Identities on the Periphery

Finland: Identities on the Periphery
Anita Voronova, April 2021

2023 Anthropology Capstone Reader
Angèle Smith, Editor

DO NOT CITE IN ANY CONTEXT WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE AUTHOR

VORONOVA
The troubled histories of nations are built from the bones of a million damaged children.
But what about the nations and children who are stuck in the periphery between troubled and
happy, between damaged and healthy? These are the settings that anthropology can thrive in:
nations that have both suffered and benefited from colonialism, oppressed groups discriminating
against others, and other ambiguous cultural dynamics. In this paper, I want to focus on Finland
as a specific nation that serves as a good example of how collective trauma and ambiguous
histories can be contested. These contestations are most commonly expressed through minute
inequalities between the two main cultural groups in Finland: Finnish and Swedish-speaking
Finns. Modern inequalities between different cultural and linguistic groups in and around
Finland are expressed through stereotypes and expressions of identity. These stereotypes and
identities are often mixed with ambivalent feelings, especially in regard to Finns' relationship
with Sweden: the state and people, both historically and in the present. These relationships are
based on the hegemonic and non-hegemonic views that Finnish speakers, Fennoswedes, and
Swedes hold of each other. Hegemonically, quiet admiration and casual disapproval are
common, hence the ambiguity. Non-hegemonically, extreme emotions and fixations are
commonly perceived as strange and distasteful; everything must be just right, or lagom in
Swedish.
In this paper, I focus the discussion on Finnish issues of cultural and linguistic identity
while keeping their relationship with the Swedish state and people in mind. Hence, my goal is to
answer these questions: How has discrimination shaped Finnish identities? Has it shaped
Finnish-speaking versus Swedish-speaking Finnish identities differently? How does a collective
memory of oppression affect Finnish peoples' perceptions of others? However, what I ultimately

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want to answer is what is the source of Finland’s ambiguous historical identity: were Finns
victims of ethnic discrimination or is this a narrative produced by historical revisionism?
To answer these questions, the paper is divided into several sections that will explore the
roles of discrimination and cultural memory on Finnish identities. The sections consist of
background context, methods and data, theory, historical issues, modern issues, discussion, and a
conclusion. In the Methods and Data section, I outline the methods used to collect and use the
sources presented as evidence in the paper. These include primary and secondary news, Reddit,
historical documents, academic papers, and analyses of primary material. The theory forms the
lens through which to examine the topic of discussion, which is why I employ Social
Representations theory. This framework is based on the idea of collective memories reinforced
by cultural representations, which was championed by Sergei Moscovici in 1961. These
representations can be either hegemonic, meaning mainstream and accepted, or non-hegemonic,
meaning unconventional and unaccepted (Sakki and Hakoköngäs 2020). After outlining my
theoretical framework, I give an overview of Finnish historical issues, which act as evidential
sources for the ambiguous Finnish identities and relationships seen today. Modern issues are
expressed through stereotypes and debates over language in everyday spaces. Many issues of the
modern world are direct responses to ones from the past and examining them together through a
theoretical lens is the central issue in the discussion. Conclusively, I argue that both Finnish and
Swedish-speaking Finns have been negatively affected by discrimination reinforced over
centuries, and these effects are especially prevalent in Finnish-speaking Finns. Collective
memories of oppression have substantially influenced Finnish identities, which results in the fear
and lack of trust of foreigners. These are important questions to answer, not only for
anthropology but all social sciences, regardless of the case study. Anthropology is the glue that

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holds the social sciences together, and it is our responsibility to uncover the sources of
discrimination so that we may know how to prevent it.
BACKGROUND CONTEXT
In order to answer the questions of discussion most effectively, it is important to provide
some context on the issue. Finland is a Northern European (Nordic) nation located on the Baltic
Sea. It borders Sweden in the west, Russia in the east, Norway in the north, and Estonia in the
south. Currently, there are two official languages in Finland: Finnish and Swedish, both of which
are associated with their own unique cultural identities rooted in history. Finnish-speaking Finns
comprise the majority of people within Finland (87.6%), while Swedish-speaking Finns (or
Fennoswedes) make up around 5.2% of the population (CIA World Factbook). The remaining
5% are comprised of other minority languages, such as Russian, Sami, and Romani. Historically,
Swedish-speaking Finns have been a privileged minority group, while Finnish-speaking Finns
comprised the disadvantaged majority. This was due to Finland's long history as a province ruled
by the Kingdom of Sweden, from around 1249 to 1809 AD. Before Swedish rule, various
Finnish and Sami tribes populated Finland, the former of which were eventually consolidated
into the Swedish state. This consolidation was done through three legendary crusades (The
Swedish Crusades) between the 12th and 14th centuries, as well as colonialization, which
translated to waves of Swedish settlement on the southern and western Finnish coasts. These are
some of the ancestors of modern Swedish-speaking Finns, some of whom became noblemen in
control of Finland, while others remained peasants.
During Swedish rule, Finland was socially and economically underdeveloped, but that
changed when Russia annexed Finland in 1809 and granted it autonomy. Finnish nationalism
began to arise and be expressed through the Fennoman and Svecoman movements, which
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emphasized Finnish and Swedish cultural values, respectively. While the Fennoman movement
used historical revisionism to serve a victimhood narrative, the Svecoman movement was
famous for utilizing the pseudoscience of biological racism to justify their values. Biological
racism emphasized white supremacy, and in the Svecomans’ case, the superiority of Swedes and
other Germanic peoples over the “Mongoloid” Finns and Sami (Keskinen 2019). In 1917,
Finland gained independence from Russia, survived a devastating civil war (1918) and was
involved in three wars during WWII (first against the Soviet Union and then against Nazi
Germany), all of which have led to today's modern issues. (See Figure 1, for a concise timeline
of Finnish history.)
While Swedish and Finnish speakers were historically divided by class, the sociolinguistic
inequalities have greatly decreased in recent years. However, the remains of this class distinction
can still be seen today through subtle inequalities such as stereotypes and regional health-related
inequalities (Andersén et al. 2021). In addition, there is a continuous debate over the roles of
Finnish and Swedish in modern Finnish society and culture. The primary point of contention
concerns the teaching of Swedish in Finnish-speaking schools, a debate commonly referred to as
Pakkoruotsi (or "Forced Swedish”). Finnish and Swedish-speaking children are taught the other
national language through mandatory classes lasting from grades six to nine (Latomaa and
Nuolijärvi 2002).
Mandatory Swedish was introduced to Finnish classes in the 1960s as part of a greater
educational reform aimed at modernization (Hult and Pietikäinen 2014). There are two main
schools of thought on the reasoning for Swedish classes: cultural-historical preservation and
geopolitics. In terms of preservation, Finland has had a long and involved history with the
Swedish state and language. Finland was a Swedish territory for around 600 years, and Swedish-

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speaking Finns were at the foreground of creating Finnish national identity. Some would even
argue that Sweden created the Finnish state, which is not wholly inaccurate. In terms of
geopolitics, it is important to note that mandatory Swedish was instituted in the 1960s, during the
Cold War. Finland was a neutral country at the center of the Iron Curtain, stuck between
appeasing the United States and the Soviet Union. When mandatory Swedish language was
implemented, the Finnish government's aim was to emphasize their country's Western
connections through increased Nordic co-operation. While some argue that mandatory Swedish
has furthered Nordic co-operation, others assert that it has furthered anti-Swedish sentiments
(Hult and Pietikäinen 2014).
METHODS AND DATA
The sources used for this paper are divided into two categorizations: primary and
secondary sources. In an academic context, primary sources include any and all relevant
firsthand accounts of personal experiences, historical events, and original thinking. This type of
source is particularly useful in historical and anthropological contexts, the former for an accurate
telling of the past, the latter for ethnographic data as well as the individual-level social science
specialized in anthropology. Conversely, secondary sources essentially interpret primary sources:
they are the professional retellings, analyses, interpretations, and evaluations of primary sources,
which produce easily digestible syntheses of information. Both primary and secondary sources
each serve their own function to answer the questions laid out in the introduction.
The primary sources used include Reddit, historical documents, and primary news articles.
Secondary sources include any and all materials that interpret, analyze, or synthesize primary
data, such as history books or anthropological analyses. In regard to the usage of primary
sources, their primary goal in this paper is to showcase how discussions of Finnish issues,
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histories, and identities manifest among ordinary people in everyday life. Conversely, the paper's
goal of using secondary sources is to gain professional, peer-reviewed, and ready to access
information and analyses on data that already exists. Nevertheless, no matter the type of sources
used in a paper, it is vitally important to contextualize how they are used to control for divergent
views and false data. One of the most prevalent primary sources in need of proper data control is
Reddit, a social news aggregator site that combines link distribution and discussion platforms.
Many have claimed Reddit to be a toxic community and an unreliable source (Quora 2018),
however, I object to these opinions for several reasons. 1) Reddit is one of the world's most-used
websites, currently with around 430 million monthly users and 2.2 million subreddits (Lin 2021).
Thus, to claim that Reddit is toxic is a gross oversimplification of a large website. 2) The claim
of Reddit toxicity is more an accurate statement attributed to socially oriented websites than
Reddit alone. 3) In the last few years, the moderators of Reddit have begun to enforce stricter
measures in order to curb toxicity. This involved new guidelines, policies, and the permanent
banning of certain toxic subreddits, like r/The_Donald and r/Incels, to name a few (Fingas 2017,
Timberg 2020). In terms of source reliability, Reddit has several advantages, as well as
disadvantages, which I have outlined and summarized on Table 1, page 28. 4) Finally, I use
Reddit as a primary source due to its popularity among Nordic people as well as its balance
between anonymity, social reinforcement, and communal specificity, which reflect face-to-face
communication.
Since the goal of this paper is to showcase how ordinary people feel about modern Finnish
issues and identities, it is important to distinguish which subreddits are appropriate to use. In
terms of subreddit selection, I chose to stay clear of those known to harbour and promote farright extremism or radicalism. These subreddits include but are not limited to r/Conspiracy,

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r/Conservative, and r/Scandinavia. Most English-speaking Nordic-centered communities are now
relatively stable in their politics and thus will be used as the basis for data. Subreddits chosen for
the collection of data are r/Finland, r/Nordiccountries, r/Nordichistorymemes, r/Europe, and
r/Askeurope. These subreddits were chosen based on the prevalence of regular, everyday
interaction between Finns, Fennoswedes, and Swedes, which showcase the effects of historic
discrimination on Finnish identities. The time range for selected data was restricted to a
maximum of the last five years to ensure the accuracy of modern viewpoints.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
When deciding on a theory for the topic of discussion, I narrowed down my options to
three distinct theories: social representations theory, postcolonial theory, and theories of macrolevel versus micro-level sources of conflict. During the decision process, I asked myself two key
questions: how is this theory applicable to the topic of Finnish identity, and how can it be used to
explain the history and origins of Finnish identity and discrimination? I think of selecting a
theory like picking out filtered lenses: a filter can highlight important details or obscure them in
favour of others. Using this analogy, I tried on many filtered lenses, which I have outlined below.
Theory Selection Process
The first filtered lens that I examined was that of postcolonial theory. This theory
highlighted issues of ethnic discrimination (Seth 2011) but obscured the identities of independent
and privileged Finns. It is useful in a modern context where cultures have been systematically
oppressed, however, this level of oppression does not reflect most Finns today who enjoy the
privilege of wealth and independence. Additionally, the application of postcolonial theory in this

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context obscures other equally important factors that contribute to inequality, such as genetics
and regional politics.
The lens offered by various theories of macro-level and micro-level sources of conflict
filtered out too much important information since, while good at explaining conflict, they did not
explain how Finnish identities have developed (Collins 2009). These filtered lenses focused in on
intergroup violence, however, physical violence between Finns, Fennoswedes, and Swedes have
always been far and few between.
Finally, when I tried on the filtered lens of social representations theory, they fit my topic
perfectly. Social representations explain the processes that go into creating Finnish identity, the
ways in which different identities interact with and form each other, and how they can turn into
negative generalizations which encourage discrimination. Thus, I decided on the lens of social
representations theory to examine my topic. In 1961, a social psychologist by the name of Serge
Moscovici championed the concept now known as social representations theory (Wagner 2020).
Simply put, it is defined as a culmination of various systems of values, beliefs, and shared
experiences that enforce community and social order. It exists as both a theory and a concept, in
which the systems of values and beliefs are created through collective memories and are
continually reinforced through social representations and cultural activities connected to those
memories. These social representations have varying levels of acceptance in a given culture or
community, and can either be hegemonic (accepted and common) or non-hegemonic (not
accepted and uncommon). Non-hegemonic views can be further split into emancipated or
polemic representations, the former being partially accepted as an alternative view but not the
norm and the latter being wholly unaccepted and not the norm. While hegemonic and
emancipated views are opposing representations, they are both frequently practiced and

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reinforced by dominant and accepted cultures, while polemic views are often practiced by
marginalized groups (Sakki and Hakoköngäs 2020).
In academia, social representations theory exists dually as a concept and theory, resulting
in its widespread acceptance and criticism within the social sciences. Sometimes referred to as a
"common sense theory," social representations theory has been both praised and criticized for its
relative lack of abstraction. Its proponents argue that this aspect makes the theory universal and
widely applicable (Rateau et al. 2011), while critics of the theory argue that its "common sense"
is too simplistic to be used as a social theory and can be more accurately described as a concept
or set of guidelines rather than an abstract framework (Confino 1997). In addition, some critics
emphasize that what is now considered "common sense" has not always been this way
(Bangerter 1995). The ways in which we think of and interact with the world are constantly in
flux, but I would argue that this only serves as further proof of the universality of social
representations theory. Cultures, thoughts, and ways of knowing are constantly being reinforced
through the memories and cultural activities that we as groups and individuals choose to
reinforce. How that looks in modern Western culture will be drastically different from how it
was in, for example, Ancient China.
There are several components deemed essential to forming social representations. One of
these is cultural memory, which, as defined by Jan Assmann (2011), is one of the three main
components of levelled memory that aid in creating social representations, maintaining social
order, and predicting our thoughts and actions. These three components of memory are
individual, communicative, and cultural memory, which are themselves split by Assmann's
divisions of inner, social, and cultural levels of time, memory, and identity that form our
individual and collective thoughts, actions, and ways of life (Assmann 2011). For example, inner

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memory works with our inner, private identities and personal sense of time to form how we think
and act as individuals. Conversely, communicative memory works with combining the social self
as a person responsible for creating, following, and enforcing social norms with social
experiences of time. Here, we focus on cultural memory, which works by combining memory
with cultural identity present in one's identified group, nationality, or ethnicity as well as the
historical, cultural, or mythical sense of time (Assmann 2011).
A key factor in understanding social representation is knowing how it builds culture. This
process is called sociogenesis and it works as a repeating cycle, which is outlined in Figure 2
(see below) (Wagner et al. 1999). The cycle of sociogenesis begins when a new event or
phenomenon is introduced to a group, which is often deemed threatening or traumatic. As a
means of coping with the event, the culture in question will engage in mass collective discourse,
wherein the event is "anchored" or given a name and is interpreted and expressed through preexisting cultural symbols and materials. The event could be rationalized or mythologized by the
culture, which could be expressed with pre-existing symbolic culture in various representations,
such as objects, art, or metaphors. Eventually, this discourse becomes enculturated and a matter
of common sense for the culture, which finally fits perfectly into the giant jigsaw puzzle that is a
culture's social identity. With these new pieces, the cultural jigsaw puzzle works together to
create more culture. Thus, a new social representation is born, and the cycle begins anew
(Wagner et al. 1999).
This jigsaw of social representations is crucial to the state, which is at the forefront of this
paper’s research. According to Michel Bouchard (2011), the anthropological concept of the state
relies heavily on Benedict Anderson’s book Imagined Communities (1983). In it, Anderson states
that the state’s concept is socially constructed and reinforced in all levels of society, specifically

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by the people who identify themselves as belonging to that nation-state. However, we must
distinguish between state and nation: a state is simply a sovereign territory with its own laws,
regulations, and borders. A nation is a community of people who live within the borders of a
territory and are connected by history, language, culture, or any other commonality (in Bouchard
2011). Suffice to say, a state is a sovereign and bordered land; a nation is a community of likeminded people living in proximity; and a nation-state is a sovereign and bordered land in which
like-minded people live. Thus, it can be argued that any state in which social representations are
reinforced can also be a nation, and subsequently a nation-state.
However, how can a state securely exist if its existence is not continuously reinforced? I
could argue that a state can indeed be a nation-state, and even the most internally disconnected
states are communally bound, whether that be from shared experiences, dissatisfactions, or sense
of duty. In fact, I would argue that for any state to securely exist, they must have populations that
share a collective history, language, or culture that builds solidarity and connection. In other
words, a state can only survive if it becomes a nation-state. In my paper’s case, Finland has an
emotionally strong, but in practice insecure, feeling of nationhood. This is due to its prolonged
history of being controlled by other nations and its supposed centuries-old national identity. In
this upcoming section, we will dissect this idea.
HISTORY OF FINLAND
When Finland was first given a name, it was the newly colonized province of the Swedish
kingdom, dated to around 1249 AD (Weibull 1940). Before that, Finland was not a consolidated
society but rather a collection of various Iron Age Proto-Finnish and Sami tribes (Raninen and
Wessman 2014). As a note, when discussing the modern territory of the Swedish state during
Swedish rule over Finland, I will refer to Sweden as the mainland and the Swedish kingdom as
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the full territory, which included modern-day Finland. This is because Finland, while an integral
part of the Swedish kingdom, was culturally and politically distinct from the rest of the kingdom,
despite their own identification as Swedes. Finns had legal rights equal to Swedes and identified
themselves through a combination of their Swedish nationality and regional place of residence,
likely a remnant of Iron Age tribal divisions. However, one must remember that equality in law
does not translate to equality in practice. Finland was often underdeveloped compared to Sweden
as a result of many factors like geography, culture, and climate. Finland has also always been
situated in a geographically compromised position, sandwiched between Sweden and Russia.
This meant that Finns often bore the brunt of Russian attacks and occupations, which was a large
factor in the development of Finnish identities. Finns and Swedes were frequently conscripted
into Swedish wars, which took its toll over centuries (Meinander 2011).
This issue reached its peak during the Great Northern War (1700–1721 AD) when the
Russian Empire occupied Finland and issued a scorched earth policy, involving the systemic
torture, murder, and rape of local people. In addition, Finland was struck by widespread famine,
an outbreak of the bubonic plague, and received no fundamental support from the Swedish
government, adding to mass devastation. This occupation lasted from around 1714 – 1721 and
was consequently dubbed the Isoviha (or the Great Wrath/Hatred) (Meinander 2011).
Contemporary scholars argue that Russia's scorched earth policy in Finland was so destructive
that it kickstarted collective Finnish identity as a defensive response to the trauma and feelings of
betrayal stemming from Sweden's lack of support. Essentially, the Isoviha gave rise in Finland to
the question of how, if at all, Sweden could protect Finland from the growing Russian Empire
(Meinander 2011).

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As the Russian Empire grew, the sociopolitical situation within the Swedish kingdom
worsened. Finns were becoming more aware of their unique Finnish identity and Russia began
utilizing propaganda and psychological warfare as a means of separating Finland from the
Swedish kingdom. Such propaganda included claims that the Swedish king was planning to trade
Finland for Norway and that Sweden and its king have never had Finland's interests in mind
(Kristensson Uggla 2009). These tactics eventually worked as Finland was easily annexed by the
Russian Empire in 1809 AD, signifying the birth of the Finnish state. Finland received extensive
autonomy under the title of a Grand Duchy, which allowed Finland to retain its Swedish laws
and language (Meinander 2011). As a means of coping with separation, both Sweden and Russiagoverned Finland launched their own historical revisionism campaigns, essentially erasing one
another from history (Kristensson Uggla 2009). Swedish historical revisionism practically erased
Finland from history while Finnish revisionism heavily exaggerated narratives of Swedish
oppression, going so far as to blame Sweden for Finnish suffering and hailing Russia as a saviour
from Swedish tyranny (Elmgren 2008). The latter views were intricately related to the rising
Fennoman (pro-Finnish nationalist) and Svecoman (pro-Swedish nationalist) movements in
Finland, both of which acted as direct responses to Russian rule and emerging Finnish identities.
When Finland was first incorporated into Sweden, it was continually settled by Swedish
farmers, fishermen, and nobility. These continuous waves of settlement to Finland throughout
Swedish rule consequently resulted in the Swedish-speaking Finns or Fennoswedes, one of the
most influential cultural groups within Finland. This group, distinct today by their linguistic and
cultural proximity to Sweden, was responsible for much of Finland's upper-class culture and
society. This was due to factors such as inherited wealth, Swedish connections, and social factors
of language and culture that benefited them in Finland (Kemiläinen 2004). Hence, it is a safe bet

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to say that any powerful or influential Finn born between the 12th and 19th century was most
likely a Fennoswede. This influential group was also central to the development of Finnish
identity by way of the Fennoman and Svecoman movements. Initiated by Elias Lönnrot and
Johan Vilhelm Snellman, the Fennoman movement was a reactionary response of Finnish
nationalism in opposition to Russian rule. The movement can be summarized by a quote credited
to Adolf Ivar Arwidsson, one of the initiators of Finnish nationalism: "Swedes we are no longer,
Russians we do not want to become, therefore let us be Finns" (Sommer 2019).
Eventually, the Fennoman movement turned into a question of language, and more
specifically, the role of the Finnish language in Finnish identities. The Swedish-speaking
intelligentsia switched their everyday languages to Finnish, and many even changed their names
to reflect a Finnish background. This caused a reactionary response amongst other Swedishspeaking Finns, who in turn emphasized the Swedish language and culture. This led to the
Finnish language strife: a drawn-out culture war over the control of Finland. The Svecoman
movement, in particular, was influenced by the rising pseudoscientific field of biological racism
(Akintug 2019) invented by Carl Linnaeus. He initially classified people into four categories but
later split them further into subcategories such as Swedes, Finns, and Sami. Swedes were
classified as the most racially superior of the three, with Finns being inferior to Swedes but
superior to the Sami (McEachrane 2018).
Finland eventually declared independence from Russia following the Russian Revolution
in 1917, the official and final "birth" of the Finnish state. Still affected by the conflicts of the
language strife, Finland's contested identity was challenged in a devastating civil war that
claimed over 25,000 lives in 1918 (Meinander 2011). Following the civil war, Finland faced two
Soviet invasions in 1939 and 1940–1944 AD, followed by an invasion by Nazi Germany in

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1944–1945 AD (Meinander 2011). Finland managed to retain its independence throughout
WWII, but it came at the price of war reparations and trauma, all of which took a heavy toll on
Finland's people, economy, and foreign relations. Over time, Finland's people and economy
recovered, and the country now enjoys its rich and privileged status as a modern and highly
developed Nordic country (Meinander 2011). However, modern countries have modern
problems, which is where our discussion of history ends and the one of modern issues begin.
CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN FINLAND
If one were to ask random Swedes and Finns of both languages what they thought about
one another, the results would be highly varied. Swedish views can range from positive:
"Finland's cause is ours" (old Swedish phrase dating back to WWII), to neutral: "I don't think
about Finland," to negative: "Finns have no culture" (r/Sweden 2017). Conversely, Finnish views
about Swedes have the same range of positive: "Sweden created Finland; Sweden is our big
brother," to neutral: "Swedes are people," to negative: "Swedes are pretentious colonizers"
(r/Finland 2020). This is a direct reflection of Finland's longstanding history as a land with an
ambiguous history and ambivalent relationship with Sweden. On average, these dynamics are
often referred to among contemporary Swedes and Finns as that of a "big brother – little brother"
relationship. This analogy is meant to represent how Finns and Swedes view one another as
siblings: there is frequent fighting, banter, comparisons, but at the end of the day, there is a deep
familial love and connection that keeps these groups close. However, being familiar with Finnish
social history, I can say that much of this "big brother – little brother" dynamic is a great
oversimplification of a far more complex dynamic. Alas, most people are not aware of their
countries' histories, so these contemporary groups have social dynamics that most often emerge
in the form of jokes and various generalizations. There is a great variety of jokes and stereotypes

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to choose from, all with varying levels of offensiveness. These can range anywhere from
innocent pop culture references and banter such as "Finns sound like Moomintrolls" (popular
children's character) (r/Sweden 2018) and "Swedes are fashionable" (r/Askeurope 2019) to
offensive generalizations like "Finns are alcoholics with no culture" (r/Sweden 2017) and
"[Sweden is] a kingdom stuck in the past with a short eye for the future" (r/Finland 2020).
Generalizations of the latter are less common than those of the former, however, these examples
represent only two sides of a complex issue.
Generalizations between Swedish and Finnish-speaking Finns also exist. However,
contemporary discourse amongst ordinary people is often tamer than those between Finns and
Swedes. Stereotypes of Fennoswedes can range from being seen as happy and sophisticated, to
rich snobs who demand Swedish service, to colonialist Svecomans who control the Finnish state
(r/Europe 2020). Conversely, Fennoswedes' stereotypes of Finnish speakers can range anywhere
from being seen as quiet and melancholy, to knife-wielding loners living in the forest, to violent
alcoholics who hate everything associated with Swedes (r/Europe 2020). These generalizations
are also congruent with the issue of mandatory Swedish, or Pakkoruotsi.
There are countless arguments both for and against mandatory Swedish language; many
pro-Swedish arguments revolve around cultural and geopolitical preservation of national
heritage, while anti-Swedish arguments typically center in on the practical usage (or lack thereof)
of Swedish in everyday adult life (Hult and Pietikäinen 2014). More divergent arguments from
each side use the ambiguous nature of Finnish history and its complex relationship with the
Swedish state to their advantage. In this case, pro-Swedish views emphasize the need for
"gratitude" from Finns, as well as cultural and historical connections between Finland and
Sweden (r/Finland 2019). Conversely, many divergent anti-Swedish views emphasize the

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narrative of Fennoswedish and Swedish control over Finland, claiming that these groups
maintain colonial control (r/Finland 2019). Arguments against mandatory Swedish language
include that it takes up class time that could be used for other classes or languages; that it is a
useless language; and that there is little to no motivation amongst Finnish-speaking teenagers to
learn Swedish (Hult and Pietikäinen 2014). Conversely, many pro-Swedish arguments emphasize
Swedish connections; cultural and linguistic preservation; job opportunities; and the argument
that the more languages a child learns, the better off they will be (Hult and Pietikäinen 2014).
While few can agree to a consensus decision, there has been increasing thought on using English
between the two groups as a sort of lingua franca as a common and bridging language. However,
this is deemed by some Fennoswedes as yet another threat to their language (Sonck 2021), as is
illustrated in image in Figure 3.
These contentions over the Swedish language are a major source of linguistic tension
between these two linguistic groups. Swedish-speaking Finns argue that their language and
culture are being oppressed, while Finnish-speaking Finns retort that their own historically
oppressed group is bearing the brunt of modern discrimination. Some Swedish-speaking Finns
feel like they are "foreigners in [their] own home" (r/Nordiccountries 2021) while others say that
they are "just Finns who happen to speak Swedish" (r/Nordichistorymemes 2021). There have
been records of occasional public conflict between the two groups that have mostly revolved
around language use. One such incident involved two people ordering tickets to Turku (a Finnish
city) in Swedish. When the bus driver did not answer, the customers asked for two tickets again,
which was met with this response: "Shall we agree that in Finland we speak Finnish" [translation
by Google] (Heinrichs 2021). Charlotta, one of the customers, said: "What irritates me the most
is the attitude, but also the idea that it would not have been as easy for the children to handle a

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similar situation… In addition, it was clear that this was not the first time that the bus driver in
question drove with the same attitude. The reluctance to even try to serve in Swedish feels
strange" [translation by Google] (Heinrichs 2021).
DISCUSSION
If one examines Finnish identities from the outside looking in, patterns of ethnic
discrimination are difficult to see. Finns, Fennoswedes, and Swedes tend to be similar in
appearance, values, culture, and patterns of behaviour. Yet, when one examines these cultures
with a filtered lens, one can easily point out the small remnants of ethnic discrimination. In a
way, these remnants are like pebbles in a shoe; when you walk, sometimes a pebble will roll
under your foot and make you wince. But then that pebble will roll away, and you will forget it
ever existed until another one rolls in. Ethnic discrimination between Finns, Fennoswedes, and
Swedes is small, but it can have big, if momentary, impact. Take generalizations and stereotypes
as an example: while they are generally frowned upon, generalizations in our case study's
dynamic lie on a spectrum of acceptability between the messenger and receiver, wherein
generalizations are selectively picked to generate identity.
For example, a common joke from Finns about Swedes is that "Swedes are gay"
(r/Askeurope 2020). This can either be accepted by the Swedish recipient: "That's our thing…
Finns are sad alcoholics… and we are amazing at [being gay]" (r/Nordichistorymemes 2020) or
rejected: "Grow up… don't use homophobic jokes" (r/Askeurope 2020). Conversely, a common
joke from Swedes about Finns, most often used online, is that Finland is Eastern Sweden
(r/Askeurope 2020). As with the previous joke, this one can either be accepted: "How are you
going to do that with the majority of your army on the opposing side though?" (r/Askeurope
2020) or rejected: "Most Finns find that offensive" (r/Nordichistorymemes 2020). If one

VORONOVA
considers the histories and cultural memories of the two countries, a clear image of deeply
established views appears. From a Finnish perspective, Finns have more often emphasized
masculinity and grit in their culture, which combines with the cultural memories of war, Swedish
abandonment, and Finland's long history as a periphery to produce jokes and generalizations that
associate Swedish men with various homophobic stereotypes. Conversely, Swedish perspectives
have typically associated their nation with imperial might, progressive thinking, and modernity,
all while associating Finns with poverty, violence, lower classes, and alcoholism (Latvalehto
2018:53). This set of generalizations about the self and others creates a recipe for feelings of
superiority and control of countries no longer under Swedish control and are the results of
centuries of social representations reinforced via sociogenesis. If jokes about Finland as Eastern
Sweden are not common, jokes about Finnish alcoholism are. These are the negative
generalizations that are both surprisingly accepted and rejected within Swedish circles, a
reflection of Swedes' contradictory views of self, of others, and of Finns.
In regard to this Swedish view of Finns, conflicting characterizations of Finnish people
have been commonplace since at least the 18th century. At that time, Finns were often labelled as
savage, violent, and prone to alcoholism. However, Finns were also labelled as loyal, mysterious,
and brave warriors whose sacrifices during wartime were highly honoured (Kemiläinen 2004). In
the 19th century, following the loss of Finland to Russia and the erasure of Finland from
Swedish history, Finns were placed into an even more romanticized space where they were
savage, inferior, "Mongoloid”, and violent, but also wise, philosophical, brave, and loyal (Bohlin
2018). This ambivalent characterization is best described as a "noble savage" archetype, wherein
a dominant group exotifies a marginalized culture as primitive, undesirable, but admirable and
exemplary at the same time. Essentially, the archetype of the "noble savage" between familiar

19

Identities on the Periphery

groups can be described as love at a distance, a description readily applicable to Swedish views
of Finnish identities (Borg 2016).
All of these views form a social dynamic of distant love, reinforced over centuries of
sociogenesis. The aforementioned significant year of 1809, when Russia annexed Finland from
Sweden, proved to be a momentous change for both countries. To cope with the new event,
Finnish and Swedish cultural groups anchored it in their own familiar terms by giving the event a
name (The Separation of 1809, translated by Google) and expressing it in familiar terms such as
poetry, biological racism, and propaganda. Eventually, these were objectified and internalized in
the cultures' identities through metaphors, artistic expressions, and collective memories, which
created new social representations that are used to create and reinforce newer ones today. Thus,
the issues of linguistic debate, generalizations, and history feed off of each other in a vicious
cycle of falling dominoes. As we inch closer to the truth, newer questions appear: which issues
came first, and which ones were the first dominoes that knocked over all the others?
CONCLUSION
Twenty pages are not enough to fully explore such a complex and fascinating topic, but
this does not mean that this paper is fruitless. Any number of pages that can reveal the truth
about how identities' social representations came to be is a worthy pursuit. Thus, as we conclude
this paper, I can attest that ethnic discrimination has affected Finnish and Fennoswedish
identities. However, I did not expect to find that a culture's historical usage of ethnic
discrimination could turn around on itself as it did with Swedish culture's expressions of Finnish
generalizations. In addition, I found that differences in identity between Finnish and Swedishspeaking Finns were most prominent in the past, however, even though cultural and ethnic
differences between the two groups have decreased, they have not been wholly erased. Whether

VORONOVA
that is for bad or good is something that Finns and Fennoswedes must decide. The cultural
histories and memories of ethnic discrimination have shaped Finnish and Fennoswedish
identities in different directions. However, with the rise of globalization and various issues more
pressing than that of language, Finnish and Fennoswedish identities and cultures have begun to
shape back incongruent directions. To answer my fundamental question on the existence of
Finnish ethnic discrimination, I can say that: yes, there is discrimination, but not to the claimed
extent. Finns did indeed suffer from discrimination based on ethnic markers, however, the extent
to which some claim a victimizing narrative is simply a reflection of Finnish historical
revisionism funded by the 19th-century Russian state.
Now, someone reading this may be asking the question of why studying this is important.
After all, Finnish discrimination was not as widespread as some make it out to be. But that is just
the point! This paper is important because we need studies that examine the ways in which
discrimination, historical revisionism, and cultural memory play in changing and forming
identities. If we as scholars can identify how reactionary identities are formed, we can use papers
like this to help minimize the spread of misinformation. These complex and ambiguous cultural
dynamics are where anthropology thrives. Anthropology allows us as scholars to contribute to
modern, complex issues by analyzing them with a culturally holistic view, one that permeates
nearly every facet of human life. One can even say that anthropology is the glue that holds the
social sciences and humanities together. It should be up to us as anthropologists, historians, and
other researchers to uncover how our pasts affect our present selves, so that we may improve,
helping ourselves and others in the process.

21

Identities on the Periphery

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to my professor and supervisor,
Dr. Angèle Smith, whose effective and empathic guidance has been instrumental in my writing
and academic success. I would also like to thank Paul Rouse, who has diligently reviewed this
paper to help make it the best it can be. Without both of your support, this paper would be lost
amongst all others. It was the internet where I first gained interest in Finnish history, and it is this
wonderful community of Finnish and Swedish history enthusiasts on Reddit that I would like to
thank for making this possible. Finally, I wish to thank my family for their continued support and
encouragement. Although my cat was a slight annoyance, she provided a much-needed comfort.

VORONOVA
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TABLES AND FIGURES

Figure 1. Finnish history timeline (Created by author)

Advantages

Disadvantages

One of world’s most popular websites; diverse
discussion topics

Echo Chamber – encourages radicalization

Popular in Nordic countries – especially amongst
young adults

Community specificity – excludes certain
demographics

Hegemonic vs Non-Hegemonic views – easy to see;
Reddit upvote-downvote system

Anecdotal evidence difficult to prove; must be
taken with pinch of salt

Relative anonymity combined with social
reinforcement – social dynamics that reflects the
real world
Table 1. Advantages and Disadvantages of Using Reddit as a Primary Source

VORONOVA

Figure 2. Schematic depiction of the sociogenesis of social representations, by Wolfgang
Wagner. (Wagner et al. 1999: Figure 1)

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Identities on the Periphery

Figure 3. Artistic interpretation of Swedish language anxieties, by Wilfred Hildonen. (Hildonen,
2021)