THE INTEGRATION OF SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH THEORETICAL
APPROACHES: A REFLECTIVE FIELD REVIEW
by
Wayne Mernickle
B.S.W., Thompson Rivers University, 2016

PRACTICUM REPORT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
MASTERS OF SOCIAL WORK DEGREE

UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
May 2018
© Wayne Mernickle, 2018

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ABSTRACT
This practicum report is an integration of self-reflection, current literature, research,
theory, and knowledge, based on my Master of Social Work field practicum with the Youth
services Team at Carrier Sekani Family Services located in Prince George, British Columbia.
This report focuses on the significance of systemic, social, economic, and cultural barriers
and the ongoing consequences these obstacles have on the life outcomes for Indigenous
youth aging out of care. This report identifies the population currently accessing services at
Carrier Sekani Family Services and provides statistical evidence to highlight the significance
of this social phenomenon. Furthermore the integration of social work practice with
theoretical approaches combined with academic literature relevant to my practicum
placement is discussed. Finally, the report concludes with a discussion on relevant learning
experiences and the implications certain events can have on personal and professional
development.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………..ii
Table of Contents……………………………………………………………………………..iii
Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………………..v
Chapter One:

Introduction of the Social Issues and Learning Environment…………….1
Overview of the Social Issues…………………………………………….1
Note on Terminology……………………………………………………..3
Self-Awareness and Positioning………………………………………….4
Practicum Agency Background…………………………………………..6
Walk Tall Program……………………………………………………..9
Summary………………………………………………………………...11

Chapter Two:

Social Policies Implemented to Governing Indigenous Populations…….12
Historical Social Policies………………………………………………...12
Establishment of Reservations………………………………………...13
Residential Schools……………………………………………………14
Sixties Scoop…………………………………………………………..15
Legacy of Social Policies………………………………………………..16
Poverty Experienced in Indigenous Populations………………………17
Scope and Scale of Social Issues………………………………………18
Escalating Suicide Crisis………………………………………………20
Summary………………………………………………………………...22

Chapter Three:

Review of Child Welfare Literature……………………………………..23
Social Policies Impacting Child Welfare………………………………..23

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Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder ………………………………………..24
Mental health Concerns ………………………………………………..26
Developmental Milestones…………………………………………….27
Attachment Theory…………………………………………………….28
Contemporary Legislation and Service Provision……………………….31
Northern and Remote Communities…………………………………......36
Summary………………………………………………………………...39
Chapter Four:

Reflective Review of Practicum Learning Experiences…………………40
Practicum Goals and Objectives…………………………………………40
Performance and Supervision……………………………………………41
Practicum Learning Activities and Experiences………………………...42
Employment and Skills Mentorship Program…………………………45
Progression of Educational and Professional Focus…………………..49
Elder Mentorship Program……………………………………………55
Summary………………………………………………………………...57

Chapter Five:

Implications and Recommendations for Social Work Practice………….58
Personal and Professional Development………………………………..58
Ethical Considerations and Challenge…………………………………..59
Recommendations for Social Work Practice……………………………61
Mental Health Training for Helping Professionals……………………...62
Final Conclusion…………………………………………………………64

References……………………………………………………………………………………65
Appendix A:

MSW Practicum II Learning Contract…………………………………...73

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Completing my Master of Social Work degree has been a long and challenging
journey. It would not have been possible without the support and encouragement of my
family, friends, and colleagues. These individuals have acted as my rock throughout my
educational journey and I have depended on their support greatly.
I would like to thank my academic advisor Dr. Tammy Pearson, for her constructive
comments, patience, suggestions, support, and guidance in completing my Master of Social
Work Degree. I would also like to thank Dr. Glen Schmidt for agreeing to be a member of
my academic committee, along with the other social work faculty members at the University
of Northern British Columbia, for their guidance and encouragement throughout the
academic process.
Additionally, I would like to thank and give special acknowledgment to Chiduzie
Ezedebego, for taking the time out of his busy schedule to provide supervision during my
practicum placement. I would also like to thank my friend and classmate Leanne Jones for
the countless hours of encouragement, dedication, and support in seeing me through this
process. It has been an honor to have started and completed this educational journey with
you and your support has been a crucial element of my success.
Finally, I would like to extend my appreciation to Kayla Brownscombe and the Youth
Services Team at Carrier Sekani Family Services for providing me with a rich and rewarding
practicum experience. I appreciate the support and flexibility provided by these individuals
throughout this practicum experience.

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Chapter One: Introduction of the Social Issue and Learning Environment
This report is a summary and reflection on my learning experiences during my
practicum placement with the Walk Tall program hosted by Carrier Sekani Family Services
in Prince George, British Columbia. In this chapter, I provide an overview of the social
issues examined during this practicum placement, including an important note on the
terminology utilized by researchers. I follow this with a discussion of my self-awareness and
positioning concerning the practicum agency and setting. This chapter will provide an
overview of the practicum agency’s background, structure, available services, and the
population served during my placement with the Walk Tall program.
Overview of the Social Issue
Children and youth in government care, like all children, have dreams, goals, and
aspirations for their lives. However, their traumatic life experiences often create additional
barriers to achieving their desired wishes. These circumstances elevate the risk factors
associated with adverse life outcomes, including school dropout, homelessness, poverty,
unemployment, substance abuse, health and mental health problems, and victimization for
youth transitioning out of government care into emerging adulthood (Raskin & Rome, 2017).
Bianchi, Kendig, and Mattingly (2014) reported, “Young adulthood is a key stage of the life
course that links childhood disadvantage to inequality in adulthood and may be amenable to
policy interventions aimed at breaking the trajectories of poverty among individuals and the
intergenerational transmission of poverty among families” (p. 3). Consequently, the lack of
aftercare transitioning supports and services aimed at improving the life experiences and
outcomes of these youth is a significant social issue.

2
Due to these circumstances, this population of youth often score lower in all domains
of the Canadian Index of Wellbeing (CIW), when compared to their non-in-care peers.
These indicators include; community vitality, democratic engagement, education,
environment, healthy populations, leisure and culture, living standards, and time use (CIW,
2016). This issue is complicated by a combination of social, individual, and family factors
which play a role in the development and perpetuation of this issue. The amalgamation of
these factors contributes to the lower expected life outcomes experienced by youth aging out
of care. The reality of these circumstances is there are no simple solutions in overcoming the
complexity of this social issue. Academics now agree that the most efficient pathway to
addressing the difficulties experienced by youth as they transition out of care and into
emerging adulthood is through a combination of government, non-governmental, and private
organizations (Hedenstrom, 2014). Kendall and Turpel-Lafond (2007) reported, “Children in
temporary care appear to fare as poorly as children in continuing care” (p. 53). The most
efficient and effective way to contend with this growing social issue is to provide youth with
adequate supports as they prepare to leave government care and transition into independence
(Raskin & Rome, 2017). Increasing educational and employment opportunities, as well as
enhancing cultural awareness and participation would improve the life experiences and
outcomes of children and youth aging out of government care. As a means to fully appreciate
the severity and comprehend the complex nature and development of this social issue, we
need to discuss some of the underlying factors associated with this growing social issue.
Therefore, the following sections of this report will provide an outline and discussion of a
few of the identified contributing personal, social, and economic factors known to be
associated with the escalation of this social issue.

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Note on Terminology
It is imperative to start this discussion with a note on the terminology used throughout
this report. There is a great deal of power associated with the terminology researchers use to
discuss various groups of people or social issues. Therefore, researchers need to ensure they
are respectful when choosing which terminology to employ during the writing process. The
terms Indigenous and Aboriginal can be seen as a way of grouping all First Nations, Métis,
and Inuit peoples into a single category or culture. Many First Nations, Métis, and Inuit
communities have expressed concerns about the usage of these terms as they do not respect
the diversity and uniqueness of approximately 596 Indigenous communities. The people
reside either on the 2284 reservations or in urban areas throughout the land, now referred to
as Canada (Brass, Kirmayer, & Tait, 2000). Historically, these terms disparaged Indigenous
voices, values, beliefs, traditions, and restricted Indigenous rights and status (Celeste McKay
Consulting, 2015). As such, I am aware and respect the diversity and uniqueness of these
communities and understand that each community has developed their traditions, values, and
languages based on the connection with their traditional lands or territories. Therefore,
throughout this discussion, the term Indigenous will only be utilized as a means to discuss the
shared detrimental cultural, social, and economic impacts colonization and assimilation have
had on First Nations, Métis, and Inuit communities. However, it is essential to acknowledge
that authors of supporting evidence provided in this report have chosen to incorporate the
terms Aboriginal and First Nations in their discussions.

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Self-Awareness and Positioning
Over the last decade, my awareness and comprehension of this social issue have
significantly increased. The wealth of related academic research identifying lower life
outcomes for children and youth in the child welfare system compared to their non-in-care
contemporaries has piqued my interest (Turpel-Lafond, 2013). Throughout my educational
journey my research has indicated that without the appropriate management and supports,
this population of youth frequently experience higher rates of substance use/abuse,
unemployment, incarceration, homelessness, more reduced physical and mental health
concerns, and lower educational attainment (Turpel-Lafond, 2013). Consequently, society
commonly questions why so many of these youth turn to substance abuse, crime, and gang
life. In contrast, society should be asking how some of these youth circumvent these social
factors and peer pressure that will negatively impact their life experience as well as, overall
life outcomes.
Therefore, my motivation for entering the social work profession has been to assist
youth at-risk in acquiring the necessary tools to improve their social determinants of health
and prosocial skills, which can reduce the negative impacts of traumatic life experiences and
foster the development of resiliency. Due to the complexity of these circumstances, it is
imperative to develop a multidimensional client-centered approach that incorporates
evidence-based interventions designed to achieve the youth’s goals (Webb, 2002).
Additionally, learning to deploy critical thinking skills while analyzing issues from a client’s
worldview and cultural perspective along with relevant evidence-based theoretical
approaches has been an essential component of my educational journey. My academic
research identified the overrepresentation of Indigenous people in all social issues, including

5
the child welfare system (Blackstock, Knoke, & Trocme, 2004). This understanding
emphasized the need for cultural competence and agility to be central components of my
education; as well as, essential elements of personal and professional development.
Consequently, understanding and recognizing the negative impacts of colonization and
assimilation have had on Indigenous people and communities, became a central theme in my
academic research, writing, and practicum preferences. My research emphasized a
significant need for practitioners to integrate culturally sensitive responsiveness and
culturally competent practices (Verniest, 2006). By building trusting relationships and
working collaboratively with Indigenous communities, social workers can become allies in
the advancement of social, economic, and cultural justice for Indigenous people.
Equally important, as my comprehension of the lower expected life outcomes of
youth who age out of government care advanced, my attention shifted more in the direction
of understanding, assessing, and managing various mental health concerns that often impact
this population of children and youth. As it became clear that concentrating on enhancing
my mental health comprehension along with improving the helping professions awareness of
mental health concerns would be the most efficient and effective way to increase the life
experiences and outcomes of children and youth in care. This idea is supported by Butler
and Pang (2014) when they reported, “Positive mental health is associated with a higher
likelihood of completing school, positive social relations, higher levels of self-confidence,
higher income potential and increased resilience” (p. 4). The right supports at a pivotal time
can be the difference between obtaining a post-secondary education and a prison sentence;
this understanding is at the core of my professional aspirations to assist this population of

6
youth. Subsequently, this understanding was the motivating factor for applying to the Master
of Social Work (MSW) program at the University of Northern British Columbia (UNBC).
My primary objective was to study the application of advanced clinical knowledge
and skills in multifactorial assessment, diagnosis, treatment, and interventions to improve the
quality of physical and mental well-being of children and youth. As social workers, it is our
responsibility to find the right supports that will have a significant positive influence on the
child’s or youth’s life and improve their current and future quality of life and overall wellbeing. The most efficient way to circumvent the social issues often experienced by youth
aging out of care is to ensure these youth have adequate after-care supports in place to
substantially increase the likelihood that these youth will be successful in meeting any
educational, employment, and cultural goals and aspirations (Raskin & Rome, 2017). Under
these circumstances, education becomes more critical when you consider that these youth
will age out of government care on their 19th birthday, without the necessary skills to
participate in the workforce or society. Because of these circumstances, youth are often only
able to obtain precarious employment, which increases the youths’ vulnerability.
Practicum Agency Background
This section provides a brief overview of the practicum agency, organizational
structure, mandate, services offered, as well as cultural elements of the population serviced
by the agency. Since the last ice age the Carrier and Sekani societies have resided in the
region commonly referred to as north-central British Columbia. The traditional territories of
these societies consist of over 76,000 square kilometers, which are home to 22 individually
recognized member nations, with a combined population estimated to be 14, 000 (CSFS,
2016). The Carrier Sekani nations are primarily Athapaskan speaking peoples. In their

7
language, these Nations refer to themselves as Dakelh-ne or Yinka Dene (Brown, 2002).
Dene is the Athapaskan word for people and the word Sekani means people of the rocks
(Brown, 2002). Brown (2002) explains, “European explorers gave the name “Carrier” to
these people, observing that widows carried the ashes of their deceased husbands during the
period of mourning (p. 25).
Carrier Sekani Nation is composed of some smaller Nations who have developed an
alliance over time. Brown (2002) points out, “The northern and central Carrier have
historically had economic, social and political links to the Sekani, hence the term Carrier
Sekani” (p. 25). Due to the vast traditional territory of these societies, individual groups have
developed and maintained a diversity of geographic, linguistic, and cultural characteristics
different from other Carrier Nations (CSFS, 2016). These Nations comprise four primary
clans; Likh ji bu (Bear), Gilhanten (Caribou), Jihl tse yu (Frog), and Likh sta Mis yu
(Beaver) (Brown, 2002). Additionally, each of these clans can consist of several sub-clans
(Brown, 2002). Keyoh and Bah’lats systems were used to govern the Carrier Sekani people
and ensure the health, well-being of the people, and their traditional territories.
The Keyoh is the traditional system of land ownership and stewardship. The Keyoh
sets out the traditional boundaries of each clan (CSTC, 2006). The Keyoh represents a
resource that provides the material, cultural, and spiritual basis for sustaining life (Brown,
2002). The Bah'lats or Potlatch system is the traditional system of governance utilized by the
Carrier Nations (CSFS, 2016). As a means to help maintain order and ways of living, which
includes issues related to justice, land stewardship, spirituality, values, and conduct of the
Carrier Sekani Nations, the principles of this system are employed (CSFS, 2016). At the
heart of the Bah’lats is the great law of sharing, which highlights the importance of reciprocal

8
relationships and the principles of respect, responsibility, compassion, wisdom, caring, and
love that helps to maintain a healthy and balanced life (CSTC, 2006).
In 1979, elders and leaders from across Carrier Sekani societies gathered in a
collective effort to form Carrier Sekani Tribal Council (CSTC) (CSTC, 2006). The new
council focused on unresolved Indigenous issues related to Carrier Sekani heritage and
identity, self-government, land claims, the standard of living, social and economic
independence, and public relations on behalf of their member nations. The CSTC initially
represented eight of the 22 recognized Carrier Sekani societies (CSFS, 2016). Each of the 22
identified bands has the option of signing on to the CSTC association; however, some nations
have chosen to operate independently (Brown, 2002). The CSTC established Carrier Sekani
Family Services (CSFS) to address the impacts of colonization by reasserting control and
responsibility for health, social, legal, and research services for member Nations (CSFS,
2016). Currently, CSFS has established agreements to provide health transfer programs for
10 member nations as well as child welfare, guardianship, and family services for 11 of their
member nations (CSFS, 2016). CSFS operates out of eight offices in three northern
communities Prince George, Vanderhoof, and Burns Lake. CSFS employs a
multidisciplinary team of approximately 150 skilled and dedicated staff members to provide
a variety of programs and services to help improve the overall well-being of member nations
(CSFS, 2016). All CSFS programs and services have been designed to incorporate a
blending of the Carrier Life Cycle Model, and Bah'lats or potlatch principles and values
along with leading evidence-based approaches (CSFS, 2016). The Carrier Life Cycle
represents the understanding of the interconnectedness of everyone and everything, and to

9
create balance; one has to address multiple determinants of wellness for people in each age
group.
Walk Tall Program
During my practicum placement, my primary role included working with CSFS’s
Youth Services Team, which operates the Walk Tall program. The Walk Tall program has
been successfully supporting Indigenous youth for the past seven years in Prince George, and
the past four years in Burns Lake. These offices have provided support and services for
around 119 Northern Indigenous youth (CSFS, 2016). The purpose of Walk Tall is to
prevent and reduce instances of youth substance abuse and violence while improving
outcomes and wellbeing for Indigenous youth. The Walk Tall program offers genderspecific empowerment programs to support young people between the ages eight and 24, as
they build healthy relationships, healthy cultural ties, and life skills which can aid youth in
their decision-making process and promote a brighter future (CSFS, 2016). The Walk Tall
program creates a safe space where Indigenous youth have positive experiences with staff,
elders, and knowledge holders who can encourage individuals to access any needed social
services, such as mental health supports, advocacy services, employment assistance, lifeskills coaching, referral services, as well as a one-to-one Youth Care Worker (CSFS, 2016).
Services offered through the Walk Tall program provide youth access to culturally competent
support services designed to assist in the development of positive cultural identities and
create an extensive network of community supports and services.
Since its inception in 2010, the Walk Tall program has provided Northern Indigenous
youth with the opportunity to participate in annual cultural camps which focus on
reconnecting youth with elders and traditional land-based activities (CSFS, 2016). Walk Tall

10
programming falls into three primary themes; recreational, cultural, and educational
programs for northern Indigenous youth. Recreational activities can include video game
tournaments, bowling, swimming, hiking, arts and crafts, cooking, and fishing (CSFS, 2016).
Cultural programs typically involve a Carrier knowledge holder or elder that teaches the
youth the traditional practices of Carrier people including the Bah’lats (potlatch) principles
and the values of traditional roles, family mapping, and traditional drum-making, painting,
carving, and traditional food preparation. The educational activities and workshops cover
topics such as visual media arts, healthy sexuality, drug and alcohol awareness, mental
wellness, life-skills (i.e., budgeting, cooking), health, and the legacy of residential schools
(CSFS, 2016).
The Walk Tall program helps youth build strong community connections with the
intention to reduce youth violence, crime, and other high-risk behaviours (CSFS, 2016).
There is a wealth of evidence-based literature that supports the impact programs such as
Walk Talk can have on youth and their life experiences. Kendall and Turpel-Lafond (2009)
provide evidence to support this notion, “Without these investments and interventions, too
many of the vulnerable youth involved in the youth justice system today will, unfortunately,
become the adult offenders that crowd the courts and jails and put an economic burden on
society” (p. 6). Therefore, the Walk Tall program works to reduce risk factors and increase
protective factors for northern Indigenous youth. Raskin and Rome (2017) reported,
“Research on resilience demonstrates that outcomes depend upon the interaction of risk and
protective factors and that the higher the number of cumulative risks the more likely adverse
outcomes become” (p. 325).

11
Researchers have identified the risk factors as any factors that increase the youth’s
probability of engaging in risk-taking or offending behaviour (Vien, 2009). Kendall and
Turpel-Lafond (2009) identified, “The more risk factors a child is exposed to, the greater the
chance they have of coming into contact with the justice system and having serious life
problems such as mental illness, lower educational attainment, higher rates of crime and
unemployment as an adult” (p. 12). The National Crime Prevention Centre (2008) explains,
“Protective factors are characteristics or conditions that act as risk moderators, i.e., they help
reduce the negative effects associated with risk factors and help youth better handle their
situation” (p. 3). Therefore, the enactment of protective factors can function as buffers with
the efficacy to reduce the impacts of any existing risk factors. Furthermore, to increase the
effectiveness of the Walk Tall program, all services are delivered in the evenings and the
weekends, identified as service gap times in the northern region.
Summary
This chapter identifies that children and youth that age out of government care often
experience poorer life outcomes compared to the life outcomes of the general population.
This section provided statistical evidence supporting the significance of this growing social
issue. The discussion on my self-awareness outlines my educational journey and explains
why I chose this agency for my practicum placement. This chapter explores the practicum
agency’s evolution from the early days to its current form as well as identifying a few
fundamental cultural concepts and understandings. As an outsider to the communities served
by the practicum agency, it was important to begin developing an understanding of the
culture of the population served. The following chapter will examine the impacts historic
and contemporary social policies have had on Indigenous people, communities, and culture.

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Chapter Two: Social Policies Implemented to Governing Indigenous Populations
Indigenous communities have been and continue to be overwhelmed by the trauma
created through historical and contemporary social policies, related to the processes of
colonization and assimilation. The social and economic inequalities generated by this system
have been and continue to be barriers for Indigenous peoples, as they attempt to overcome
the harms created through these processes and policies. The focus of this section will be
discussing historical and contemporary social policies and the legacy of these policies on
Indigenous populations.
Historical Social Policies
It is essential to understand and recognize the harmful effects the colonial process has
had on Indigenous communities. Shamiran (2012) describes the view of colonization and
assimilation as, “the intention to replace independence with dependence, an integral factor
for all colonial systems, is proof of intent to destroy” (p. 3). Through the processes of
colonialism, settlers assert control of Indigenous peoples and lands and maintain this control
through the deliberate and systematic destruction of cultural identity, traditional political
structures, and cultural groups (Shamiran, 2012). The legacy of the colonization process in
Canada has been the development of transgenerational trauma and intergenerational poverty
in Indigenous communities. According to early Canadian social policies, Indigenous peoples
were described as inferior, uncivilized, and incompetent and therefore in need of saving and
protecting by the advanced European society (Chappell, 2010). Furthermore, the federal
government utilized this understanding in the development and implementation of the Indian
Act. Hansen (2009) explains, "The Indian Act is a part of a long history of assimilation
policies that intended to terminate the cultural, social, economic, and political distinctiveness

13
of Aboriginal peoples by absorbing them into mainstream Canadian life and values” (p. 1).
Through this act, the federal government has the authority to regulate and administer the dayto-day lives of registered Indigenous people, bands, and communities (Hanson, 2009).
Colonization is an ongoing process wherein the impacts of Canadian government policies;
such as the Indian Act, the creation of reserves, residential schools, the sixties scoop, and
bureaucratic control have continued to destroy Indigenous cultures (Brass, Kirmayer, & Tait,
2000).
Establishment of Reserved Lands
The creation of the reserve system was designed to move Indigenous people off of
productive lands and relocate them to less desirable or remote locations. Fertile areas were
made available for new European settlers, which significantly affected the Indigenous
community’s subsistence lifestyle, as hunters no longer knew where to find game and
gatherers were unfamiliar with the vegetation of the area. Subsequently, destroying the
traditional economic system developed over time by Indigenous people and communities.
The result of the reserve system was the forced dependency on government by Indigenous
communities, and subsequent social policies ensured the continuation of this dependency
(Comack, 2006). This policy helped to create the intergenerational cycle of poverty and the
loss of Indigenous cultural identity. Indigenous people have adapted their lifestyles,
traditions, and customs to live in harmony with all creation in that landscape and this
becomes the identity of the people (Belanger, 2014). Therefore, when removing Indigenous
communities from their traditional lands, they experience a loss of identity, because the
people no longer understand how to live in harmony with the new territory.

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Residential Schools
The residential school system was designed and implemented to assimilate
Indigenous children into mainstream society. Aguiar and Halseth (2015) present arguments
to emphasize, “Residential schools were designed to assimilate Aboriginal people into the
dominant European society through the forced removal of children from their families,
communities and culture” (p. 1). The Canadian government provided the funding to build
and maintain these schools, which were administered by various religious organizations. As
a result of the inadequate financing, these schools were often poorly constructed, maintained,
and were most often unsanitary. Additionally, due to insufficient government funding,
students often suffered from malnourishment, inadequate clothing, inadequate medical care,
and death from disease (Aguiar & Halseth, 2015). Indigenous children were often forcibly
removed from their families, communities, and culture due to the mandatory residential
school attendance policy.
Between 1874 and 1996, approximately, 150 000 Indigenous children were forced to
attend residential schools (Jongbloed, et al., 2017). Aguiar and Halseth (2015) explain,
“Residential schools eroded and undermined all aspects of well-being for Aboriginal peoples
through disruption of the structure, cohesion, and quality of family life; loss of cultural
identity; diminished parenting skills; and low self-esteem and self-concept problems” (p. 5).
Students were forced to replace their traditional beliefs with the values, skills, culture,
religion, and language of the dominant European society. Furthermore, evidence provided
by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada acknowledged the horrendous extent
of physical, emotional, and sexual abuse perpetrated in many of these residential schools

15
(TRC, 2015). The impacts of these experiences continue to overwhelm Indigenous people,
families, and communities.
Sixties Scoop
As the residential school era came to a close, apprehension into the child welfare
system escalated. In 1951, a revision to the Indian Act included the newly developed section
88, which for the first time authorized the enforcement of provincial child welfare laws on
Indigenous populations living on reserves (Richard, 2017). This shift in legislation marked
the beginning of the era commonly referred to as the sixties scoop. The sixties scoop was a
practice wherein, social workers apprehended Indigenous children and placed them in the
child welfare system. Subsequently, non-Indigenous families often adopted these children. It
was during this era that the Canadian population became more aware of the third-world
living conditions that existed on reservations across Canada. The government opted to send
child protection workers to remove children from parents deemed neglectful, rather than
addressing the appalling living conditions (Richard, 2017). This practice was justified based
on the socially accepted view, that Indigenous people were unfit to raise their children
according to socially accepted parenting practices (Chartrand, McKay, Whitecloud, &
Young, 2001). During the 1960s, the percentage of Indigenous children and youth in
government care escalated from 1% to around 30% to 40% (Brass, Kirmayer, & Tait, 2000).
These social policies contributed to the loss of traditional child-rearing practices.
Subsequently, generations of Indigenous people continue to struggle to provide adequate care
and nurturing to their children and family members. The removal of children from their
traditional territories further increased the effects of loss of cultural identity experienced by
Indigenous people.

16
Over the last couple of decades, there has been a policy shift towards returning the
development, rights, and responsibly of social policy to Indigenous communities through
self-governance. The Government of Canada (2015) identifies, "self-government agreements
are one means of building sound governance and institutional capacity that allow Indigenous
communities to contribute to and participate in, the decisions that affect their lives and carry
out effective relationships with other governments" (p. 1). Self-determination is a key
element in developing strong healthy and resilient communities and can positively affect a
community’s overall health and well-being. According to traditional Indigenous beliefs, selfdetermination is an essential aspect of the complex interconnectedness of land, culture, and
community. Woons (2105) articulates, “For Indigenous nations and peoples, selfdetermining authority is grounded in the complex interrelationships between land, culture
and community” (p. 1). Through self-governance and self-determination, Indigenous
communities can regain the authority to develop and control their social, cultural, and
economic systems, lost through the process of colonization and assimilation.
Legacy of Social Policies
The legacy of colonization and forced assimilation has taken a devastating toll on
Indigenous children, families, and communities, and they continue to struggle with
intergenerational trauma, dispossession of culture, language, lands, and ways of life (Enns,
Katz, & Kinew, 2017). Social policies have resulted in the overrepresentation of Indigenous
people in the correctional system, the child welfare system, and other aspects of social care
such as housing and addictions. These circumstances continue to foster conditions of
inequality and disadvantage for Indigenous people and communities. There is a plethora of
research supporting the ongoing claims that the Canadian Government continues to

17
underfund programs and services for Indigenous children (Blackstock, Knoke, & Trocme,
2004). Kendall and Turpel-Lafond (2015) emphasize:
It is important to recognize that the disparities experienced by many Aboriginal
children are a consequence of intergenerational challenges of failed government
policies such as residential schools, Indian Act administration and negative
stereotypes regarding the value of First Nations cultures and traditions, as well as
multi-generational poverty, racism, and discrimination (p. 17).
These circumstances have continued even though the Canadian government has
adopted the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. This Convention
identifies children have the right to survival, to develop to the fullest potential, to protection
from harmful influences, abuse, and exploitation, and to participate fully in family, cultural,
and social life (Kendall & Turpel-Lafond, 2009).
Poverty Experienced in Indigenous Populations
When examining the issue of poverty experienced in Indigenous communities, it is
essential to recognize this goes beyond the ability to provide for one’s basic needs. The level
of poverty experienced in Indigenous communities is the result of historical and
contemporary social policies, which have used racism and oppression as a means to limit
access to public resources (Comack, 2006). Indigenous people are more likely than any other
ethnic or cultural group in Canada, to live in substandard or overcrowded conditions.
According to Statistics Canada, 36% of Inuit and 43% of First Nations people living on
reserved lands and 14% of Indigenous peoples living off of the reserve reported living in
homes identified as needing major repairs, compared with 7% of the non-Indigenous
population in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2015). Additionally, 39% Inuit, 27% of First

18
Nations people living on the reserve, and 7% Indigenous people living off-reserve reported
living in overcrowded homes, compared to 4% of the non-Indigenous population (Statistics
Canada, 2015). As the cycle of poverty continues, it becomes an entrenched part of the
community. This sequence of poverty further diminishes educational attainment, physical
and mental health, and overall well-being of the people living in these communities. These
circumstances have produced environments wherein the Indigenous child poverty rate has
escalated to 48%, compared to the 17% experienced by non-Indigenous children (TurpelLafond, 2013). The poverty experienced by Indigenous children living off-reserve are lower
than children living on-reserve; however, they are still approximately three times those found
in the non-Indigenous population (Turpel-Lafond, 2013).
Scope and Scale of Social Issues
In 2011, the Canadian Indigenous youth population increased by 20.1% compared to
that of the non-Indigenous youth population which increased by 5.7% (Blackstock &
Brittain, 2015). This growth rate is due to a combination of ethnic mobility and growth due to
fertility (Government of Canada, 2013). Ethnic mobility refers to a growing number of
Canadians who changed their self-declared ethnic identity or for the first time reported their
children as Indigenous. Current population projections suggest that the Indigenous
population will continue to grow much faster than that of the non-Indigenous, as a result of
higher fertility rates (Government of Canada, 2013). Indigenous adolescent pregnancy rates
have escalated to four times the national average, at 5.8 per one-hundred births among
Indigenous adolescents, compared to 1.6 per one-hundred births among non-Indigenous
adolescents (Kendall & Turpel-Lafond, 2009). Higher adolescent pregnancy rates can be an
indication of increased individual and community experiences related to social issues, as

19
often reported globally in third-world nations. The median age of the Indigenous population
is estimated to be 25, compared to 37 in the non-Indigenous Population (Government of
Canada, 2013). Blackstock and Brittain (2015) emphasize “As the Aboriginal population
grows, so does the cost of Aboriginal poverty and inequity, to both Aboriginal and nonAboriginal Canadians; As these costs grow, so does resistance to the continued
dispossession, assimilation, and impoverishment of Aboriginal peoples” (p. 10). Therefore,
the costs of adequately addressing these social issues have the potential to continue
escalating at or above the growth rate of the Indigenous population.
In BC, Indigenous children and youth are nearly 17 times more likely to be placed in
government care, than non-Indigenous children or youth (Richard, 2017). Recent estimates
have identified that 62% of children and youth in BC’s child protection system are
Indigenous (Richard, 2017). This social issue has escalated to the point wherein there is now
a higher proportion of Indigenous children and youth in government care; than during the
residential school system era (Kendall & Turpel-Lafond, 2015). Furthermore, Boldiş (2014)
clarifies, “Data shows that youths leaving care frequently experience homelessness, mental
illness and delinquency, unemployment and school failure” (p. 101). Propelling these
circumstances is the sub-standard schooling provided for Indigenous children and youth
living on reserve, compared to non-reserve schools. Indigenous education is often
underfunded, because of this buildings are not adequately maintained, and therefore they are
often in need of significant repair (Chappell, 2010). Additionally, teaching materials such as
textbooks are often donations from charity organizations or considered outdated having little
educational value. The level of poverty experienced in these communities also has a severe
impact on a student’s ability and willingness to engage in the learning process. Studies have

20
shown 70% of Indigenous youth in government care will be identified as students with
special needs, compared to 15.5% defined in the general youth population (Kendall, 2009).
Kendall and Turpel-Lafond (2007) point out, “most of those special needs are related to
intensive behavioural or serious mental health issues” (p. 17). Overall, the Indigenous high
school graduation rate is 47% compared to 78% for non-Indigenous Canadians (Heslop,
2009). However, only 24.5% of BC’s Indigenous children and youth in government care will
graduate from high school (Kendall & Turpel-Lafond, 2009). Consequently, only 16 % of
the indigenous population will obtain a college degree and 8% will attain a university degree,
compared to 21% (college) and 11% (university) attained by non-Indigenous population
(Gordon & White, 2013). Due to lower educational attainment, Indigenous people encounter
complications while attempting to participate in the current employment market. These
circumstances propel the cycle of poverty experienced by the Indigenous population.
Escalating Suicide Crisis
Currently, the suicide rates in Indigenous communities have escalated to five to seven
times for Indigenous youth and 11 times higher for Inuit youth, than the Canadian national
average (Orkin, Rajaram, & Schwandt, 2013). Jongbloed, et al. (2017) note that, “Young
Indigenous people using drugs in BC are dying at an alarming rate, particularly young
women and those using injection drugs. These deaths likely reflect complex intersections of
historical and present-day injustices, substance use and barriers to care” (p. E1352). The
amalgamation of social, economic, and cultural factors can produce environments that are
conducive to the suicide crisis experienced in many Indigenous communities. It is important
to note that the suicide crisis seems to occur in clusters, rather than being experienced equally
across all Indigenous communities. Researchers have identified some of the issues

21
contributing to the escalation of this social issue as traumatic life experiences, inadequate
housing, and infrastructure, poor access to recreational facilities, and lack of educational and
economic opportunities to name a few (Jongbloed, et al., 2017). These are just a few
examples of factors that contribute to the self-perpetuating cycle of trauma and adverse
coping skills, which has resulted in an overwhelming sense of hopelessness among
Indigenous youth (Kendall & Turpel-Lafond, 2015).
To adequately address the ongoing suicide crisis, prevention programs and services
should employ a holistic approach to mental health and wellness that incorporates traditional
Indigenous ways of knowing, ceremonies, languages, and culture along with TraumaInformed Practices (Jongbloed, et al., 2017). The integration of these ideologies could
significantly reduce the deep-seated pain currently impacting generations of Indigenous
people. Enns, Katz, and Kinew (2017) provide evidence to support this, “Cultural continuity,
language, and self-determination is also critical health determinants that are not typically
considered in essential health care, despite growing evidence that they promote resiliency
and protect against suicide among First Nations youth” (p. E1007). Consequently, by
building on the strengths and cultural identities of Indigenous youth, they should be able to
reduce the feelings of alienation and anomie from society and in turn put a stop to the
escalation of these untimely deaths (Jongbloed, et al., 2017). These social statistics provided
throughout this report emphasize the significance of this social issue when we consider that
Indigenous people represent only 5.4% of BC’s overall population (Provincial Health Officer
of British Columbia, 2015).

22
Summary
Chapter two reviewed the effects that historical and contemporary social policies
have had on Indigenous populations; such as the Residential School System and the Sixties
Scoop. These social policies resulted in a loss of culture and severely impacted this
population’s ability to parent the next generation of children. Social statistics were included
to highlight the severity of impacts these policies have had and continue to have on
Indigenous culture and populations. We will continue to explore the themes of colonization
and assimilation as well as the impacts throughout this report. The following Chapter
reviews available academic literature associated with child welfare and the escalation of this
social issue.

23
Chapter Three: Review of Child Welfare Literature
In Canada, there is a growing gap between the life outcomes of youth aging out of
governmental care compared to that of their non-in-care peers. Although, the transition from
adolescence to adulthood is challenging for all youth; youth in care experience additional
challenges and obstacles during this transition. These challenges and obstacles include
traumatic life experiences, lower educational outcomes, increased risk of alcohol and
substance abuse, and mental and physical health concerns. The amalgamation of these
factors contributes to the poorer expected life outcomes experienced by youth aging out of
care. The purpose of this section is to examine a few of the significant themes identified in
child welfare literature as impacting the life experiences and outcomes of children and youth
that age out of government care.
Social Policies Impacting Child Welfare
Due to the effects of the colonial processes, additional factors are driving the current
socioeconomic circumstances and cultural discontinuity impacting Indigenous youth,
families, and communities. Brass, Kirmayer, and Tait (2000) articulate, “Cultural
discontinuity and oppression have been linked to high rates of depression, alcoholism,
suicide, and violence in many communities, with the greatest impact on youth” (p. 607).
Ladner (2009) reported, "It is through understanding colonization as a gendered process that
one begins to explain and understand the violence, poverty and power imbalances that are
prevalent in indigenous communities today" (p. 99). As a result of these factors, Indigenous
women are three times more likely to be the victims of violence than non-Indigenous women
(NWAC, 2008). After the high rate of violence experienced by Indigenous women,
Indigenous children are also three times more likely to suffer the devastating effects of

24
family violence. These circumstances are propelling the escalation of Indigenous children
and youth in the child welfare system. Exposure to trauma is considered to be a direct cause
of the development of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) (Bellamy & Hardy, 2015).
As a result of increased rates of family instability as well as inordinate rates of childhood
trauma and adversity, Indigenous children are at an increased risk of developing PTSD
(Bellamy & Hardy, 2015).
Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder
PTSD is a growing mental health concern, which affects an estimated 9.2% of the
Canadian population including people from every social, economic, religious, and cultural
group (Boyle, Mancini, Patterson, & Van Ameringen, 2008). PTSD can significantly
interfere with an individual’s, family’s, and community’s quality of life as well as their
ability to function in academic, occupational, and social contexts (Clark & Mackay, 2015).
PTSD is a mental illness that can develop after individuals experience a traumatic event or
many reoccurring less serious events (Boyle, Mancini, Patterson, & Van Ameringen, 2008).
The symptoms of PTSD occur in three distinct clusters; re-experiencing symptoms,
avoidance symptoms, and hyperarousal symptoms (Bell & Orcutt, 2009). After experiencing
a traumatic event, individuals can develop intrusive memories which are the re-experiencing
of the trauma-related event through flashbacks and nightmares (Clark & Mackay, 2015).
Intrusive memories can be triggered by any stimuli in the individual’s current environment,
which are similar to that of the trauma-related event. Individuals often experience these
intrusive memories through nightmares. Sleep deprivation can further increase the severity
and intensity of these flashbacks and nightmares. As a protection mechanism, individuals
develop the avoidance symptoms of PTSD, wherein, individuals will avoid any stimuli which

25
are similar to that of the trauma-related event to protect themselves from experiencing any
further harm (Bell & Orcutt, 2009). The hyperarousal symptoms work much like an escape
mechanism for the individuals to avoid situations similar to that of the trauma-related event.
PTSD therapy focuses on identifying any possible triggers (intrusive memories) and working
towards reducing the individual’s sensitivity to these triggers (Jones, 2012). Davis (2014)
points out, “The aetiology of a post-trauma condition is complex, and not all persons will
develop PTSD following even a highly disturbing event, which speaks to individual
differences in vulnerability and resilience” (p. 392). This highlights the individualist nature
of the development of PTSD and the role an individual’s personality traits and life
experiences play in the development of this disorder.
Every youth's experience of trauma, abuse, and neglect can cause a variety of
physical, mental, and developmental challenges. These challenges may affect a youth's
social, emotional, cognitive, and physical development (Feduniw, Hubberstey, & Rutman,
2007). Howie (2009) states, “Children who suffer parental rejection, abuse, neglect, and
trauma are at increased risk of poor psychosocial development” (p. 47). Bearing in mind, the
majority of youth in care originate from families who are entrenched in the progression of the
cycles of transgenerational trauma, substance abuse, and poverty. Therefore, youth in care
are at increased risk of developing physical and mental health issues, as well as cognitive or
developmental disabilities (Bellamy & Hardy, 2015). Boyle and Lipman (2008) point out,
“There is a strong association between poverty and child and youth mental health problems”
(p. 3). In fact, children and youth who live in poverty are three times more likely to
experience mental health concerns.

26
Mental Health Concerns
All Canadians can expect to directly or indirectly experience mental health concerns
through a family member, friend, or a colleague (Office of Audit and Evaluation, 2016).
Butler-Jones (2011) defines mental health as, “the capacity of each and all of us to feel,
think, and act in ways that enhance our ability to enjoy life and deal with the challenges we
face” (p. 30). Whereas mental illness represents, “a biological condition of the brain that
causes alterations in thinking, mood or behaviour (or some combination thereof) associated
with significant distress and impaired functioning” (Butler-Jones, 2011, p. 30). Furthermore,
research has shown that the adolescent brain does not fully develop until around the age of
twenty-five for females and twenty-seven for males; which can explain why young people
are often impulsive, make poor decisions, and are more susceptible to alcohol and substance
abuse (Arnett, 2000). During this stage, youth tend to focus on the upside of situations and
ignore any apparent risks or the consequences associated with their behaviors or actions. In
reality, these situations may be influenced by the developmental challenges, and we can
expect that these youth will age out of care before their brains have the cognitive capacity to
begin processing their traumatic life experiences. These circumstances are further
complicated as a youth in care, will lose all of their support services when they age out of
care unless the youth has a diagnosed intellectual disability that meets the criteria for ongoing
supports through programs like Community Living British Columbia (CLBC). Youth in
government care are two to three times more likely to be considered vulnerable in the five
domains of the Early Development Instrument (EDI), which includes physical health and
well-being, social competence, emotional maturity, language and cognitive development, and
communications and general knowledge (Kendall & Turpel-Lafond, 2007). Professionals

27
need to be able to measure developmental delays or challenges so they can adequately
support the child and promote the best possible outcomes, to sufficiently combat this issue.
Developmental Milestones
One approach employed for the early detection of developmental delays is comparing
the child’s development to that of the norms of age-related developmental milestones.
Findlay, Kohen, and Miller (2014) point out, “Developmental milestones are markers of
infant and child skill attainment occurring in a predictable sequence over time” (p. 241).
Developmental milestones can be used to promote healthy development by identifying
children who may be at risk for developmental problems as well as to provide opportunities
for early intervention. Developmental milestones refer to the child’s attainment of the
necessary skills for both gross and fine motor skills, social and emotional capacity, cognitive
ability, and language skills. Doing so offers professionals a tool to identify if a child’s
development is either normal or abnormal; as well as assist in the development of a care plan
to create positive growth to provide the best future outcome for the child (Stuart, 2009).
However, there are limitations to this approach; as researchers have found the differences in
the social norms found in different cultural groups; therefore, social norms from one cultural
group should not be used to measure the development of other cultural groups.
Circumstances such as social, economic status, gender, ethnicity, and culture can
produce different social norms of developmental outcomes and timelines (Stuart, 2009). In
support of this Findlay, Kohen, and Miller (2014) reported, “that the timing of milestone
achievement may differ for Aboriginal children, highlighting the importance of establishing
culturally specific norms and standards rather than relying on those derived from general
populations” (p. 245). One reason for this is Indigenous children and youth living on remote

28
reserves will not have the same opportunities or access to services as children and youth
living in urban areas. Simply put, because Indigenous children do not share the same starting
point or access to supports and services, it can be expected that more effort may be required
to achieve similar outcomes of non-indigenous children. Although urban Indigenous
children may have better access to supports and services, these supports and services often
fail to adequately address the cultural needs of these children, therefore reducing the
effectiveness of these supports and services (Place, 2012). Another factor which increases
the risk factors for developmental delays is the child’s removal from their family of origin
and subsequent placement in the foster care system; which could result in an attachment
injury.
Attachment theory
Attachment theory is the study of the relationship between the primary caregiver and
the child. This relationship, whether positive or negative, will become the framework for the
child's future relationships. Parents who meet the physical and emotional needs of their child
help to foster a secure attachment between themselves and their child (Malekpour, 2007).
Secure attachments are a vital element of resiliency and can act as a buffer during
overwhelming situations and experiences (Perry, 2013). Children with secure attachments
learn to trust people in their lives and can develop healthy relationships in the future.
Malekpour (2007) explains, "the more secure a child's attachment to a nurturing adult, the
easier it seems to be for the child eventually to become independent of that adult and to
develop healthy relationships with others" (p. 83). Unfortunately, this is not the case for
children and youth in government care. Atwool (2006) explains, “Children coming into care
have heightened vulnerability for two related reasons. First, their experiences before coming

29
into care; and, second, the experience of separation from birth family” (p. 325). Many
children and youth in care will experience multiple foster care placements, due to a
combination of placement breakdowns, mental health challenges, and behavioural concerns
(Atwool, 2006). After being removed from their family of origin and experiencing multiple
foster care placements youth are left feeling as though no one cares, which impacts the
youth’s ability to engage or attach to foster parents and makes it more difficult to settle into
foster care placements (Raskin & Rome, 2017). Researchers have identified that multiple
foster care placements exponentially increase the child and youth’s vulnerability (Atwool,
2006). Atwool (2006) points out, “This vulnerability is compounded for children from
minority cultures if their placements in care result in cultural dislocation” (p. 325).
Children and youth raised in neglectful or abusive homes often develop insecure
attachments with their primary caregivers. An insecure attachment may result in
developmental delays because the emotional part of the brain grows simultaneously when
infants begin to form attachments with their primary caregivers. Research by Dr. Bruce
Perry shows this is the part of the brain that also regulates how an individual copes with
stress (Perry & Szalavitz, 2008). During stressful situations or circumstances the child may
react to a stimulus, in which their brain has learned to cope with, angrily or violently manner
(Malekpour, 2007). To fully develop this sphere of the brain a secure attachment is essential.
Thus, if a child experiences an insecure attachment, their brain may develop differently
compared to a child with a secure attachment (Perry & Szalavitz, 2008). Therefore, these
children and youth require additional supports and time, to overcome the developmental
delays or challenges created by their traumatic life experiences.

30
When examining insecure attachments, it is essential to recognize the effects poverty
can have on attachment. Wray (2015) articulates, “When families grow up in poverty they
are more likely to be faced with multiple stressors that will promote insecure attachments in
parent-child relationships and harsher parenting conditions” (p. 223). These stressors include
unemployment, substandard housing, violence, substance abuse, and absence of health
insurance (Wray, 2015). Bywaters, et al. (2016) contend, “The greater the economic
hardship, the greater the likelihood and severity of childhood abuse and neglect” (p. 4). To
be clear, this does not mean poverty is the cause of insecure attachments; however, it does
produce environments where good caring parents could cause insecure attachments because
they do not have enough time or adequate resources to build an environment conducive for
providing a secure base for a child. A parent, in an improved socioeconomic circumstance,
would be better able to create an environment wherein a secure attachment is more likely.
Attachment injuries are repairable; however, it will take time, dedication, and consistency
from both the caregivers and professionals involved, to build the trust that is needed to help
these children overcome any attachment injuries (Perry & Szalavitz, 2008).
Additional factors experienced by youth in care may negatively influence their
development. Experiences such as placement issues, a high number of foster care
placements, multiple social workers, school transfers, and changes in a youth’s social circle
also increase the likelihood of developmental delays or challenges (Kendall & TurpelLafond, 2007). The implementation of the foster care system was meant to be a temporary
measure to provide children and youth with safety, care, and protection when parents are
unable or unwilling to do so. Unfortunately, due to a lack of approved foster care homes and
behaviour challenges, many children and youth often experience multiple foster care

31
placements. Each of these moves has the potential to create additional attachment injuries
and moving from school to school can impact the youth’s social development and may result
in lower educational attainment. Research has identified educational attainment as the key to
a successful transition from adolescence into adulthood (Feduniw, Hubberstey, & Rutman,
2007). Turpel-Lafond (2014) points out, "without adequate transitional supports, young
people leaving care are less likely to graduate from high school and attend post-secondary
education" (p. 3). Providing youth with the quintessential supports increases the likelihood
of completing high school and enhances the possibility of obtaining post-secondary training
or education. Most youths in care do not have the financial and emotional support of their
parents, which researchers have identified as an essential part of educational attainment
(Turpel-Lafond, 2014). The reality of this situation is youth in care are forced to struggle
through the difficult transition from adolescence to adulthood, without adequate parental
guidance and support, at a much earlier age than their non-in-care peers. Census data for
non-in-care youth showed 44% of young adults aged 20-29 continue to live with their parents
(Feduniw, Hubberstey, & Rutman, 2007). It is unrealistic to expect youth in care to achieve
self-sufficiency, without the guidance and support of caregivers at a much earlier age than
expected in the general population.
Contemporary Legislation and Service Provision
In a perfect world, child welfare policy would be designed and implemented to
improve the social determinants of health of our most vulnerable populations (Mikkonen &
Raphael, 2010). Changes to child welfare policy would be influenced by evidence-based
research and practices, rather than on changes in the political landscape. Our politicians
would comprehend the importance of improving the life outcomes of our future generations.

32
However, we do not live in a perfect world, and current social policies were designed and
implemented utilizing antiquated scientific knowledge and understandings. We need to
develop a system wherein child welfare policy changes in phase with advancements in
scientific and academic comprehension. Future child welfare policy should focus on
ensuring the supports and resources are available to assist our most vulnerable populations, in
improving their social determinants of health and helping these populations to reach their full
potential. Researchers have explained this is a complicated social issue which will require
changes in social policy at the organizational, provincial, and federal levels.
Across Canada, every province is responsible for the development and
implementation of their child protection and child welfare legislation (CWRP, n.d.); the only
exception is that the federal government remains responsible for Indigenous people (Swift,
2011). As previously mentioned; through the Indian Act legislation, the federal government
is responsible for regulating, administering, and funding of social, cultural, and economic
programs in registered reserve communities (Hanson, 2009). Today, under the umbrella of
the Ministry of Children and Family Development (MCFD) in the province of British
Columbia, a plethora of policies and services support the safety, health, and well-being of
children, families, and communities. One of the service lines that function under MCFD is
known as delegated child welfare (child protection), which is guided by the Child, Family
and Community Service Act (CFCSA), which outlines roles and responsibilities to protect
children from unsafe circumstances. The CFCSA enacted in 1996, is the legislation that
legitimizes the legal authority and mandate for child welfare services in BC (CFCSA, 1996).
MCFD carries mandated training requirements for anyone providing delegated child welfare
services. Therefore, all child protection workers are required to commence specialized child

33
welfare delegation training before they are authorized to carry out the various responsibilities
at each of the three levels of delegated authority under the CFCSA (Harding, 2010).
MCFD divided BC into thirteen service regions with 429 offices. Additionally, the
BC Provincial Director of Child Welfare at MCFD has the authority to negotiate and enter
into “Delegation Agreements” with Indigenous tribal councils or Indigenous agencies to
provide Indigenous child welfare services (Richard, 2017). Through delegation agreements
Delegated Aboriginal Agencies (DAA’s) and their employees are authorized to undertake the
administration of all or parts of the CFCS Act (Richard, 2017). Based on negotiations
between the ministry and the Indigenous community, the Director will appoint a level of
child welfare delegation. This delegation dictates the range of services the DAA will be
authorized to perform (Richard, 2017). The Director divided Child welfare delegation was
into three categories. The child welfare delegations levels are as follows:
Category 3 (C3): Resource Development and Voluntary Service Delivery; allows
social workers to provide voluntary services and oversee the recruitment and
retention of residential resources (foster homes). It includes authority to provide
support services for families and voluntary care agreements (Richard, 2017);
Category 4 (C4): Guardianship Services for Continuing Custody Wards; includes all
the legal authority in C3 plus additional responsibilities to carry out guardianship
duties for children and youth in continuing custody. These include permanency
planning, transitions out of care and managing Comprehensive Plans of Care (CPOC)
(Richard, 2017);
Category 6 (C6): Full Child Protection Services: C6 is the highest level of delegation
and includes all the legal responsibilities of C3 and C4. C6 also comprises the

34
authorization for full child protection duties, including investigation of child abuse or
neglect reports, placing children in care, obtaining court orders and developing safety
plans (Richard, 2017).
To date, the Director has authorized 24 DAAs with another six agencies still in the
negotiating or planning stages (Kozlowski, Milne, & Sinha, 2014). The 30 DAAs (including
those already authorized as well as those still in the planning phase) are divided among three
cultural groups; 23 First Nations DAA’s: 4 Metis DAA’s, and the remaining 3 DAAs are
urban Indigenous agencies (Kozlowski, Milne, & Sinha, 2014). Eleven DAAs provide full
child protection services, eight DAAs offer guardianship services, and four DAAs provide
voluntary family support services (Richard, 2017). Together these DAAs offer supportive
services to approximately 1,900 of the 4,400 (42%) of Indigenous children and youth
currently in the care of the BC government (Richard, 2017). CSFS commenced this process
in the mid-1990s, becoming a C4 DAA authorized to provide guardianship and family
preservation support services for its member nations (CSFS, 2016). Additionally, in 2017,
CSFS initiated the negotiation process to become a C6 DAA, to regain control of Indigenous
child welfare services for Carrier Sekani Member Nations (CSFS, 2016).
Any person under the age of 19 is considered a child, according to the CFCSA
(CFCSA, 1996). The age of majority is the term commonly used to describe this transition
from childhood into emerging adulthood. Conversely, the terms children and youth can be
used interchangeably while discussing the child welfare system. The CFCSA, definition of
youth include, "a person who is 16 years of age or over but is under 19 years of age"
(CFCSA, 1996). This definition provides additional supports and services to youth in care.
The CFCSA outlines the rights of children and youth in care in part four of the act.

35
According to section 70: (1) (a) “Rights of children are to be fed, clothed and nurtured
according to community standards” (CFCSA, 1996). As the child’s or youth’s guardian, the
provincial government is legally responsible for caring and providing for a youth’s
immediate and future physical/mental health, as well as the educational, and cultural needs;
consistent with reasonable community standards (CFCSA, 1996). Youth in government care
have a legal right to the same opportunities and supports offered by parents to non-in-care
youth; which is imperative in the development of responsible, well-educated, and wellbalanced adults (Rutman, Hubberstey, Feduniw, & Brown, 2007). Unequivocally, the lack of
ongoing support for youth aging out of provincial care has been identified, as a severe and
significant social issue (Raskin & Rome, 2017).
There are approximately 9,000 children in the care of the BC government (Kendall &
Turpel-Lafond, 2009). Kendall and Turpel-Lafond (2009) identified that “4,500 children
reside with relatives under the Child in the Home of a Relative program” (p. 10). Threehundred children reside in kinship-based out of care placements, and another 1,500
Indigenous children live with a relative on their reserve, through the federally administered
Guardianship Financial Assistance program (Kendall & Turpel-Lafond, 2009). Additionally,
there are approximately 600 youth living independently through the assistance of Youth
Agreements (Kendall & Turpel-Lafond, 2009). About 700 youth will age out of care, every
year in BC (Kendall & Turpel-Lafond, 2009). As these youth reach the age of majority, they
are no longer eligible for child protection services or supports; however, they may qualify for
some newer post government care services offered by MCFD. Youth who are or have
applied to attend a postsecondary school, rehabilitation program, vocational training, or
approved life skills program, may access supports and services under an Agreement with

36
Young Adults (AYA) (MCFD, 2017). The AYA program is available for any youth; aged 19
to 26, who aged out of a foster care placement, a youth agreement, or was under the
guardianship of the Director of Adoption (MCFD, 2017). The AYA helps cover the costs of
housing, child care, tuition, and healthcare, while the young adult is attending school
(MCFD, 2017). Young adults accepted into this program can receive these supports for a
maximum of 48 months, or until the age of 26 (MCFD, 2017).
Northern and Remote Communities
The criteria used to describe northern or remote communities are complicated and
imprecise (Schmidt, 2008). Therefore, there is no universally accepted definition for
northern or remote communities. For this discussion, northern and remote communities refer
to communities that are remote, isolated, marginalized, and do not have access to essential
support services which are commonly available in urban centers. Due to isolation, remote
northern communities often experience higher incidences of poverty and all other social
issues. The remoteness of many reserves reduces access to doctors and medical treatment.
Because of this individuals are more likely to wait for a health crisis before they travel to the
nearest hospital or treatment facility; which has adverse impacts on both the physical and
mental health of these communities (Kendall, 2009). As a result, Indigenous people are at
higher risk for illness and earlier death compared to non-Indigenous contemporaries. These
factors contribute to a sense of disenfranchisement and hopelessness often experienced in
Indigenous communities.
As youth in northern and remote communities age out of care, there are fewer
economic and educational opportunities. For the students that successfully graduated from
high school, the possibility of obtaining a post-secondary education is daunting and

37
overwhelming, as this often requires individuals to relocate to larger urban areas, without
parental or community support during a time wherein they no longer qualify for
governmental supports or services. The primary factor limiting economic development as
well as attracting livable wage employment opportunities will continue to be the costs
associated with transporting needed raw materials as well as transporting finished products
from remote communities to market. Therefore, the economies in these areas are most often
single-industry, related to resource extraction, or are industries that only offer employees
minimum wages (Schmidt, 2000). Having to rely on resource extraction must seem like a
double-edged sword for these communities, given that Indigenous culture and traditions
focus on the connection to the land and a sense of responsibility for maintaining and
protecting their traditional territory and environments. Additionally, resource extraction
sectors are the first to experience job losses during difficult economic times. Therefore, there
are very few jobs on reservations, and the majority of existing positions focus on the
functioning of the reserve. These jobs are often inherited which leaves little opportunity for
other reserve members. Because of these circumstances, Indigenous youth are usually only
able to obtain precarious employment, which further increases the youth vulnerability during
difficult economic times.
The reality of the inadequate education system and lack of employment opportunities
in remote communities, means youth have a choice to either rely on social assistance or leave
their family and community to obtain post-secondary training or employment (Chappell,
2010). Even when these youth are successful in their post-secondary educational aspirations,
there are no jobs for these youth to apply for in their community. Therefore, they are forced
to choose between returning to their communities or look for work in larger urban areas.

38
While there is no simple solution to overcome these circumstances, one possible solution for
these youth may be exploring careers wherein individuals can work from home: providing
they have a reliable internet connection. Youth would still need to leave their community for
training and possibly need to remain in the larger urban areas until they have acquired two
years of work experience. However, after this, they may be able to return to their community,
while continuing to earn livable wages.
Northern and remote communities do not have the same level of services and
resources available as in urban areas. Zapf (2010) argues that “rural concerns have been
relegated to the margins of mainstream social work, where they have experienced an uneven
cyclical history of attention and neglect” (p. 79). As a result, people in northern and rural
regions typically travel great distances to obtain services not available locally. Due to
limited ministry approved community foster care placements children and youth apprehended
from their family of origin are often placed in foster homes outside of their traditional
community. These circumstances negatively affect the child’s extended family connections
as well as their culture. This situation is further complicated as transportation is often a
challenge in these communities, and there is inadequate access to rural transit services
(Schmidt, 2000). Because of this, parents without access to reliable transportation are unable
to participate in services mandated by the ministry to address the child protection concerns or
adhere to scheduled visitation schedules.
An ongoing challenge for these communities has been the difficulty of recruiting and
retaining social workers and other healthcare professionals. Richard (2017) reports that
“recruitment problems are compounded for smaller agencies located in rural areas, who have
less funding flexibility to offer competitive wages” (p. 53). The majority of new social

39
workers hired in these areas leave after obtaining approximately four years of practice
experience; as new opportunities develop for these more modern social workers in urban
areas (Miller, 2010). This issue is further complicated as the workforce is not large enough
to adequately meet the needs of the community. As the baby boomer generation starts to
retire this workforce will experience a further reduction (Miller, 2010). Due to these
circumstances overcoming the social issues encountered in remote communities will continue
to be a complicated and challenging task. Children and youth removed from these
communities will have to choose between returning to their originating territory and
depending on social assistance or continuing to reside in urban areas and pursuing their
educational and employment aspirations.
Summary
The purpose of this chapters was to consider the significance of systemic, social,
economic, and cultural barriers and the ongoing consequences these barriers have on the
expected life outcomes of youth aging out of care. The promotion of better life outcomes for
children and youth in care needs to be a priority in government policy and mainstream
society. Child welfare legislation needs to be reformed to provide the necessary supports, to
ensure that all youth in care receive adequate supports to overcome the hardships originating
from their life experiences. By understanding the local culture, social workers can help to
create better-living environments for individuals and communities. Doing so would promote
better life outcomes for youth aging out of care and encourage these youths in becoming
equal participating members of our society. The next chapter will focus on reviewing the
experiences from my MSW practicum at CSFS.

40
Chapter Four: Reflective Review Practicum Learning Experiences
Chapter four outlines the learning goals that were identified to assist in enhancing my
professional practice skills as well as improve my professional confidence. This section also
explains the rationale of my learning goals and provides a timeline for the completion of all
aspects of this practicum. This chapter also describes the activities completed during this
practicum placement and the resulting learning offered through these experiences.
Students accepted into UNBC’s Master of Social Work program have the choice of a
thesis or practicum route. The practicum route requires students to complete 560 practicum
hours, with an agency of their choosing. Therefore, students can develop a practicum
placement that best suits their professional interests. Practicum environments provide
students an opportunity to enhance and refine their social work practice skills while focusing
on a particular area of interest. Therefore, the principal objective of the MSW practicum is to
prepare students with the necessary knowledge and skills to assume a variety of roles and
responsibilities in management, policy formulation, program consultation, planning,
advanced social work research, and advanced social work practice (UNBC, 2017-2018). As
a new BSW graduate, I felt that the practicum option during my graduate program would be
an opportunity to gain valuable supervised social work practice experience.
Practicum Goals and Objectives
The overall objective of my MSW practicum was to improve my professional practice
skills as well as, enhance my professional confidence. The following four learning
objectives were developed to assist in reaching these objectives (Located in Appendix A is
The Learning Contract);

41
I.

Continue developing a professional identity as a social worker and enhance my
ability to recognize issues affecting clients and communities.

II.

Gain familiarity with the practice environment, practicum agency, and
knowledge-base of available formal and informal community resources.

III.

Improve my knowledge of the reality of integrating social work values, ethics,
and comprehension of professional practice.

IV.

Improve my ability to manage a practicum workload and perform administrative
tasks efficiently.

A discussion on the activities that aided in achieving these practicum objectives will be
outlined in the following section of this report.
Performance and Supervision
My performance evaluation meetings were regularly held with my practicum
supervisor, academic supervisor, and my MSW practicum supervisor on an ongoing basis
throughout this placement. An outside MSW practicum supervisor was required, as the
Youth Services Team no longer employed a teammate with MSW credentials. After careful
consideration, my academic supervisor was able to identify an appropriate MSW practicum
supervisor candidate, who agreed to provide MSW practicum supervision. The goal of
educational supervision is to promote ongoing professional development and enhance the
supervisee’s understanding of social work policy, ethics, and best practices (Smith, 2011).
Supervision activities facilitate learning through training, sharing experiences and
knowledge. Supervisors utilize their practice experience to inform, clarify, guide, and help
supervisees find solutions to challenging situations and enhance professional growth and
development (Smith, 2011). McClure (2005) explains, “it is that form of practice that seeks

42
to problematize many situations of professional performance so that they can become
potential learning situations and so the practitioners can continue to learn, grow and develop
in and through practice” (p. 3). This process allowed me to analyze my practical skills and
experiences on an ongoing basis; to identify what worked, what didn’t work; and identify any
possible way to improve a situation or outcome.
Practicum Learning Activities and Experiences
My practicum experience was one of perpetual change. Through my educational
journey, I have completed four practicum placements. Due to the continuous evolution of
focus and direction experienced during this placement, I am confident this MSW practicum
epitomizes the realities of professional social work practice. These circumstances offered me
a supplemental learning experience to enrich my professional development and identity; as
well as, significantly augment confidence in my professional proficiencies. On a personal
and professional level our success or failure should not be measured by how many setbacks
or challenges we experience; preferably, it should be measured by how quickly we can adapt
in overcoming any delays or problems, allowing for the continuation of favorable
progression towards meeting any set-out goals. These circumstances were beneficial in
achieving objective IV of my learning contract as it offered an opportunity for me to
demonstrate my ability to manage my workload while performing any necessary
administrative tasks.
My original practicum placement was with the child and youth mental health worker
on the CSFS Youth Services team. Unfortunately, the child and youth mental health worker
resigned from the organization a few weeks before my anticipated start date. Subsequently,
my practicum supervisor and I brainstormed to identify service gaps in the current programs

43
offered to youth through CSFS. As a result, we developed new goals and tasks to assist in
reaching my overall practicum objectives. Identifying gaps which were related to my
proposed research and MSW focus presented a challenge. However, we were able to identify
a lack of services and programs aimed at increasing employment and educational
opportunities for youth who had or will soon age out of government care. In the early
planning stages of this project, it was essential to identify similar services, currently being
offered in the Prince George area, to ensure we were not recreating services that were already
available. The research conducted throughout this process was crucial in achieving my
practicum objective II, as this enhanced my familiarity with the practice Agency and
environment and improved my knowledge-base of available formal and informal community
resources. This task became much more manageable after obtaining the Prince George
Resource Directory, produced by the Crisis Prevention, Intervention & Information Centre
for Northern BC. This directory identifies local service providers and provides a brief
description of the services each provider offers. Through this resource, I was able to locate
and connect with some local agencies that provide youth employment services; such as the
CSFS Bridging to Employment program, Indigenous Employment and Training Association
(PGNAETA), and Youth Around Prince (YAP).
The CSFS Bridging to Employment program was created in 2000 to assist
unemployed or underemployed Indigenous community members, to obtain the necessary
skills to improve their employment options (CSFS, 2016). This holistic program addresses
the social, economic, educational, and cultural barriers experienced by Indigenous peoples as
they attempt to participate in the job market. The Bridging to Employment provides
individuals with some supportive services which include creating resumes, cover letters,

44
improving interview skills, and public speaking skills while incorporating a strengths
perspective to identify an individual’s strengths, resources, and employment interests (CSFS,
2016). Additionally, this program also provides individuals with employment skills training
such as first aid training with CPR, WHMIS, FOODSAFE, Serving It Right, and an
Introduction to Computers to name a few course offerings. As well, a one week on the job
mentorship program is provided (CSFS, 2016).
Another local agency that provides employment services is the Prince George
Nechako Aboriginal Employment and Training Association (PGNAETA), through the
Aboriginal Employment Gateway (AEG) program. AEG offers a variety of services to
accommodate the needs of unemployed or underemployed Indigenous people looking to
improve their participation in the workforce (PGNAETA, 2017). AEG staff can provide
support for individuals experiencing personal issues, family planning, financial planning,
access to funds from various sources, and support throughout their training or on-the-job
work experiences (PGNAETA, 2017).
Youth Around Prince (YAP) is a community-based program that offers frontline
services such as showers, laundry, a kitchen, phone, mailing address, photocopier, fax
machine, and computer access free of charge (YMCA, 2017). This agency provides
individuals under the age of 29, with a career-focused three-week employment program.
Through this program, clients receive help building and strengthening their resume, improve
their interviewing and networking skills, as well as pre-employment training; such as First
Aid Level 1, FOODSAFE, WHMIS, and WorldHost. Additionally, staff members are
available for one-on-one counseling and to assist with long-term career planning (YMCA,
2017). While I was able to identify these and many more services as being open to youth in

45
the Prince George area; they do not provide services targeting the complex needs of youth
who have or will age out of care. Therefore, we were able to establish there is a substantial
community need for such services. This process was crucial in achieving objective I of my
learning contract. Subsequently, my practicum project would focus on developing a Youth
Employment and Skills Mentorship Program for youth in care, which could be hosted on an
ongoing basis by the Youth Services Team at CSFS.
Employment and Skills Mentorship Program
The Employment and Skills Mentorship Program would provide youth with necessary
employment skills and provide part-time on-the-job mentorship over the summer months.
This program would provide CSFS staff an opportunity to identify a youth’s employment
interests and provide the youth with support and encouragement in obtaining any necessary
training to achieve employment in their field of interest. By providing individuals with an
opportunity to experience some small successes, we can significantly increase their problemsolving abilities and prosocial skills which will enhance the individual's ability to thrive,
foster the development of resilience, and promote ongoing well-being and improve their
expected life outcomes. Additionally, incorporating a strengths-based perspective can also
enhance the youth’s sense of identity and accountability, which can be influential in the
promotion of positive results. Due to the time constraints of the MSW practicum, it was
decided to run a small pilot program, consisting of three youth who were already accessing
services offered by the Walk Tall program, and who agreed to take part in this project. The
pilot project allowed an opportunity to evaluate the efficiency and effectiveness of the
Employment and Skills Mentorship Program. Research by Raskin and Rome (2017)
indicates, “It might be possible to increase employment stability by providing job coaches

46
while youth are still in foster care and having them remain with the youth throughout the
transition” (p. 16). Therefore, I planned to incorporate this research along with my
experiences with the Education and Skills Training Program (ESTR) as well as McNaughton
Support Services to develop the framework for the Employment and Skills Mentorship
Program.
The ESTR program at Thompson Rivers University provides students with cognitive
disabilities, knowledge about future employment opportunities and training in a specific area.
Students divide their time between classroom learning, labs, and two work placements
(ESTR, n.d.). Classroom learning focuses on teaching students safe work practices,
employer expectations, teamwork, necessary computer skills, and self and community
awareness (ESTR, n.d.). During the two-week work placements, students receive a
combination of on-the-job training and mentorship in one of three fields; such as kitchen
assistants, retail workers, or automotive assistants. Additionally, students have an
opportunity to obtain WorldHost, WHMIS, and FOODSAFE certifications (ESTR, n.d.).
McNaughton Support Services provides services and programming to increase community
participation and employment opportunities for youth and adults diagnosed with cognitive
disabilities (McNaughton, 2016). These support services include both one-on-one support as
well as a variety of group activities. The one-on-one support services are designed as the
best fit for an individual’s unique social and economic needs, while the focus of group
activities was increasing prosocial skills and community involvement.
As a precaution to avoid any possible ethical dilemmas, copyright infringements, or
confidentiality issues, I requested authorization from both ESTR and McNaughton, to
incorporate my knowledge of their programs along with any information available through

47
their websites, in the development of the Employment and Skills Mentorship Program.
Additionally, both agencies offered their support in the planning and implementation phases
of this practicum project. This approval was crucial as it was important to identify possible
sources of funding, which would allow the Employment and Skills Mentorship Program to be
self-sufficient. During my time at McNaughton, I was able to ascertain that there were two
primary funding sources; MCFD provided the funding for youth currently in governmental
care and CLBC for the adults with diagnosed cognitive disabilities. This funding was based
on the individual assessed level of need and these agencies would provide funding for a set
number of hours on either a weekly or monthly on a contract basis. Currently, MCFD
contributes funding for the Walk Tall program to maintain a cultural connection and
culturally competent programs for Indigenous children and youth in care. Additionally, I
was able to identify that there were a number of young adults accessing services offered
through the Walk Tall program who were receiving support services from CLBC. Equally
important, because the Walk Tall staff are already providing support services for individuals
aged 8 to 24, they would not require any additional training to maintain an ongoing
Employment and Skills Mentorship Program. Subsequently, by reworking the funding
proposals for the Walk Tall program, to include community inclusion (meaning society in
general), educational supports, and employment training could be a pathway for obtaining
additional funding to help cover the operating costs of the Walk Tall program.
Due to the limited timeframe of this practicum placement, it was unrealistic to
develop our employment skill training; therefore, we needed to partner with an agency with
an established employment skill training program. It was during this phase of development
that the difficulties of creating this program became apparent. Unfortunately, the Bridging to

48
Employment Program is shut down throughout the summer months. My initial meetings
with PGNAETA seemed to be a promising way to address this need. We were able to
establish that both CSFS and PGNAETA agreed that there was a substantial need for services
and programming designed to meet the complex needs of youth who have or are about to age
out of care. Initially, PGNAETA expressed an interest in partnering with CSFS to develop
and implement a Youth Employment and Skills Mentorship Program; however, due to the
time constraints of the MSW practicum, we were unable to move forward with this
partnership. This partnership would have been an ideal way to build a community of support
around a group of youth who often lose their support network as they age out of care.
After a great deal of research and meeting with local agencies, I was able to register
one of the selected youth into a two-week intensive employment skills training course that
was offered by YAP over the summer months. Due to the timing of the YAP program, the
other two youth were not able to attend this program. Unfortunately, the one who was signed
up for the Yap program was unable to participate after accepting a part-time employment
opportunity that conflicted with the YAP schedule. At this point, we had exhausted all other
available options for providing the selected youth with the necessary employment skills
training that were essential in acquiring part-time summer employment. Although I was able
to give the Youth Services manager a framework to create the Employment and Skills
Mentorship Program, we were unable to establish and run the pilot project. However, I
continued to explore employment and educational interests with one of the selected youth
throughout my time at CSFS. Due to this unfortunate setback, we decided that I would take
on the responsibility of completing any Walk Tall intakes and provide any assistance needed
by the Youth Services Team.

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Youth can self-refer or be referred by any helping professional to access Walk Tall
services; however, most referrals originate from the youth’s social worker. After receiving a
youth referral, the family is contacted to collect any required personal and medical
information. Through this process, I noticed some youth diagnosed with Attention deficit
hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), but not currently prescribed medication.
Progression of Educational and Professional Focus
As I investigated this issue, some parents explained that they considered ADHD a
fictitious condition created by doctors; a comment I have repeatedly heard throughout my
personal and professional experiences. Personally, I feel this misconception is perpetrated by
a general lack of awareness of ADHD and other mental health conditions, by the general
public as well as the helping and teaching professions. Additionally, I consider this belief to
be propelled by the stereotypical view that a child or youth who has ADHD is identified as a
problem child and is less intelligent than children without ADHD. If professionals were
more aware of this condition, the symptoms, and how to manage the disorder perhaps
professionals would be better equipped to educate caregivers to dispel many mental health
misconceptions, which would reduce the associated stigma and improve the likelihood of
individuals seeking and receiving any needed treatments or interventions. In my experience,
the general lack of understanding of mental health conditions and symptomatology is evident
throughout the helping and teaching professions. This situation appears to be exacerbated by
the lack of available mental health courses offered in the post-secondary professional
programs which are further complicated by limited training provided by employers. FroeseGermain and Riel (2012) provided evidence to support this when they reported, “teachers,
whether they are general education or special education teachers, lack the necessary

50
preparation and skills to meet the needs of students with emotional and behavioral disorders
(EBD)” (p. 2). The Evidence to support this comes from the three programs undertaken on
educational journey in becoming a social worker;
1) The Human Services Diploma program (also identified as Social Services Diploma
by some colleges and universities) did not include any courses focusing on mental
health conditions.
2) The Bachelor of the Social Work program, there was one available mental health
course, but this was an elective and not a core requirement.
3) The Master of Social Work program did not offer any specific mental health courses.
Therefore, we can expect that many new social work graduates will have limited
comprehension of mental health conditions as teaching professionals. Students can
overcome this challenge by focusing their academic research and writing on mental health
conditions. As mentioned previously, this understanding developed early in my educational
journey and was pivotal in my decision to shift my primary educational focus towards child
and youth mental health. This awareness is related to a culmination of all of my practicum
and employment experiences. There were two pivotal experiences that led me to the belief
that there may be a gap in professional knowledge related to child and youth mental health
disorders. One originated from a meeting with a manager of a 24-hour residential care
facility that provided support services for youth with mental health concerns and behavioral
challenges. The second interaction involved communication with a special needs teacher
who was employed by the school district.
During a meeting, the manager of a residential care facility offered a resident file for
review and discussion. After analyzing the medical reports in conjunction with the other

51
documentation, I discussed my review findings with the manager of the facility. In the
context of reviewing the file, I inquired as to whether or not an Autism Spectrum Disorder
assessment (ASD) had been considered or requested, by Interior Health Children's
Assessment Network (IHCAN) assessment. An IHCAN assessment is conducted by a multidisciplinary team which provides diagnostic evaluations for children and youth who may be
experiencing a range of challenges. These challenges include learning and intellectual
difficulties, Autism Spectrum Disorders (ASD), Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder
(ADHD), developmental disabilities as well as social, emotional, or behavioral problems
(Okanagan Ability Centre, 2015). The assessment report identifies areas of weakness and
strengths for the individual, which are an excellent resource for professionals developing
interventions or care plans aimed at improving functioning, as well as providing parents with
an enhanced understanding of their child’s condition and ways in which the parent can more
efficiently support the needs of the child. After a brief discussion with this manager, it was
evident that the manager lacked a general understanding of ASD and other mental health
conditions.
Another example where a lack of awareness occurred, was at a meeting with a school
district special needs teacher and a guidance counselor. The conference was organized to
explore any possible ways to address the behavioral challenges of a youth designated with a
learning disability and multiple diagnoses which included ADHD, Oppositional Defiance
Disorder (ODD), and Anxiety. The special needs teacher wanted to discipline the youth for
behaviors identified as symptoms of ADHD; such as lack of focus, inattention to detail or
instructions, failure to complete assignments or tasks, and constant fidgeting or bothering
other students. At this point of the meeting, I respectfully enquired as to whether or not the

52
special needs teacher was aware of the known symptomology associated with ADHD, as they
had just listed most of the known ADHD symptoms as behaviors in need of punishment.
While I was in agreement that we needed to find a better way to manage the behavior
challenges, I disagreed with disciplining the youth for behaviors associated with a known
diagnosis. At the conclusion of the meeting, the special needs teacher explained that she felt
segregation was the most appropriate response to the youth’s behavior challenges. This
meeting was followed up by an extensive discussion with the school principal, wherein I
addressed many concerns related to the special needs teachers’ awareness and treatment of
the youth diagnosed with mental health challenges. In the end, the principal agreed that
disciplining the individual was not an effective way to manage the symptoms of their mental
health concern. Additionally, the principal ensured they would promptly and appropriately
manage this situation. The educational system response to mental health and behavioural
challenges has included suspensions or a transfer to an alternative educational placement,
rather than developing the needed proactive support systems (Froese-Germain & Riel, 2012).
These experiences reinforced my belief that the helping and teaching professions require
mandatory mental health courses as part of the core curriculum. Additionally, this situation
strengthened my belief that the most effective and efficient way to manage challenging
behaviour is by understanding the impacts a mental health condition may have on the
manifestation of actions and behaviors. At first, researching the various mental health
challenges commonly experienced by children and youth seemed like a daunting task. The
sheer number of mental health conditions identified in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual
of Mental Disorders 5 (DSM5) seemed overwhelming. Surely, anyone who has researched
mental health conditions in the DSM5 will understand how intimidating this process can be.

53
Equally disheartening was recognizing each of these conditions have an endless list of
possible symptoms. This task seemed even more challenging after realizing many mental
health conditions shared similar criteria. To simplify the complexity of this task, I identified
what I considered defining characteristics of each mental health condition. For example, a
few of the characteristics of ADHD, I identified are working or short-term memory deficits,
impulsivity, poor self-regulation, short attention span or lackof focus, and hyperactivity
(Cooper & Thapar, 2016). Fetal Alcohol Syndrome’s defining characteristics include deficits
in linking actions and behaviour with associated consequences, executive functioning,
learning, memory and visual-spatial reasoning, adaptive functioning, low birth or height
compared to age-related norms, and may include facial abnormalities (Godel, 2002). Autism
Spectrum Disorder’s defining characteristics can include disruptive or maladaptive
behaviour, irregular emotion responses or displays, angry outbursts, irritability, sensitivity to
certain textures of fabric or food, and challenges in adapting to or managing change (Dayan,
et al., 2017). To be clear, this is a small list of known symptoms identified early in my
research to assist in identifying and differentiating the different mental health conditions and
represents a starting point in my educational journey to enhance my comprehension of this
subject matter. After this point, my research and practice experiences added additional
information to my mental health knowledgebase, which also expanded my knowledge and
understanding of both the shared and different symptomology of mental health conditions,
which often impact the lives of children and youth.
My practice experience has shown me that children and youth in care, are often
impacted by comorbid mental health conditions. Because of this, it was of great interest to
start investigating the interactions of various mental health conditions and the behaviours this

54
interaction may manifest. It is essential to understand the cause of the behaviours when
attempting to overcome or manage a child’s or youth’s behaviours effectively. For example,
individuals experiencing the symptoms of FASD and ADHD often repeat concerning actions
or behaviours. In each of these circumstances, individuals will know the actions or
behaviours are wrong and most often understand the repercussions of such acts or
behaviours. However, they continue to repeat these actions and behaviours for very different
reasons. Additionally, in managing these circumstances, it is crucial to understand the
underlying issues manifesting these unwanted actions and behaviours.
For example, FAS impacts the region of the brain responsible for linking actions and
behaviours with associated consequences (Godel, 2002). Therefore, while the individual will
most likely know the actions or behaviours are wrong as well as the related repercussions,
their brain fails to make the connection between the actions, behaviours, and consequences.
The deficits or impacts on an individual’s development and functioning connected to FASD
are considered permanent. Although further research is needed, recent advancements in the
understanding of the brain functioning and neuroplasticity may offer a pathway to
overcoming this issue. Neuronal plasticity is the brain's ability to make or break neurological
connections based on our experiences (Medina, 2011). By practicing new skills over and
over again, other regions of the brain can be trained to take over the functions of the brain
that did not develop properly or are damaged. Similarly, an individual with ADHD, may also
repeat concerning actions or behaviours because they are impulsive. These individuals tend
to act on thoughts before they think about the consequences until after the actions or
behaviours is complete. To manage these behaviours, we must assist the individual in
learning coping strategies to overcome their impulsivity. Coping strategies and medications

55
can give these individuals a few moments to consider the consequences of their actions or
behaviours before they act on these thoughts. ADHD medication can also help with these
situations by allowing the individual the additional time and processing capacity to consider
the consequences of any ideas. The key to managing concerning actions and behaviours is
understanding the conditions responsible for the manifestation of many of these actions and
behaviours. This understanding can allow professionals and caregivers an opportunity to
help the individual in developing coping strategies and skills to improve development and
reduce the occurrences of any concerning actions and behaviours.
Elder Mentorship Program
This year (2017) the Youth Services Team developed an elder mentorship program.
This program aims to re-establish connections between children and youth in care with the
elders of their community of origin. A couple of events were scheduled every month, one for
juniors boys and girls and one for senior boys and girls. These events provide an opportunity
for elders to teach the children and youth about their traditional heritage. The first event was
a tour of the children and youths originating community. As we toured the area, elders
shared stories about the community, traditions, and values. As a social worker, it was a great
experience to witness how communities can come together. Throughout the summer, I
participated in a few more of these events. Most interesting was the berry picking event. For
this event, a co-worker and I arranged for two children in government care to attend this
event which occurred in their home communities. An elder started the activity with a
traditional story related to berry picking in their community. Followed by a lesson on what
berries to pick and how to best accomplish this task. Rather quickly I could sense the elder’s
resistance in engaging and participating in the activity with me. For example, when asking

56
questions, the elder would hesitate before responding with the shortest possible answer. It
was also apparent that the elder was observing my interactions with the two children. After
recognizing the elder’s resistance, it was important to remember this resistance was not
personal, as this was the first time we had met. So I continued to interact with the children
and gave the elder as much time as needed to become comfortable with my presence and
participation in the activity. The berry picking activity took us to some locations in the
community, and the elder shared additional stories at each site. After about an hour, I could
sense the elder’s resistance was beginning to diminish. The elder was now communicating
more openly and frequently with me and smiling during our interactions. The children and I
had a great time at this event and we got to explore much more of the community than we
had during the first tour activity.
Near the end of the activity, we headed back to the community health center to wash
and sort the berries. We met up with a large group of community members who were also
picking berries. As I started cleaning and sorting the berries one of the children we brought
to the event, asked the elder to join their table. We had a great conversation about the
children, the activity, the importance of the elder mentorship program, as well as, my
educational journey and future professional plans. At this point, the elder encouraged me to
consider joining the local CSFS team. The main take away from this learning experience is
understanding that resistance is most likely the result of a combination of historical and
personal life experiences, rather than a personal issue. By giving the elder as much time as
needed to become comfortable with my presence, we were able to overcome this resistance.
These activities were beneficial in helping me achieve objective III of my learning contract,

57
as they offered an opportunity to reflect on the reality of integrating of social work values,
ethics and knowledge in professional practice.
Summary
In this chapter, I identified and described my learning goals and objectives for my
practicum with the Walk Tall program hosted by Carrier Sekani Family Services in Prince
George, British Columbia. This practicum placement provided multiple learning
opportunities to learn about and participate in culturally structured programs and services and
collaborate with other helping organizations and professionals. Through these experiences I
learned about the broad range of services available locally for children, youth, and young
adults. The networks I developed assisted me throughout my practicum and will continue to
be of benefit in my future professional practice. In the following chapter, I will offer
implications for social work practice based on my practicum experiences.

58
Chapter Five: Implications and Recommendations for Social Work Practice
This section outlines the implications of my practicum experiences on both my
personal and professional development. It is essential to start this section by identifying an
accepted definition of social work. In 2014, the International Federation of Social Workers
(IFSW) incorporated the following global description of social work:
Social work is a practice-based profession and an academic discipline that promotes
social change and development, social cohesion, and the empowerment and liberation
of people. Principles of social justice, human rights, collective responsibility and
respect for diversities are central to social work. Underpinned by theories of social
work, social sciences, humanities and indigenous knowledge, social work engages
people and structures to address life challenges and enhance well-being (IFSW,
2014).
The difficulty in creating this definition is social workers take on a substantial number of
roles and responsibilities on a daily basis.
Personal and Professional Development
From my perspective, on the most basic level, social workers are merely agents of
change. Therefore, as social workers, our primary goals should be assisting our clientele in
identifying modifications they feel are required to improve their current situation and overall
life experience and provide needed assistance throughout the process of change. To
accomplish this social workers may take on a variety of roles and responsibilities while being
flexible enough to change interventions on an ongoing basis to best meet the client’s needs,
which can vary frequently. Therefore, a client’s involvement and cooperation in intervention
and care planning are essential in promoting change. An individual’s ability and willingness

59
to adhere to a developed plan relies heavily on the relationship between the individual and
the practitioner. With this in mind, the client-practitioner relationship is the most crucial
element of my professional practice. In my professional social work practice, building
relationships begin by showing the client respect. We can foster the development of trust by
taking the time to actively listen to the client and their story, validating their feelings, and
ensuring they do not feel judged.
Interestingly, developing professional relationships was the aspect of practice that I
most feared, as I began my educational journey because I do not consider myself overly
social. After reflecting on my first practicum along with supervisor comments, it became
clear that developing relationships was a very natural process for me; which became a
reoccurring theme throughout my practicum experiences. My professional relationship
building skills are a combination of my personality characteristics. In both my personal and
professional lives, I tend to be a big picture thinker, which means the more information I
have on a person, their life experiences, and any physical or mental health concerns, the
better equipped I feel in helping clients identify any needed changes and supporting them
through the change process. Incorporating the client’s beliefs, values, and worldviews into
the care planning and interventions can efficiently promote positive change.
Ethical Considerations and Challenges
During this practicum experience, it was essential to recognize how my membership
in the settler community and a representative of the social work profession impacted an
individual’s ability and willingness to engage with me on a personal and professional level.
Historically, the groups I am a member of have been responsible for a great deal of harm in
Indigenous communities. It is essential to understand the role social workers played in the

60
historical and contemporary policies, which have resulted in the current social and economic
circumstances in Indigenous communities. Blackstock (2009) explains, "We must first learn
from our professional past to learn from it and avoid replicating past mistake" (p. 28).
Additionally, it is important to remember the power and privilege I receive through my
ethnicity, gender, education, and role as a social worker. These factors can impact an
individual's willingness to engage with me and the system. To overcome this, social workers
need to neutralize power structures to assist in the development of healthy trusting
relationships. It is essential for social workers to understand how racism and oppression
impact individuals and groups and act on this learning by becoming allies and advocates
working towards eliminating discrimination and oppression. Doing so will help ensure we
are helping our clients and not merely teaching them to accept their current conditions.
The Canadian Association of Social Workers (CASW), Code of Ethics has been the
primary influence during my practicum experience. The social work Code of Ethics
incorporates six core values: Respect for the Inherent Dignity and Worth of Persons, Pursuit
of Social Justice, Service to Humanity, Integrity in Professional Practice, Confidentiality in
Professional Practice, and Competence in Professional Practice (CASW, 2005a). Over the
duration of my educational journey, my comprehension of these core values; such as, selfdetermination and the complexity of ethical issues such as confidentiality has increased along
with the benefit of social justice which has taken on a much stronger meaning. The CASW
Code of Ethics (2005) is the primary resource when faced with decisions about social work
practice and any possible dilemmas. Fortunately, there were no significant ethical dilemmas
that occurred during my practicum experience.

61
The primary limitation identified during my practicum experience was restricted and
unstable funding to support the Walk Tall program on an ongoing basis. It is important to
note that this limitation impacts the majority of services offered by the helping profession.
These circumstances produce two significant challenges for service provision targeting the
social issues outlined throughout this report. First, as service provision funding contracts end
and are not renewed, programs and services are forced to shut down. This in turn negatively
impacts the services providers’ credibility to provide needed long-term services for the
population being served. Additionally, the service providers’ credibility is further impacted
by the ongoing staff turn-over crisis in the helping profession. The revolving door of staff
members’ further affects the clientele’s ability and willingness to engage with any necessary
services. These circumstances reinforce the need for collaboration amongst service providers
to remain aware of available services to assist clientele. Secondly, due to tension created by
current funding models service providers who are often competing for limited available
resources have a tendency to be resistant to sharing resources and information with other
agencies. In my experience this situation has often resulted in multiple agencies providing
the same or similar services that target the same population. If service providers worked
more closely together to limit the duplication of available services, we would be able to
provide a better range of services and in turn improve the life experiences of our clientele.
Recommendations for Social Work Practice
Throughout my educational and professional experiences, I have found the key to
engaging with this population is through the amalgamation of cultural agility along with
respectful relationship building. The BC Public Service Agency (2017) explains, “Cultural
agility is the ability to work respectfully, knowledgeably and effectively with Indigenous

62
people” (MCFD, 2017). My recommendation for professionals wanting to work with
Indigenous populations is to begin by taking the time to learn the basics of the local nation’s
culture, traditions, and ceremonies. It is crucial for professionals to understand that
traditionally Indigenous culture is passed on through story-telling and participation.
Therefore, to gain a better understanding of the local culture, newcomers need to participate
in cultural events rather than reading about these traditions in a textbook. In my experience,
attending and participating in local cultural activities demonstrated my respect and
willingness to learn about and engage with the local culture. Subsequently, this has
significantly reduced community resistance and in turn, increased the acceptance of my
practice in the local community. Most often individual and community resistance to engage
with service providers is the result of a combination of historical and personal life
experiences. Participating in cultural events and allowing individuals as much time as they
need to become comfortable with my presence, has always produced positive results, which
can improve the response time of a professional to any given crises.
Mental Health Training for Helping Professionals
Over the last decade or so, there has been a push to increase mental health literacy,
primarily through mental health awareness campaigns. While improving mental health
awareness is an essential element moving forward, I believe these campaigns have produced
more confusion between mental health and mental illness for both helping professionals and
the general population. As an Aboriginal Child and Youth Mental Health Clinician, this
issue has become apparent through my daily interactions with clientele and other helping
professionals. In support of this, the Canadian Mental Health Association reported, “Mental
health and mental illness are increasingly being used as if they mean the same thing, but they

63
do not” (CMHA, 2015). The primary drawback created by these circumstances is longer
wait-times for children and youth. The longer wait-times are the results of having to
complete a number of assessments before re-referring a client to the correct helping
professional or service provider. More importantly, each additional referral reduces the
likelihood that the individual will actively engage with the new service provider. For this
report helping professionals refers to any professionals trained to work with or provide
services for children and youth; such as teachers, youth workers, family support workers,
counselors, social workers, and healthcare providers to name a few.
As indicated in Chapter Three mental health is, “the capacity of each and all of us to
feel, think, and act in ways that enhance our ability to enjoy life and deal with the challenges
we face” ( (Butler-Jones, 2011, p. 30). Whereas mental illness represents, “a biological
condition of the brain that causes alterations in thinking, mood or behaviour (or some
combination thereof) associated with significant distress and impaired functioning” (ButlerJones, 2011, p. 30). Any professionals working with children and youth should receive
mental health and mental illness training as a means to better understand the circumstances
and conditions that often impact children and youth. This training should be incorporated as
core requirements of any post-secondary helping profession training program. This training
would aim to provide an understanding of the importance and differences of mental health
and mental illness as well as a basic comprehension of the mental illnesses that impact the
lives of children and youth. It is essential that the mental health and mental illness training
be an ongoing occurrence offered by employers and that this training is continually updated
to incorporate any advancements in mental health and mental illness. As mentioned in

64
previous sections of this report, the key to understanding and managing behaviours of
children and youth is understanding the conditions that manifest a particular behaviour.
Final Conclusion
Clearly, promoting better life outcomes for youth in government care needs to be a
priority in society and government policy. To combat this problem child protection and the
child welfare legislation need to be reformed to provide the necessary supports, to ensure that
all youth in care are provided with adequate supports once they leave government care or
reach the age of majority. Northern and remote communities continue to need assistance in
overcoming social issues. The recruitment and retention of social workers in northern and
remote communities will be an ongoing challenge. The success of these social workers will
balance on their ability to develop strong ties with both the individuals and communities in
northern and remote areas. By understanding the local culture, social workers can help to
create better-living environments for northern and remote individuals and communities.
With the supports in place, a youth may be better equipped to overcome any developmental
delays or challenges, which have resulted from their life experiences. Doing so may assist
youth in breaking the cycles of poverty, abuse, substance use/abuse, and reduce the adverse
effects of any mental health issues.

65
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Appendix A: MSW Practicum II Learning Contract
UNIVERSITY OF
NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
School of Social Work, College of Arts, Social and Health Sciences
MSW Practicum II: Learning Contract
Student: Wayne Mernickle
Practicum Supervisor: Kayla Brownscombe
Academic Supervisor: Tammy Pearson
Agency: Carrier Sekani Family Services
Hours of Work: Regular business hours, Monday to Friday
Length of Placement: From: 08/05/2017 to: 25/08/2017
Hours of Work: Regular business hours, Monday to Friday
Learning Objectives: The overall objective of my practicum is to further develop my
professional practice skills as well as, my confidence. Therefore, I have identified the
following learning objectives as a guideline to assist in achieving my practicum goals:
I.

Continue to develop a professional identity as a social worker and enhance
my ability to recognize issues affecting clients and communities
a. Understand the social worker/client relationship dynamics and be able to
identify and neutralize power imbalances while working with, meeting, and
interviewing clients, family members. This goal will improve my ability to
analyze power dynamics and imbalances, recognize and manage the impacts of
adversarial or authoritative client-based systems, understand the practicum
agency’s culture and service delivery model and how the interaction of these
factors can impact both the clients and my own ability to efficiently and
effective engage in services and the process of change.
b. Understand the Carrier Sekani Family Services mandate and be able to work
within that system to best meet the family’s/client’s needs in addressing any

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mental health concerns. This learning will increase my knowledge of the legal,
policy, and organizational context of my practicum agency.
c. Understand the importance of collaborative practice. This goal will strengthen
my ability to work efficiently and cooperatively with colleagues, clients, and
other agencies.
d. Identify the strengths and limitations of the service delivery mandate and
appropriately question standards and practices.
e. Discuss any identified ethical dilemmas with my supervisors. This goal will
increase my ability to recognize or identify ethical dilemmas and the importance
of consulting with supervisor or experienced co-workers, on ways to avoid or
overcome any ethical dilemmas that may arise.
II.

Gain familiarity with the practice environment, practicum agency, and
knowledge-base of available formal and informal community resources
a. Develop relationships with community organizations to work collaboratively
with a broad range of formal and informal community resources to the benefit of
clients.
b. Improve my ability to make referrals as needed, to practice social work
efficiently, while collaborating with diverse clients or client groups from an antioppressive framework or approach.
c. Review client files, history of services accessed, and follow up by suggesting
additional formal and informal community resources, to help meet their needs.
This goal will increase my knowledge of formal and informal community
resources, which improves my ability to refer clients to the appropriate services
to best meet their individual, family, or community needs.
d. Recognize, identify and articulate an individuals, families, or community’s
strengths, available resources, needs, as well as the appropriate services to best
support individuals in addressing any identified concerns. This understanding
will improve my skills in working effectively in collaboratively with a diversity
of clients or client groups.

III.

Improve my knowledge of the reality of integrating of social work values,
ethics and knowledge in professional practice
a. Enhance my comprehensive understanding of the Canadian Association of
Social Workers (CASW), Code of Ethics as well as values and ethics consistent
with the egalitarian ideals of the social work profession.
b. Review and gain familiarity with the practicum agency’s guiding theories,
perspectives, and approaches.

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c. Understand the application of these values while working with a variety of
client-based systems, such as colleagues, supervisors, and representatives of
other systems.
d. Identify structural inequalities in the practicum context and the implications this
has for the marginalization, oppression, and social exclusion of clients and client
groups in society.
IV.

Improve my ability to manage a practicum workload and perform
administrative tasks efficiently
a. Enhance personal and professional development, by seeking appropriate
consultation and demonstrating an awareness of my strengths and identifying
areas for growth.
b. Complete assigned tasks promptly. This goal will increase my ability to work
independently and improve my workload management skills.
c. Document case notes consistently and accurately in an objective manner,
including all relevant and necessary information, while excluding personal
opinions.
d. This learning will increase my professional report and documentation writing
skills.
e. Reflect in journal responses to crisis and emergency situations. This goal will
allow me to respond more efficient and effective to similar situations and
circumstances.
f. Develop the capacity to initiate learning activities including the ability to seek
and use consultation. Through this learning, I will improve my independent
workload management skills and professional record keeping skills, while
adhering to social work values, ethics.
g. Engage in career-long learning combined with personal and professional
reflection and self-correction skills to promote continual personal and
professional development. As challenges or limits in my comprehension or
knowledge base are identified, take the initiative in seeking outside learning
opportunities to overcome these obstacles. Subsequently, this will enhance my
ability to distinguish personal strengths and limitations while improving my
capacity to remove my world view and biases when working with clients

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