government for areas outside of municipalities, but 3 generally within the Fraser River Plateau (Demarchi 1996; BC Statistics 2007; Bish and Clemens 2008). Also, in 1992, a regional land use planning process was initiated by the provincial government. This process led to the development of the Cariboo-Chilcotin Land Use Plan (C-CLUP) in 1994; the subsequent regional economic development process, the Cariboo Economic Action Forum (CEAF); and a land use plan implementation group, the Cariboo Regional Resource Board (CRRB). Thus, past experiences of regional responses and regional governance activity are drawn upon to understand the current regional organization, C-CBAC. Regional governance and development activity was spurred again in 2005 with the emergence of the MPB epidemic. The MPB (Dendroctonus ponderosae) is part of a natural disturbance regime in western pine forests (Patriquin etal. 2005). However, the current outbreak is the largest on record, and has drastically changed the available timber supply. The timber supply supports the region's major industry (McGarrity and Hoberg 2005). Given that the forest industry directly employs 2 1 % of the region's labour force, the MPB epidemic poses a serious economic threat to the region's short- and long-term economy (BC Statistics 2009b). C-CBAC formed to address the economic and social impacts of the MPB epidemic in the Cariboo-Chilcotin. 4 Figure 1.1 The Cariboo-Chilcotin Region Map Credit: Jennifer Herkes 2010. 1.4 Research Questions Two research questions are central to this thesis. First, given the devolution of rural regional development governance to local levels, to what extent is C-CBAC representative of dominant trends in Canadian rural regional development? Second, against the background of a history of regional activity in the Cariboo-Chilcotin, a transition towards neoliberal policies, and the emergence of the MPB epidemic, what factors have assisted or impeded the formation of C-CBAC? 5 1.5 Thesis Outline This thesis is presented in seven chapters. Following this introduction, the second chapter contains a review of the literatures which frame this research. The three primary literature areas reviewed are neoliberal reform, new regionalism, and the roles of social cohesion and social capital in governance. Chapter three, Methods, is organized into six sections. Following a brief introduction, the chapter presents a brief discussion of methodological considerations and outlines the methods of data collection and data analysis. The chapter also reviews considerations with respect to rigour, credibility, and dependability of this research. The final section concludes the chapter. Chapter four, Context, is organized into seven sections. Following an introduction, the second section presents the Cariboo-Chilcotin as the case study location. The third and fourth sections outline some of the region's demographic and economic characteristics, respectively. The fifth section reviews the various local governments in the region, including municipal, regional, and First Nations. The sixth section outlines the region's twenty-year history of regional planning, while the final section summarizes the chapter. Chapter five, Results, presents the thesis findings organized around the research questions. Following the introduction, the chapter explores the issues of role devolution and autonomy in rural regional development. This is followed by a review of factors which participants identified assisted the formation of C-CBAC and those which participants identified hindered the formation of C-CBAC. Chapter six, Discussion, considers the research results in the context of the literature in four sections. Following an introduction, the second section considers the changing scale 6 and structure of rural regional development decision-making. The third section assesses the factors which contributed and detracted from C-CBAC's formation. The chapter is concluded with a summary. The concluding chapter provides a summary response to the research questions. It also considers lessons which may be extracted from the case of C-CBAC and presents future research directions. 7 Chapter 2 Literature Review 2.1 Introduction This literature review addresses several issues considered important in contemporary rural regional development. First, it discusses past approaches to rural regional development, including both federal and BC provincial approaches. Second, it addresses more recent challenges of rural change and restructuring. Third, it explores the re-orientation of state roles in changing political economies. Fourth, it reviews the role of (new) regional responses in the context of these changes. Within new regionalism, it examines the concept of governance and, within governance, outlines the roles of social cohesion and social capital. These literatures provide a greater contextual understanding of C-CBAC's situation in a larger web of economic, political, and social processes. 2.2 Rural Regional Development History: Canada and British Columbia Two distinct periods exist in the history of rural regional development in BC and Canada (Markey et al. 2008). The first period, from the 1940s to the mid-1980s, was generally characterized by the heavy intervention of senior governments in coordinating policies and programs. The second period, from the mid-1980s to the present day, has been generally characterized less by government intervention and more devolution to local levels. Each period is described in more detail below. 2.2.1 Post WWII to Mid-1980s In Canada, the federal government intervened heavily in its first attempts at regional development, following geographically unequal economic growth in the post-WWII economic boom (Table 2.1) (Savoie 1992; Fairbairn 1998). Adopting a Keynesian economic 8 approach, such central state strategies were directed at attracting private investment to locate in slow-growth regions. Over time, the various initiatives became more concentrated in the hands of the federal government as comprehensive redistribution programs were developed to narrow economic gaps between regions. Programs focused on targeted investments in rural areas, research and infrastructure development, tax concessions, and capital grants (Fairbairn 1998). Some programs achieved job creation in some high unemployment regions. However, they are generally regarded as not being successful in achieving their primary goal of overcoming regional economic underdevelopment. In this era, regional development was based on comparative advantages, decisions were centrally made, and programs were administered by senior levels of government (Savoie 1992). 9 Table 2.1 Federal Regional Development Initiatives (Post-WWII to Mid-1980s) Dates Description Department/Program Name • Reduce disparities between regions • Nationally standardized public services 1957• Offer financial stability to the provinces Fiscal Equalization Program present to provide consistent public services • Not required to spend on economic development • Private industry offered increased Agriculture Rehabilitation and capital-cost allowances to produce new 1960Development Act/ products if located in regions of high 1966 Agricultural and Rural unemployment and slow growth Development Act • Goal: reduce rural poverty • Active only in the Atlantic provinces 1962• Focus: improve region's basic economic Atlantic Development Board 1969 infrastructure; no direct assistance to private industry • Focus: private sector to stimulate growth 1963in economically depressed regions Area Development Incentives 1968* Act • Increased tax incentives and capital grants in designated areas 1966• Applied in designated regions only Fund for Rural Economic 1968* • Focus: private industry investment and Development job creation • Nationally coordinated 1968• Focus: infrastructure, private Department of Regional investment, cash grants, and growth 1981 Economic Expansion (DREE) pole development General Development • Greater control to each province Agreements • Attempted to retain parts of DREE Ministry of State for Economic 1972• Regional incentive programs 1987 and Regional Development • Provide finances to reduce regional Department for Regional economic disparities Industrial Expansion Sources: Savoie 1992; Fairbairn 1998. This program subsequently became a component of DREE. Following international and national trends, the BC provincial government also instituted a Keynesian policy approach in the post-WWII era and this was expressed through rural regional development initiatives (Young and Matthews 2007). In the 'WAC Bennett era' (termed for the Premier at the time), the provincial government invested heavily in 10 'province building' development planning (Table 2.2) (Williston and Keller 1997). This involved a large-scale coordinated policy and investment strategy to develop the hinterland through improving transportation networks, hydro and other resource developments, and made provincial policy more conducive to long-term investments (Hayter and Barnes 1997a). However, during this time of great industrial expansion into the 'hinterland', little interest or attention was given to existing places and residents in decision-making. With respect to hydro electric dam projects, for example, many people were displaced and resettled from lands they called home without recourse (Loo 2004). Thus, positive impacts were not felt uniformly and negative impacts were experienced across the hinterland. Though not perfect, this era of development planning included many factors now understood as important for success, including a coordinated long-term vision, clear policy goals to link economic and social development, and recognizing the importance of nonmetropolitan development (Markey etal. 2008). Table 2.2 Provincial Regional Development Initiatives (Post-WWII to Mid-1980s) Dates Government 1950s 1970s Social Credit Party ('WAC Bennett' era) 19721975 New Democratic Party 1975mid 1980s Social Credit Party Description • Province building: Roads to Resources • Economic expansion, infrastructure development, access to resources • Regional District legislation passed (1965) • Two Rivers Policy • Attempted radical changes to resource policies • Address industry inefficiencies • Resources used to stimulate the provincial economy during a recession • Upgrades to rail network and northern port Sources: Adapted from Markey etal. 2008, 416; Tindal and Tindal 2004; Bish and Clemens 2008. Federal and provincial programs during the Keynesian period can generally be described as 'top-down' (Fairbairn 1998). 'Top-down' development programs are developed 11 and administered by governments external to the region. Such approaches are beneficial in that they generally have large budgets and policy control (Savoie 1992). In BC, the provincial government was able to fund its province building initiatives and had control over policies necessary to support its actions (Young and Matthews 2007; Markey et al. 2008). However, 'top-down' approaches to development are often criticized because the local level is not represented, nor do they have control over key policy decision-making (Bruce 1997; Markey et al. 2005). 2.2.2 Mid-1980s to Current In the mid-1980s, however, an important shift occurred in Canada's approach to rural regional development (Hodge and Robinson 2001). The federal government devolved responsibility to supra-provincial development organizations, Atlantic Canada Opportunities Agency (ACOA) in Atlantic Canada and Western Economic Diversification (WED) in Western Canada (Table 2.3). The focus was no longer a federal response to regional economic disparities, but rather programs that took place within regions, with offices located in the regions and staffed by local residents. This signaled a shift towards a more 'bottom-up' approach to rural regional development on the part of the federal government. 12 Table 2.3 Federal Regional Development Initiatives (Mid-1980s to Present) Dates 19801984 Department/Program Name 1981 Megaprojects 1986present Community Futures 1987present Atlantic Canada Opportunity Agency (ACOA) Western Economic Diversification (WED) 1990present Interdepartmental Committee on Rural and Remote Canada 1994present Rural Secretariat Regional Development Funds Description • Funds provided to regions for small business development • Large-scale natural resource development projects (e.g. Alberta Tar Sands) • Job-creation and economic development program for rural areas • Head offices located outside of Ottawa; programs sensitive to regional goals • Focus on small entrepreneurs • Twenty federal departments and agencies • Collaborating to share information, networking, and research • In the Ministry of Agriculture and Food • Focal point for the federal government to address rural issues • Goal is to create partnerships between departments Sources: Savoie 1992; Fairbairn 1998. In the case of BC, the central government also relinquished considerable control over rural regional development strategies in the mid-1980s (Williston and Keller 1997; Young and Matthews 2007; Markey et al. 2008). In place of a centrally coordinated regime, the provincial government designated a provincial ministry to oversee various regional development programs (Table 2.4). However, the departure from central state control meant that programs became disaggregated and there was no longer a coordinated response to address social and economic development. Moreover, in this restructuring, regional development regimes rarely lasted longer than three years and lost the long-term vision of previous programs. 13 Table 2.4 Provincial Regional Development Initiatives (Mid-1980s to Present) Dates Department/Program Name 19871992 Minister of State and Regional Development Officers (RDOs) Minister of Regional Economic Development (1989) 19931996 Regional Economic Development Offices 1995present Columbia Basin Trust 19982001 Northern Development Commission 1999present Nechako-Kitamaat Development Fund 19992001 Ministry of Community Development, Cooperatives, and Volunteers 2001present 2001present Description • Minister of State assigned • Regional offices (8) w / RDOs, with regional development liaison officers and clerical staff • Mandate: establish regional priorities, implement government programs, conduct evaluations, reporting • Regional offices (5) w / Regional Economic Development Officers • More community-based approach towards economic development and implementation of government programs • Development funding for the region most affected by the Columbia River Treaty • Instituted by Northern Development Act • Headed by a Commissioner and 5 staff • Support for 3 northern regions • Mandate: establish advocacy and consultation, small fund to assist development projects • Granting agency to assist those in the area affected by the Kemano project/creation of the Nechako reservoir • Variety of CED programs and transition funds (e.g. Community Enterprise Fund) • Macro-environment: tax reductions, deregulation, and labour flexibility • BC Liberal northern Members of the Legislative Northern Caucus Assembly (MLAs) advocate for northern issues • Government resources to revitalize the 2003 Heartland Strategy economy of rural and northern communities; the 'heart' of BC's economic strength • Legislation increasing the autonomy of 2003Community Charter municipalities, including authority for interpresent municipal schemes • Economic development funding corporation for 2005Northern Development Initiative present (NDI) Trust northern and central BC • Regionally-based, voluntary development 2005Beetle Action Coalitions (BACs) organizations present Economic Alliances • Economic development funding corporations Southern Interior Development 2006for the southern Interior and north Island/coast Initiative Trust present area Island Coastal Economic Trust Sources: Adapted from University of Northern British Columbia (UNBC) Community Development Institute 2004; Bish and Clemens 2008; Markey et al. 2008; BC Ministry of Community and Rural Development (MoCRD) 2010. Provincial Liberal Government 14 In the mid-1980s, we can start to see the dissolution of Keynesian programs and policies. In the face of rural economic, social, and political restructuring in the early 1980s, the policy response has been to withdraw from previous programs: successive governments have been gradually withdrawing from a commitment to providing equitable access to standardized services... while making modest (and incomplete) efforts to assume a secondary role of facilitating transition through various community and regional development programs (Markey et al. 2008, 415). Part of this response was to 'enable' local communities to have greater representation in development decision-making 1 , but it is also argued that senior governments have abandoned their role in rural regional development (Polese 1999). 2.3 Rural Restructuring and Change Change in the rural Canadian landscape is not a new phenomena; however, the pace at which it occurs is increasing (Hayter 2000; Reimer 2002). Beginning in the 1980s, rural places have faced unique challenges in the face of global change. As places restructure to be more competitive in a global market, the economic fortunes of many rural and small town places fell with the onset of industrial restructuring (Bradbury and St-Martin 1983). In BC, large-scale industries began to restructure production regimes to respond to market volatility and competitiveness. This was achieved through increasing technology and a subsequent concentration of many smaller firms into fewer and larger firms. This contributed to the transition from a 'fordist' to a 'flexible' production regime (Hayter and Barnes 1997b; Hayter 2000). The replacement of labour by technology led to significant job 1 'Subsidiarity', a term from literature on European politics, is the principle that decision-making should be devolved to lowest decision-making level possible/closest to the citizens. In this, central government should have a subsidiary function (Sikow-Magny 2004). This principle supports local community involvement in decision-making. 15 losses, increasing part-time or 'flexible' workers, and the provision of little to no job stability (Barnes and Hayter 1994). Such economic restructuring has also meant a restructuring of social life, as social change in rural and small town places is closely linked to economic change (Cater and Jones 1989; Reed and Gill 1997). For example, job loss, population loss, and service loss are attributed to industrial restructuring in a failing economy (Furuseth 1998; Reed 2003). In other places, where economic fortunes may improve, there is the potential for job creation, population increases, and service increases. Specifically given resource employment migration patterns, local populations in resource-dependant places fluctuate with local economic prosperity (Hayter 1979; Halseth 1999). As such, many rural and small town places have to plan for their futures with a changing population structure and social circumstances. Coupled with economic and social changes, rural and small town places have to consider the role of physical environmental change in their futures, namely climate change (Parkins 2008). Early predictions of climate change on rural areas include changes to traditional activities, population (through changing migration patterns), further restructuring of local economies, natural resource management, and changes to local government systems (through changing taxation structures) (Shackleton and Shackleton 2004; Hunter 2007; Drake 2009). The impact of climate change on local economies, particularly those reliant on climate-sensitive resources, such as agriculture, forestry, and fishing, has the potential to be significant. 16 2.4 Neoliberalism: Re-Orienting Roles With increasing global economic interconnectedness since the 1980s, some governments have reformed their political strategies to be more internationally competitive (Amin 1999; Keating 2003). This neoliberal reform is a "political strategy based on deregulation of the economy, privatization, a reduced commitment to social welfare, and a focus on international competitiveness" (Tonts and Haslam-McKenzie 2005,183) and is occurring internationally. This political strategy has altered the "scale and nature of state intervention across the globe" (Jones et al. 2005, 397) and, as Tonts (1999, 581) argues, "one of the immediate outcomes ... [is] the demise of long-standing interventionist regional development policies in favour of free market forces." Following international trends, the Canadian government has reformed its political strategy to increase international economic competitiveness (Polese 1999; Markey et al. 2008). As discussed above, prior to the 1980s, Canada's regional development was defined by a Keynesian approach to the planning of public services, with "public planners creating conditions to make private-sector growth more efficient" (Fairbairn 1998,13). However, with a transition to neoliberalism, centrally coordinated responses to regional economic disparities at the federal and provincial levels began to be phased out in the early 1980s (Markey et al. 2008). Neoliberalism is defined by state downsizing and placing greater emphasis on the adoption of these roles by individuals and the private sector (Tonts 1999). As Klein et al. (2009, 29) note, "state intervention did not disappear entirely, but the state began assuming more the role of facilitator, or guide than that of initiator." In rural regional development, this translates into the private sector and individuals assuming roles which 17 have traditionally been that of the central state. Programs are withdrawn and roles which traditionally defined government involvement in rural regional development are left to individuals and the private sector. Neoliberalism has been characterized as both a destructive and a creative process. Peck and Tickell (2002, 384) identify 'roll-back' neoliberalism as the "active destruction and discreditation of Keynesian-welfarist... institutions." Conversely, they argue, the creative side of neoliberalism is the 'roll-out' of new state forms which construct and consolidate the neoliberal movement. Thus, 'roll-back' neoliberalism is the removal of rural regional development programs and policies which were representative of a Keynesian era while 'roll-out' neoliberalism speaks to new social and institutional responses and forms of rural regional development (Markey etal. 2008). This reorientation of the BC provincial government over time is well-documented (Markey et al. 2008). Following 50 years of government intervention in provincial rural regional development, the current BC Liberal Party has drastically altered the policies, programs, and vision of previous governments (Young and Matthews 2007). Local residents have been creative in filling this gap. In place of government intervention in BC's rural regional development, voluntary, place-based organizations have emerged to assume the role of development planning (Table 2.5). The state has supported this by 'rolling-out' several fragmented programs to facilitate their development. 18 Table 2.5 Voluntary Rural Regional Development Organizations Organization Name Date Formed Mandate To ensure that our communities are economically stable, that there are jobs in all sectors, and February 2005 C-CBAC support the entrepreneurial spirit that is fundamental to the Cariboo-Chilcotin lifestyle. To make the best of the short-term increase in forestry activity, while at the same time September 2005 OBAC preparing for the future challenges. To grow and diversify the regional economy of May 2007 16-97 Economic Alliance north central BC. To diversify opportunities for the southern Southern Interior Beetle interior region in support of long-term July 2007 sustainability, and a vision of working collectively Action Coalition (SIBAC) to accomplish its goals. Sources: C-CBAC 2005a, 3; OBAC 2005, np; 16-97 Economic Alliance 2010, np; SIBAC 2010, np. The academic literature presents two arguments for why senior governments have changed their role with regard to rural regional development planning. First, there have been greater calls for 'bottom-up', local representation and control over future development trajectories (MacKinnon 2002; Markey et al. 2005). In this, citizens no longer want government to provide for them, but rather to facilitate them in taking control of their own future development (Bruce 1997). Proponents of this approach argue that the local level needs to be empowered and local capacity needs to be increased. A 'bottom-up' approach works to address limitations of previous 'top-down' regimes (Herbert-Cheshire 2000; MacKinnon 2002). Others argue that the central state is vacating its 'top-down' role as an organizer of rural regional development (Young and Matthews 2007; Markey et al. 2008). As Polese (1999, 309) notes, the author cannot help but feel that 'local development', as a policy ideal, is in the end closer to a silent surrender, an implicit admission that the central state really cannot do much about unequal development and regional disparities. 19 As some have demonstrated, previous federal policy interventions have not produced satisfactory results for endogenous growth (Savoie 1992; Fairbairn 1998). At times, they have achieved the opposite. Consequently, Polese suggests that the central state is abandoning this role and relegating it to a more local level. If the central state abandons its involvement with regional development, then the benefits which came from centralized programs, such as large budgets and having access to the policy levers which can affect change, are removed. 2.5 New Regionalism As the central state plays less of a direct role in regional development and less support is available from 'above', places have to address issues of local capacity to adopt new roles (Alpert et al. 2006; Markey et al. 2007). In such a changing world, innovation is key and "new ways of organizing are required to mobilize human, financial, and other resources necessary for facilitating actions across sectors (public, private, non-profit) and communities that share common problems" (Cigler 1999, 87). Internationally, regions are increasingly important as political, economic, cultural, and social spaces (Storper 1995; Lovering 1999; Keating 2003). As demonstrated above, the region has been a political economic focus in the past, but the region has resurged as the "basis for economic and social life" (Lovering 1999, 383). Economic and political justifications for a new regional approach are related in the literatures and are tied to economic globalization (Wallis 1994b; Kitson et al. 2004). The new focus on political initiatives to address regional (economic) disparities is particularly demonstrated in the European Union's (EU) LEADER (Liaison Entre Actions de 20 Developpement Rural) programs (including LEADER I, LEADER II, and LEADER+) (Ray 2000; Bocher 2008). An innovative policy intervention which provides funding to lagging rural regions, LEADER is targeted at "small, homogenous, socially cohesive [territories], often characterised by common traditions, a local identity, a sense of belonging or common needs and expectations" (European Commission 2006, 8). Though this definition is challenged (cf. Shucksmith 2000), the area-based approach of the program differs from previous sectorbased rural development policies and programs which many developed countries have followed (Perez 2000). Moreover, LEADER is innovative because the state has removed itself as a central actor in regional development and supports local regions to form their own initiatives. Research on new regionalism argues that that the next rural economies will be more sustainable if they are based upon competitive advantages as compared to comparative advantages (Morgan 2004; Markey etal. 2006; Halseth etal. 2010). Regional approaches of the past were largely based on comparative advantages and occurred in an era of economic growth in manufacturing. A comparative advantage is had when a place can produce something "at the greatest cost or efficiency advantage over others, or for which they have the least disadvantage" (Smith 2000,102). However, competitive advantages are based upon traditional quantitative factors of economic development (e.g. infrastructure, location) and qualitative factors. Thus, a region is encouraged to determine their placebased specialization founded upon local assets (Kitson et al. 2004; Markey et al. 2009). Such qualitative factors include innovation, learning, and trust (Kitson et al. 2004; Morgan 2004; Markey et al. 2006; Markey et al. 2008). Unique from previous approaches to 21 rural regional development, new regionalism promotes partnerships and networks to exchange information about successes and failures so as to create a shared and collective knowledge regarding rural regional development 'best practices' (Ray 2000). Trust within the network provides actors with confidence in the reciprocity of information and knowledge sharing (MacKinnon et al. 2002). However, despite international research and discussion of what will constitute successful regional development in the next rural economies, policy approaches by senior governments must acknowledge the new approach to rural regional development (Drabenstott and Sheaff 2002; Bradford 2005). Policy must support a different type of rural economic growth, whereby rural regions develop their competitive niche in the global markets. Thus, policies must depart from a previous sector-centric focus (e.g. agriculture or other commodity production) and be flexible enough to support multiple economic development strategies (Drabenstott et al. 2004). Policies which recognize new regionalist thinking, as demonstrated in LEADER and others, adopt a place-based policy approach (Halseth et al. 2010). They seek to support networks and partnerships to formulate local and regional processes of social cohesion and social capital. These local processes support innovation, learning, and trust so places can identify locally competitive assets. 2.6 Governance, Social Cohesion, and Social Capital Research indicates that new ways of governing are required to effectively respond to changing economic, political, social, and physical conditions (Lovering 1999; Drabenstott and Sheaff 2002; Markey et al. 2008). Governance, as compared to government, focuses on wider participation in decision-making, collaboration among stakeholders, networks, and 22 process, rather than formal structural arrangements and coordinating plans and action (Wallis 1994b, Goodwin 1998; Marsden and Murdoch 1998). As Hamin and Marcucci (2008, 468) argue, in governance, "the official and unofficial networks of power reach beyond government to include civil society." In this, greater emphasis is placed on the role of networks and trust in the decision-making process (Markey et al. 2008). To understand how social factors contribute to governance and other outcomes, we can look to concepts of social cohesion and social capital (Woolcock and Narayan 2000; Dawe 2004; Wall er al. 2004). Social cohesion is produced through social interaction and involves the development of feelings of common identity, mutual support, and confidence (Beckley 1994). People in a common situation can learn to identify with one another and support one another's initiatives (Portes 1998). As Marshall et al. (2003,177) explain, [through] regularized contact over time players establish the operating understandings and codes of conduct which expedite negotiation and lead to workable compromises. These attributes constitute vital lubricants in network activity and build strength [and] cohesion. Thus, social cohesion is produced among a network of people through repetitive interaction where they become familiar with one another and develop a shared sense of norms, values, and expectations. Social cohesion, then, is an input to the development of social capital. As Reimer (2002, 2) notes, "social cohesion can be used for productive ends, thus providing a form of social capital." Social capital is the established networks, norms of reciprocity, and trust among a group that govern interaction (Portes 1998; Woolcock 1998; Iyer et al. 2005). 23 However, such social characteristics "are construed as capital when some transformation takes place ... to create a desired outcome" (Wall et al. 2004, 283). Putnam (2000) deconstructs the concept of social capital into two forms: bonding and bridging. Bonding social capital has to do with the networks which exist between likeminded people. It tends to occur within groups and its geographic extent is typically localized. Bridging social capital is theorized to involve networks which exist between less like-minded people. It links outsiders to a group and can have a wider reaching geographic extent. Putnam (2000, 22) suggests that both forms of social capital are important, but that bridging social capital is "better for linkage[s] to external assets and ... information diffusion." As such, bridging social capital is particularly important for economic revitalization as local groups are exposed to external influences. Bridging social capital is also important locally because people may come from diverse backgrounds and need to 'bridge' these differences to build networks of reciprocity and trust to achieve goals of economic development. In concert, social cohesion and social capital work to reduce transaction costs (Magnani and Struffi 2009). They are assets that function as a resource and can be drawn upon to enhance the capacity of place (Reimer 2002; Alpert et al. 2006). Some research suggests that relational assets, such as social capital, do not just facilitate regional collaboration and development, but may be required for successful organizations (Dawe 2004; Wall et al. 2004; Marshall et al. 2006). Given that existing examples tend to meet and exceed expected economic returns, Marshall et al. (2006) suggest that the future policy environment seems favourable for the types of inter- 24 municipal cooperation which require social capital. They note that "attributes such as cooperation, trust and openness are critical features underpinning high-performing [regional collaborations]" (Marshall etal. 2006, 241). Hamin and Marcucci (2008, 470) support this, noting that the formation of locally-based governance organizations are much more likely - and are even necessary - for rural places in the future: "a culture of volunteerism combined with suspicion toward and lack of capacity in ... government makes grassroots, community-based approaches both possible and necessary for rural areas." Bottom-up, new regional organizations often form in response to change or crisis to their local conditions, particularly in rural areas (Martin 1997; Cigler 1999; Hamin and Marcucci 2008; Larsen 2008). Crises are commonly related to the physical environment (Wallis 1994a). For example, Martin (1997) describes how widespread dryland salinity triggered collaboration in one rural region of Australia. However, economic crises are becoming more common (Penrose et al. 1998; Griffin 2008). A crisis serves as a 'catalyzing' event for an initial group to form quickly to address a specific project or need (Wallis 1994a), but as Wallis (1994b, 294) notes, although alliances often form to address a single project or need, there is often a good deal of stability in relationships among participants. Consequently, over a course of decades an alliance may create several different structures to meet specific needs or changing conditions, but the same core of key participants involved in each. Thus, the institutional structure may be initiated by a crisis, but the legacy of that structure may continue through subsequent events or work proactively to prevent future concerns (Cigler 1999). Such 'bottom-up' or grassroots organizations can benefit rural regional development. Their network-based structure allows for greater flexibility and 25 "responsiveness to variable conditions on the ground" (Turok 2004,1072), wider participation encourages "decentralized, participatory, and consensus-based problemsolving arrangements" (Bidwell and Ryan 2006, 827), and their self-organization provides a sense of autonomy and discretion over their own affairs (O'Toole and Burdess 2004). Placebased policy approaches support such organizations to form and address the range of changes associated with economic, social, and political restructuring. Moreover, placebased policy provides for an equitable response to such restructuring, as best-suited for the given locale (Bradford 2005). However, such organizations are also faced with a number of challenges. Often, groups are self-appointed and this challenges the legitimacy and accountability of the organization (Rhodes 1996; Alpert et al. 2006; Brown 2008). Given self-appointment, there are also concerns with exclusion from decision-making structures (Wallis and Dollery 2002; Lockwood et al. 2009). Exclusion from a self-appointed organization can also be explained using the concept of social capital. As networks and trust may exist among one group of individuals, trust may be so strong that it excludes others (Portes 1998; Sibley 1998; Woolcock 1998). In such a case, bonding social capital prevents the development of bridging social capital. The lack of permeability into this group can then inhibit change and innovation (Magnani and Struffi 2009). Another challenge is the concern for insufficient jurisdiction, power, or resources devolved to the organization (Wilson 2004; Parkins 2008; Lockwood et al. 2009). Smyth et al. (2004, 603) note that, despite theoretical stances, "in practice, decentralized policy approaches often reveal very little real decentralization of power and resources." Finally, it 26 can be challenging for rural and small town places to collaborate with one another (Markey et al. 2009). As Freshwater (2004, 5) notes: "traditionally, rural places viewed their immediate neighbours as being their main competition, not their partners." Moreover, as Kennedy (2005, 55) has observed in the context of northern BC, municipalities only often cooperate for "pragmatic, issue-specific, and localized" reasons. 2.7 Neoliberalism and New Regionalism in Northern BC While municipalities in northern BC have cooperated on pragmatic matters, past efforts at more significant regional cooperation often deteriorated to inter-municipal competition. For example, attempts at inter-municipal cooperation in the past "tended to undermine their own [collective] lobbying by intense rivalries and competition between sub-regions and communities" (Kennedy 2005, 56). However, there is indication that this "culture of opposition" (Kennedy 2005, 56) is changing in response to the increasing role local governments are playing in regional development. In northern BC, many rural and small town places are reacting as the provincial government retracts from assisting with rural regional development (Markey et al. 2009; Young and Matthews 2007). Shared experiences bind these places together, including those with previous provincial policies surrounding rural regional development and now a feeling of being 'on their own' with less support (Markey et al. 2006). A collective frustration with federal and provincial development policies and programs acts to unify these places "against a larger 'foe'" (Markey et al. 2007, 69). As such, many rural and small town places in northern BC are recognizing their similarities and the potential benefit in regional collaboration to collectively respond to new challenges. 27 Potentially fuelling the current regional movement in northern BC are the lessons of regionalism learned from other places (Markey et al. 2009). For example, 'economic clusters' are encouraged by government-sponsored reports for development in areas outside of metropolitan BC. As Edgington (2004, 311) notes, such reports call for "more effective deployment of a full range of regional resources and attributes, including human, social, cultural and infrastructure capital." Thus, there may be opportunity to experience the benefits of regional collective action in northern BC - particularly given the regional efforts (and successes) of many international competitors (Alberta Economic Development 2005; Markey etal. 2009). Beyond economic motivations, residents of northern BC are drawn to the notion that development is socially embedded (Markey et al. 2009). A perceived collective history exists among rural residents in many places and this is commonly tied to the land, the landscape, and local environmental and industrial history and practices (Hamin and Marcucci 2008). In northern BC, a perceived sense of shared history exists - one of living in a more remote environment which calls for greater cooperation for survival. This collective history binds places socially, and this cooperation should be foundational to future northern development as places work to determine their competitive advantages (Markey et al. 2009). 2.8 Conclusion Local actors can draw on relational assets to address issues which affect local conditions. The inclusion of state and non-state actors may represent new social and institutional responses to changing economic and political situations. Such organizations can 28 be examined through the lens of new regionalism to understand how it is expressed in place. Therefore, this thesis will examine how one contemporary rural regional development approach may or may not be representative of Canadian dominant trends. The thesis will also explore the role of various factors in the formation of one particular governance organization, C-CBAC. Factors include macro-political-economic changes through neoliberalism, the role of local social assets of social cohesion and social capital, and the role of the MPB epidemic. 29 Chapter 3 Methodology and Methods 3.1 Introduction Discussion of research methods demonstrates transparency in, and contributes to the rigour of, the research process (Mansvelt and Berg 2005). Moreover, it provides grounds for research evaluation, highlighting the strengths and limitations of the process (Baxter and Eyles 1997; Bailey et al. 1999). This chapter is an overview of the methodology and methods used to examine the changing governance of regional development and factors which influenced C-CBAC's formation. The chapter is organized into five sections. Following this introduction, the second section touches on my methodological approach. The third section discusses data collection mechanics, specifically addressing field work, and primary and secondary data collection. The fourth section outlines methods of data analysis and the fifth section addresses rigour in the research process. The chapter concludes with a summary. 3.2 Methodology Ontology is how one believes the world to operate (Winchester 2005). A researcher's ontology contributes to the establishment of the research framework and shapes the methods used. My personal belief is that much of what we know is shaped by social definition. I believe that we can only understand social phenomena through how they are represented by people (Denzin and Lincoln 2005). Thus, individual experiences lead to multiple versions of reality, or how people believe the world to be 'true.' 30 My belief of how the world operates accepts the use of qualitative research to understand pluralistic and negotiated truths (Guba and Lincoln 2004). As Denzin and Lincoln (2005,10) note, "qualitative researchers stress the socially constructed nature of reality." One of the strengths of qualitative research is that it can allow for greater understanding of complex nuances in attitudes and behaviours. It is argued to emphasize "the study of natural real-life settings, a focus on participants' meanings and context,... open-ended data collection, [and] analytical strategies that retain the contextual nature of the data" (Maxwell and Loomis 2003, 250). As such, it is the intent of this research to give a rich and in-depth description about the experiences of a sample population. 3.3 Methods This thesis is a single-case study; a detailed examination of a single example which "investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context" (Yin 2003,13). Case studies have two principal benefits. First, they allow for the investigation of complex relationships with multiple sources of evidence. Thus, a case study is complementary to qualitative research. Second, they allow the researcher to contextualize the circumstances of a single example in larger theoretical generalizations (Yin 2003). However, as with qualitative methods in general, case studies cannot produce statistical generalizations (Patton 1990; Dunn 2005; Flyvberg 2006). A single-case study is commonly used to allow the researcher to focus on the holistic situation of a specific example to seek a deeper understanding of the issues. In this situation, the single-case can determine the applicability of theoretical propositions or if an alternate explanation may be more relevant. 31 As with many case studies, multiple methods of data collection are used in this thesis (Yin 2003). Different methods illicit different information and results can be complementary in the research process (Schoenberger 1991; Babbie 2004). For example, demographic statistics, meeting minutes, newsletters, and policy documentation are used in concert with qualitative information from the interviews to develop a more comprehensive understanding of processes in place. Different methods can be brought together using method triangulation, which will be discussed below (Baxter and Eyles 1997). However, the use of quantitative and qualitative data in concert is contested in the methodological literature (Guba and Lincoln 2004). A common argument is that the "research methods are permanently rooted in epistemological and ontological commitments" and that the two are in opposition to one another (Bryman and Teevan 2005, 322). However, Yin (2003,15) states that "case studies can be based on any mix of quantitative and qualitative evidence." Moreover, Bryman and Teevan (2005, 322) note that different methods "are capable of being put to a wide variety of tasks" depending on the theoretical stance of the researcher. As such, I recognize the compatibility debate in the methodological literature, but have chosen to use quantitative data in conjunction with my qualitative data to provide a "context that amplifies and enriches" derived meanings (Schoenberger 1991, 181). 3.3.1 Primary Data Collection 3.3.1.1 'The Field' Primary data were collected from the field. 'The field' is a demarcated spatial and temporal entity defined by researchers as their site of inquiry. This site is "artificial in its 32 separations from a geographical space and flow of time" (Katz 1994, 67). As such, research results are a suspended 'snapshot' of one place at a specific time. However, field work was chosen as a research component because "field research is especially effective for studying the subtle nuances in attitudes and behaviors" (Babbie 2004, 307). By having a personal presence in the field, and by doing a single-case study, I was able to gain greater depth of understanding of these nuances, and therefore increase the validity of my research (Babbie 2004). Field research was undertaken in the incorporated municipalities, unincorporated settlements, and Indian Reserves of the Cariboo-Chilcotin region (see Chapter 4). I was present for 29 days between 27 April and 27 June 2008. Primary data were collected through interviews, observing, and field notes. Each is discussed below. 3.3.1.2 Power Relations in Field Research Power imbalances can affect data and data collection (Clifford 1986). As a young female conducting research in a typically male dominated domain of politics and regional industries, where participants hold relatively high societal positions, I was particularly concerned with asymmetrical power relations (Dahl 1968; Shoenberger 1991). Asymmetrical power relationships exist when "those being studied are in positions of influence in comparison to the researcher" (Dowling 2005, 25). However, at times, my university education seemed to initially intimidate some participants. This was resolved by adopting a supplicant position (McDowell 1992). In this position, the researcher "explicitly acknowledges her/his reliance on the research subject to provide insight into the subtle nuances of meaning that structure and shape everyday lives" and fieldwork is "predicated 33 upon an unequivocal acceptance that the knowledge of the person being researched (at least regarding the particular questions being asked) is greater than that of the researcher" (England 1994, 82). In this position, the researcher is "requesting time and expertise from the powerful, with little to offer in return" (McDowell 1992, 213). By adopting this position, I was able to put some participants more at ease. Power relations are also impacted by the researcher's relative insider or outsider position to research participants (Dowling 2005). An insider is similar to, and accepted by, participants. Conversely, an outsider is less similar, and may not be accepted by, participants (Lofland and Lofland 1995; Acker 2000). Some argue that an insider has greater contextual knowledge, access, and opportunities, which "facilitate^] access to the participants, rapport in the interviews, analysis of the data and communication of the results" (Acker 2000,189). However, it is also argued that outsiders have different strategic advantages. For example, not being more socially connected to one group over another gives the researcher 'space' to move between and associate with different social factions in a given place (Lofland and Lofland 1995). Also, participants may make more of an effort to articulate concepts more clearly to an outsider and an outsider is less likely to take everyday features of social life for granted in the unfamiliar setting (Acker 2000; Dowling 2005). In this research, I was an outsider because I do not live in the Cariboo-Chilcotin. However, feelings of 'being outside' varied depending on the situation and how much I had in common with those around me (Naples 1996). For example, my personal characteristics of being white, middle class, and having an interest in the future development of rural and small town places let me be less of an outsider to many participants, as they can hold 34 similar societal positions and interests (Schoenberger 1991). Additionally, when interviewing participants who had not lived in the region for a long time, they commented to me that they were considered an outsider within the region because "I do not have a 100 year history here" (Interview 31). As such, at times my status of not living in the region gave me a dimension upon which I was more of an insider with some participants. Having a limited understanding of First Nation cultures and practices made me more of an outsider when interacting with First Nation participants. This manifested itself during the interviewing process. For example, I was not able to fully comprehend the attachments (personal, familial, cultural, spiritual, etc.) to place that one individual was trying to explain to me. The participant's family has lived in the same place for generations and is committed to continue to live in the same place for future generations; this commitment impacted how they perceived regional development and I was challenged to consider this perspective. My experiences of interviewing First Nations will be discussed in greater detail below. 3.3.1.3 Interviewing While in the field, I conducted 47 personal, semi-structured interviews with 50 participants. As a method of data collection, personal interviewing has many strengths. As Schoenberger (1991,188) notes, "the richness of detail and historical complexity that can be derived from an interview-based approach allows one to reconstruct a coherent representation of how and why particular phenomena came to be." Personal interviews were chosen for this research because of the potential for in-depth information. The interviewer can encourage elaboration through probes, offer clarification to questions, seek clarification to responses, and observe and record non-verbal communication (Johnson and Turner 2003; Babbie 2004; Dunn 2005). Personal interviews, however, can be limiting because they are expensive, time consuming, and the results are not generalizable to larger populations (Clifford 1986). For this research, the interviewing process was time consuming. The average interview was 61 minutes in length, ranging from 33 minutes to 85 minutes. In addition to the direct time spent in each interview, there was the process of seeking, contacting, and scheduling with each participant and then traveling for each interview. The interviewing process overall was the largest time commitment in data collection and fundamentally consumed the entire field work budget and time in the field. Understanding the subject at hand in an interview setting is a negotiation between the interviewer and the participant (McDowell 1992; England 1994; Dowling 2005). The accuracy of this understanding is related to the validity of the research results (Babbie 2004). It can only be assumed that interview questions (and responses) are interpreted as intended, but measures can be taken to improve the likelihood of this, such as pretesting the interview guide. However, nothing can "uncover all possible misunderstandings" (Schoenberger 1991, 181). In attempt to address interpretation challenges, the interview guide was pretested in two separate interview settings with non-participating informants. Feedback was obtained on interpretation, content, and flow. Semi-structured interviewing allows a predetermined set of topics and questions to be asked consistently in each interview (Dunn 2005). Also, this method offers flexibility in the order of which questions are addressed. This allowed various topics to be covered more 36 naturally. It also provided the opportunity for unanticipated topics to emerge and to follow these leads (Schoenberger 1991). However, the flexibility offered in this method can reduce the comparability between participants (Bernard 2000). Due to time limitations, not all organizations in which the participants were involved were addressed in the interview. Moreover, not all sections of the interview guide were addressed in each interview. There were some analytical challenges in comparability between interviews because not every participant was asked every question in the interview guide; however, this method was still preferred because the breadth of responses and topic areas provided rich data. Open-ended questions were used for the entire interview guide because they provide the space and time to reveal potentially rich data and respondents can use their own words to emphasize elements which are most important to them (Schoenberger 1991; Babbie 2004). However, the interviewing literature notes that open-ended questions can be challenging to analyze because responses are not necessarily compatible or consistent between participants (McGuirk and O'Neill 2005). Despite potential analytical challenges, in-depth responses in the participant's own terms that emphasize elements most important to them make open-ended questions well-suited to my ontology and the aims of this research. Prior to beginning field work, the interview guide and consent form were approved by the Research Ethics Board at UNBC (Appendix A). Interviews took place in locations chosen by the participant, provided that my safety was secure. Having the participant selfselect the location was strategic to help them feel more comfortable with the intent to facilitate the ease of the conversation (Dunn 2005). I reviewed the consent form with each 37 participant before starting the formal interview (Appendix B). Each participant kept a signed copy of the consent form and I will retain a copy until the completion of this thesis. As part of the consent form, participants were asked if the interview could be audio recorded using a small digital recorder. Having an audio recording of the meeting helped to ensure that the fullest amount of detail was extracted from the meeting (Dunn 2005). This also allowed me to be more attentive to the participant and the conversations. Most participants (47/50) permitted the recording. Recognizing that participants may be somewhat uncomfortable with the recording device because "[it] serves as a reminder of the formal situation of the interview" (Dunn 2005, 95), I was conscientious of the need to help participants feel more relaxed. The recorder was usually placed out of the direct visual field of the participant and minimized my own reactions to the recorder; lots of positive reinforcement, eye contact, and great attentiveness to the individual were given (Bernard 2000). Participants also had the opportunity to review the notes taken from our conversation (see below). The interview guide is comprised of five sections (Appendix C). Question order within the guide was carefully considered to maximize the opportunity to build rapport with the participant (Dunn 2005). As such, a funneling technique was employed whereby more sensitive questions were reserved for later in the interview. Recognizing the potential sensitivity around asking about personal and professional relationships in governance situations, funneling allowed us to develop rapport such that the participant may be more willing to share sensitive information (Schoenberger 1991). However, I recognize that I was only told a portion of what I was asking about because, as Price (1983) notes, "knowledge is 38 power, and that one must never reveal all of what one knows" (as quoted in Clifford 1986, 7). I feel that I was able to achieve a level of trust with most participants, with the notable exception of some First Nation participants; the same questions did not elicit as much of an 'open' response with this segment of the sampling frame. For example, in one interview, a question was asked and the initial response was probed further, but the participant firmly stated that they would not elaborate. This same situation happened in four interviews, three of which were with participants associated with a First Nations group or organization. Upon reflection, I realize that cultural differences between myself and First Nation participants were not fully appreciated in the design of the interview guide and interviewing methods. Expectations and assumptions were made based on the expected homogeneity of participants; the guide and methods were not responsive to cultural differences among participants (Tuhiwai Smith 1999). Interview summary notes were sent to all participants once they were drafted. Interview summaries are a record of the interview in which I eliminated false starts and corrected for grammar (Dunn 2005). Summary notes were produced and provided to participants rather than a transcript because I wanted participant checking to improve the quality of my record, while recognizing the "political effects of exact transcription" (Dunn 2005, 99). When participants read their own words, there can be feelings of embarrassment or self-censorship around articulation, grammar, repetition, and hesitancy, potentially resulting in participants withdrawing their interview. Participants were invited to correct any errors, omit information, or add information. In addition, this gave me the opportunity 39 to communicate any questions I had about the interview notes. Over one-third of all participants (17/50) offered a response to participant checking. Of the 17 I heard back from, nine offered no comments, five deleted or omitted details, four made minor corrections (e.g. dates of involvement altered), and two added information. No major changes were noted by any participant. 2 1 also took the opportunity to seek clarification on some points which were vague or confusing from our original conversation. In total, 18 participants were asked for further clarification on at least one point in the interview summary notes. Of those asked, one-third (6/18) responded to requests for further detail. Generally, participants expressed that they welcomed the opportunity to review the interview summaries. Verified summaries were used in analysis. To gain insight to the central research questions, I wanted to seek the perspectives of individuals involved and not involved in regional collaborations and regional development in the Cariboo-Chilcotin, currently and in the past. Participants who had been involved with previous regional collaborations could offer first-hand experiences of being included in regional planning processes. They could speak to issues of working together. Participants who had not been involved with previous regional collaborations could provide the perspective of someone who has not been invested in regional planning processes. Thus, they could offer a different perspective on the same situations. The two perspectives could be compared to one another in analysis and through triangulation. This would be a form of negative case testing (Berg 1989). 2 Numbers add to more than the total because some participants did more than one correction. For example, one participant deleted some information and made additions. 40 However, I had to select a subset of all decision-makers in the Cariboo-Chilcotin because enumeration of them all is beyond the manageable scope of this thesis. As such, I employed purposive stratified sampling, a non-probability sampling method. This method used personal judgment in selecting participants (Schoenberger 1991; Babbie 2004). This sampling method is appropriate for qualitative research, particularly when seeking information-rich cases (Patton 1990; Babbie 2004) and was most applicable for this research because participants could speak intimately about the regional organizations and processes under investigation. However, I acknowledge that this sampling method limits results since they are not representative of a larger population (Babbie 2004). To select participants, I developed a sampling frame (Babbie 2004). Prior to the selection process, I determined that I wanted to explore by geography and sectoral involvement. So, in the sampling frame, I sought representation from across the region and across various sectors and interest groups. To facilitate meeting these objectives, I developed a stratified sampling frame using these variables (Table D.l). Once the frame was established, I filled in the matrix with names of potential interviewees. Names were sought through reading meeting notes, public documentation, and by consulting organizationspecific websites. However, prior to fully developing the sampling frame, I began interviewing based on convenience. As such, some sectors in the resulting sampling frame are oversampled. Geographically speaking, the Central Cariboo is overrepresented, leaving the South Cariboo and the Chilcotin relatively underrepresented (Table 3.1). However, representation of those who live in rural areas and urban areas is fairly close (Table 3.2). With regards to sector 41 representation, government (elected and staff) is overrepresented and First Nations are relatively underrepresented (Table 3.3). This will bias the results, which may favour a nonFirst Nations government perspective from the North and Central Cariboo sub-regions. 42 Table 3.1 Sub-region Sample Frame: Sub-Regional Representation Participants Number Percentage Cariboo North Quesnel Rural Wells Indian Reserve Central Rural Williams Lake Indian Reserve South Rural Clinton 100 Mile House Indian Reserve Chilcotin Rural Indian Reserve Total 46 16 3 5 2 1 19 92 32 16 10 4 38 11 8 0 11 7 3 16 0 22 14 6 2 0 8 6 0 4 3 1 50 100 Source: Thesis Interviews 2008. Table 3.2 Urban/Rural Sample Frame: Urban/Rural Representation Participants Number Percentage 'Urban' Quesnel Williams Lake Clinton Wells 100 Mile House 'Rural' Cariboo Regional District Indian Reserve Other Total Source: Thesis Interviews 2008. 22 8 8 3 2 1 28 25 2 1 50 44 16 16 6 4 2 56 50 4 2 100 Table 3.3 Sample Frame: 'Sector' Participants Sector Government Municipal -elected Municipal - s t a f f Regional-elected Provincial -elected Regional-staff Other Social Child Development Centre Education Other Economic/business development Chamber of Commerce Community Futures Other Environment/conservation Labour (organized) Financial Industry Forestry Minor licensees Major licensees Other Tourism Agriculture Mining Other First Nations Tribal Council - s t a f f Band -elected Tribal Council - elected Total Participants Number Percentage 20 8 6 3 2 1 16 6 2 2 2 4 2 1 1 3 2 1 16 6 3 2 1 5 3 1 1 6 3 2 1 58 1 34.5 13.8 10.3 5.2 3.4 1.7 27.6 10.3 3.4 3.4 3.4 6.9 3.4 1.4 1.7 5.2 3.4 1.7 27.6 10.3 5.2 3.4 1.7 8.6 5.2 1.7 1.7 10.3 5.2 3.4 1.7 100 Source: Thesis Interviews 2008. ^ i x participants identified with two sectors (e.g. an individual is associated with an industry, and is an elected local representative). One participant identified with three 'sectors.' 44 Stratified sampling is advantageous because it seeks to ensure representation across variables (Babbie 2004); however, the fulfillment of this frame was challenging in practice. I faced limitations of time, money, and access. Moreover, assumptions made in the sampling frame construction posed limitations. Methodologically, this sampling method assumes that subsets are discrete (Babbie 2004). However, categories were not discrete given the generalist practices and involvement of many rural residents (Fitchen 1991). I found that some individuals were able to fulfill more than one 'box' across the sector variable. Operationally, I also found that there were not always participants in each sub-region from each sector. For example, one central office may serve two sub-regions of the CaribooChilcotin. As such, the sampling frame was not completely filled as expected (Table D.2). This sampling method also assumes that subsets are homogenous, but, varying levels of commonalities and segmentation exist among the subsets (Bryant 1995). As such, these results are only representative of the specific collection of interviews in this thesis. 3.3.1.4 Observations and Field Notes While in the field, I attended public gatherings and meetings to immerse myself in local activities and to increase my visibility (Babbie 2004); this included farmer's markets, a Council meeting, the unveiling of a local monument, and a public meeting to discuss issues of local importance in the upcoming local government elections. I also attended one invitation-only meeting on social development concerns, where I was invited to present my research topic. Some of these gatherings and meetings were more relevant to the research objectives than others. For example, I was not guaranteed to run into regional decisionmakers at farmer's markets. Despite this, I chose to attend to get a better 'feel' for the local 45 sense of community. In all situations, my role as a researcher was made transparent and I did not participate as a contributing member of any group (Babbie 2004). As a data collection method, observation has many benefits. Specifically for this thesis, the opportunity to gain complementary evidence was the most beneficial. I was able to "gather additional descriptive information ... during ... other more structured forms of data collection" (Kearns 2005,193). I could then compare the experiences that I was hearing about in the interviews to what I was seeing 'on the ground.' The experiences gave me knowledge upon which I could ask more probing questions in interviews. Moreover, the experiences gave me the opportunity to say "I was there" in interviews and potentially more of an insider status in some situations. My experiences were recorded in field notes (discussed below). In observation, the presence of a researcher has the potential to impact the situation to some degree. For example, those who are being observed may self-censor (Babbie 2004). However, by adopting the position of non-participant observer, I avoided direct interference in the process (Babbie 2004). In most meetings and gatherings, I did not notice how, if at all, my presence impacted the situation. Most gatherings had a lot of people and my clothing was similar (Kearns 2005). However, in observing the Council meeting of one municipality, my presence impacted the situation. I was one of two audience members and my presence seemed to break the concentration of the Mayor who kept looking at me. Given that it was early in my time in the field, I expect that the individual was questioning who I was and my reason for being there. Field notes were used extensively to document my experiences of 'being there' (Geertz 1988). Each day I made notes about interviews (e.g. nonverbal communication, gained insights, 'off the record' commentary), 'everyday' interactions with non-participants (e.g. what the 'word on the street' seemed to be), empirical observations (e.g. what I physically saw), and the research process (e.g. were interview questions being interpreted as I had intended?). These provide an extensive record of my experiences and observations while in the field (Babbie 2004). Beyond having a good record of experiences, field notes encouraged me to be critically reflexive about my research, positionality, and research limitations, which helped me to adjust the work accordingly (England 1994). Field notes were referred to during analysis. 3.3.2 Secondary Data Collection Secondary data were sought to corroborate information from interviews, fill information gaps, and provide clarification where contradictions existed in the interviews (Johnson and Turner 2003; Kindon 2005). It was an inexpensive way of learning about previous processes; the information was particularly important in establishing timelines of previous processes. Given my inquiry about events and processes which happened up to 15 years prior, some participants had a hard time recalling timelines. Recollection errors are common when interviewing about past events and the researcher has to be aware of forward telescoping; "when someone reports that something happened a month ago when it really happened two months ago" (Bernard 2000, 217). Secondary sources can be particularly advantageous because there is no opportunity for the researcher to impact this data (Johnson and Turner 2003). However, caution has to be exercised because the 47 publications and notes were recorded for the purposes of the author, and not to fulfill the specific aims of this research (Johnson and Turner 2003). Documentation from regional processes in the Cariboo-Chilcotin was accessed for this thesis. Authors included organizations from within, and external to, the region. To obtain this information, I searched libraries prior to field work to obtain what information I could. When in the field, I searched local libraries to make sure I had considered most local works. I also obtained personal meeting minute collections from two participants involved with past organizations. Another two participants had reports that they thought would be of importance to my work and arranged for me to obtain copies. The Internet was also searched extensively for information relating to previous processes. 3.4 Data Analysis Prior to beginning analysis, data were reduced to focus on the research questions (Sherry 2004). An extensive list of possible regional organizations emerged in discussions (Appendix E), but many were excluded from direct analysis based on at least one of three qualifications. First, the geographic boundaries do not align with those of the case study (e.g. the South Cariboo Community Planning Council focuses only on the South Cariboo). Second, the organization's mandate does not address area-based development (e.g. the Cariboo-Chilcotin-Coast Tourism Association focuses on sector-specific development). Third, the organization does not employ a model of governance which seeks the inclusion of government and non-government organizations, including the not-for-profit sector (e.g. the CRD is governed by an elected, legislated body). My goal in analysis was to develop a close relationship with the interview data (Baxter and Eyles 1997; Bailey et al. 1999). To achieve this, multiple rounds of content analysis were conducted to determine patterns in the data. This method allows for the analysis of recorded human communications through the investigation of two specific types of content: manifest and latent (Babbie 2004). Manifest content is the explicit use of language - the "visible, surface content" of words (Dunn 2005,100). The process of manifest content analysis entails counting word and word-pair frequencies in the text. Latent content is the inferred or underlying meaning of the text. The process of latent content analysis involves the systematic coding of data "into categories that facilitate the comparison of data within and between ... categories" (Maxwell 1996, 78). Concepts can then be linked to broader themes and the relationships between themes can be better understood. As an analytic method, content analysis is advantageous because data are not changed in the process. Thus, the process can be repeated to check for consistency (Babbie 2004). Also, the method is not expensive; it does not require software. However, a limitation to this method in this thesis is that data were analyzed by only one person (Cope 2005). To overcome challenges of having data analyzed by only one person, I conducted multiple iterations of data analysis and had participants review their interview summary notes. 3.4.1 Manifest Content Analysis Two complete rounds of manifest content analysis were conducted. In the first round, a list of words and word-pairs was generated. These words and word-pairs seemed 49 to be of importance according to the literature and my experiences in the field. For example, terms that participants seemed to use a lot were included. The first list contained 5493 words and word-pairs (Appendix F). In the second round, occurrences of words and word-pairs in all interviews were counted. To do this, terms were physically highlighted and tallied. After having counted terms through all interviews, like-terms and words/word-pairs with the same root word were grouped and occurrence counts were combined. For example, the terms 'Aboriginal', 'First Nation', 'Indian', and 'Native' were combined. After this, 'government' had the greatest number of occurrences once all types of government were considered ('federal', 'provincial', 'senior levels', 'regional', 'local', and 'municipal'). On the opposite end of the spectrum, 111 words had only one occurrence each in the interview summary notes. The process of manifest content analysis made me look more objectively at the interview content. In this, some of the anecdotal assumptions I had developed while in the field were lost. Manifest content analysis increased the reliability of the concepts and themes for latent content analysis. 3.4.2 Latent Content Analysis Three rounds of latent content analysis were conducted. Prior to beginning the first round, I brainstormed a list of concepts (themes) which came across from my field notes. To this list, concepts deduced from the literature were added. The first round of latent content analysis produced more concepts which were added to the list. Initially, an issue or idea was attributed to be a concept of importance if it was something repeated through different 3 This number is high because I did not condense words to root words. For example, 'participated' was initially recorded as being a different word from 'participating.' 50 interviews - a recurring idea or issue. After the list was complete, codes were developed for the different concepts (themes) (Fereday and Muir-Cochrane 2006). Codes were then tested against manifest content analysis results; some were expanded upon and others were refined. After a few weeks away from the data, I started the second round of latent content analysis. This began with reading and coding interview data according to codes from the first round. After reading through the text once, I employed concept mapping to understand linkages between themes. Concept mapping is used to learn relationships between concepts by arranging them visually (Babbie 2004). In this, all themes from my analysis were sketched onto paper while drawing linkages where necessary to understand relationships between (or not between) concepts. Through concept mapping, it was determined which concepts were related strongly enough to follow in subsequent analytical rounds. As such, some themes were expanded upon, others were refined, and those with no further support were eliminated. The result was a more refined list of themes (Appendix G). In the third round of latent content analysis, interview summaries were re-read. Kirby and McKenna (1989,135) note that, "to do analysis, the data must be divided into portions that are manageable." Thus, when data were coded in this round, a code was applied to each bibbit. A bibbit is a "piece, snippet or bite of information" (Kirby and McKenna 1989,135). Each bibbit was organized by theme in a separate digital file, a 'theme file.' Sometimes, one bibbit spoke to more than one theme. In this case, it was recorded in all relevant theme files. All bibbits within a theme were re-read to understand dimensions that exist within that theme. A dimension is comprised of a group of related bibbits (Kirby 51 and McKenna 1989). For example, within the theme Autonomy, participants tended to indicate if they favoured the approach by the current provincial government, or not. In this case, a dimension within the theme of Autonomy was Participant Preference. Also from the theme files, bibbits were organized according to the sampling frame to determine if patterns existed across or within sampling characteristics. From the multiple rounds of content analysis, three macro-themes emerged: 1) the role of autonomy in rural regional development decision-making, 2) factors which facilitated the formation of C-CBAC, and 3) factors which hindered the formation of C-CBAC. Each is discussed in depth in Chapter Five. However, it is important to note that, despite each being described independently, themes are not independent of one another. Instead, they describe processes which occur concurrently. They are artificially extracted for the purposes of detailed examination and analysis. Themes are integrated in Chapter Six because, at times, each theme is better understood in contrast to, or coupled with, others. 3.5 Ensuring Rigour To demonstrate rigour in this research, reliability and validity were assessed in method-related decisions through the research process (Baxter and Eyles 1997; Long and Johnson 2000). Reliability refers to the extent to which results are consistent and reproducible (Dunn 2005). Measures taken to address the reliability of research results include standardized questions asked in the interviews, replication of manifest and latent content analysis processes, and recording each step of the research process in a process file (Kirby and McKenna 1989; Long and Johnson 2000). Finally, data from interviewing, 52 observation, field notes, and all secondary sources were compared and contrasted against one another in method triangulation (Baxter and Eyles 1997). Validity refers to the accuracy of the findings (Dunn 2005). Validity is further considered in terms of internal and external validity. Internal validity refers to confidence in research which considers casual relationships (Johnson 1997; Yegidis et al. 1999; Yin 2003). Given that this research seeks to understand factors which in-effect led to the development of an organization, measures taken to address the internal validity of research results included interview guide pretests, participant-review of interview summary notes prior to analysis, and a fairly large sample size (Babbie 2004; Dunn 2005). External validity refers to "the extent to which findings are believed to apply beyond cases that were actually studied" (Yegidis er al. 1999,120). Assessment of external validity in case studies is of particular importance (Yin 2003). The situations reported are unique to participants interviewed in this case study. I do not assume that these findings are representative of participants not interviewed or regions not studied. As Yegidis et al. (1999,139) note, "case studies make it possible to achieve insights" however, "a case study does not allow the researcher to generalize ... [to do so] would be presumptuous." As such, the findings of this thesis pertain only to those who were interviewed. In method triangulation, findings from different methods of data collection are juxtaposed with one another to test the findings. Because each method has its own strengths and weaknesses, method triangulation is an attempt to ensure that findings do not reflect a single method of inquiry (Babbie 2004; Long and Johnson 2000). By using method triangulation, rigour and depth are added to the research (Denzin and Lincoln 2005). 3.6 Conclusion This thesis is a qualitative case study which draws heavily on semi-structured interviews to explore factors which impacted the formation of rural regional development organizations and processes in the Cariboo-Chilcotin. Forty-seven interviews were conducted in May and June 2008. Interview data were analyzed using manifest and latent content analysis methods. In addition to interviews, other primary and secondary data were used to corroborate and challenge results through method triangulation. By combining qualitative results from interview data with information from other primary and secondary sources about regional processes in the Cariboo-Chilcotin, insight was gained into issues which face the changing governance of regional development in this rural area. Results are discussed in Chapter Five and their theoretical implications are discussed in Chapter Six. Steps were taken through the research process to ensure rigour and to increase confidence in the findings. 54 Chapter 4 Context 4.1 Introduction The Cariboo-Chilcotin is the study area for this thesis. This chapter introduces the region so as to understand the contemporary governance of its rural regional development. To achieve this, the chapter is organized into seven sections. Following this introduction, I discuss study area boundaries, the region's population and economy characteristics, and the various local governments in the region, including municipal, regional, and First Nations. The chapter also presents a brief history of regional planning processes in the CaribooChilcotin and how they have worked to guide land use, economic, and development. 4.2 Study Boundaries The Cariboo-Chilcotin is located in the southern interior of BC and is roughly bisected by the Fraser River. To the west of the Fraser River is the 'Chilcotin', bounded to the west by the Coast Mountains. To the east of the Fraser River is the 'Cariboo', bounded to the east by the Cariboo Mountains (BC Commission on Resources and Environment (CORE) 1994b). Locally, residents refer to three sub-regions within the Cariboo: the North Cariboo (Quesnel and area), the Central Cariboo (Williams Lake and area), and the South Cariboo (100 Mile House and area). This thesis adopts the geographic boundaries of C-CBAC4 to define the case study area (Figure 4.1). However, the boundaries of the CRD - a political unit - will be employed to describe the Cariboo-Chilcotin region due to data availability. The C-CBAC area is larger 4 C-CBAC adopted the boundaries of the C-CLUP (C-CBAC 2005a). C-CLUP adopted the boundaries of the Cariboo Forest Region in the early 1990s (CCC 1995a). 55 than the CRD area (Table 4.1). Also, the C-CBAC area includes five municipalities, while the CRD includes four municipalities (Table 4.1). Table 4.1 Member Municipalities: CRD and C-CBAC CRD region Area Member Municipalities 100 Mile House Clinton Quesnel Wells Williams Lake 2 C-CBAC region 80,629 km 87,170 km2 S ^ / y S S S S •/ Source: CCC 1995b, 2 1 Cariboo Tribal Council was listed as a CORE participant (BC CORE 1994a, 23), but is not in the CCC's list of CORE participants (CCC 1995b, 2) This regional process concluded with the C-CLUP - a legislated high-level land use plan for the Cariboo-Chilcotin (BC 1994). The plan was to guide sub-regional land use plans, 75 conducted more locally "to refine many of the broader goals established at the regional level" (CCC 1995b, 13). 4.6.3 Cariboo Economic Action Forum While regional discussions continued around land use in the Cariboo-Chilcotin, a regional approach was also undertaken by those in the field of economic development. Initiated by two local MLAs, CEAF was a regional organization designed to undertake economic planning in the Cariboo-Chilcotin (CEAF 1994a). CEAF received funding from the Ministry of Small Business, Tourism, and Culture to develop and implement an economic plan for the Cariboo which reflects regional priorities (CEAF 1994b). In contrast to the CORE and C-CLUP processes, which focused on the development of a planning document, CEAF was to focus on economic action - seeing planning results more immediately 'on the ground.' But, the same theme remains - that the organization will deliver a "'Made in the Cariboo' solution to the ... problems of the region" (CEAF 1994e, np). CEAF's initial steering committee consisted of representatives from across the region, without emphasis on the interest sectors in which they were involved (Table 4.11). The initial committee was to dissolve within a period of about six months from its formation, after having produced a report to the Minister on regional economic development priorities (CEAF 1994c). However, a commitment of CEAF Co-Chairs to the CRRB (see below) in October 1994 resulted in CEAF being given a longer-term mandate (CEAF 1994d). As such, the CEAF steering committee continued to host a regional conference each October between 1994 and 2001 (Interview #23). Funding was not renewed by the province after 2001 and CEAF folded (BC Legislative Assembly 2001). 76 Table 4.11 CEAF Steering Committee, July 1994 Organization Name International Woodworker's of Wade Fisher America (IWA) Local 1-425 Muriel Dodge Private Ranch Ted Armstrong Cariboo Regional District Don Niquidet Riverside Forest Products Hills Resort Pat Corbett Ellen Facey UNBC Quesnel New Focus Society Sharon Hill Cariboo Tribal Council Bruce Mack Teacher/School Board Trustee Pat Tait Location Position Williams Lake Co-Chair Big Lake Quesnel Williams Lake 108 Mile Quesnel Quesnel Williams Lake Clinton Co-Chair Member Member Member Member Member Member Member Source: CEAF 1994c. 4.6.4 Cariboo-Chilcotin Regional Resource Board Over a period of 90 days between November 1994 and February 1995, an Implementation Team, comprised of government ministry staff and regional stakeholders, negotiated the technical framework for the implementation of the C-CLUP (CCC 1995c). Supervision of ongoing implementation was to be managed by the Cariboo Inter-Agency Management Committee (IAMC)5, an organization of regional directors from relevant government ministries, and the CRRB6. Established in 1995, the key role of the CRRB was to provide direct local input on implementation "to ensure that the spirit and intent of the land use plan ... will continue" (CCC 1995a, 280). The Board was comprised of 13 regional representatives from various sectors, each appointed by government (Table 4.12). First Nations were involved initially, but have not been involved in more recent years. Government also tried "to the extent possible ... to achieve some level of geographic and gender balance" (CCC 1999, 80). 5 The IAMC was renamed to the Cariboo Management Committee (CMC) in April 2007 (CCC 2007,10). The CRRB was renamed to the Cariboo-Chilcotin Regional Resource Committee (C-CRRC) in September 2002 (CCC 2007, 11). 6 77 Funding for the CRRB was initially provided by the provincial government (CCC 1995a); however, funding was not guaranteed after 2001 (CCC 2007). Table 4.12 CRRB Membership Interest Sector Board Composition April 1994 1 April 2007 2 VS CEAF First Nations Ranching Forestry Mining Tourism Trapping Guide/Outfitting Organized Labour Conservation Recreation Small Business s n O n Q. OJ $ o o a. n o 30 ro O c o n> -\ ro r> > 3 n> ai ro o' n r+ c 3 =T o •< Source: Author 2009. To ensure t h a t C-CBAC's activities had a "regional focus and responsibility", t h e y sought representation f r o m a w i d e range of interests and expertise f r o m region-wide groups (C-CBAC 2005a, 2). Development strategies w e r e t o be regional in nature, but t h e Board recognized t h a t each c o m m u n i t y has different assets and aspirations, such t h a t one of t w o primary guiding principles of t h e Board was: "sector strategies will include a regional perspective ... [acknowledging] t h e d e v e l o p m e n t aspirations of each individual c o m m u n i t y " (C-CBAC 2005e, 1). This guiding principle is evident in some sector strategies. For example, 81 the log home strategy presented the potential for growth and expansion of this sector in the region, but the desire to create this strategy came from the business and community interests specific to the 100 Mile House area. Table 4.14 C-CBAC's Working Group Regional Development Sector Strategies Working Group # Produced Economic Development Working Group 13 Agriculture Arts, Culture, & Heritage Conservation * Forest Forest Worker * Log Home Mining Resource Technology Retention/Attraction Secondary Wood Tourism Tsilhqot'in National Government Upper Secwepmc Beetle Working Group Governance Working Group 1 Governance Social Development Working Group 1 Social Development * Sources: C-CBAC 2009b, 2009c, 2009d; ESP Consulting 2009; Glessing 2009; Social Development Advisory Committee 2009. *This strategy resulted in a funded regional coordinator position prior to completion of the final report. All strategies produced by the three working groups were brought together to produce the Cariboo-Chilcotin MPB Mitigation Strategy ('the final report'), but some strategies were awarded funding prior to the completion of the final report. Regional coordinator positions were all one year terms between August 2008 and September 2009. To support the various strategies, regional coordinators were directed to work towards regional action in their respective position (conservation, forest worker transition, and social development). In these, three independent contractors took the aims laid out in 82 the sector development strategy and made the first strides towards regional adoption. The regional coordinator for the forest worker strategy prepared and supported forest workers for employment and career shifts in the face of the MPB epidemic. Workshops for forest worker transition were held in Quesnel, Williams Lake, and 100 Mile House. The regional sustainability coordinator (conservation strategy) worked to "facilitate and build awareness of sustainability" in the Cariboo-Chilcotin (Glessing 2009, 1). Working in collaboration with many existing organizations, the work of the regional sustainability coordinator focused on the municipalities and surrounding areas of Quesnel, Williams Lake, and 100 Mile House. Finally, the regional coordinator for the social development strategy worked to coordinate activities and support existing social planning bodies in 100 Mile House, Quesnel, and Williams Lake. At the conclusion of their contract, each coordinator produced a report of their activities, but there was no formal continuation of their work (ESP Consulting 2009; Glessing 2009; Social Development Advisory Committee 2009). Tracking the activity of regional coordinators demonstrates that implementation activities were focused in the Quesnel, Williams Lake, and 100 Mile House areas. Thus, the Chilcotin, Wells, and Clinton areas appear to have been neglected in these first steps. Thus, C-CBAC's implementation activities are not pan-regional in scope. C-CBAC's final report calls for the formation of the Cariboo-Chilcotin Investment Corporation (C-CIC), a publicly funded, regionally-based development organization. Should it be created, this organization would address rural economic development issues that the region faces now, as a result of the MPB epidemic, and in the future (C-CBAC 2008). The report elaborates on potential strategic directions for the C-CIC, but the current fiscal 83 situation of the provincial government will likely limit the scope of what C-CBAC will be able to implement (C-CBAC 2009). The Cariboo-Chilcotin has a 15 year history of forming more 'bottom-up' regional organizations to address future development of resources, environment, society, and the economy. These regional organizations have been voluntary and have no legal status, but have consistently worked to influence decisions and to ensure that policies which impact the region have regional input. Their experience illustrates the plurality of participants in governance (versus government) and in regional development discussions, particularly when it comes to decisions about economic development and planning. Despite support for such organizations, they have not been able to affect policy directly, but serve to advise more senior levels of government. 4.7 Conclusion The Cariboo-Chilcotin is located in the southern interior of BC. The region's population is experiencing relative decline. The five municipal governments, one regional government, and 15 First Nation governments are legislated governing powers within the region, including having direct jurisdiction over economic development and planning. Over the last 15 years, many regional organizations comprised of government and non-governmental actors have formed in attempt to influence policies and decisions which impact the region. The recent regional governance activity in the Cariboo-Chilcotin is to address current and future economic challenges. Their formation, and the support that they are receiving from more senior levels of government, signals a potential shift away from traditional, centralized, rural regional development decision-making practices. Moreover, 84 given recent political-economic trends of devolution to more local levels, it is crucial to understand the factors which have influenced the formation of more locally-based, nongovernmental organizations which are looking to address issues of rural regional development. 85 Chapter 5 Results 5.1 Introduction To understand C-CBAC in the context of Canadian rural regional development trends, and to explore factors important in the organization's formation, this chapter presents my analysis results. Data obtained in my interviews, field notes, and documentation from regional organizations within the Cariboo-Chilcotin and from senior governments (e.g. press releases, reports, and meeting minutes) were analyzed in response to my two research questions: (1) How does C-CBAC compare to dominant trends in Canadian rural regional development? and, (2) What factors have assisted or impeded the formation of C-CBAC? To answer these questions, this chapter is divided into three sections (Table 5.1). The first explores issues around the devolution of power and responsibility to local levels for governing rural development. The second and third sections explore factors which facilitated and hindered the formation of C-CBAC, respectively. The data demonstrate the interplay of complex processes from higher and lower levels in governing rural regional development. 86 Table 5.1 Results Guide: Relationship of Results/Themes to Research Questions Research Question Section Heading Theme(s) Addressed To what extent is CCBAC representative • Devolution Governing Rural of dominant trends Regional • Autonomy in Canadian rural Development • Abandonment regional development? Assisting Factors What factors have assisted or impeded the formation of CCBAC? Hindering Factors 5.2 MPB epidemic • (Economic) impetus for regional collective action History of working together • Replication of previous models • Same 'regional leaders' involved over time Role of senior governments • Supports provided by senior governments History of working together • Board membership is exclusive • Insiders and outsiders to the process MPB epidemic • No regional culture of working together outside of crises Role of senior governments • Federal government funding; provincial government legislation, programs, and general policy directions Governing Rural Regional Development Canadian regional development decision-making has characteristically been 'top- down' (Savoie 1992, Markey et al. 2005). Decisions about rural development trajectories were made in Ottawa without input from local residents. However, in the new regionalism movement, there are calls for greater involvement by regional players in decision-making processes (Wallis 1994b). As such, the governance of rural regional development, particularly the shift from top-down decision-making to a more bottom-up approach, is an area that warrants inquiry (Markey et al. 2007). In this section, I will address my first research question, how does C-CBAC compare to dominant trends in Canadian rural regional 87 development? To do this, I will outline the traditional model of Canadian regional development and then draw on my thematic finding of regional autonomy to discuss devolution of power and responsibility. 5.2.1 Autonomy Canada's first attempts at coordinated rural regional development were characterized by heavy involvement on the part of the federal government (Markey et al. 2005). Beyond the provision of funding, development programs were decided upon and instituted by more senior levels of government. In this model, the region is considered a static administrative unit and development approaches are deficiency-based. However, by the late 1980s, such federal programs were consistently not producing the desired results of endogenous, self-sustaining growth, and there was an international trend towards the decentralization of development decision-making (Polese 1999). In 1987, the federal government began to devolve responsibility for regional development to regionally-based federal departments - ACOA in Atlantic Canada and WED in western Canada - and to provide funding to more local organizations within their region to promote growth and development (Fairbairn 1998). They are advantageous because they are located in, and staffed by residents of, their mandate regions.8 The thinking is that they are more place-based and easier to access (Savoie 1992). In BC, provincial ministries also fund projects which may have a regional development component if it is within their ministry mandate (BC Ministry of Economic Development (MoED) 2005; BC MoF 2005; BC MoFR 2005, 2007b, 2007c, 2008a, 2008b; BC MoCD 2008). The trend is to devolve regional While agencies are located in the mandate regions, administrative offices are often located in major centres (e.g. Vancouver). As such, staff may still be removed from rural and small town places. 88 development responsibility from senior governments to the more local level while making funding supports available 'closer to home.' In my study, participants were asked about the role of senior governments in the formation of C-CBAC and nearly one-third (13/47) expressed that development decisionmaking was being devolved more to the local level. This was likened to a more bottom-up approach. Participants generally felt that they were better suited to make decisions about development trajectories for their region. As one participant commented: "There must have been some recognition by the provincial government that they were not as equipped to handle economic development in our communities as we were. That is a shift in decisionmaking" (Interview 10). Moreover, this approach to regional development was favoured. For example: "/ am very complimentary about the provincial government's role with C-CBAC. They resourced it very heavily and they gave responsibility for it almost entirely to the regional citizens.... I give them full marks for that" (Interview 23). The issue of devolved power and responsibility in regional development decision-making was raised by most of the founding Board (4/5) and most of the Board at the time of field work (5/7). It was noted also by a little more than half of the EDWG (5/9), but was not noted by First Nation participants (0/5). However, when the participants' comments are compared to provincial government records, there are mixed messages about the amount of authority devolved. First, no documented agreement exists between the provincial government and C-CBAC, or any other regional BAC, about the authority over regional development allocated to each party. Second, according to most (7/10) press releases which address regional development and 89 the MPB epidemic (Table 5.2), the provincial government intends to have the regional strategies contribute to an overall provincial MPB Action Plan. For example, strategies were "to deliver components of the province's mountain pine beetle strategy" (BC MoF 2005, np). Most (6/10) press releases make at least one reference to the province's MPB Action Plan and contextualize funding to regional BACs within that larger plan. One release states: "As part of our Mountain Pine Beetle Action Plan, we're providing funding and support for economic development strategies designed by communities" (BC MoFR and Natural Resources Canada 2007,1). This message does not give the impression that plans developed regionally will be implemented. Therefore, there are mixed messages regarding the amounts of authority devolved to regional BACs. 90 Table 5.2 Date Provincial Support for Regional Beetle Action Coalitions Press Release Headline & Summary Grant Will Help Cariboo-Chilcotin Cope with Beetle1 • $800,000 to C-CBAC April 8, 2005 • Purpose: to complete plans "to deliver components of the province's mountain pine beetle strategy" Funding Helps Omineca Communities with Beetle Impacts September • $800,000 to OBAC 16, 2005 • Purpose: to "build an economic diversification plan" $50M for Pine Beetle Mitigation, Economic Development3 September • $50 million to NDI Trust ($30 million specifically for MPB mitigation activities) 21, 2005 • Purpose: "to help communities respond to beetle infestation ... to ensure a long-term and sustainable future for the forest sector and forest workers" Cariboo-Chilcotin Receives Beetle Funding4 March 22, • $900,000 to C-CBAC 2007 • Purpose: "to complete its comprehensive Regional Community Economic Diversification Strategy for the Cariboo-Chilcotin region." Southern Beetle Coalition Receives Start-Up Funding^ April 5, 2007 • $50,000 to SIBAC • Purpose: "to assess potential social and economic impacts in the region" Omineca Region Receives Beetle Funding6 • $900,000 to OBAC April 12, 2007 • Purpose: "to identify economic opportunities" and to build on work already done $800,000 to Southern Interior for Pine Beetle Planning7 July 25, 2007 • $800,000 to SIBAC • Purpose: "to quantify the impact of the beetle on the region's timber supply" $250,000 to Help Finalize Regional Pine Beetle Plan8 • $250,000 to C-CBAC March 31, • Purpose: to complete planning phase and "to create one-year positions for a 2008 forest worker transition co-ordinator and a climate change/sustainability coordinator" Omineca Receives Funding for Pine Beetle Response Plans9 • $870,000 to OBAC June 4, 2008 • Purpose: "to complete its remaining strategies ... [for] economic growth and job creation" BC Funds Cariboo-Chilcotin Social Development Position1" August 1, • $75,000 to C-CBAC 2008 • Purpose: "to hire a social development coordinator" Sources: :BC MoF 2005; 2BC MoFR 2005; 3BC MoED 2005; 4BC MoFR 2007a; 5BC MoFR and Natural Resources Canada 2007; 6BC MoFR 2007b; 7Office of the Premier and BC MoFR 2007; 8BC MoFR 2008a, 92008b; 1CBC MoCD 2008. 91 Hansard records show that the government is hesitant to devolve authority or significant amounts of funding to regional BACs given their self-appointment and voluntary status as an organization. For example, in a discussion about the allocation of $30 million to the NDI Trust between Honourable Colin Hansen, Minister of Economic Development, and Bob Simpson, MLA for North Cariboo, Mr. Simpson asks "Why was NDI chosen as the place to put this $30 million" (BC Legislative Assembly 2005, 888) rather than with regional BACs? Hon. Hansen responds: / think the crux of it is that the NDI is established and governed by individuals who have accountabilities to an electorate in the north. As I mentioned, the beetle action coalitions... are certainly great organizations, but I guess the question we need to ask ourselves as MLAs and members of this House is: where should the decisions be made as to who is best in a position to manage funds for beetle recovery? (BC Legislative Assembly 2005, 890) As such, it appears that the provincial government wanted the BACs to develop regional plans for development, but did not want to devolve control over regional development or regional development funding to the regional BACs. Thus, the provincial government did not devolve authority for regional development to the BACs. Also of significance, the justification for not devolving authority to the BACs, according to Hon. Hansen, is that the NDI is governed by "individuals who have accountabilities to an electorate in the north"; however, both the NDI and BACs have similar governance structures. They are both governed by municipally elected officials and regional representatives. The difference between NDI and the BACs is that the NDI is a legislated body. This highlights that the transition to governance is challenging. The devolution of responsibility for regional development must also be considered in the context of a neoliberal ideology. Polese (1999, 310) argues that the devolution of 92 responsibility for development to a more local level is "in the end closer to a silent surrender, an implicit admission that the central state really cannot do much about unequal regional development." This 'abandonment' by the state relates well to a neoliberal ideology which Young and Matthews (2007: 117) observe is a strategy that transfers authority and responsibility from the public sphere to private domains, "be they corporate, group and/or individual." in as such, a case may be made that the autonomy (not) provided to C-CBAC for regional development decision-making is part of a larger neoliberal agenda by the provincial government; this could be an example of abandonment by the state without the provision of authority. Participants were asked what they felt the role of the provincial government has been in the formation of C-CBAC. Most (39/47) did not observe a connection between the autonomy provided to C-CBAC and abandonment by the state. For example, one participant responded: "If provincial policy changes had any impact [on the formation of C-CBAC], it would have been very subsidiary. I do not recall any of that being discussed" (Interview 10). As the participant highlighted, changes were not discussed explicitly in the formation of CCBAC, but changes which represent a neoliberal ideology have not been overly manifest or explicit in the public eye. As noted by Young and Matthews (2007,183): "deep reforms ... have proceeded without significant organized protest." Some participants (8/47) alluded to a sense of abandonment by the provincial government, but generally did not believe that this strategy could be successfully carried out. They felt that, if C-CBAC failed, the public will continue to hold the provincial government accountable. As one participant observed: The government can say [in the end] 'it was not us who screwed this up.' The ministers that I talked to were keenly aware that one of the advantages of giving 93 everything to a group is that there is some deniability, but it is a double-edged sword because the government will still be blamed.... they are going to take a hit if we do something really stupid. (Interview 23) Across the sampling frame, those who addressed abandonment by higher levels of government had typically been involved in three or more regional processes (5/8). 5.2.2 Summary Participants in my research described a shift in regional development decisionmaking and felt that they were provided with greater autonomy. Most favoured this approach over older, top-down approaches. However, when participant opinions are compared to official records, there are mixed messages about the devolution of any real authority over regional development. As the literature highlights, in rural regional development, devolution can suggest abandonment by the state - an admission that they do not know how to effectively address development in this context. While participants agreed that they are better suited to determine development within their own region, participants did not feel that this was abandonment by the state because the state retained funding control and decision-making authority. At best, the regional BACs are currently in an 'advisory' position to the state. 5.3 Assisting Factors This thesis considers three factors in C-CBAC's formation: the history of regional activity, a transition towards neoliberal policies, and the emergence of the MPB epidemic. Such place-specific factors are representative of factors raised in various literatures, including governance, social cohesion/social capital, and legislative frameworks. The governance literature considers interaction between state and non-state actors, including 94 the private and non-profit sectors (Goodwin 1998; Painter 2000; Mayntz 2003). Much of this literature considers why actors come together and observes that, in many cases, governance institutions form in response to a common challenge (Bidwell and Ryan 2006; Margerum 2007; Griffin 2008; Lockwood et al. 2009). Moreover, the role of social capital in governance has been explored to consider attributes of networks, relationships, and trust (Jones and Little 2000; Dawe 2004; Marshall et al. 2006). Finally, governance institutions operate within a larger legislative framework, so it is important to consider influences of this larger framework on more localized organizations (Thomas 2002; Papadopoulos 2007). In this section, I will address the first part of my second research question, what factors may have assisted the formation of C-CBAC? To do this, I will draw on my three thematic findings: impetus, a history of working together, and external supports. 5.3.1 Impetus The governance literature suggests that new problems challenge us to reconsider governing institutions (Ali-Khan and Mulvihill 2008; Griffin 2008). Moreover, literature on community conflict and literature on social capital suggest that when people are faced with an external threat, bonds between local groups are heightened in response to that threat (Halseth 1998; Portes 1998; Woolcock 1998). In my research, participants were asked what they felt was the most important factor that contributed to the formation of C-CBAC. Nearly all (44/47) participants felt that the MPB epidemic was the chief factor. As one participant commented, the MPB epidemic was new and challenged them to consider how they were going to address it: "The MPB was the stimulus. It takes something to come along and make us say 'Oh wow, how are we going to deal with that?'" (Interview 17). Moreover, another 95 participant recalled that they were not satisfied with how the provincial government was addressing the MPB epidemic and this caused action towards C-CBAC: [C-CBAC] got started by what the government was not doing.... When we went to the Ministry of Economic Development and asked what they were going to do about the MPB, their response was for us to wait until it happens and then come back to ask for help. It only took a couple of phone calls to... [determine] that this was an unsatisfactory answer.... They were not able or prepared to think about the MPB in the same way that forest-dependent communities are able and prepared to. (Interview 26) Furthermore, those who observed that the MPB epidemic was the most important factor (44/47) expressed that it threatened their economic, political, environmental, social, and cultural lives and this motivated action. The most commonly noted dimension was economic change (22/44). Participants expressed concerns related to job loss and the future role of the forest industry in the region. As one participant noted: "We are being forced into this [working collaboratively] now by the very economics that we are faced with.... We will have to change simply because our industry is changing" (Interview 01). This sentiment was echoed by another participant who commented that economic change was the fundamental catalyst for taking regional action: "There was a realization that the economy is going to change. People are going to be out of work and the forests are dying. That was the most important thing - to realize that it is not always going to be the same" (Interview 11). Many participants, including most First Nation participants (3/5), raised the economic impacts of the MPB epidemic. Beyond discussing the MPB epidemic specifically, many participants (28/47) drew attention to a pattern of responding to threats with regional collective action. Many participants (17/47) felt that a crisis, catastrophe, or stimulus is required to bring people 96 together, for example: "people need a crisis to shake them out of their traditional way of doing things" (Interview 44). Participants cited examples of direct and tangible threats (e.g. the loss of passenger rail services) and inferred or perceived threats (e.g. provincial government concluding a land use planning process). For example, a few (4/28) participants inferred that there was a threat to regional autonomy when the CORE process was concluded in the region. For example: When the CORE process was over and Stephen Owen came up here to present [the results], they hung him in effigy. People were not happy. There has always been a feeling in the years that I have been here that we are 'doers' and we do not like to be told what to do.... we know what we want for our area. (Interview 32) This sense of loss of local control was echoed by another participant: 'Made in the Cariboo' is a big phrase that you hear a lot. It would be hard to say this if there were external control... by the United States or Ottawa. It is very much a pioneering mindset in this region. There are lots of very strong and forceful people who do not want outsiders telling them what to do. (Interview 24) Independence and the 'pioneering mindset' are strongly associated with regional identity in the Cariboo-Chilcotin (Skelton 1980; Furniss 1999), so a loss of this may have been perceived as a threat to the potential loss of regional identity. The need for a crisis to bring people together was raised by all founding members of C-CBAC (5/5), but not by any participants associated with the tourism sector (0/3). The question then becomes, what is it about a crisis or threat which brings people together? Some participants (15/47) expressed that a crisis provides a central focus which emphasizes similarities and energizes the group. More than half of these people (8/15) remarked that differences between people and groups were minimized. For example, one participant commented: "When survival is at stake people tend to get rid of their more petty 97 little differences and wishes for their own little area... If you bring a crisis along, then - snap - everybody is buying-in" (Interview 10). Additionally, nearly half of these participants (7/15) observed that a crisis energizes a group; it provides motivation, sustains interest and focus, and provides a collective driven purpose. As one participant noted: "Whenever something major happens, you see people come together and do something. But it seems to take a crisis.... it seems to be a fear-driven survival instinct that is bringing groups together, and that is what will keep them together" (Interview 25). Crises have bound local actors together in the Cariboo-Chilcotin. In a crisis situation, similarities are realized and they are provided with the energy to act. This was particularly raised by all participants involved with the major licensees (2/2), most of those involved with social development (4/5), but not by those involved with tourism (0/3). 5.3.2 History of Working Together Literature on governance and social capital suggests that those who have worked together, and have achieved a sense of collective success, are likely to work together again (Woolcock 2001; Bowles and Gintis 2002; Marshall et al. 2003). This was addressed in my research by asking participants about their perception of the region's history of working together. Many participants (25/47) commented that, in addition to having a crisis to respond to, coming together as a region was supported by a history of working together. In general, the history of working together provided two specific benefits: there was an established 'model of success' and repetitive regional leadership. 5.3.2.1 Structural Dimension: Model of Success Beckley er al. (2008) argue that achieving desired outcomes is an important step in building social capital. To assess if working together was positively reinforced in previous processes in the Cariboo-Chilcotin, I wanted to consider to what extent previous processes were considered successful. As such, it is important to talk with people who have been involved in past processes (22/47) to learn their perceptions of perceived success. Those who commented on organizational structure over time (20/22) had largely been involved in three or more previous processes (13/20). For example, two participants were involved in the CORE process, the C-CLUP process, the CRRB, and were founding members of C-CBAC. Both noted that C-CBAC was directly linked to the structure of the CORE process: "By and large, the structure is still therefrom the CORE days" (Interview 44) and "CEAF was an economic derivative of CORE and C-CBAC was formed to revisit the C-CLUP..., so they are both derivatives of CORE" (Interview 20). Connections between C-CBAC's organizational structure and past processes are further supported when considering how people participated in the decision-making process. In the CORE and C-CLUP processes, decision-making was directed through sectors based on land use interests (BC CORE 1994b; CCC 1995b). Participation in C-CBAC's decision-making process was initially directed through sectors based on economic interests (e.g. forestry), but other groups were brought into the process as suggested (e.g. First Nations) (C-CBAC GWG 2008). When sector participation is enumerated over time (Table 5.3), continued participation by some sectors in central decision-making through the 'different' processes is apparent (e.g. agriculture, forestry, organized labour, and tourism). This also indicates that some land use interest sectors are translated into economic interest 99 sectors. As one participant commented: "The land use planning creates the opportunity for economic development in the region" (Interview 05). Table 5.3 Sector Participation in Regional Decision-Making CORE 1 Agriculture All Beings Cariboo Communities Coalition CEAF* X X wv X X First Nations Cariboo TC - Carrie' Chilcotin TL Tvlr-qofm TC X X General Employment Government local - regions 1 P"0\ir>cdl &, federal Labour (organized) Mining - hardiock O