FOOTSTEPS AMONGST THE BERRIES: THE ECOLOGY AND FIRE HISTORY OF TRADITIONAL GITSXAN AND WET'SUWET'EN HUCKLEBERRY SITES j\._? by Scott Trusler B.Sc., University of Victoria, 1995 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE m NATURAL RESOURCES AND ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES © Scott Trusler, 2002 ~ THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHEN BRITISH COLUMBIA " May2002 All rights reserved. This work may not be Reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ·'if'" - - • . ,.....~~·~t - n:>( UNJV Eo.-. t'1vi 1 'i t. ~ · : -~ vrd ~ t .Cn•.,. BRITISH COLUMBiA LIBRARY Prince George, BC ABSTRACT This is a multidisciplinary study of first Nations environmental management using landscape burning. Five Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en traditional black huckleberry (Vaccinium membranaceum) gathering areas were sampled for ecological, cultural and fire history attributes. The sites were divided into three elevation categories (400-700m , 701-1000m, 1001 +m) for the purposes of analysis. Low elevation sites were located on cool (NE) aspects, while middle and high elevation sites were on warm (SW) aspects. Low and middle elevation sites had relatively even terrain and moderate to steep slopes, while high elevation sites were characterized by rolling , upland plateaus. All sites were predominantly mesic to submesic with medium to poor nutrient status. Higher elevation sites were most variable with a broader ecological niche occupied by black huckleberry. Fire history sampling indicated that fires had been much more frequent on these sites than the benchmark values of the "natural" fire regimes. Most sites exhibited little evidence of previous forest conditions, and in all cases huckleberry production was nonexistent at present due to competition from fire sensitive species. Successional patterns were variable at middle and low elevations with both trembling aspen (Populus tremuloides) and western hemlock (Tsuga heterophylla) dominated stands occupying similar site types. It is postulated that the characteristics of recent fire events and the availability of abundant hemlock seed are important determinants of post-fire succession on these sites. The Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en managed several specific site types for black huckleberry, a strategy that would both extend the effective harvest period and mitigate against crop failure in any particular locale. Landscape burning of black huckleberry patches was an environmental management tool, which promoted predictability and reliability in this patchy resource that was critically important to the subsistence, commercial and cultural lives of both the Wet'suwet'en and the Gitxsan. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT •••••••••••••••••.••..•.•.••.•••••••••••.•.•...................•...........................•.•.....•.•...•.•...................... II TABLE OF CONTENTS ...•.•.................................................•....................•.•............................ III LIST OF TABLES ......................•..................................................................•...........•...•...•...... VII LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................. VIII APPENDICES ...............................................................................•..........•................................... X ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .....•...•.•........•...•...•.........•.•.•.......•...•.•...•.•.•...•.•........•.....•.•.•.......•.•.•. XI CHAPTER 1: A RETROSPECTIVE STUDY OF ENVIRONMENTAL STEWARDSIDP: RESEARCH OVERVIEW AND BACKGROUND .•.•.•.•.•.•.•...•.•.•.........•...•.•...•.•.•.•.•.•.•.•........•.. 1 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 OVERVIEW ........................................................................................................................... 1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................... 2 1. 2.1 Research Context ....................................................................................................... 3 STUDY AREA ........................................ ........ ... .................... .............. ....... .. ......................... 5 PROBLEM STATEMENT ......................................................................................................... 7 1.4.1 Research and Documentation ofTraditional Knowledge and Cultural Heritage Evidence7 1.4. 2 Field Survey and Analysis ofEcological and Fire History Information ................... 8 1.4.3 Contemporary Berry Management Approaches ........................................................ 8 1.5 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES ....................................................................................................... 9 1.6 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ........................................................................................................ 9 1. 7 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... ........... ....... ................. .............. ............................... .... ... .. 10 1. 7. 1 Identification and Delineation of the Traditional Huckleberry Patch. .................... 13 1. 7. 2 Ecological Sampling ................................................................................................ 14 1. 7.3 Fire History Sampling.............................................................................................. 15 1. 7.4 Cultural Heritage Surveying............................................................................ ........ 19 1. 7.5 Interviews with First Nations Advisors .................................................................... 19 1. 7.6 Historical and Ethnographic Research ........................................... .. ...................... 20 1. 7. 7 Data Collection and Mapping ................................................................................. 20 1.8 THESIS SUMMARY ... ................................................................... ........ ..... ........................... 20 CHAPTER 2: THE REGIONAL ECOLOGICAL CONTEXT AND BLACK HUCKLEBERRY .........•........•.•.•.•.•.•...•...•...•.•.•.•.•.•...•...•.•.............•.......•.•...•..•.•.......•................. 22 2.1 2.2 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................. 22 ECOLOGICAL CONTEXT ..................................................................... ................... .............. 22 2. 2.1 Regional Setting ....................................................................................................... 23 2.2.2 Regional Climates Past and Present... ..................................................................... 24 2.3 HISTORICAL LANDSCAPES ............................... .................................................................. 25 2.3.1 Early Accounts ......................................................................................................... 25 2.3.2 Traditional Knowledge - Landscape Changes ........................................................ 26 iii 2.4 REGIONAL FIRE REGIMES .................................................................................................. 27 2.4.1 ICH Fire Regimes .................................................................................................... 30 2.4.2 SBS Fire Regimes ............................................................. ........................................ 32 2. 4. 3 ESSF Fire Regimes .................................................................................................. 32 2.5 ECOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF BLACK HUCKLEBERRY .............................................. 33 2.5.1 Species Description .................................................................................................. 33 2.5.2 Climate ...................................................... ............................................................... 34 2.5.3 Environmental (Site) Relations ................................................................................ 34 2.5.4 Light Relations ......................................................................................................... 35 2.5.5 Nutrient Relations .................................................................................................... 36 2.5.6 Huckleberry Productivity ......................................................................................... 37 2.6 FIRE ADAPTATIONS ............................................................................................................ 37 2. 6.1 Successional Status .................................................................................................. 39 2.7 SUMMARY ............ ........ ............................ .......................................................................... 40 CHAPTER 3: SIM MAIY OR DEGII: THE CULTURAL CONTEXT AND THE ROLE OF BLACK HUCKLEBERRY ................................................................................................. 41 3.1 3.2 3.3 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................. .. .............................. 41 GITXSAN AND WET'SUWET'EN CULTURE .......................................................................... 42 3.2.1 Role ofBlackHuckleberry ......................................................... .. ... ......................... 43 GATHERING ....................................................................................................................... 44 3. 3.1 Seasonal Round.................................................. ...................................................... 45 3.3.2 Gathering Strategies ............................................................................ .......... ........ .. 46 3.4 PROCESSING ....................................................................................................................... 47 3.5 STEWARDSHIP .................................................................................................................... 48 3.5.1 Ownership ......................... ....................................................................................... 48 3.6 ECONOMIC IMPORTANCE ........................................................................... ........................ 49 3.7 SCALE OF HUCKLEBERRY HARVEST .................................................................................. 51 3. 7.1 Introduction................................................................. ............................................. 51 3. 7.2 Indications ofScale ofHarvest ................................................................................ 52 3. 7.3 Population Estimates ............................................................................................... 53 3. 7.4 The Potential Scale of the Traditional Huckleberry Harvest .................... .. ............ 53 3.8 SUMMARY .......................................................................................................................... 54 CHAPTER 4: WHEN YOU CAN'T SEE YOUR FOOTSTEPS AMONGST THE BERRIES: TRADITIONAL HUCKLEBERRY MANAGEMENT ...................................... 55 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................. 55 FIRST NATIONS MANAGEMENT OF BLACK HUCKLEBERRY ................................................ 56 ANTIQUITY OF BURNING PRACTICES ..... .................................... ......................................... 58 GITXSAN AND WET'SUWET'EN HUCKLEBERRY MANAGEMENT ......................................... 59 SUMMARY .................................................. ........................................................................ 60 CHAPTER 5: PIECES OF THE PUZZLE: CASE STUDIES - FIELD RECONNAISSANCE OF FIVE TRADITIONAL HUCKLEBERRY PATCHES •.•.•.•.•.•... 63 5.1 BEK'ET DEGII TS'OOYIIN: CASE STUDY ............................................................................. 65 5.1.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................. 65 5.1.2 Ecological Overview .................................................................................... ............ 66 5.1.2.1 5.1 .2.2 Ridge Crest ..................................................................... .. ............................68 Northeast Slope .. .. .. ... ............................................. ....................................... 70 iv 5.1.2.3 5.1.2.4 5.1.2.5 Southwest Facing Slope ............................... .............. ................ ................... 71 Cow Creek Draw ... ..... .................................. ................................................. 72 Black Huckleberry Suitability .......................................................................... 73 Cultural Context and Field Data ............................................................................. 73 5.1. 3 5.1.4 Fire History .............................................................................................................. 78 5.1.5 Site Summary .............................................................................................. ............. 81 5.2 REISETER RIDGE (SOOL Nn): CASE STUDY ................ .......................... ..................... ......... S2 5.2.1 Introduction............................................ ............................................................., .... 82 5. 2. 2 Ecological Overview ............ ................... .... .... ................ .... ...................... ............... 84 5.2.2.1 5.2.2.2 5.2.2.3 Lower Slopes (Deciduous Complexes) ....... .. ... .......... ..... .... .... .... .... .. ............. 86 Upper Slopes (Coniferous Stands) .................... ..... ....................................... 88 Ecological Summary .. ............. ... ....... .............. .... ....... .... ................. .. ............. 89 5.3.2.1 5.3.2.2 5.3.2.3 Mesic Hillslope ...... ................................................ .. ................. .. ...... ....... .. ... 101 Toe Slope and Other Receiving Sites ........................... ...... ..... .................... 103 Successional Dynamics ................. .... .. ............. .. ......................................... 103 5.2.3 Cultural Context and Field Data ............................................................................. 89 5. 2. 4 Fire History .............................................................................................................. 91 5.2.5 Site Summary ........................................................................................................... 95 5.3 HAROLD PRICE: CASE STUDY .......... .......................................... ................ ............... ......... 97 5.3.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................. 97 5.3.2 Ecological Overview ................................................................................................ 97 5. 3. 3 Cultural Context and Field Data ........................................................................... 105 5.3.4 Fire History ............................................................................................................ 112 5.3. 5 Site Summary ......................................................................................................... 115 5.4 STAKAIYT: CASE STUDY .................................................................................................. 117 5. 4.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................ 117 5.4. 2 Ecological Overview .............................................................................................. 121 5.4.2.1 5.4.2.2 5.4.3 5. 4. 4 Subalpine Area ..................................... ......... .............................................. 121 Mid-lower Slope Area ........... .... ................................................................... 126 Cultural Context and Field Data ........................................................................... 12 7 Fire History ..... ................ ....................................................................................... 131 5.4.4.1 5.4.4.2 Subalpine Area ............................................................................................ 132 Mid-lower Slope .............. .. ............... ......... ....... .. .... ................ ....... ............... 134 5.5.2.1 5.5.2.2 Western Ridge .... ...... ................................................................................... 147 Eastern Hills ................ ............................................................... ................ 148 5. 4. 5 Site Summary ................................................................... ...................................... 13 7 5.46. LAX ANSA MAATSA: CASE STUDY ..... .............. ............................................................... 141 5.5.1 Introduction............................................................................................................ 141 5.5.2 Ecological Overview .............................................................................................. 143 5.5.2 Ecological Overview .............................................................................................. 144 5.5.3 Cultural Context and Field Data ........................................................................... 149 5.5.4 Fire History ............................................................................................................ 153 5.5.5 Site Summary ......................................................................................................... 160 CHAPTER 6: FRUIT LEATHER AND FIRE SNAGS: CASE STUDY ANALYSIS ....... 161 6.1 6.2 6.3 INTRODUCTION ............. ................. ............................ ...................... ................. ............... 161 STUDY SITE STRATIFICATION .......................................................................................... 161 ECOLOGICAL PROFILE ...................................................................................................... 163 6. 3.1 Valley Bottom (low elevation) Sites ....................................................................... 163 6.3. 2 Montane (mid-elevation) Sites ............................................................................... 164 v 6.3.3 Subalpine Sites ....................................................................................................... 165 6.3.4 Summary ................................................................................................................ 167 6.4 OVERALL FIRE HISTORY .................................................................................................. 169 6.4.1 Valley Bottom (low elevation) Sites ....................................................................... 169 6.4.2 Montane (mid elevation) Sites ............................................................................... 170 6. 4. 3 Subalpine Sites .................................................................................... ..... .. ............ 170 6.5 THE NATURE OF SUCCESSIONAL PATHWAYS ................................................................... 173 6. 5.1 Low elevation sites ......... ............... .. .. ..... ................................................................ 173 6.5.2 Middle elevation sites ...................................................... ...................................... 175 6.5.3 High elevation sites ................................................................................................ 176 6.6 TRADITIONAL BERRY PATCH MANAGEMENT STRATEGIES .............................................. 178 6.6.1 Stewardship Strategies .................................................... .. ..................................... 178 6.6.1.1 6.6.1.2 6.6.1.3 Reasons for Burning ............................................................................... ..... 178 Rotational Burning ............................................................................ .... ... .... 179 Variable Site Types ..................................................................................... 182 6.6.2.1 6.6.2.2 6.6.2.3 Frequency ............................................................................................... ... . 183 Timing ...... ................................................................. .......... .. ...................... 184 Intensity ............................................................. ...... ............... ..................... 185 6.6.2 6.7 6.8 Techniques ........................................................................................................ ..... 183 RESEARCH SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... 186 RESEARCH APPLICATIONS ................................................................................................ 188 6.8.2 Anthropogenic Burning and "Natural Disturbance" Regimes ............................. 189 6.8.3 Huckleberry Patches as Cultural Landscapes ....................................................... 190 6.8.4 Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en Environmental Management ....................................... 190 6. 8. 5 Contemporary Huckleberry Management ............................................................. 191 6.8.6 Multidisciplinary Fire History Research Methods ..................... ........................... 192 6.9 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................... 193 LITERATURE CITED ............................................................................................................ 195 vi Chapter I : A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background CHAPTER 1: A RETROSPECTIVE STUDY OF ENVIRONMENTAL STEWARDSHIP: RESEARCH OVERVIEW AND BACKGROUND He (the Chief) knows the territory. When it is the right time he bums the berry patches so the berries are fat and plump. If he didn't do that the berries would become old and overgrown and there would be berries but they would just be small. But he knows when to bum so that it cleans up just the berry patch and doesn't spread to the trees. 1 (Pat Namox recorded by Antonia Mills 1994) "In the Pacific Northwest we must make use of those fragments of information about former and different land management systems that remain available to us in elders. These fragments are what remains of indigenous systems of knowledge that, though different, were extensive and effective. In our search for more and better ways to manage the rich but threatened ecosystems of the Pacific Northwest, it is folly to ignore them". (Robert Boyd, 1999a) This research thesis is an effort to document one of the fragments that Boyd speaks of, following not only the leads that he has identified, but also the evidence that remains on the land, as well as the fading signs of traditional use and management of black huckleberry patches, which are part of the environmental and cultural legacy of the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en. 1.1 Overview Northwestern British Columbia (BC) is a region characterized by variety; in climate, topography and ecological assemblages. In this region the coast range in the west is cut by deep, flat-bottomed valleys, which dissolve into the gentler topography of the Nechako Plateau to the east. Maritime air masses move far up the broad valley of the Skeena River moderating climates and supporting interior rainforests far inland. This variability in topography and climate supports a great diversity of plant and animal species adapted to the physical and environmental attributes of the many unique habitats in the region. This richness and diversity 1 Chapter 1: A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background have allowed several First Nations cultures to flourish in this region over many millennia. Two of these First Nations groups, the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en, have traditionally interacted with the physical environment in a manner that promoted growth and renewal of the plant and animal resources that have supported them. As other writers have described (Gottesfeld, 1994a; Gottesfeld, 1994b), these groups are both governed by a cultural framework, which embodies a strong conservation ethic. They have traditionally utilized a number of resource stewardship strategies and techniques designed to promote abundance and reliability in plant and animal resources that they depended upon. 1.2 Introduction The primary objective of this thesis is to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the ecological and cultural characteristics of traditional land stewardship approaches and techniques employed by the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en. This research objective is addressed by investigating and documenting one of the primary environmental management tools used by many Aboriginal cultures; landscape burning. It has long been recognized that this tool was widely used by traditional cultures worldwide (Lewis, 1988; Stewart, 1954). However, in many cases, relatively little is known about the actual application of fire as a tool (Lepofsky et al., in press). Investigating the ecology and the fire history of traditional gathering areas, managed through the application of prescribed fire, can tell us a great deal about how and why this tool was used. The upland huckleberry sites that are the focus of this research have gone largely unrecognized as hubs of cultural activity by the archaeological community (Mack and McClure, in review; Rabnett, 2000). Descriptions of these huckleberry gathering and processing areas, which emphasize their importance in the seasonal round of First Nations groups and the cultural 1 The late Chief Wah Tah Kwets of the Wet'suwet'en Laksilyu (small frog) clan 2 Chapter I : A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background associations that these landscape embody will assist in the interpretation, documentation and protection of cultural heritage resources. It is important in this day of disappearing traditional languages and loss of culture that examples of First Nations cultural practices are well documented, particularly interactions with the environment. This will ensure, that in a future where First Nations people are entrusted with additional opportunities and responsibilities for land stewardship, they will have a solid basis from which to make culturally relevant environmental management decisions. In the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en context, the topic of environmental management is explored by looking closely at the management of a single, very important resource, black huckleberry (Vaccinium membranaceum Dougl. ex Hook.). Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en elders report that they and their ancestors traditionally promoted abundant harvests of this species through the careful application of landscape burning (Gottesfeld, 1994a; Mills, 1994). This study focuses on research and documentation of the ecological and cultural aspects of these land stewardship practices. 1.2.1 Research Context First Nations people in northwestern BC have traditionally used fire as a tool to shape their environments and improve opportunities to harvest abundant, sustainable plant and animal resources (Gottesfeld, 1994a). By manipulating plant communities and landscape patterns, First Nations became active facilitators of ecological disturbance and change within their traditional territories. Evidence presented in a number of ecological studies (Williams et al., 2000a; Haeussler et al., 1985), strongly suggests that the landscape burning activities of First Nations have contributed to the maintenance of the extensive seral landscapes which characterize the "Hazelton variant" of the Interior Cedar Hemlock (ICH) biogeoclimatic2 zone. Anthropogenic fire 2 climate. biogeoclimatic classification represents classes of ecosystems under the influence of the same regional 3 Chapter I: A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background has also been identified as a factor contributing to the existence and persistence of the extensive seral aspen landscapes in the Bulkley Valley (Williams et al., 2000a). Other research suggests that burning by aboriginal people is responsible for the persistence of many xerophytic habitat types such as scrub-steppe grassland which, it is suggested would have disappeared from the region due to climate changes without active intervention by First Nations (Haeussler, 1994). Several plant species found in this region are far outside or at the northern limit of their general distribution (Haeussler, 1998a, 1998b). Such range extensions have been cited by some authors as indirect evidence of prescribed burning by First Nations (Lepofsky et al., in press). Further evidence presented in a paleoecological study conducted in this region (Gottesfeld et al. , 1991) indicates the existence of an "enigmatic" increase of lodgepole pine (Pinus contorta var. /atifolia Engelm.) pollen during the period from 2200 years BP to present, suggesting an increased fire frequency in a period of cooling climate that characterized the late Holocene Epoch. The authors of this study postulate that this unexpected increase in fire activity was likely due to anthropogenic burning activity in the region . These various lines of evidence from a variety of disciplines support the contention that Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en have traditionally managed a variety of habitat types through the apf'ication of fire, and suggest that these management activities are of considerable time depth. Traditional landscape burning practices were reportedly being carried out by First Nations in northwestern BC well into the 1930s, but a program of active fire suppression by the provincial forest service in the 1930's and 40's largely halted these activities (Gottesfeld, 1994a). Cessation of this anthropogenic burning, as well as general fire suppression activities which have severely limited the frequency and extent of natural fires, have also initiated a process of successional change that has profoundly influenced the ecological character of these once fire-maintained, anthropogenic landscapes. This contention is supported by the documentation of several fire maintained ecological types listed as locally rare or threatened due to cessation of natural and anthropogenic burning (Haeussler, 1998a, 1998b). With respect 4 Chapter I: A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background to traditional huckleberry patches, the lack of fire disturbance has, in every case I am aware of, resulted in an increase of (often culturally undesirable) fire sensitive shrub species and coniferous regeneration . Many of these traditional gathering areas, some reportedly used for many generations, have now succeeded to closed forest condition after several decades without disturbance by fire. Berries formed major components of the traditional diets of First Nations people throughout BC (Kuhnlein and Turner, 1991 ). The Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en harvested large quantities of berries, which were processed, preserved and stored for use during the winter months (Gottesfeld, 1993; Johnson-Gottesfeld, 1995; Daly, 1988). Berries were also an impor!9nt item of trade for the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en, often being exchanged with coastal groups\or highly valued products such as oolichan grease, seaweed and herring roe (Mills and Overstall, 1996). Many of these berry producing species are most productive in early seral environments (Burton, 1998), and are well adapted to recovery following fire (Haeussler, 1987). Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en needed abundant, reliable harvests of key berry species in predictable locations, to meet their subsistence needs. In order to meet this requirement, several key berry species such as black huckleberry and dwarf blueberry (Vaccinium caespitosum Michx.), were managed using landscape burning techniques (Gottesfeld, 1994a). 1.3 Study Area The study area is located in northwestern British Columbia, more specifically, in the Bulkley and Kispiox ranges of the Hazelton Mountains in the northwestern portion of the Skeena River drainage. This region encompasses an area of transition between the rugged coast ranges to the west, characterized by steep mountainous terrain and the Nechako plateau to the east, an extensive upland region of gently rolling hills. Regional climate is also transitional, with significant maritime influence moderating temperatures in the western portion of the study area 5 Chapter 1: A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background and more continental boreal climates, with seasonal extremes of temperature and heavy snowloads in eastern portions. The study area encompasses portions of the traditional territories of two First Nations groups: the Gitxsan and the Wet'suwet'en. TO STEWART CASSIAR Figure 1.1. Study Area and Traditional Territories of the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en with Study Sites Marked- Case Study Sites in Red. Adapted from Gisday Wa and Delgamuukw, 1992. 6 Chapter I : A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background 1.4 Problem Statement Traditional huckleberry management is one component of a complex system of resource stewardship practiced by the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en. Cultural mores provided a series of checks and balances to ensure that the land, plants, animals and fish were accorded respect and cared for (Gottesfeld, 1994b). It was this stewardship approach which permeated these traditional cultures and directed their interactions with the physical environment. This investigation of one aspect of territorial stewardship is intended to further illuminate the complex interactions between First Nations and the environment so that their descendants and others might better understand and learn from the wisdom that was acquired through so much experience. The following sections describe the primary problem areas that are addressed in this thesis. 1.4.1 Research and Documentation of Traditional Knowledge and Cultural Heritage Evidence As widespread landscape burning practices have been discontinued for many years, much of the knowledge about where, when and how to burn huckleberry patches has been lost. Fortunately, knowledgeable elders have passed a great deal of traditional ecological knowledge to succeeding generations of Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en. Much valuable information has also been recorded in historical journals, ethnographic studies and in a variety of cultural heritage documents. As well, there are still Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en people with knowledge of traditional landscape burning practices used to manage black huckleberry patches early in their lifetimes. Therefore, the present challenge is to document unrecorded traditional knowledge of landscape burning and to analyse it in the context of existing information on this topic, as well as to review relevant historical and ethnographic sources to develop a clearer understanding of the strategies and techniques employed. The development of a more comprehensive picture of traditional huckleberry management will facilitate transmission of this knowledge to younger generations of Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en people. In addition, it will help to develop the 7 Chapter 1: A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background necessary knowledge base to actively use this experience in developing projects such as the reinstatement of landscape burning practices as a territorial stewardship tool. 1.4.2 Field Survey and Analysis of Ecological and Fire History Information Traditional berry patches hold many of the clues that may help to improve our understanding of traditional management of berry resources by First Nations. To date there has been very little focus on ecological sampling, or research on the ground in these berry patch sites. As time passes, processes of decay and new growth further obscure signs of the burning regime that played a key role in shaping the plant communities that presently exist in these areas. It is important that the ecology and fire history of these sites be recorded soon while the effects of traditional environmental management activities are still in evidence. 1.4.3 Contemporary Berry Management Approaches As contemporary resource managers move towards more effective use of integrated resource management models, they will increasingly find themselves managing for a number of economically important non-timber forest products as well as for timber production. Due to the long-standing focus on timber as the forest product of primary importance, there are few welltested management strategies or techniques available to promote sustainable, abundant populations of non-timber species such as berries (deGues, 1995). First Nations groups such as the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en have experience managing some of these economically important, non-timber species over long time periods, and have developed well-tested resource management approaches which achieved many of the objectives currently being pursued by contemporary resource managers. Traditional stewardship strategies and techniques, such as landscape burning of huckleberry patches, should be closely examined and analysed when attempting to develop resource management models to integrate non-timber species into contemporary resource management planning. This research is intended to help bridge the gap 8 Chapter I : A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background between First Nations approaches to resource stewardship and contemporary integrated resource management by presenting information about traditional huckleberry management, which includes an ecological perspective and empirical field data. 1.5 Research Objectives The primary goal of this research is to investigate and document the ecological and fire history aspects of traditional huckleberry management by Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en people. The following objectives are focused on achieving this primary goal: 1. Outline the cultural context of Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en berry management, particularly as it applies to resource stewardship strategies and techniques. 2. Analyze aspects of the climate, ecology and natural fire regimes of the region that are relevant to this study, and describe the influence of these factors on vegetation growth patterns, species composition and stand dynamics. 3. Analyze ecological, cultural and fire history data from several berry patch sites to identify and describe ecological patterns, successional pathways, traditional use characteristics and fire regimes on these sites. 1.6 Research Questions The following research questions are addressed by this research thesis: 1. Is there a set of ecological and or topographical characteristics that is commonly associated with traditional huckleberry sites? 2. Based on the ecological and fire history evidence collected , are there commonalties in fire regime characteristics among the huckleberry sites studied? 3. Have individual traditional huckleberry patches followed similar successional pathways after the cessation of anthropogenic burning? 4. Based on the analysis of field data from the case studies, what can be inferred about stewardship strategies and techniques used by the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en to manage the huckleberry resource? 9 • Chapter 1: A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background 1. 7 Research Methodology During the past fifty years, the study of landscape burning by First Nations has been undertaken using a wide variety of methods drawn from several disciplines. The method chosen in any particular research project appears to depend to some extent on the availability of knowledgeable First Natrons advisors. In some cases, the lack of advisors requires the use of increasingly multidisciplinary approaches to marshal several lines of evidence with which to reconstruct the nature and extent of landscape burning activities. Where knowledgeable elders are still living , oral history research is quite obviously the most productive and respectful option. However, even in cases where knowledgeable elders are able to provide detailed information, there are often outstanding questions. It is commonly the specific techniques of landscape burning that have been lost over decades of suppression of traditional management activities, as well as through continuing processes of cultural change. To address these knowledge gaps, secondary lines of evidence can be drawn from the ethnographic and historical literature. Many researchers have made effective use of these tools to elucidate a clearer picture of traditional management activities by First Nations peoples. Several authors have provided excellent summary papers of traditional burning activities by First Nations in BC (Turner, 1991 ; Gottesfeld, 1994a) utilizing such secondary sources to complement oral history accounts. The use of ecological data as a contextual framework on which to "project" temporally and spatially scattered ethnographic and historic references was pioneered by Henry Lewis (1973) in his seminal paper, "Patterns of Indian Burning in California: Ecology and Ethnohistory". This "ethnoecological" approach uses ecology as the linkage to tie seemingly disparate sources of information together into a clear picture of environmental management of specific habitats. This approach has been modified and followed to some extent by other authors (Boyd, 1986; Norton, 1979). 10 • Chapter I : A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background Paleoecological analyses are also a useful tool for determining the characteristics of anthropogenic burning in precontact periods. A recent study combines this tool with oral history investigations and standard ecological and fire history methods, for the express purpose of describing environmental management (Lepofsky et al. , in press). Judging from initial results, this multidisciplinary approach appears to be an effective way of both describing, and identifying the time depth of anthropogenic burning activities. Other studies such as the archaeobotanical and archaeological investigations of berry processing features in the Washington Cascades (Mack and McClure, in review) also combine oral history and historical records to discern the time depth and resource use patterns in these extensive subalpine berry grounds. Novel, multidisciplinary approaches such as these are needed to successfully reconstruct traditional subsistence economies and gain a more comprehensive understanding of the nature and extent of environmental management by First Nations. This research is being conducted in collaboration with Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en. Both groups are fortunate to have elders with first and second hand knowledge of landscape burning practices. A large amount of this information has been recorded during testimony in the Delgamuukw/Gisday Wa court case 3 and through research initiatives (Gottesfeld, 1994a). There are, however, several questions that remain outstanding regarding management of specific species using landscape burning. This study focuses solely on one species, black huckleberry, in order to narrow the focus and understand the myriad of interactions that are involved in a system of environmental management. The methodological framework employed in this research initiative was developed after a review of several papers by researchers who have endeavoured to understand and document the use of fire as a tool by First Nations groups throughout the Pacific Northwest (Lewis, 1993; 11 • Chapter I: A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background Norton, 1979; Boyd, 1986; Turner, 1991; Gottesfeld, 1994a). Based on a review of these papers the following research framework was developed: 1. Detailed descriptions of the ecological characteristics of the landscape, often involving classification of component plant communities or successional stages. 2. Demonstrations of the ecological importance of an anthropogenic fire regime for persistence of an ecosystem or successional stage. 3. The use of ethno-historical sources to present the anecdotal evidence for aboriginal landscape burning. 4. Documentation of the dietary characteristics and subsistence round of the First Nations group and identification and description of linkages between these economically important plant communities and particular patterns of fire disturbance. For this research initiative the guidance of contemporary elders provides the initial framework, and the research is focused on specific managed huckleberry patches that they have identified. Permission to conduct field research in these areas was sought from the appropriate owners (Hereditary Chiefs) of the traditional House (Yikh4 or Wilp 5) territory in which the patch is located. In some cases House members made trips to the field to assist with the research. Interviews were arranged with advisors who were recommended as being knowledgeable about certain berry patches through first hand experience, or through information passed down to them from older relatives or community members. Interviews were essentially unstructured within a framework laid out in an introductory discussion about the nature and extent of the research as well as with a set of key questions. Advisors were encouraged to talk in a general sense about their experiences harvesting, managing and processing berries on the territories. 3 Delgamuukw et al. vs. the Queen - for a thorough discussion of this case see Cassidy, Frank (editor).1992. Aboriginal Title in British Columbia: Delgamuukw vs the Queen. Oolichan Books, Lantzville, BC, and The Institute for Research on Public Policy, Montreal, PQ. 4 Wet' suwet'en territories are traditionally known as "Yikh" referred to here as House -meaning the actual territory or the corporate group which "owns" this territory. 12 Chapter I: A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background Field reconnaissance of these sites seeks to build on the knowledge of the elders, drawing out details about the ecology, fire history and successional status of these sites using standard ecological and fire history sampling methods. Field reconnaissance and sampling were carried out in a number of traditional huckleberry patches to gather ecological and fire history evidence, which remains on the landscape, the trees and in the soil decades after these landscape burning practices have ceased. This ecological and fire history information was then analysed in the context of relevant historical, ethnological and ethnobotanicalliterature to further reconstruct the strategies and techniques employed in the traditional management of huckleberry patches. As the research objectives were focused on reconstructing an anthropogenic disturbance regime, it was important to locate and document cultural features as well as to conduct ecological and fire history sampling. Ground reconnaissance was conducted in areas that were predicted to have evidence of cultural use, exhibit fire history evidence, or in areas that represented an extensive, distinct ecological stratum. There were seven field sites surveyed in the course of the field data collection. Five of these sites are discussed as case studies in this thesis. 1. 7.1 Identification and Delineation of the Traditional Huckleberry Patch One of the first steps in the process of examining anthropogenic burning, as in any other fire history study, is to define the sampling frame. In standard fire history studies this is often an approximation of the total area, which could be burned in the largest fire event. This area is often difficult to define, as past patterns are at least partially obscured by subsequent fire disturbance. However, the areas managed by aboriginal landscape burning often had specific characteristics related to their suitability for specific plants species or communities attributable to underlying physiographic or topographic variables, allowing the areas managed to be identified 5 Gitxsan traditional territories are owned by the "Wilp" referred to here as House - meaning the actual territory or the corporate group which "owns" this territory. 13 Chapter I : A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background and defined. While the area of suitable habitat may not necessarily correspond to the area burned in any particular treatment, it will be the focus of repeated management efforts over time. The ability to identify the boundaries of managed areas provides researchers investigating anthropogenic burning with an opportunity to tailor their related research initiatives to a specific, relatively well defined sampling frame. In addition, analysis of stand structure, historical photographs and maps of other physiographic landscape features can provide incremental improvements in identifying areas which were managed through the application of landscape burning. For the purposes of this initiative traditional huckleberry patches are defined as areas identified by two or more Gitxsan or Wet'suwet'en elders, and in one case (lower Harold Price Creek) an area identified through the location of berry processing camps. Using oral history as a framework, patch boundaries were defined more precisely using ecological, physiographic and fire history attributes. 1.7.2 Ecological Sampling Areas identified as traditional huckleberry patches were selected for field sampling. Aerial photos of these areas were stratified 6 by timber type, slope, aspect and vegetation patterns to identify and delineate homogenous polygons. Ecological sampling was conducted in many of the more extensive, broadly representative polygons on each of the huckleberry sites sampled. Plot locations were selected on the aerial photos, transferred to the map and then located on the ground. Vegetation, stand structure, soil and topographic information were collected from 20mx20 metre plots and recorded on standard Ground Inventory Forms according to the methodology outlined in the Field Manual for Describing Terrestrial Ecosystems (Anonymous, 1998). Fire history data and specific ecological 14 Chapter I : A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background information regarding the vigour, stem density, competitive status and fruit yield of black huckleberry and other ericaceous species were also recorded on these forms. Additional ecological data including site series, aspect, vegetation assemblages and successional stage were recorded for the majority of fire history and cultural heritage sampling sites. 1.7.3 Fire History Sampling One of the most significant challenges faced by researchers investigating the characteristics of aboriginal burning regimes is the low and moderate severity burns that often characterized these activities. It is difficult to identify and characterize a fire regime, which operated at finer scales both temporally and spatially than many fire regimes which originate only from non-anthropogenic ignition sources such as more coarsely grained stand initiating events. When two or more fire regimes coincide on the same landscape, the result is a mixed fire frequency distribution, which can occur, in the temporal and/or spatial dimension. As lertzman et al. (1998) suggest, mixed distribution fire regimes are not nearly as well understood as high intensity (crown fire) or low intensity (surface fire) dominated systems and development of a statistically rigorous sampling protocol for such a fire regime is difficult because the statistical methods and sampling strategies for each fire regime differ from one another. Mixed severity regimes are complex combinations of severities and investigation of these regimes must therefore utilize a combination of methodologies (often fire scar analysis and cohort age identification). The exploration of the fire history of these traditional berry patches was undertaken using a methodological approach similar to that employed by Tande (1979) in his analysis of fire history in Jasper National Park. However, in contrast to the work conducted by Tande (1979}, this study focused on an anthropogenic fire regime that affected a smaller area, and was located in forest 6 Divided into homogenous polygons based on slope, aspect, vegetation type. 15 Chapter I : A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background types with more fire sensitive species, and therefore fewer opportunities to obtain fire scar samples from living "veteran" 7 trees. The approach used in this study included analysis of the age structure of forest stands and dendrochronological analysis of fire-scarred living trees. Additional information was gathered from observations of snag and coarse woody debris characteristics, as well as the presence of charcoal in soil and humus layers. Age structure analysis focused on the collection of age samples from as many distinct ecological strata as possible throughout the study areas. Plot locations were selected for ecological data collection and fire history sampling, with one or two age samples collected from large lodgepole pine in the vicinity of each plot centre. Additional age samples were taken, and fire scar samples were collected opportunistically throughout the course of the fieldwork. In several instances intensive reconnaissance was conducted at the boundaries of ecological strata and timber types to determine the nature of the difference between strata, particularly as these differences related to variability in ecological site characteristics and fire history. As in other fire history studies (Brown and Kaye, 1999; Gray and Riccius, 1999) this opportunistic approach was used in order to obtain fire scar samples for suitable for analysis and because fire scarred trees were generally scarce within the berry patch areas surveyed. The benefits of opportunistic sampling of fire scarred trees include the ability to capture sample specimens that document fire history over a very long period or preserve high quality evidence of past fires and the opportunity to collect other data such as cultural heritage evidence that may be found in and around areas managed by aboriginal people using landscape burning. The major drawback is that the data is not gathered in a systematic or random manner and this reduces the opportunities to use this data for statistical analysis and to make inferences and generalizations from the results of data analysis. 7 Trees that are significantly older than the trees in the main canopy. The species may have survived one or more fires as evidenced by fire scars. The veterans are usually isolated in distribution and often extend well above 16 Chapter I: A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background Age samples were obtained using an increment borer. Samples were drilled at breast height (1.3 m) on the bole of the tree providing a conservative estimate of tree age. Breast height was measured vertically from ground level on the uphill side of the tree. Sampling at this height enters a potential source of error when estimating stand age, as the time between germination and growth to 1.3 metres will vary between species and sites. In addition, early suppression of seedlings can greatly extend the time required to reach breast height. However, it is expected that seedlings regenerating after fire will grow at a relatively rapid, even pace (Camp et al. , 1997). Ages have therefore been corrected using average yearly height estimates derived from site index values (Anonymous, 1997a). Core samples were mounted and sanded for counting. The age estimates for core samples that did not hit the pith were geometrically corrected using a circular template to estimate the number of uncounted rings based on the average width and curvature of the innermost rings in the sample. The objective of age structure sampling was to gather sufficient data to determine the cohort age (an average of the sample ages) of each timber type. The cohort age is used as a surrogate estimate of 'time since fire' for each stratum, and analysed collectively to get a broad picture of stand structure and dynamics for the site as a whole. In addition to sampling tree ages of younger vegetation types within berry patch areas, efforts were made to obtain sample ages from older stands in the vicinity of berry patch sites {often at the margins). Lodgepole pine was favored for age sampling due to its status as a suitable marker of fire events (Agee, 1993), based on its tendency to germinate quickly following fire events, and the ease of coring and counting its rings relative to those of other species. Evidence of previous stand characteristics were inferred from snag size distribution and density. Indications of general characteristics of local fire intensity and flame height apparent on the main tree canopy. (Anonymous, 1990b) 17 Chapter I : A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background remnant woody debris and snags were also documented. In some cases multiple scars on old snags gave an indication of past fire return intervals. Additional fire history information was collected by examining and recording charcoal layers in humus or soil samples and noting the occurrence and density of fire dependent or fire sensitive species in vegetation complexes. Fire scar data and tree age cohorts were analysed together to estimate the occurrence of fire events within each of the five berry ground areas. This method is often used to identify the date of a stand replacing fire event but also has applicability to the study of low and moderate intensity fire regimes where relatively intensely burned pockets will experience stand initiation and the development of an identifiable cohort. In addition most forest types occasionally experience stand-replacing events after a long fire free period or during extreme fire weather. In the cases of forest remnants or older stands unburned only partially burned by previous fire events, cohort ages can be used effectively in concert with fire scar data to identify fire occurrence and the relative intensity and extent of these events (e.g. Tande 1979; Dansereau and Bergeron, 1993; Wills and Stuart, 1994). In this study, corrected tree ages were broken into five-year age classes and plotted in frequency histograms for each case study site. All ages have been plotted on field maps, and in general, fire history sample sites are relatively evenly distributed across the reconnaissance area 8 of each site. However, sampling was not strictly systematic and significant areas of each site have not been sampled. In the interests of having as many tree ages as possible for analysis, all trees sampled were included in this analysis. These analyses therefore, are intended only to provide a general, largely descriptive account of fire history within these five berry patch areas. Additional age samples, and particularly fire scar samples, will be required to develop a more robust model of the fire regimes for these sites. Additional data, including 8 Most sites were very extensive and field surveys generally covered a particular portion of the site. 18 Chapter I: A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background vegetation growth patterns and topography, have also been used to provide additional context to the fire history analysis. Analysis of fire history data from study sites will be examined as a composite of so called "natural" fire and traditional burning by First Nations. It is well known that Euro-Canadians have also had a marked impact on fire regimes in British Columbia (Parminter, 1995) during the historic period. In the context of this study, this Euro-Canadian influence is essentially "noise" which obscures the signs of First Nations management using landscape burning. This issue will be dealt with on a site-specific basis within each of the case studies, as the influence of other anthropogenic burning activity varies by site. 1.7.4 Cultural Heritage Surveying Cultural heritage features such as bark-stripped cedar, pine or hemlock food trees, berry racks, berry buckets/boxes, cache pits, trails, blazes and campsites were all photographed and recorded as they were encountered in the field. Measurements and ages were recorded where possible. Efforts were made to survey older (age class 9 8 and 9) stands at the perimeter of berry patch sites as there was often abundant evidence of past traditional use in these older forest types. 1.7.5 Interviews with First Nations Advisors Detailed interviews were conducted with four Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en advisors. Interviews were either recorded with a handheld cassette recorder or through handwritten notes depending on the interview location and the wishes of the advisor. A number of informal interviews and conversations with Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en elders provided additional information and clarification of key points. 19 Chapter 1: A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background In addition to the interviews carried out as part of this project, a great deal of information about berry management, harvesting and processing has been collected by the researcher from Wet'suwet'en elders during a series of 25 landscape unit planning 10 field trips during the period 1998-2001. Numerous conversations with field ecologists and other researchers have also added baseline information and context to this research. 1.7.6 Historical and Ethnographic Research Much additional information was collected from a number of primary and secondary sources and reviewed to provide context and improve the analysis and interpretation of field and interview information. Delgamuukw trial testimony, affidavits and exhibits, expert witness reports, historical photos, accounts of early travelers, and previous ethnographic studies have been used extensively in the development of this thesis. 1.7. 7 Data Collection and Mapping Point data representing ecological plot centres, timber type or ecological boundaries and cultural heritage features were collected with a handheld GPS unit (Garmin 12XL). GPS data was downloaded into ArcView 3.2 GIS for spatial analysis and mapping. 1.8 Thesis Summary The body of this thesis will pull together cultural, historical and ecological context that will be used to analyse the field research data effectively. Analyses will focus on linkages between 9 Age Classes: I (l-20yrs), 2 (2 1-40yrs), 3 (41-60yrs), 4 (61 -80yrs), 5 (81-lOOyrs), 6 (101-120yrs), 7 (121l40yrs), 8 (141-250yrs), 9 (25 1+ yrs) 10 Landscape unit planning is a British Columbia government process to create resource development planning guidelines at the landscape (often watershed) level within each provincial forest district based on stakeholder input and biodiversity objectives. 20 Chapter I : A Retrospective Study of Environmental Stewardship: Research Overview and Background culture and environment to illuminate the resource stewardship strategies and techniques used in the management of black huckleberry gathering areas by the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en. Chapter 2 will examine the ecological, historical and fire history aspects of the regional landscape to provide a well-defined backdrop upon which to analyze the research data. Chapter 3 will review Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en cultural approaches to environmental stewardship with particular focus on strategies and techniques employed in the production of berry resources. Chapter 4 will focus on traditional huckleberry management linking the ecological niche filled by black huckleberry to the subsistence round of a number of First Nations and discussing the role of management in ensuring predictable, reliable harvests. The fifth chapter will cover the five case studies, summarizing and analysing the data from each site for ecological, cultural and fire history patterns. Chapter 6 is an analysis and discussion of the research results that will provide additional insights into the strategies and techniques traditionally used by Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en to manage black huckleberry patches. 21 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry CHAPTER 2: THE REGIONAL ECOLOGICAL CONTEXT AND BLACK HUCKLEBERRY 2.1 Introduction This chapter is intended to provide a contextual backdrop for the analysis of the role that anthropogenic disturbance has played in shaping and maintaining fire adapted vegetation assemblages within the study area. There is of course a particular focus on the importance and dynamics of the management of a single species, black huckleberry. This chapter will include a section focusing on the regional ecological character, based on a description of regional climate patterns as they have developed over time, as well as an overview of current vegetation assemblages and the role of fire disturbance in shaping some of these vegetation communities. A second section examines the historical landscape of the region with a focus on descriptions of landscapes from the historic period, as well as descriptions of past landscapes and observed changes in vegetation patterns drawn from Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en accounts. A third section will provide an overview of regional fire regimes focusing on the roles of natural and anthropogenic fire, prior to active fire suppression efforts. Two final sections will detail the autecology of black huckleberry and the adaptations to fire disturbance that this species exhibits. 2.2 Ecological Context This section will focus on describing physiographic and ecological characteristics of the study area, identifying the linkages between vegetation types and disturbance history, primarily fire disturbance. Following this is an examination of the climatic history of the region beginning at the end of the last ice age and focusing particular attention on the relationship of these climate patterns to regional vegetation patterns. 22 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry 2.2.1 Regional Setting The study area encompasses a large expanse in the lower Bulkley and upper Skeena drainages, and is centred on the southeastern portion of the "Hazelton variant" of the Interior Cedar - Hemlock biogeoclimatic zone (ICHmc2). This ecological type follows the valley bottoms of the central Skeena, lower Bulkley, Suskwa and Kispiox drainages. In general, the cJimate of the ICH zone is transitional between the coastal and interior plateau regions and is characterized by warm, moist summers, cool , wet falls, and cold winters with average annual precipitation between 500-1200mm (Banner et al 1993). The ICHmc2 variant is the warmest and driest of the ICHmc units, a function of its location in the rainshadow of surrounding mountain ranges, resulting in the common occurrence of summer moisture deficits (Banner et al. , 1993; Haeussler et al. , 1985). As Haeussler (1987) points out, this biogeoclimatic unit includes the centres of settlement and economic activity in the region. In addition, the largest Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en villages are located in the ICHmc2. While some of the huckleberry patches surveyed as part of this research fall within the ICHmc2 (Table 2.1), most are in adjacent biogeoclimatic units at slightly higher elevations (ICHmc1 , ESSFwv) or more continental units (SBSdk, SBSmc2). As several authors have noted, fire was an important determinant of vegetation patterns in the ICHmc2 (Banner et al. , 1993; Haeussler et al. , 1985; Williams et al. 2000a), and we can infer that adjacent biogeoclimatic units were also influenced by this frequent fire regime to some extent. 23 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry BGC Unit Full Name Elevation Range Climate Precip Vegetation ICHmc2 Interior Cedar-Hemlock moist, cold subzone - Hazelton variant 100-750m transitional - long growing season, summer drought 5351136mm HW, Cw, 81, Sx, PI, At, Ep, Act ICHmc1 Interior Cedar-Hemlock moist, cold subzone - Nass variant 350-11 OOm (in study area) transitional -wet snow, cool, moist 5351136mm Hw, 81, Sx, PI, Ep SBSmc2 Sub-boreal Spruce moist, cold subzone - Sabine variant 850-1350m (south*) continental 416724mm Sxw, PI, 81, Sb, At, Act, Ep SBSdk Sub-boreal spruce dry, cool subzone 500-750m (north*) continental 416724mm Sxw, PI, 81, Sb, At, Act, Ep ESSFwv Engelmann Spruce Subalpine Fir wet, very cold subzone 900-1550m sub-continental 6501000mm 81, Hm , Sxw, Hw . . * SBS subzone elevations vary With latitude and aspect, the actual spilt IS around BOOm for study s1tes (adapted from Banner et al. , 1993) . Table 2.1 Summary of biogeoclimatic unit characteristics for the study area. 2.2.2 Regional Climates Past and Present Periods with cooler, wetter climates tend to reduce the frequency of fire disturbance, and therefore are characterized by a reduction in the occurrence of early seral habitats across the landscape. As these early seral habitats produce many of the plant and animal resources that formed an important part of the subsistence needs of the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en, these cool wet periods can be seen as times of relative scarcity. In these times, there would have been a strong incentive for native peoples to actively promote the creation and persistence of early seral vegetation types. It is therefore important to look at an extended ecological timeframe to better understand the circumstances under which anthropogenic burning may have been necessary, and to establish an additional reference point from which to evaluate other evidence of traditional burning by Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en. The study of the environmental history and debris flow activity from Seeley Lake near Hazelton (Gottesfeld et al. , 1991) provides an indication of the post-glacial climate of the study area. This study examined pollen and macrofossil remains in lake-bottom sediment cores. The results of this research suggest that the early Holocene xerothermic or hypsithermal period occurred between approximately 9000 and 8000 years BP in the study area. This period was 24 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry characterized by a relatively warm, dry climate with associated early seral vegetation assemblages that reflected frequent disturbance by fire. A similar pattern has been found in other areas of BC (Hebda and Mathewes, 1984; Mathewes and King , 1990), Paleoecological research from Vancouver Island indicates a warm , wet mesothermic interval1persisted from 7000-4000 BP and was followed by neo-glacial cooling from 4000 years to present (Hebda, 1999). A cooling trend occurring after 6000 BP is evidenced at Seeley Lake by declining lodgepole pine pollen and increasing western hemlock (Tsuga heterophyl/a [Raf.] Sarg.) pollen, a trend that continues until approximately 2200 BP (Gottesfeld et al., 1991). This research also indicated that during this latter period (2200BP-present} there was a marked rise in the presence of lodgepole pine pollen, accompanied by a rise in western red cedar (Thuja p/icata Donn ex D. Don in Lamb.} pollen indicative of continuing wet, cool conditions. The authors referred to this occurrence as "enigmatic" and postulate that the increase in cedar may reflect the prevailing climatic influence, while the increase in pine pollen may be related to the influence of anthropogenic burning by native peoples. Similarly, the persistence of abundant charcoal in the cooler, wetter mid-late Holocene at sites on southeastern Vancouver Island suggests that anthropogenic fire may have been a significant environmental influence there as well (Hebda, 1999}. 2.3 2.3.1 Historical Landscapes Early Accounts Early Euro-Canadian visitors to the Skeena and Bulkley valleys provided telling descriptions of the regional landscape, the role of fire and the relationship between First Nations and the land. In 1891, A.L. Poudrier conducted a "crown land survey" on behalf of the provincial Department of Lands and Works. In his report, Poudrier (1891) describes the landscape as 25 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry seen from the Skeena River between Gitsegukla Village and the confluence with the "Watsonkwa" or Bulkley River at Hazelton: The fire has formerly destroyed the high timber and these terraces are now covered with a short growth, where aspen poplar predominates (P. tremuloides); it is one of the favourite spots where the Indians prepare their crop of small fruits for the winter use. Returning two years later to survey land in the Bulkley Valley, Poudrier (1893) comments on the landscape approaching Moricetown and then on the relationship of the Wet'suwet'en to the land surrounding Moricetown or Kyah Wiget, their primary summer fishing village: The climate here seems to become somewhat drier, judging from the vegetation, and it was noticed that the fire had done much greater damage here than heretofore. The benches are generally bare of trees, and shrubs even are scarce, the most marked being the service berry. In approaching Moricetown, several fine open meadows were met with, but these were cut up by numerous small streams, with a fringe like border of willow and alder. Berries, like the service berry, high bush cranberries, wild cherries, of three species, wild currants, gooseberries, strawberries, raspberries, are all most prolific and plentiful. In no part of British Columbia have I found such a variety and quantity of these. To the Indians they are a staple .. . The abundance of berries of different kinds, and the proximity of the mountains, where cariboo, mountain goats and bears are plentiful, render this spot one of the most desirable homes for the Indians, and as a rule they live in abundance. Poudrier's accounts of his 1891 and 1893 surveys of the Skeena and Bulkley drainages contain many additional references to a recently burnt landscape and extensive areas of early seral habitats including moist, rich meadows, prairie grasslands, young aspen thickets and stands of lodgepole pine. 2.3.2 Traditional Knowledge - Landscape Changes Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en elders have often remarked that many important habitat types have changed during the past decades so that they are no longer good places for gathering the resources that were once abundant in these areas. Huckleberry and blueberry patches are 26 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry examples that have often been raised, and many references to successional changes in these areas can be found in Delgamuukw testimony, oral history documentation and ethnographic research reports. Perry Sampson, a Gitxsan elder, made the following remarks about a Figure 2.1. Overgrown blueberry patch managed blueberry flat on a glacio-fluvial terrace near the Skeena River that he had not visited for many years, until he returned with me in the fall of 2000: Last time I was here was in 1952. There was nothing here, no trees, just rosebushes, no pine or spruce - you could see a very long distance. The berries ( Vaccinium caespitosum) were thick, very large. The ground was grey blue, you could see a trail where you picked. There was no moss before, just covered with blueberry and a little bit of grass (there are still lots of bushes but they're not bearing very much fruit). There used to be the odd tree here and there (aspen trees), they were small, 12 inches in diameter and young aspen were really thick in here (at the base of the hill -edge of glaciofluvial terrace). Right down in a bit of a gully it used to be thick with blueberries. Fire went up the bottom part of the hillside (now heavily treed). Accounts such as this indicate the profound influence that cessation of burning has had in a relatively short period of time. Another Gitxsan advisor, Walter Wilson remembers seeing this blueberry patch burned when he was a boy, thirty years ago (personal communication, 2001 ). 2.4 Regional Fire Regimes The frequency, severity, size and duration of fires in an area are the variables that influence the fire regime. Agee (1998) has described fire regimes in terms of fire severity as determined by the effect of fires on dominant organisms within a vegetation community. This approach characterizes high severity fire regimes as those that involve stand replacement and low severity fire regimes as those that have little or no effect on the dominant organisms. Moderate severity regimes are a "complex mix of severity levels (Agee, 1998). 27 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry To a large extent the fire regime determines the ecological characteristics of an ecosystem by favoring species which are adapted to the disturbance pattern. The influence of burning on vegetation and soil characteristics is related to fire severity, which affects the survival of different species, the amount of humus consumed and the degree of soil heating (Hamilton, 1988). Fire effects are generally dependent on the following factors: 1. Weather conditions prior to burning (dry- wet) , 2. Weather conditions at the time of burning (wind, rain, temperature). 3. Fuel loading (fine and coarse fuels). 4. Moisture content of fuels. 5. Moisture content and density of soil. The relative importance of any of these factors is somewhat debatable and difficult to discern because of correlation between the variables. Essentially, these factors can be summarized to two primary factors: weather and fuel loading . In a study of upland conifer stands in the southern Canadian Rockies W .C. Bessie and E.A. Johnson (1995) found that weather was the primary determinant of surface fire intensity. The two main contributing factors identified were: 1. Weather prior to the fire as it affects fuel moisture. 2. Weather at the time of the fire, most importantly wind speed. Fire frequency is also an important component of a fire regime, and is related to severity by fuel loading. Essentially, frequent fires consume available fuel, reducing fuel loads and the potential for high severity burns. Conversely, long intervals between fires allow fuels to accumulate, increasing the potential for severe fires. 28 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry Fire also has a major effect on the chemical and physical ·properties of soil. These effects depend to a large extent on the severity ·o f the fire, which is a function of fire intensity and duration. In general the impacts of fire on soil are as follows: 1. Organic layer consumption. 2. Mineral soil exposure. 3. Alteration of soil temperature regime. 4. Alteration of the soil moisture regime. 5. Changes in the nutrient regime. These fire effects have numerous implications for species composition by creating a variety of post-fire conditions favourable to different groups of species. For example, exposed mineral soil associated with very hot burns will favour off-site colonizers such as fireweed (Epilobium angustifolium L.) which reproduces effectively over long distances by way of wind-dispersed seed, while the abundance and vigour of plants which only reproduce clonally will likely be greatly reduced due to damage to underground rhizomes, corms or tubers caused by extreme heat. The primary source for estimations of mean fire return intervals for biogeoclimatic units in British Columbia is the Forest Practices Code Biodiversity guidebook (Anonymous, 1995). These estimates were based to some extent on research into disturbance patterns for each biogeoclimatic zone (Parminter, 1992) which detailed the range of fire return intervals and patch sizes, as well as a characterization of fire type and intensity by forest type across the province of British Columbia. Additional research in the Prince Rupert Forest Region (which includes all study sites) by Doug Steventon (1997) using forest cover age data has determined that the biodiversity 29 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry guidebook estimates of mean fire return interval for high elevation forests in the region, including the ESSFwv, likely underestimate actual values by a large margin. Research in analogous forest types (ESSF wk2/wc3 and SBSvk) in northeastern BC have also indicated that the biodiversity guidebook mean return intervals for some stands (particularly I higher elevation forests) may underestimate the true return interval values by a substantial margin (Hawkes et al. , 1997). The findings of these other studies suggest that the return interval estimates for the subalpine forest types in the study area, primarily the ESSFwv, may also underestimate the actual return interval. Available information for fire return intervals of biogeoclimatic units in this study area are summarised in Table 2.2. These fire return interval estimates are used in this research initiative as a benchmark estimate of the "natural" fire regime which can be loosely defined as fire activity and occurrence without the influence of anthropogenic ignitions. Biogeoclimatic Unit Biodiversity Guidebook (Anonymous, 1995) Steventon (1997) Biogeoclimatic Zone Estimates (Parminter, 1992) minimum ESSFwv 350 ICHmc1 1150* average . maximum 150-200 200-300 350-500 200* 100-150 150-250 250-350 ICHmc2 200 100-150* 150-250 250-350 SBSdk 125 95* 75-100 125-175 175-250 SBSmc2 125 148* 75-100 125-175 175-250 Table 2. 2. Summary of available information for fire return intervals for biogeoclimatic units in this study area. * Bold numbers are return interval values used as benchmark fire return intervals in this study. 2.4.1 ICH Fire Regimes A review of fire history and ecology of the Prince Rupert Forest Region by Parminter (1983) found that the fire pattern in ICH forests is variable, creating a mosaic of burned, partially burned and unburned forests. The characterization of wildfire in the ICH (Parminter, 1992) 30 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry indicated that in cedar hemlock types, both low intensity surface fire and medium to high intensity surface/crown fires could be expected. In addition, this study found that the sizes of existing fire initiated patches in the ICH are extremely variable, ranging from a minimum of .1-5 to an average of 150-500 and a maximum of >25,000 hectares. A 1994 review of the fire ecology of analogous interior cedar-hemlock forests in northern Idaho (Shiplett and Neuenschwander) described the role of fire in initiating five "idealized successional chronologies" which reflect the variable nature of fire events in these wet interior forest types. They cite the influence of seed source and species survival in creating variable successional pathways. Observations from this study also found the fire patterns in ICH forests to be variable, a reflection of variations in fire intensity which results in the initiation of multiple successional pathways. The influence of anthropogenic burning adds another layer of complexity to fire history and fire ecology interpretation in these forest types. Bessie and Johnson (1995) have shown that weather is the primary determinant of fire intensity. Elevation affects fire behaviour as it is a determinant of temperature (Agee 1993) and precipitation. The ICHmc2 and ICHmc1 are known to be different from one another with respect to climate. the higher elevation ICHmc1 be1ng cooler and moister w1th a shorter growmg season than the ICHmc2 (Banner et al. , 1993). Therefore, the rating of both of these units with an equivalent estimated mean fire return interval of 200 years (Anonymous, 1995) seems inappropriate. For the purposes of this study the 200 year fire return interval for the ICHmc1 is accepted (Anonymous, 1995) but for the ICHmc2 the shorter estimate of minimum fire return interval for the ICH zone as a whole of 100-150 years (Parminter, 1992) is used as a benchmark. 31 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry 2.4.2 SBS Fire Regimes Parminter (1992) describes SBS fire regime characteristics as medium to high intensity surface and crown fires with an average patch size of 50-500 hectares. Delong and Tanner (1996) indicate that the SBSmk1 fire regime is heterogeneous, and that the majority of presuppression fires were larger than 500 hectares. Research in the wet (1250 mm/year average precip.) SBSvk subzone in northeastern BC indicates that the return interval for stand replacing fire events in this ecological type likely ranges from 1200 to 6250 years (Hawkes et al. , 1997). This type of fire return interval is in sharp contrast to the intervals calculated for the SBS subzones in the study region (Steventon, 1997) indicating that there may be a very large degree of heterogeneity among fire regimes within the SBS zone. Research by Delong (1998) further emphasizes the variability in fire cycle amongst several "plateau" and montane SBS variants 11 . Due to wide variation in reported fire cycles it is difficult to clarify the fire regime characteristics of SBS forest types in the study region through an examination of fire regimes in other SBS ecosystems. However, the estimates provided by Steventon (1997) are considered to be the most appropriate estimate of the natural fire regime for use in this study due to his focus on the study region (the western extremity of the SBS biogeoclimatic zone). 2.4.3 ESSF Fire Regimes Parminter (1992) identifies the fire regime in the ESSF biogeoclimatic zone as one characterized by low to medium intensity surface fires as well as medium to high intensity surface and crown fires and an average patch size between 50 and 500 hectares. The biodiversity guidebook (Anonymous, 1995) estimates a mean fire return interval of 350 years. Research in the ESSF wk2/wc3 indicates that fire return intervals for these types range from 11 study. The SBS variants studied by Delong (1998) do not include the SBSmc2 or SBSdk variants surveyed in this 32 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry 532-1429 years (Hawkes et al., 1997). As noted previously, analysis of local ESSFwv forests by Steventon (1997) has indicated a mean return interval of 1150 years. There seems to be agreement between recent fire history research in the ESSF that mean return intervals of stand replacing fires are far longer than biodiversity guidebook estimates. Therefore, the work of Steventon is assumed to be a more accurate estimate of fire cycle and will be used as a benchmark of the natural fire regime in these forest types for the purposes of this study. 2.5 2.5.1 Ecological Characteristics of Black Huckleberry Species Description Black huckleberry (Vaccinium membranaceum Dougl. ex Hook) is an ericaceous, deciduous shrub with pink, urn-shaped flowers, and round black to dark blue fruits. Black huckleberry has a distribution, which is concentrated in the northwestern US and western Canada, primarily west of the continental divide, with a few outlying populations in eastern Canada. Reproduction of black huckleberry is primarily clonal through lateral rhizome spread and resprouting following disturbance. These rhizomes form extensive networks and generally support several clones (Minore, 1975), with new plants being formed when rhizomes become separated through decay or disturbance (Haeussler et al. , 1990). Vaccinium rhizomes often develop in response to vigorous aerial growth (Kenner, 1967 in Miller, 1977). 33 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry fJ .J ·- -- - - -- ..-··· • ,,, ... '·' 7' ... - " - ... _ ., .. Figure 2. 2. Distribution of V. membranaceum (taken from Vander Kloet, 1988). 2.5.2 Climate A review of the autecology of a number of British Columbia plant species (Haeussler et al., 1990) found that in general, the distribution of black huckleberry coincides with areas experiencing at least moderate snowfalls and without pronounced summer drought. Black huckleberry occurrence increases with increasing elevation and continentality (Kiinka et al., 1989). This is likely due to the noted ability of black huckleberry to tolerate a short growing season (Haeussler et al., 1990) and cold temperatures (Beaudry et al. , 1999). 2.5.3 Environmental (Site) Relations Black huckleberry favours mesic sites and is typically found on well-drained substrates with acidic soil types and mor humus forms (Haeussler et al., 1990). Black huckleberry is capable of surviving in a wide range of environmental conditions by virtue of its dependence on rhizomes for reproduction and nutrient storage. This species tends to have quite wide ecological 34 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry amplitude in many biogeoclimatic subzones; notably, black huckleberry occurs on a wide range of site types in the ESSFwv (Beaudry et al., 1999) a biogeoclimatic subzone which encompasses a significant portion of the subalpine study sites. Recent research in northwestern BC (Burton et al. , 2000) has led to the development of a predictive berry habitat model. This model predicted that high quality black huckleberry habitat should have the following attributes: 1. Within the ICHmc1 biogeoclimatic variant. 2. On south aspects. 3. On slopes between 16.1%-28.0%. 4. Located in an elevation band from 931 .5-1047.1 metres. 5. Soil saturation index between 0.317 and 2.00. 6. Site index value between 11.2 and 15.0 metres at 50 years. 7. Subalpine fir (Abies lasiocarpa (Hook.) Nutt.) dominated stands. 2.5.4 Light Relations Black huckleberry is able to persist as an understorey shrub in most forest stands, but is most vigorous and productive (for berries) in open, early seral habitats. Research into light relations of berry producing shrubs (Burton, 1998) indicated that black huckleberry exhibits depressed berry yield below 60% irradiance, and maximum productivity at 90% irradiance. Following is a summary of Burton's research findings: 1. Black huckleberry is most productive at global irradiance values of 75% to 90%. 2. Productivity drops off sharply below 60% irradiance. 3. There is a proliferation of black huckleberry stems at the highest light intensities but these are largely small and unproductive. 4. Berry size is insensitive to variation in light. 5. Black huckleberry productivity appears to be more sensitive to moisture status than to light levels. Burton (1998) also indicated the need for moderate shading for highest levels of productivity. This requirement for shade for Vaccinium health and productivity has also been 35 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry documented for Vaccinium vitis-idaea L. and Vaccinium myrtilloides Michx. in Alberta (Smith, 1962). 2.5.5 Nutrient Relations In northern ESSF subzones black huckleberry occurs across the full range of nutrient regimes, while in the SBS its occurrence varies, being found in all but the very rich nutrient regime in the SBSmc. It is limited to the poor and medium nutrient regimes in the SBSdk (Beaudry et al. , 1999). In coastal biogeoclimatic types, black huckleberry is described as growing on nitrogen poor soils (Kiinka et al., 1989). Fertilization trials with black huckleberry conducted by Nelson (1974) indicate that additional nitrogen, applied as ammonium nitrate increases shoot and root growth, and that without nitrogen addition, increases of phosphorous and potassium will not increase growth. Nelson also found that black huckleberry had a wide tolerance for variable soil pH, but observed optimal growth at a pH of 5.0. Field observations by Minore and Dubraisch (1978) on Mount Adams, Washington documented highest black huckleberry productivity on sites with a soil pH value of 5.5. Vaccinium species form symbiotic associations with ericoid mycorrhizae, which facilitate the acquisition of nitrogen for the plant (Read, 1995). In addition, the activity of nitrogen fixing bacteria is stimulated by the influx of nutrients following a burn and the increase in pH associated with the release of base elements in the ash (Barbour et. al. , 1987). These factors give Vaccinium species an adaptive advantage in the low nitrogen conditions associated with frequent burning and nutrient poor sites in general. The living rhizome network of Vaccinium species also acts as an effective means of capturing and recycling nutrients released by burning (Miller, 1977). 36 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry 2.5.6 Huckleberry Productivity In a study of environmental variables influencing the productivity of black huckleberry, Minore and Dubraisch (1978) found that huckleberry cover is strongly influenced by succession and the degree of shading. As noted previously (Burton, 1998), high levels of shading severely restrict black huckleberry productivity. In addition to shading, research indicates that black huckleberry productivity is affected more by year-to-year weather conditions than by site characteristics (Minore and Dubraisch, 1978). Factors affecting fruit yield include: late or early frost, drought, excessive rain, pollinator failure (Haeussler, 1987) and extreme cold weather with inadequate snowpack (Nelson, 1974). Other factors may include insect pests, a rationale cited by some First Nations as a primary motivation for burning huckleberry patches (Lepofsky et al. , in press). Black huckleberry yields of 720-935 litres/hectare were recorded for sites in Washington and Oregon (Minore et al. , 1978) and James Agee (1993) states that production can reach 1,000 litres/hectare in a high quality field. Research in northwestern BC documented yields averaging 200 grams/square metre for sites with 60-80% full sunlight, and this is reported to be almost 10 times the productivity level reported by Minore et al. for Washington (Burton, 1998). 2.6 Fire Adaptations Black huckleberry is well adapted to environments with relatively frequent fire disturbance by virtue of its extensive rhizome network. Studies by Minore (1975) found that rhizomes of Vaccinium membranaceum were located between 8 and 30 centimetres below the soil surface, largely protecting them from most fire damage. These rhizomes bear dormant buds, which sprout vigorously when the aerial portions of the plant are removed. Soil heating is dependent on burn intensity, duration and soil moisture (Hamilton, 1988), and is the primary determinant of 37 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry survival of underground plant organs such as rhizomes (Flinn and Wein , 1977). Rhizomes of Vaccinium species experience mortality after 10 minutes of heating by temperatures in the 55590 C range (Schimmel and Granstromm, 1996). In a study of two clonal Vaccinium species (Mallik and Gimingham , 1985) found an inverse relationship between fire temperature and postfire regeneration and growth performance of Vaccinium species. In a study of the effects of short duration, low intensity fires in areas with moist soils in the SBS biogeoclimatic zone, temperatures above 60° C were found only in the upper few centimetres of the soil horizon (Hamilton, 1988). From this we can infer, that the deeper buried rhizomes of black huckleberry generally survive low intensity fire. However, higher intensity burns in huckleberry shrub fields of the US northwest have been observed to result in long recovery periods followed by markedly lower huckleberry abundance and yields relative to control plots (Minore et al. 1979). Haeussler (1987) rates black huckleberry along with lowbush blueberry and high-bush cranberry (Viburnum edule [Michx.] Raf.) as being "intermediate" in their adaptations to fire, showing best response to moderate fire return intervals, and stating that more frequent fire would be detrimental to these species. Studies of black huckleberry response to burn treatments have documented that, seven years post-burn, black huckleberry had not regained its pre-fire levels (Minore et al. , 1979). Based on observations and sampling from a variety of populations, Haeussler (1987) indicates that the best berries are produced 10 to 25 years after a burn or canopy removal . In a description of prescribed fire trials with a closely associated species, Vaccinium globulare Rydb., the foliage of this species is noted as being "very nonflammable' and in addition, "plants are consumed by fire only after being dried and pre-heated by woody fuels" (Miller, 1977). Several efforts to conduct prescribed burns in huckleberry types in the US Pacific 38 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry northwest by Don Minore 12 led him to comment (1997) that, "except in extreme high-hazard conditions that do not occur every year, huckleberry fields in the Cascades of Oregon and Washington are almost fireproof'. The prescribed fire trials with V. globulare (Miller, 1977) noted that spring fires resulted in increased numbers of shoots, and fall burns often resulted in a decrease in total numbers of sprouts. In addition, it was observed that the depth of heat penetration controlled the number of sprouts produced. Plants burned off above the ground produced several sprouts from dormant axillary buds on existing root crowns, whereas plants killed below the ground functioned as separate plants. The study concludes that, "a fire treatment most beneficial to V. globulare will remove senescent stems but cause minimal rhizome damage". 2.6.1 Successional Status Black huckleberry typically occurs in montane and subalpine forests (Haeussler et al. 1990). Both of these habitats occur in this study area, and are represented by the ICHmc1 and ESSFwv, respectively. Black huckleberry is often found as a component of an ericaceous shrub complex, which , in the study area generally includes the ericaceous associates, false azalea (Menzesia ferruginea Sm.) and oval-leaved blueberry (Vaccinium ovalifolium Sm.). These two species have been observed singly or sparsely distributed under closed canopies in mature and maturing hemlock - subalpine fir forests. In higher light environments, false azalea most often dominates this complex with oval-leaved blueberry, and black huckleberry is most often relegated to understorey status. Both false azalea and oval-leaved huckleberry are fire sensitive species that do not respond quickly or vigorously after disturbance by fire (Haeussler et al., 1990). 12 Forest ecologist USDA Forest Service - Pacific Northwest Research Station (retired). 39 Chapter 2: The Regional Ecological Context and Black Huckleberry On middle and lower elevation sites in, or immediately adjacent to the ICH mc2 in this study area, black huckleberry has been observed to persist as an understorey component below coniferous overstory (mostly lodgepole pine). However in deciduous (trembling aspen [Populus tremu/oides Michx.] dominated) complexes, black huckleberry was generally observed to be absent or to persist only at very low levels of abundance. 2.7 Summary The environmental setting of the upper Skeena and lower Bulkley drainages is one characterized by transition. Middle and lower elevation sites (ICHmc2, ICHmc1 SBSdk, SBSmc2) experience relatively frequent disturbance, but rapid succession and competition from herbaceous and deciduous species often reduce opportunities for productive huckleberry patches to persist without additional disturbance. Higher elevation sites have harsher climates, shorter growing seasons and fewer species that can compete successfully with black huckleberry. Black huckleberry is known to be relatively well adapted to short growing season and cold temperatures in these ecological types. Ericaceous shrub complexes can persist in these areas (upper ICHmc1 and ESSFwv) for extended periods. However, encroachment by fire-sensitive shrubs and conifers and the very long natural fire return intervals mean that productive (for black huckleberry) early seral habitats will be rare in these types under the influences of only the natural fire regime. Historical accounts of regional landscapes indicate that many were influenced by anthropogenic fire. These accounts are in agreement with descriptions of traditional berry patch sites by First Nations elders, as remembered from their youth. The current recognition of drastic change in the character and productivity of these berry patches, is one indication of the degree to which the reduction in anthropogenic burning (Native and non-Native), during the last century, has changed some landscapes and vegetation communities in the region. 40 Chapter 3: Sim Maiy or Degii: The Cultural Context and the Role of Black Huckleberry CHAPTER 3: SIM MAIY OR DEGII: THE CULTURAL CONTEXT AND THE ROLE OF BLACK HUCKLEBERRY For us, the ownership of the territory is a marriage of the Chief and the land. Each Chief has an ancestor who encountered and acknowledged the life of the land. From such encounters come power. The land, the plants, the animals and the people all have spirit - they all must be shown respect. That is the basis of our law. Gisday Wa and De/gam Uukw, 1990 Figure 3. 1 Berry Pickers, Hazelton, BC 3.1 Figure 3. 2 Drying cooked berries at Moricetown, BC Introduction In order to begin to reconstruct' the traditional management of black huckleberry by the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en it is necessary to first develop a clear understanding of the traditional systems of governance and territorial management that informed and guided humanenvironment interactions in these cultures. It is particularly important to look at huckleberry harvesting and management as components of a seasonal round of subsistence activities in which all activities had to mesh. In addition, it is instructive to consider the dietary and 41 Chapter 3: Sim Maiy or Degii: The Cultural Context and the Role of Black Huckleberry commercial value of this fruit in order to more fully appreciate the relative importance of the berry harvest and management activities to the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en. 3.2 Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en Culture The Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en speak entirely different languages, an indication of their distinct cultural origins. The Gitxsan are a Tsimshianic group related to other coastal First Nations such as the Tsimshian. The Wet'suwet'en are an Athapaskan culture related to inland Carrier groups and speaking a unique dialect that they share with the Nat'oot'en or Sabine people. Despite the fundamental linguistic and ethnic differences, the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en share many common cultural structures and approaches to stewardship of carefully defined traditional territories. Both the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en are matrilineal societies organized into a number of exogamous clans. Within each clan are a number of kin based groups known as Yikh (Wet'suwet'en) or Wilp (Gitxsan) but often referred to as house groups. Each house group is an autonomous collective that "owns" one or more defined geographical areas known as the house territory. Within the context of both Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en societies, this ownership is considered to be a responsibility rather than a right. It is a common belief of both the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en that the people belong to the land, the land does not belong to the people. Further to this point, hereditary Chiefs are entrusted with a responsibility as stewards of a territory by virtue of the hereditary name they hold, and they are the caretakers of these territories, for as long as they hold the name. It is the responsibility of a head Chief to ensure that the house territory is managed in a responsible manner so that the territory will always produce enough game, fish, berries and medicines to support the subsistence, trade and customary needs of house members. The house is a partnership between the people and the 42 Chapter 3: Sim Maiy or Degii: The Cultural Context and the Role of Black Huckleberry territory and it formed the primary unit of production that supported the subsistence needs of the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en. The rights and responsibilities of Chiefs to manage and harvest resources within the house territory on behalf of their house members are validated in the feast, the central governance institution of both the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en. The resources from the territories are brought into the feast hall and distributed to witnesses by the host clan to validate their ownership of the territories and show respect for their guests. 3.2.1 Role of Black Huckleberry Black huckleberry was utilized by dozens of First Nations groups throughout its western range where it was highly valued as a dietary staple and item of trade. In BC it was utilized by all interior First Nations wherever it was available (MacKinnon et al., 1992). The high value of this fruit to First Nations groups is reflected in a variety of ways, including names for Vaccinium membranaceum which identify the fruit as "the one, the true berry" in the Gitxsan language (People of K'san , 1980) and simply as "berry" in the Nuxalk language (Turner, 1975). In addition, the high value of black huckleberry to many First Nations is indicated by the performance of first fruit rituals among the Klikitat (Norton et al., 1999) and the Yakama and Warm Springs Indians of Washington State (Mack and McClure, in review) . Annie York, a Thompson elder, considers black huckleberry as, "the head of all fruits" and notes that, "if somebody gave you a little handful of huckleberries, you have to give .... the old people always tell you ... something in return" (Turner, 1990). Berries, particularly black huckleberrie&, have played and continue to play a critically important role in the exercise of Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en governance and ceremonial life through the feast system. Feast bowls, such as those that can be seen at K'san in Hazelton would hold many gallons of fresh berries for distribution. The Wet'suwet'en perform a berry 43 Chapter 3: Sim Maiy or Degii: The Cultural Context and the Role of Black Huckleberry dance to distribute huckleberries and celebrate and validate the conferring of a hereditary title on a new Chief. At a recent feast hosted by the Wet'suwet'en Gitdumden (Wolf) clan, 30 gallons of huckleberries were distributed to honour guests who had assembled to witness and validate the conferring of the hereditary name "Skedans" on Andrew George Jr. (Rita George personal communication, 2001 ). Some of the reasons for the importance of this fruit are summarised in the following excerpt from People of 'Ksan (1980): They are the favourite for drying, retaining their fine flavour through the drying process, and they are easy to roll when dried. Also, they preserve well in grease. We can even keep them for quite a while by putting them away in a cool place in boxes without any preservative. Black huckleberry played a key role in the cultural life of many First Nations groups, an indication of its universal appeal and the important role black huckleberry played in aboriginal subsistence economies wherever it was available. 3.3 Gathering Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en people collected, preserved and stored a wide variety of plant and animal foods for winter consumption and trade with neighbouring First Nations groups. Each resource was available at specific times and places within the territories of a house group. It was therefore critically important to develop strategies of resource harvesting, which allowed each family to gather and preserve sufficient quantities of necessary foods to see them through the winter months. By following a seasonal round tailored to the specific physical attributes and resource availability patterns within their house territories, each house group attempted to gather, process and store sufficient provisions to last the winter. Inherent in these seasonal 44 Chapter 3: Sim Maiy or Degii: The Cultural Context and the Role of Black Huckleberry rounds were a number of resource stewardship strategies that facilitated the efficient use of the skills and resources available to each house group. 3.3.1 Seasonal Round Documentation from several First Nations indicate that huckleberry harvesting excursions to upland berry grounds commonly lasted a month or more and involved gathering a variety of plant and animal resources (Lepofsky et al., in press; Norton et al., 1999). The following excerpt provides some insight into these excursions from the Gitxsan perspective: In the month of September when the huckleberries are ripe, the housewives make plans to go berry picking. All in the house help prepare and gather food such as fish and meats, put them in boxes, enough to last a month or until the berries are picked and dried. Early in the morning they start off with the large Indian Boxes and cedar and spruce root baskets. They reach the cabin in the mountains, called wilp ha'nii jokx (house for all the world), the place where the berries are dried. They start to pick the berries. People of 'Ksan, 1980 Berry ripening occurred coincident with salmon runs and Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en people had to fit the harvest and processing of these two resources together within their subsistence patterns. Sometimes this could be easily achieved when berry patches were proximal to fishing sites. However, this was generally not the case for montane and subalpine black huckleberry grounds. Several reports indicate that among the Gitxsan and the Wet'suwet'en , huckleberry harvesting and other upland resource harvests would take place after the critical sockeye salmon runs had passed and the fish had been processed (Daly, 1988). Well-used huckleberry patches were often located in upland areas in relatively close proximity to summer fishing stations. Art Loring a Gitxsan Chief in the Eagle clan house of Sakxswmhigook, reports that for the Fiddler Creek territory, a person would travel ahead to.the huckleberry patch and monitor berry ripeness, lighting a signal fire to summon the people from the riverside fishing village when the berries were ready (personal communication , 2000). This berry patch was located directly behind and above the fishing village on the Skeena, approximately a one day walk up 45 Chapter 3: Sim Maiy or Degii: The Cultural Context and the Role of Black Huckleberry very steep slopes. This type of strategy would have allowed maximum utilization of the fish and the berry resource, with a minimum of wasted effort or time. For both the Gitxsan and the Wet'suwet'en, huckleberry harvesting coincided with the gathering of a number of root foods and medicinal plants as well as hunting for a variety of upland game species. The ability to access a number of upland habitats and harvest the many species associated with the early seral types in and around the berry patch made these upland berry camps "hubs" of resource gathering in the late summer and early fall. 3.3.2 Gathering Strategies While each house group had a unique combination of resources, gathering sites and logistical challenges, resulting in many different variations on the seasonal round, there were some strategies that were widely employed to achieve efficiencies and ensure abundant harvests. One strategy was that of specialization, where an individual or group with specific knowledge or skills, or with access to an abundance of a particular resource, would focus a relatively large amount of time and effort on the collection and processing of that item. Similarly, other groups would focus on other resources readily available to them. In the fall these items would be traded or bartered for other goods (Cassidy, 1987). Another strategy was the practice of caching food which would allow continued collection at a site or moving on to another gathering site (this was often done with berries). Perry Sampson related that Gitxsan people travelling to the fishing site at Kisegas would stop at a blueberry flat on a terrace above the Skeena River between the outlets of Sediesh and Sterritt Creeks. Blueberries would be picked at this site and cached after which the people would carry on to Kisegas for several weeks of fishing. Berries would be collected from cache pits on the return 46 Chapter 3: Sim Maiy or Degii: The Cultural Context and the Role of Black Huckleberry journey several weeks later. (personal communication, 2000). Several cache pit depressions were observed at this site during fieldwork in the summer of 2000. A third resource gathering strategy was to gather berries in areas that afforded access to two or more important resources. By setting up remote gathering and processing camps, a variety of plant and animal resources could be collected and preserved. Late summer and fall berry camps were often the base for hunting goat, caribou and groundhog as well as gathering and processing medicinal plants and berries. 3.4 Processing Gitxsan elders report that black huckleberry was held in high esteem, in part due to its fine storage qualities. As noted previously, the attributes included maintaining its flavor when dried, being easy to roll when dried, storing well in grease and keeping fresh (without processing) for long periods (People of the K'san , 1980). Berry pickers would make their way to the berry patch where they would camp for a period of several days or weeks. Berries were processed and dried on site on drying racks, often housed in the berry drying house. Productive huckleberry patches were regularly maintained and often used every year when they were in productive condition. As a result of this regular pattern of harvesting of productive sites, berry drying racks, picking containers and storage boxes were often left on site in the berry drying house (People of 'Ksan, 1980). Berry racks, a large bent box and old kerosene tins (used in historic times for berry collection) were found within a berry patch area in the lower Harold Price watershed in 1998 (Rabnett, 1999). First Nations advisors have reported finding evidence of other berry processing camps in areas known to have been montane huckleberry sites (Perry Sampson, personal communication 2000). 47 Chapter 3: Sim Maiy or Degii: The Cultural Context and the Role of Black Huckleberry 3.5 3.5.1 Stewardship Ownership Most First Nations advisors indicate that berry patches were in fact owned by the House or Wilp or by members of the House or Wilp in whose territory the patch is located. Art Mathewes Jr., Chief Tenimgyet, explains that women from other house groups would pay for the right to harvest huckleberries from Win luu mesxw, a huckleberry patch in his house territory, by bringing "vast amounts of prepared fruits to his grandmother". The women who were given permission to harvest in this area were given woven tumplines with a special pattern signifying that they had been granted access to these gathering areas (Delgamuukw et al. vs. the Queen, SCBC transcript volume 73, pp.4719-4721). The exercise of similarly strict controls over access and use of berry patches is also reported for the Huna Tlingit at Galcier Bay, Alaska (Thorton, 1999) Other reports indicate that permission to harvest was required but was more freely given, almost as a matter of course, suggesting a more communal approach governed the use of some huckleberry gathering areas. The following excerpt from the commission evidence of Johnny David, Chief Maxlaxlex of the Wet'suwet'en Laksilyu (Small Frog) clan provides some insight into the practice and time depth of this approach for a berry patch near Moricetown: Q: Were there particular places in your territory where you would pick huckleberries or soapberries or blueberries? A: The area on the other side of the Hudson Bay Mountain where all the berries grew. Q: Are these berries still picked by the Wet'suwet'en people today? A: Yes. Q: Are they still used at the feast today? THE INTERPRETER: He said they're one of the mountains near Hudson Bay was called Kengitlow't. That's the area near Dowdey, about five-six miles from here. THE WITNESS: That area belonged to Mrs. Peter Alfred, who's known as Dzee, and when the berries would ripen she would invite all people from the village to go pick berries. 48 Chapter 3: Sim Maiy or Degii: The Cultural Context and the Role of Black Huckleberry Q: Before Mrs. Alfred held that name, did the previous Dzee also do that and invite the people from the village to go and use the berry grounds? A: Yes, they did. This was a Madalyn's predecessor, they did the same thing as she had done. It went quite a ways back. Delgamuukw et a/. vs. the Queen Johnny David Commission Evidence Vol. 1, Text 1, p. 66 There are several other examples of communal use of huckleberry patches. Rita George indicates that for the huckleberry patches of Matthew Sam, the late Chief Woos of the Wet'suwet'en Gitdumden (wolf) clan near Tapley, he would invite people from other clans to harvest in his berry patches in years with exceptionally abundant yields (personal communication, 2001 ~ The implications for berry patch management relate to the responsibilities for management versus the rights and benefits of being able to harvest from a productive huckleberry patch. Active management of huckleberry patches requires significant effort on the part of house members who were required to monitor weather and fuel conditions to determine an appropriate burn window and then carry out the burning of the patches. In some cases this required separate trips to the patches to carry out the burning (Rita George personal communication, 2001 ). Exclusive huckleberry patch ownership would provide a strong incentive for each house or wilp to actively manage productive huckleberry sites to ensure sustainable, abundant harvests, as berries would not be available to them in other areas. 3.6 Economic Importance The importance of dried huckleberries as an item of trade is an important consideration when trying to understand the role of this fruit in the traditional subsistence economies of the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en. The excellent drying and storage qualities of these berries facilitated their use as trade goods. Berry cakes were cut into squares, packed in bentwood boxes and transported to trading fairs in the fall at Skeena Forks and in the early spring at the Nass 49 Chapter 3: Sim Maiy or Degii: The Cultural Context and the Role of Black Huckleberry oolichan grounds (People of 'Ksan, 1980). The Gitxsan traveled to the Nass every spring to trade for oolichan grease, making a difficult journey despite late winter conditions as "the lure of grease was like the lure of gold .....with trade in mind, we had put our dried berries into boxes which were designed to fit the racks of dried clams and oolichans that we hoped to bring home in the same boxes" (People of 'Ksan, 1980). Trading of berries to coastal peoples continued throughout the 20th century. Such trading activities were often facilitated when Wet'suwet'en people traveled to the coast to work at tidewater fish canneries (Fred George 13 , personal communication, 2001). Another aspect of the economic importance of huckleberries was their distribution and use as an important food in feasts. In Gitxsan "G'yaba" is a term sometimes applied to "lavish food gifts given to the highest Chiefs at feasts, and usually took the form of an immense ladle full of oolichan grease or crushed berries". Other indications were that women provided, "many, many rolls of dried berries" and, "every Chief expected to take home at least one giant box of dried fruit". (People of 'Ksan, 1980). A further indication of the economic importance of berries comes from the Hudson Bay Company clerks, who recorded that salmon and berry cakes provided by Native people were the two dietary staples upon which they subsisted at Fort Kilmaurs on Sabine Lake (Ray, 1985). Ray's research into the food utilized by traders at Fort Alexandria in the middle Fraser Valley found that in 1824 approximately 300 berry cakes were consumed by company clerks, indicating that berries were a widespread staple at early fur trade posts. 13 Fred George, ChiefBistae of the Wet' suwet'en Likhts'amisyu (Fireweed) clan. 50 Chapter 3: Sim Maiy or Degii: The Cultural Context and the Role of Black Huckleberry 3.7 3.7.1 Scale of Huckleberry Harvest Introduction In order to fully understand the traditional management of the huckleberry resource, it is helpful to gain some perspective on the scale of this activity. What volumes of berries were being processed? We know from oral history accounts that large numbers of people traveled to upland berry camps to gather plant foods and hunt upland game species. We know that there was a distinct division of labour, with women and young children largely engaged in the gathering and processing of berries (People of 'Ksan, 1980, Perry Sampson, personal communication , 2000). We also know that these upland gathering expeditions lasted in the neighborhood of four weeks. What is uncertain however, is the volume of berries that were harvested and processed. In an attempt to estimate the scale of the huckleberry harvest the following berry model has been assembled from a number of different sources in an attempt to define two key variables: 1. Precontact population estimates for Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en. 2. Average volume of huckleberries required per person for food and trade. While these two variables seem relatively simple, they are not easily determined. The population estimates I have left to Arthur Ray (1985) and Antonia Mills (1994), based on interpretations of accounts by Peter Skene Ogden and William Brown. It is a challenge to estimate the average volume of berries harvested per person due to the variability of the evidence, the ambiguity of some references, and the large number of component variables required to define reliable numbers. However, some of the documented numbers provide a basis for an approximate estimation of the scale of the berry harvest These figures also allow one to estimate the scale of environmental management that may have been required to support this critical part of the subsistence economies of the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en. 51 Chapter 3: Sim Maiy or Degii: The Cultural Context and the Role of Black Huckleberry The following excerpt was related by Martha Brown, Chief Xhliimlaxha, in an interview with Richard Daly in 1976. About August 201h we'd leave and go berry picking. Mom and Grandma would pick up to 60 packloads of berries in late August and in September (they had been boiled using heated rocks and water, then smoke-dried on special racks over a small light smoke fire till dry, then rolled as "fruit leather'') -for packing. This reference is an example of the ambiguity of the references available. We do not know whether 60 packloads are dried or fresh berries. With an estimated fresh/dry conversion rate (based on volume) of 10.25:1, this is an important distinction. Following are the available references to berry harvesting and processing taken from a variety of references: 3.7.2 Indications of Scale of Harvest # Boxes/per family or person 1. 60 packloads - probably dried (Daly, 1986). 2. 8-10 cakes per family (Sim Maiy = V. membranaceum) same number of mii yhel (V. caespitosum) - family of 10 (Overstall and Sterritt, 1986). 3. 40 packloads per family (source unknown). Berry Box (gal enk) 1. 80-100 litres (Overstall and Sterritt, 1986). 2. Berry boxes vary in size - some are giant sized (People of 'Ksan, 1980). 3. Bent box from Harold Price berry camp measures 42cmx43cmx62cm(tall) (Rabnett, 1999) - given the thickness of 2cm for each side, this box would hold 89 litres (23.5 gallons) of fruit. Berry Cake 1. .25 - .5 inch thick (People of 'Ksan, 1980). 2. 4-5 loads of 80-100 litres makes 2 berry cakes (Overstall and Sterritt, 1986)- therefore 320-500 litres of fruit are required to make 2 berry cakes. 3. Cake is 200 em by 40 em by 2.5 cm(wet), 2cm (dry) (Overstall and Sterritt, 1986) therefore each cake = 20 litres of dry fruit. 4. V. mem is 86% moisture (Gottesfeld, 1995). 5. fruit is generally dried to 15-20% moisture (below microbial threshold) (Haeussler, 1987). Berry rack dimensions 1. 6'(1 .83m) long x 18"(46cm) wide (People of 'Ksan, 1980). 2. berry rack (assembled) is 200 centimetres by 50 centimetres (Overstall and Sterritt, 1986). 3. Harold Price berry racks averaged 1.85 metres long (Rabnett, 1999)- possibly rotted down. Berry Roll 1. 12 inches in diameter (people of Ksan, 1980). 2. rolled until it would fit in a "gal enk". 52 Chapter 3: Sim Maiy or Degii: The Cultural Context and the Role of Black Huckleberry Other 1. Berry cakes were dried in the camp and then cut in squares and put in the Indian box take them home and store them -done mainly for trade (People of Ksan, 1980). 2. Often rolls were "just left that way" - rolled up (People of Ksan, 1980). 3.7.3 Population Estimates When Peter Skene Ogden visited Moricetown or "Hotset" as he called it in the late 1820s he observed 28 lodges each housing 6-7 families (Ray, 1985). Antonia Mills (1994) estimates that there may have been 6 people in each family for a total population of 1092. It should be noted that some of the Wet'suwet'en house groups occupying the southeastern territories may not have traveled to Moricetown, choosing instead to use fishing stations on the Morice and Nanika Rivers (Warner Naziel 14 personal communication, 2001). The figure of 1092 is therefore likely to be conservative. Arthur Ray (1985) estimates a Gitxsan population of 7000 based on an analysis of the journals of William Brown, Hudson Bay Company clerk at Fort Kilamurs (Sabine), based on his account of a trip from Fort Kilamurs down the Sabine and Skeena Rivers towards the confluence with the Bulkley River. On this trip Brown visited a number of Gitxsan villages and provided information on the inhabitants. 3.7.4 The Potential Scale of the Traditional Huckleberry Harvest Huckleberries were eaten fresh, dried for winter consumption, as well as being dried and traded for coastal foods. Based on the work of Overstall and Sterritt (1986), an estimate of the dried huckleberry requirement is one huckleberry cake per person/year, at an average fresh volume of 200 litres of huckleberries per cake. Therefore, each person required approximately 200 litres, or 53 gallons ( 13 four gallon pails) of fresh huckleberries each year. 14 Warner Naziel, ChiefToghestiy of the Wet'suwet'en Fireweed (Likhts' amisyu) clan. 53 Chapter 3: Sim Maiy or Degii: The Cultural Context and the Role of Black Huckleberry It is assumed that large volumes of berries were also harvested to be eaten fresh and dried for trade. Therefore, it seems reasonable to suggest that the total huckleberry harvest was likely at least once again the volume harvested for winter storage. Based on early population estimates of 1092 for the Wet'suwet'en and 7000 for the Gitxsan, these groups would have required a minimum of 57,700 gallons (218,400 litres) and 370,000 gallons (1,400,000 litres) of fresh huckleberries respectively for subsistence purposes (winter storage). Based on an average huckleberry yield of 827 litres/hectare (average of range reported by Minore et al. 1979) these harvest levels correspond to a need for at least 264 hectares and 1693 hectares of productive huckleberry harvesting area maintained each year for the Wet'suwet'en and Gitxsan respectively. As black huckleberry requires a significant time to recover from burn treatments, the actual area under management would have been at least two, likely three times as large as the minimum annual productive area. When one further considers the increase in the scale of harvest and management necessary to accommodate the harvest of additional fresh berries for consumption and berries to be processed for trade purposes, it is probable that the total area under management for huckleberry production would comprise several thousand hectares. This level of environmental interaction would have required a tremendous effort on the part of the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en and would have constituted significant and substantial environmental management of the landscape. 3.8 Summary It is clear that black huckleberry played a very important role in the subsistence, economic and cultural life of both the Gitxsan and the Wet'suwet'en. It was critically important that large volumes of this fruit be harvested and preserved every year to meet the nutritional needs of the communities, both through use as an important food but also to facilitate the acquisition of highly nutritious oolichan grease and seafoods through trade with coastal neighbours. 54 Chapter 4: When You Can't See Your Footsteps amongst the Berries: Traditional Huckleberry Management CHAPTER 4: WHEN YOU CAN'T SEE YOUR FOOTSTEPS AMONGST THE BERRIES: TRADITIONAL HUCKLEBERRY MANAGEMENT 4.1 Introduction The practice of landscape burning By Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en people to promote reliable, abundant harvests of fruit in predictable locations was a logical approach to improving the harvest of a patchy resource such as black huckleberry. That this practice was widely used for the management of black huckleberry (Boyd, 1999a) is a testament to its efficacy, and perhaps necessity in the montane and subalpine habitats where this species is most prolific. Following are three excerpts from a Gitxsan elder, Martha Brown, the late Chief Xhliimlaxha in her commission evidence for the Delgamuukw court case, providing context for this chapter: Q: Did you burn part of your territory so that the berries would grow there? A: That's what they used to do in the old days. Whenever there's not a good crop of berries on one side of the river grandfather used to burn and it's the same on the other side of the river. If there's a poor crop they will bum and just move over, to and fro. Q: How often would you burn one part of the valley up the river? How much of a period of time before you would go and burn the other side? A: They go by the crop of the berry patch. If you don't see your footprints amongst the berries. Q: Do you remember your grandfather burning the territory so that berries would grow, in your lifetime? A: I remember when my grandfather burned the area at Luumina axa Asa'anseegit. And how - Pretty well burned the area every two years because this is their livelihood where they pick their berry crop. The berries are used for a feast that is why they take care of the patch, Delgamuukw et a/ vs. the Queen Commission Evidence of Martha Brown Volume 1, Text 2 55 Chapter 4: When You Can't See Your Footsteps amongst the Berries: Traditional Huckleberry Management 4.2 First Nations Management of Black Huckleberry An initial review of some of the ethnobotanical literature containing references to First Nations management of black huckleberry (French, 1999; Turner et al., 1990,; Turner, 1991; Norton et al. , 1999; Boyd, 1986; Ross, 1999; Gottesfeld, 1994a; lepofsky et al., in press) reveals that (at least) ten First Nations groups, throughout the western range of Vaccinium membranaceum, managed this species using landscape burning practices (Table 4.1). Furthermore, many of these groups reportedly considered this berry an important staple and dried large quantities that were then stored for winter consumption. Other studies (Mack and McClure, in review) have emphasized the critical role that berries played in meeting vitamin C requirements during winter months, indicating that only a single cup of dried berries is required to meet daily vitamin C requirements. leslie Johnson (1997) reported that entire Gitxsan villages would move to upland berry camps to pick and dry berries for winter use. Some of these First Nations cultures reported that special knowledge of weather patterns was needed to determine when and how to burn berry patches (Gottesfeld, 1994a; Ross, 1999; lepofsky et al. , in press). This knowledge was likely critical for successful berry management, as Vaccinium shrubfields are known to be a relatively fire resistant vegetation type (Minore, 1997; Miller, 1977). 56 Chapter 4: When You Can ' t See Your Footsteps amongst the Berries: Traditional Huckleberry Management Group Location Indication of Importance Landscape Burning Time of Burning Bum Interval 4+ Source(s) Gottesfeld, 1994a Gitxsan Skeena Valley Name means "true berry" Yes Fall Wet'suwet'en Bulkley Valley Ceremonial "berry dance" Yes Unknown Sto:lo Lower Fraser Valley Burn specialist Yes Fall Stl'atl'imx Mt. Currie Yes Fall Nlaka'pamux Nicola Valley Yes Turner, 1991 Yes Turner, 1991 Secwepemc Burn specialist Yes Spring/late Fall Yes Fall years Gottesfeld, 1994a years 3-5 Lepofsky et al., in press 5-6 Turner, 1991 years 4-5 Spokan Eastern Washington Sahaptin and Chinook Columbia River Klikitat South-central Washington State Name of the season means huckleberry time Likely Norton et al. , 1999 Thompson Fraser Valley "Head of all fruits" Yes Turner et al., 1990 years Ross, 1999 French, 1999 Table 4. 1. Summary of huckleberry management by First Nations. Many First Nations people have commented on the role that prescribed fire played in encouraging abundant yields of large, sweet, high quality huckleberries. Sto:lo elders report that in the past (not like today) it was easy to fill a basket (approximately 165 litres) at berry gathering sites that were managed by burning (Lepofsky et al., in press). Given the high light requirements of black huckleberry and the forest conditions that generally develop in moist, montane environments where it grows, the practice of traditional berry patch burning can be viewed as an ecological imperative for groups dependent on the huckleberry resource. Actively managing this species would provide increased reliability and predictability of huckleberry crops, ensuring sufficient quantities could be harvested at predictable locations to meet subsistence needs. The huckleberry harvest had to fit into a busy seasonal round that required the Gitxsan and the Wet'suwet'en to be "in the right place at the right time" to acquire a wide range of critical resources which were spatially and temporally 57 Chapter 4: When You Can ' t See Your Footsteps amongst the Berries: Traditional Huckleberry Management transitory. The intense gathering activities that occurred during July, August and September would have left little time for misspent efforts thereby heightening the value of the predictability and reliability factors for important resources such as black huckleberry. The system of house territories as the primary unit of production restricted the area available for huckleberry harvesting for each individual house group. The need to ensure constant and consistent availability of huckleberries within the confines of territory boundaries created an incentive for active environmental management by each house group. 4.3 Antiquity of Burning Practices In a study of Sto:lo burning (Lepofsky et al. , in press), the large number of references to burning by First Nations on the northwest coast for a variety of resources is cited as an indication of the significant time depth associated with this practice. This study further predicts that the intensification of the salmon resource utilization that occurred approximately 2400 years BP was accompanied by an intensification of other resources such as berries. They therefore expect to see evidence of increased anthropogenic fire beginning at that time. This would correspond to results reported from Seeley Lake (Gottesfeld et al.. 1991) that document an increase in pyrophytic species approximately 2200 years ago despite a cooling climate, which Gottesfeld et al. postulate is indirect evidence of increasing anthropogenic burning. Mack and McClure (in review) note that intensification of resource use among the Columbia River and plateau peoples is known to have begun sometime in the mid Holocene, between 3000 and 5000 years BP, characterized by a move from general foraging to, "a more logistically organized system". They indicate that large scale berry processing was a part of that shift and contributed to maintenance of populations of Columbia River peoples in semipermanent villages. 58 Chapter 4: When You Can 't See Your Footsteps amongst the Berries: Traditional Huckleberry Management 4.4 Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en Huckleberry Management Leslie Gottesfeld (1994a) has provided a well-researched description of ~ management and utilization by the Gitxsan and the Wet'suwet'en, including maps indicating locations of several traditional, managed huckleberry patches, as well as documentation of other burning activities for a variety of purposes. In addition to this paper, the accumulated historical, ecological and anecdotal evidence for traditional management of maintained huckleberry patches in this region is substantial. A great deal of this type of information has been documented (Gottesfeld, 1994a; Burton et al. , 2000), however, a couple of additional references, not cited elsewhere, are included here to provide context for the field summaries and discussion that follows. This excerpt is taken from the 1934 annual report of the Prince Rupert Forest District from a section entitled "Cause of Fires": Campers and travelers - [caused] 35 fires - This is a slight increase over last year and fires caused by Indian berry pickers are included. As soon as the fish canning season closes the Indians take to the hills hunting and gathering berries. Owing to the very dry season, fires lighted anywhere except on gravel or rock were nearly impossible to extinguish. On August 24th, the weather turned very dry and windy. Numerous fires sprang up in isolated areas frequented by Indian berry pickers, no doubt caused by neglected campfires. Every year that we have a late fall this trouble occurs and the only way to cope with it is to keep our patrol on until the hazard is definitely over. References to native incendiarism were a common and consistent feature of the Prince Rupert Forest District annual reports from the 1930's (Anonymous, 1932-35, 1937). As other authors have documented (Gottesfeld, 1994a), a concerted effort was made by the forest service to discourage human ignitions (particularly by Indians) under threat of criminal charges and fines. Apparently, these policies were effective, as forest district annual reports from the early 1940's do not cite any additional incidence of Indian ignitions (Anonymous, 1940-44). 59 Chapter 4: When You Can 't See Your Footsteps amongst the Berries: Traditional Huckleberry Management The pattern described in the Prince Rupert Forest Region annual report for 1934 reflects the traditional pattern of berry patch management described by many Gitxsan people. Art Matthews, Chief Tenimgyet, provided a succinct overview in his Delgamuukw testimony: These berry patches, I said that the berries only grow where it was burnt, so what they did was every time there was a growth, like every about six to seven years, they would burn these over again so -- so that they maintain the taste because if you would leave it too long these berries would begin to lose their taste and sweetness. Delgamuukw eta/. vs. the Queen Supreme Court of BC Transcript Volume 76, pp. 4718- 9 Later in his testimony, Art Matthews named six huckleberry patches within the house territory of Tsihl Gwellii. Two of these were actively managed by his mother and grandmother with permission of the high Chief or Sim'oogit of this house. He reported that these berry patches had camps equipped with berry drying racks. Similarly, within the relatively small area including the west flank of Caribou (Sidina) Mountain and the southwest flank of Mt. Tomlinson (east side of the Skeena River, north of Hazelton), there have been three large huckleberry gathering areas identified, all associated with campsites, including one area with reported evidence of a berry processing site (Perry Sampson personal communication, 2000). The total area covered by these three sites is estimated to be between 600-800 hectares. In The Wet'suwet'en territory of Tsekalkaiyax (House on Top of a Flat Rock) under Chief Ut'akhgit, six distinct, named, traditional huckleberry patches have been documented. Based on these three areas, it appears that huckleberry management traditionally involved a large number of sites, and likely a large number of hectares of montane and subalpine habitats within Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en territories. 4.5 Summary From the evidence assembled in these preliminary chapters it can be amply seen that both the Gitxsan and the Wet'suwet'en relied to a very large extent on abundant harvests of black 60 Chapter 4: When You Can ' t See Your Footsteps amongst the Berries: Traditional Huckleberry Management huckleberry as well as other berries to meet their caloric and nutritional needs, particularly during the winter. Processing of berries did not detract from their vitamin C value making them a valuable source of this crucial nutrient through the winter. It is has also been illustrated that the regional climate does not favour the persistence of the early seral environments which are necessary for productive black huckleberry. The role of fire in creating and maintaining seral shrubfield complexes productive for black huckleberry has been indicated. Therefore, both the Gitxsan and the Wet'suwet'en shared a strong incentive to maintain this resource to promote abundant, predictable and reliable harvest of fruit every year. In addition, it has been shown that First Nations groups throughout the natural range of this species included it as a very significant component of their seasonal round, likely owing to its abundance, ease of processing, palatability, nutrient value and possibly, its response to management. It has also been illustrated, that throughout the western range of black huckleberry, First Nations people managed this species through the application of landscape burning. This evidence mirrors the myriad reports by Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en about their use of landscape burning to manage black huckleberry as well as a number of other plant and animal resources. Descriptions of the regional landscape by early visitors to the Bulkley and Skeena Valleys indicate the influence of extensive fire on the vegetation patterns, and the abundance of berries and other plant foods, which they observed were very important to Native subsistence economies. Evidence of frequent fire and seral habitats is found at considerable time depth in the paleoecological record of the region , likely indicating the importance of landscape burning as an environmental management tool from ancient times until the mid 20111 century, consistent with reports of Wet'suwet'en and Gitxsan elders. Now that this basis has been established with some degree of certainty, it is possible to move on to a more detailed examination of the 61 Chapter 4: When You Can't See Your Footsteps amongst the Berries: Traditional Huckleberry Management characteristics of this management regime based on the results of field reconnaissance from five traditional Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en huckleberry sites. 62 Chapter 5: Pieces of the Puzzle: Case Studies - Field Reconnaissance of five Traditional Huckleberry Patches CHAPTER 5: PIECES OF THE PUZZLE: CASE STUDIES - FIELD RECONNAISSANCE OF FIVE TRADITIONAL HUCKLEBERRY PATCHES The following five case study summaries detail the results of field reconnaissance and ecological and fire history sampling from five traditional huckleberry patches. These sites represent a relatively small sample of the many traditional huckleberry patches that have been identified in oral history accounts by Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en elders. Each case study summary will detail the ecological, cultural and fire history data collected on site in the context of any available background information available, particularly interviews and recorded oral history. Ecological classification and inventory was conducted using the biogeoclimatic ecosystem classification system that is the standard for British Columbia. All classification is based on the field manual, "Field Guide to Site Identification and Interpretation for the Prince Rupert Forest Region , Land Management Handbook #26" (Banner et al. , 1993). Hardwood dominated forests in the moist cold subzone (Hazelton variant) of the Interior Cedar-Hemlock biogeoclimatic zone (ICHmc2) and the dry cool subzone of the Sub-Boreal Spruce zone (SBSdk) are classified according to the "Field Guide to the Identification of Hardwood Dominated Ecosystems in the SBSdk and ICHmc2 of the Prince Rupert Forest Region: Insert #1 to Land Management Handbook No. 26 (Williams et al. , 2000b). The distribution of biogeoclimatic variants in the study region and the study sites themselves are illustrated in following map (Figure 5.1). 63 Chapter 5: Pieces of the Puzzle: Case Studies- Field Reconnaissance of five Traditional Huckleberry Patches N ·~· . ':[J Biogeodimalic Variant looian Reserves 0ATp 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 ESSFmc ESSFwv ICHmc2 ICHmc1 resmc2 ffiSdk CWHws2 O tR Roads (\./ (\J N 0 0 0 , . .• Seconday Highwa)I'Urban Railroad Hgh Elevction Site LDw Elevation Sites Figure 5.1 Huckleberry Patch Study Sites and Biogeoclimatic Variants 64 Chapter 5: Pieces of the Puzzle: Case Studies - Field Reconnaissance of Five Traditional Huckleberry Patches 5.1 5.1.1 Bek'et Degii Ts'ooyiin: Case Study Introduction This berry harvesting area is located in the Bulkley Valley near Doughty, a former railroad stop midway between the town of Smithers and the Wet'suwet'en village of Moricetown. This site is characterized by a prominent basalt ridge, east of the Bulkley River, trending northwest to southeast, locally known as Cow Hill. According to several Wet'suwet'en advisors, an important traditional berry ground was located on the northeast slope of this ridge, encompassing the area from the ridge crest down to the base of the slope. The 1949 air photo (Figure 5.2) shows the basalt ridge and the mosaic of coniferous and hardwood dominated stands on and around the ridge. Important Wet'suwet'en sites discussed in this case study are labeled on the photo with the Wet'suwet'en names. 65 Chapter 5: Pieces of the Puzzle: Case Studies- Field Reconnaissance of five Traditional Huckleberry Patches Figure 5. basalt ridge and the mosaic of coniferous and hardwood dominated types on and around the ridge (airphoto scale is approximately 1 :40,000). 5.1.2 Ecological Overview The site ranges in elevation from 440 to 635 metres above sea level, and is located in the ICHmc2 biogeoclimatic variant, just north of the boundary with the SBSdk biogeoclimatic subzone. There are a number of distinct ecological communities located on and around the ridge. This ecological variability is related to physical site factors, particularly aspect and soil parent material as well as to the fire history of this area. 66 Chapter 5: Pieces of the Puzzle: Case Studies- Field Reconnaissance of Five Traditional Huckleberry Patches LEGEND A 0\ ~ D Sample Points (GPS) Traditimal Berry Stream lRIM ContOU"S Non-forest Features D • D D D D D Alpine River Lake MeadC>N Non-productive Brush Complex Rock 9.Ya11p Biogeocl imatic U nits D D D D D ESSFwv ICHmc1 ICHmc2 SBS