SEX OFFENDER INTERVENTION: EFFECTS ON THE WORKER
by
Elizabeth Clark
B.S.W., University of Northern British Columbia, 2012

THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK

UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
June 2021
© Elizabeth Clark, 2021

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Abstract
This paper describes a qualitative study involving six participants who work in the field of sex
offender intervention. Participants’ struggles and professional rewards are examined.
Recommendations on workplace policy and procedure adjustments are made based on the
findings. Although participants identified rewards of their work, they described many physical,
emotional, and mental health struggles they encountered, because of their employment. They also
identified supports that promoted their wellbeing in the work.
Keywords: sex offender intervention, workplace wellbeing, emotional survival

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Acknowledgements
My eternal gratitude to the friends who supported me through this journey. Christopher
Tyler has been a constant source of encouragement and friendship since the first day of our
undergraduate degree. He and Troy Hale were ever present for professional, technical,
grammatical, and emotional support throughout my Master of Social Work odyssey as well as in
my work in sex offender intervention. To the workers who participated in my research, thankyou for your openness, and for trusting me with your stories.
Acknowledgement also to my loyal supporter and feline friend, Mia Mai Mercury who
was physically at my side providing warmth and comfort throughout the writing process.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract

ii

Acknowledgements

iii

Table of Contents

iv

Chapter 1

Introduction

1

Chapter 2

Literature Review

3

Burnout

3

Vicarious Traumatization

4

Secondary Traumatic Stress and Compassion Fatigue

6

A Scale to Assess Well-Being in Sex Offender Treatment Providers

7

The Impacts of Supervising Sex Offenders

8

Burnout when Working with Sex Offenders

9

Secondary Trauma and Vicarious Trauma Working with Sex Offenders11

Chapter 3

Chapter 4

Vicarious Perpetuation

16

Perspectives on Resiliency

17

Research Design

24

Methodology

26

Methods

27

Participants

27

Thematic Analysis

29

Validity – Member Checking and Consultation

31

Ethical Considerations

31

Expectations

32

Findings

34

Participants

34

Themes

35

Effects on the Person

35

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Chapter 5

Chapter 6

Workplace Struggles

39

Workplace Rewards

44

Workplace Coping Strategies

45

Home Coping Strategies

48

Ideas for Improvement

48

Research Journal

49

Discussion

51

Relation to the Literature

51

Limitations

54

Recommendations

55

Conclusion

58

References

60

Appendix A: Interview Guide

65

Appendix B: Participant Recruitment Advertisement (E-blast)

67

Appendix C: Information Letter / Consent Form

68

Appendix D: Counseling Resources E-mail

71

Appendix E: Research Ethics Board Approval Letter

72

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Chapter 1: Introduction
Upon completion of a Bachelor of Social Work degree, the employment opportunities for
the social worker are diverse. When I graduated with a Bachelor of Social Work degree from the
University of Northern British Columbia, I chose to pursue a career as a probation officer. This
role soon proved to be an intense, eye-opening, and profoundly socially important job. One of the
complexities I found in this position lies in the expectations of the provincial employers. The
social worker is expected to supervise offenders in the community, to accurately assess their risk
to society, take measures accordingly, and to provide certain therapeutic interventions. The
career of the probation officer offers many opportunities to learn from a diverse clientele and to
pursue the cause of protecting the community. It also, however, poses unique challenges and
could, conceivably, affect practitioners in myriad ways.
While employed as a probation officer, specifically in the capacity of supervisor of sex
offenders, my interest was piqued as to the effects of this work on the wellbeing of probation
officers. I experienced effects of this work first-hand: dread of discussing deviant sexual
fantasies with high-risk offenders; and disbelief when reading police reports depicting
horrendous crimes. Yet, sometimes, I would feel a sense of accomplishment after facilitating the
Sex Offender Maintenance Group, wherein the risk of a group member to reoffend may have
been reduced by my intervention.
Because of the dichotomy of these experiences and my perceived lack of balance
between the positive and the negative workplace rewards, I wished to gain a more comprehensive
insight into the struggles of professionals working with sex offenders in a rehabilitation capacity.
I hoped to gain an understanding of the supportive strategies available to professionals, formally

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and informally, to cope with the associated work stressors. Is there a way to keep this stress in
the workplace?
The dichotomy that exists between the struggles of working with sex offenders and the
great potential to illicit positive change is evident in the existing, albeit limited, literature in the
field. However, this literature is mostly focused on clinicians with a higher level of education, a
master’s degree, or PhD, than front-line workers in the field. For this reason, the decision was
made to study the effects of the work on people who work with sex offenders who have
bachelor’s degrees. The hope was, to gain further insight into these struggles, but also learn of
measures taken by organizations or individuals to improve the circumstances for workers. Given
this, my study was to include professionals such as probation officers, parole officers, Indigenous
justice workers, forensic psychiatric caseworkers, and counsellors. My research question was as
follows: “What are the effects of working with sex offenders on front line workers with an
undergraduate degree and what factors contribute to worker resiliency?” A qualitative research
study was conducted, involving semi-structured interviews with six people who worked in the
field of sex offender intervention. These participants described the effects of the work, their
supports, and their struggles in this employment. Based on a thematic analysis of these
interviews, recommendations were formulated, to offer employers a framework on which to base
workplace policies to better support their staff who work in this field.
The goal of this research was to establish recommendations for agencies that employ staff
working in a position requiring them to rehabilitate sex offenders; to improve the workplace for
these professionals, strengthen the positive effects of the work, and offer organizational means to
reduce the myriad negative effects workers may experience.

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Chapter 2: Literature Review
When reviewing literature associated with the effects and the challenges a job may have
on a social services worker, one quickly recognizes that several key terms are used to describe
negative symptoms experienced by probation officers, social workers, and clinicians. The
following sections will review several terms commonly used to describe the effects of witnessing
trauma in a professional capacity and measures commonly used to assess for these conditions.
Burnout
Burnout is a term first defined by Freudenberger (1974) as a phenomenon he witnessed in
drug addicts, who stared blankly at their cigarettes until they burned out. Clinically, there is
currently no consensus on the definition, concept, terms, or diagnosis of burnout. It is not a
psychiatric diagnosis, but a concept of occupational psychology identifying the impact of
working conditions on the mental health of affected people (Van der Klink & Van Dijk, 2003).
Maslach et al. (1997) define burnout as: “a psychological syndrome of emotional exhaustion,
depersonalization, and reduced personal accomplishment that can occur among individuals who
work with other people in some capacity” (Maslach et al., 1997, p. 192).
Burnout is assumed to be a product of a professional viewing his or her work as
excessively demanding with a perception of being unable to cope with the stress of these
demands. This often will result in the belief that the resolution of a client’s problems lies beyond
their professional capabilities (Maslach et al., 1997). Given the scope of responsibilities assigned
to professionals working with sex offenders and the potential risk to the public by clients,
burnout may indeed be an issue that professionals working with sex offenders struggle with.

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In order to measure the extent of burnout, the Maslach Burnout Inventory (MBI) is
commonly utilized. The MBI includes three sub-scales: Emotional Exhaustion (EE), (five items,
e.g., ‘I feel used up at the end of a work day’); Depersonalization (DE), (five items: e.g., ‘I doubt
the significance of my work’); Personal Accomplishment (PA), (six items; e.g., ‘I can effectively
solve the problems that arise in my work’). All items are scored on a seven-point frequency
rating scale ranging from 0 (‘never’) to 6 (‘always’). High scores on EE and DE and low scores
on PA are indicative of burnout.
Vicarious Traumatization
The term vicarious traumatization was coined by McCann and Pearlman (1990) as a
phenomenon describing the experience of therapists or individuals working with traumatized
clients. It is described as “the transformation of the therapist or helper’s inner experience as a
result of empathic engagement with survivor clients and their trauma material” (Saakvitne &
Pearlman, 1996, p. 25). Saakvitne and Pearlman (1996) further note they believe vicarious
traumatization is the result of an accumulation of experiences and encounters, not merely one
single traumatic event. They believe vicarious trauma, essentially, involves strong feelings such
as rage, or sadness, resulting from hearing about people’s pain. Saakvitne and Pearlman (1996)
state vicarious traumatization includes attempts to become numb to protect oneself from these
reactions. This is very similar to Post Traumatic Stress Disorder in that people struggling with
the effects of vicarious trauma may alternate between being overwhelmed by feelings and being
numb to them.
In their theory, McCann and Pearlman (1990) use the Constructivist Self Development
Theory (CSDT) to explain the effects of vicarious traumatization on helpers. Herein,

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psychological needs and cognitive schemas inform how a person responds to trauma.
Psychological needs include the need for safety, esteem, trust, control, and intimacy. Further,
these needs include beliefs about oneself (e.g., self-esteem) and others (e.g., trust in others)
(McCann & Pearlman, 1990, p. 137). These needs are said to be sensitive to trauma and can
easily be disrupted. Cognitive schemas are ever evolving, constructed cognitive structures that
each person develops throughout their life span. Cognitive schemas are based on experience and
interaction with the environment and can be seen as frameworks based on how each person
interprets events throughout their life. These frameworks can be greatly influenced by trauma,
both personally experienced and experienced vicariously. This explains the occurrence of
vicarious traumatization (McCann & Pearlman, 1990, p. 137).
Saakvitne and Pearlman (1996) list signs and symptoms of vicarious traumatization. They
categorize these into “general changes” and “specific changes”. “General changes” include
disconnection from loved ones, social withdrawal, no time or energy for oneself, increased
sensitivity to violence, cynicism, generalized despair and hopelessness, and nightmares.
“Specific changes” include diminished self-capacities; disrupted frame of reference; changes in
identity, worldview, or spirituality; impaired ego resources; disrupted psychological needs and
cognitive schemas; and alterations in sensory experiences (e.g., dissociation or depersonalization)
(Saakvitne & Pearlman, 1996).
The statistical scale used to measure vicarious trauma is the Traumatic Stress Institute
Belief Scale (TSI Belief Scale). The TSI Belief Scale is based on the constructivist selfdevelopment theory, and measures disruptions in participants’ beliefs. It assesses cognitive
schema and emphasizes inner experiences rather than somatic experiences such as those apparent
in PTSD (Pearlman & MacIan, 1995). The TSI Belief Scale encompasses 80 items with ten

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subscales measuring “self-safety” (the belief that one is secure and safe from harm), “other
safety”; “self-esteem”; “other-esteem” (the belief that others are valuable); “self-trust” (belief in
one’s own judgments); “other-trust”; “self-intimacy” (connection to self); “other-intimacy”
(connection to others); “self-control”; and “other-control”. Each scale requires participants to rate
their level of agreement with statements on a 6-point Likert scale ranging from 1: “strongly
disagree” to 6: “strongly agree”. Higher scores on the TSI Belief Scale indicate a higher level of
vicarious trauma (Traumatic Stress Institute, 1994).
Secondary Traumatic Stress and Compassion Fatigue
When reviewing literature related to Secondary Traumatic Stress and Compassion
Fatigue, it appears these terms are applied interchangeably. Figley (1999) states these terms are
used by professionals according to their perception of the connotations of either term. Figley
(1999) states he has found compassion fatigue is more commonly used by nurses, emergency
workers, and other professionals who experience symptoms as a result of being in the line of
duty.
Figley (1995) offers one of the first definitions of compassion fatigue, examining the
consequences of caring for others on the therapist. Figley (1999) defines compassion fatigue as:
“the natural, consequent behaviors, and emotions resulting from knowledge about a traumatizing
event experienced by a significant other. It is the stress resulting from helping or wanting to help
a traumatized or suffering person” (p. 10). Craig and Sprang (2010) clarify compassion fatigue
results from an accumulation of primary, secondary, and vicarious traumatic stress caused by
exposure to work-related stressful interactions. If stress becomes excessive, the therapist may
develop compassion fatigue, which, in turn, may jeopardize his or her professional sense of self

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while negatively impacting on psychological well-being. Figley (1999) believes symptoms of
individuals exposed to secondary trauma are “nearly identical” (p. 11) to those experienced by
the victims of trauma.
In order to assess for compassion fatigue or secondary traumatic stress, Figley (1999)
suggests the use of the Compassion Satisfaction/Fatigue Self-Test for Helpers (ProQOL). This
measure has been in use since 1995. There have been several revisions with the fifth version, the
ProQOL 5 being the current version. The ProQOL 5 is a 30-item questionnaire allowing
participants to rate statements on a scale of 1 (never) to 5 (very often). The results can be broken
down into three categories: Compassion Satisfaction, Burnout, and Secondary Traumatic Stress.
Herein, low Compassion Satisfaction scores and high Burnout and Secondary Traumatic Stress
scores are cause for concern.
Research has been conducted to determine what organizational factors may influence
compassion fatigue. Meadors and Lamson (2008) found a “culture of silence”, wherein stressful
events are not addressed is a leading contributor. Furthermore, a lack of awareness of symptoms
and poor training regarding the risk of high stress jobs can be associated with high rates of
compassion fatigue.
A Scale to Assess Well-Being in Sex Offender Treatment Providers
In an attempt to create a measure that would accurately reflect the impact of working
therapeutically with sex offenders, Clarke and Roger (2007) created a 61-item scale, the
Assessment of Dynamic Adaptation (ADA) scale. This scale includes three sub-scales: 1)
negative reactivity to offenders (NRO); 2) ruminative vulnerability (RV); and 3) organizational
dissatisfaction (OD). After extensive testing, the authors found the scale to have satisfactory

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internal consistency and retest reliability. The authors believe the ADA encompasses the full
range of effects identified in the existing literature and will provide a reliable and valid measure
to assess the impact of working with sex offenders (Clarke & Roger, 2007, p. 95).
The Impacts of Supervising Sex Offenders
The provision of treatment to sex offenders is a relatively recent phenomenon. Behavior
therapy for deviant sexuality was first applied in the 1950s; modern approaches implementing
behavioral and cognitive behavioral therapies began to emerge in the late 1960s (Laws &
Marshall, 2003). Literature examining the effects of this endeavor on service providers began to
emerge roughly twenty years ago. Clarke (2011) outlines many of the negative effects noted by
the first wave of sex offender treatment providers. Clarke (2011) cites impact literature, and finds
evidence of vicarious trauma, compassion fatigue, and burnout in documented accounts of
therapists, facilitators, and treatment providers who worked with sex offenders. Effects include:
“sleep disturbances, general irritability, difficulty making decisions, depression and/or depressive
episodes” (Clarke, 2011, p. 336). Clarke (2011), a former employee of Her Majesty’s Prison
Service in England and Wales who provided such services, noted more than a third of the staff in
this employment that had children experienced hypervigilance while raising their own children;
that they struggled with their own behaviors and boundaries; and that they questioned the
appropriateness of engaging in certain play with them. Clarke (2011) cites other studies that
similarly document negative impacts of working with sex offenders, but also raises the
interesting questions of why only some treatment providers experience these negative impacts.
Clarke’s thoughts surrounding this will be discussed at a later point.

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Burnout when Working with Sex Offenders
One of the first publications to explore the impact of working with sex offenders was
written by Farrenkopf (1992). In this article, Farrenkopf (1992) describes a qualitative study
involving 24 therapists who worked with sex offenders. This research highlighted the many
negative effects of this work. In Farrenkopf’s (1992) material, three phases of professional
development were described. In the first phase, the therapist experiences shock, bewilderment,
and vulnerability. Secondly, the therapist experiences hope, wherein the therapist seems to
believe in the importance of the position and strive to achieve the “mission” set out in their
employment. Thirdly, therapists experience anger, cynicism, and disenchantment, which
repressed in the first phases, now resurface. Following this, many of the research subjects,
roughly 25% of the participants, were described as experiencing symptoms of burnout.
Farrenkopf suggests participants who do not experience burnout, coped in a more adaptive
manner: by lowering their expectations of success, detaching from their work, and becoming
accepting of the “nature” of their clientele. Farrenkopf (1992) also discussed a gendered outlook
on the effects of work with sex offenders on therapists and found female therapists were
particularly prone to feeling increased vulnerability, paranoia, and vigilance. Male participants,
however, were more likely to experience feelings of “collective guilt” over male abusive
behavior (p. 220).
Baum and Moyal (2018) conducted a meta-analysis of observable studies to determine
whether one gender has generally been found more likely to experience negative effects when
providing treatment to sex offenders. The authors also determined how these effects had been
found to differ, according to gender. Based on the findings of ten previous studies, Baum and
Moyal (2018) determined male therapists exhibit similar levels of burnout and disruption of their

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own sexual lives as do their female counterparts. It was also found that male therapists
experience a significantly higher level of vicarious traumatization than female therapists (d =
0.365, p < .001).
Shelby et al. (2001) conducted a quantitative study involving 86 mental health providers
who worked with sex offenders. They provided participants with a questionnaire to determine
their level of burnout, as per the Maslach Burnout Inventory (MBI). These results were compared
to the norms for social service workers. This comparison, interestingly, showed the mental health
providers who worked with sex offenders had higher levels of perceived personal
accomplishment than generic social service workers. Their levels of emotional exhaustion and
depersonalization were comparable, indicating the level of burnout amongst sex offender
supervisors is not, in fact, higher than that of the average social service worker. Comparatively,
however, this study found workers who operated in an in-patient or custodial setting experienced
higher levels of burnout than outpatient service providers.
Kadambi and Truscott (2003) conducted a quantitative survey with 91 Canadian
therapists who work with sex offenders. The participants completed questionnaires determining
their levels of burnout (as per MBI) and vicarious traumatization (as per TSI Belief Scale).
Interestingly, participants again did not show a significantly higher rate of vicarious
traumatization than mental health professionals in general. Personal coping strategies were
shown to be a mitigating factor in relation to vicarious traumatization. When examining the
levels of burnout, however, 23% of participants scored in the “high” range on the Emotional
Exhaustion and Depersonalization subscales, which are indicative of professional burnout.

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Moore (2015) wrote a dissertation for her Doctor of Psychology degree examining the
relationships between years of service, caseload size, client recidivism, and burnout of
Association for the Treatment of Sexual Abusers (ATSA) members who provide sex offender
treatment. This study utilized a quantitative correlational research design and used the Maslach
Burnout Inventory to determine participants’ levels of burnout. No correlation between burnout
and caseload size or recidivism of a client were found, however this study, interestingly, found
burnout levels to be lower, the longer a participant had been working in sex offender treatment.
This emphasizes the importance of providing a supportive work environment to support a
treatment provider to become seasoned and comfortable in their role.
Secondary Trauma and Vicarious Trauma When Working with Sex Offenders
Severson and Pettus-Davis (2013) believe secondary trauma to be the term that best
describes the negative impacts of working with sex offenders. The authors define secondary
trauma as “the emotional, cognitive, and physical consequences of providing professional
services to victims or perpetrators of trauma” (Severson & Pettus-Davis, 2013, p. 7). They
conducted a qualitative study involving 49 parole officers who supervised sex offenders, each
participating in one of seven focus groups. Participants were found to have thoughts, attitudes,
and behaviors consistent with secondary trauma which manifested in high levels of stress that
influenced both their personal and professional lives. Effects are described to include somatic
reactions, disrupted sex lives, pervasive thoughts, a loss of innocence, and hypervigilance in both
their work and personal lives (Severson & Pettus-Davis, 2013, p. 16).
Edmunds (1997) conducted a study to examine the personal impact of working with sex
offenders. The objective of that study was to develop profiles of therapists who work with sex

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offenders including personal characteristics, employment conditions, and burnout symptoms.
Participants completed the Personal Impact Survey. It was found that, although the majority
(over 80%) felt that they had received some support from family and close friends regarding their
work with sex offenders, only 48% felt they received support from their local communities.
Twenty-nine percent of the respondents reported an increase in symptoms related to burnout in
the previous year. Over half of the participants reported experiencing fatigue and frustration, and
over one third of the participants reported increases in the burnout symptoms of irritability, sleep
disturbance, and cynicism. Although most of the symptoms were similar for both male and
female participants, women reported more difficulty in the areas of decision-making, sleep
disturbance, and time spent thinking about work. Further, 31% of the participants reported some
degree of decreased sexual interest (Edmunds, 1997).
Way et al. (2004) inquired as to the level of vicarious trauma experienced by therapists
working with survivors of sexual violence compared to those working with sexual offenders.
They also attempted to determine what demographic, personal history, or coping strategy was
particularly associated with vicarious trauma. Two hundred and fifty-two members of the
Association for the Treatment of Sexual Abusers (ATSA) and 95 members of the American
Professional Society on the Abuse of Children (APSAC) participated by completing a survey
including the Impact of Event Scale (IES), which measures vicarious traumatization with the use
of the subscales of “Intrusion” and “Avoidance”. Further, participants were administered the
Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ) to measure their self-reported history of childhood
maltreatment, including sexual abuse, physical abuse, physical neglect, emotional abuse, and
emotional neglect. In the last portion of the survey, participants’ strategies for coping with their

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role as providers of sexual abuse treatment was examined. Twenty-four possible strategies were
provided, and participants were asked to indicate if they had utilized each strategy.
The results of the inquiry conducted by Way et al. (2004) were concerning. The IES
measuring the level of vicarious traumatization was in the “clinical” range for 52% of the
participants. Although the level of vicarious traumatization did not seem to vary between the two
groups of participants, the coping strategies engaged in by the treatment providers of survivors of
sexual violence were far more positive than those engaged in by the treatment providers of sexual
offenders. Interestingly, the researchers did not find correlations between increased vicarious
traumatization and participants’ maltreatment histories. The level of vicarious trauma was,
however, connected to the duration of the provision of treatment, for both groups of participants.
Treatment providers for abuse survivors seemingly experienced lower levels of trauma the longer
they worked in the field. Treatment providers for offenders, however, experienced an increased
level of trauma, the longer they had been active in their field.
Way et al. (2004) suggested providing specialized training to clinicians working with
sexual offenders. They believed this training should explain vicarious traumatization as a normal
response to working with traumatized people and does not reflect a deficiency in the clinician.
Further, they suggested providing ongoing training on self-care strategies and ongoing education
and professional development through their agency including case consultation, professional
education, and personal days (Way et al., 2004).
Thorpe et al. (2001) conducted a quantitative study involving 87 clinicians, jurists, and
frontline caseworkers who work with sex offenders. They provided a 31-item Professional
Impact Questionnaire to assess professional performance, coping strategies, and emotional

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reactions. The primary purpose of this research was to establish the consistency of the
Professional Impact Questionnaire, but the administration of said questionnaire, unsurprisingly
indicated that the stronger a professional’s efforts were to cope with work-related distress, the
less damaged they were by the impacts of their work. Interestingly, of the professional groups
participating in this study, case workers experienced the highest level of emotional impact, jurists
experienced the lowest. In summary, the authors suggest promoting awareness of personal issues
and attitudes that may influence one’s work; obtaining appropriate training and pursuing
continuous education; establishing supportive relationships with co-workers; limiting the number
of cases involving sex offences; and maintaining a sense of humor (Thorpe et al., 2001, p. 202).
Almond (2014) conducted a qualitative study, for which she interviewed 16 professionals
working in an un-named organization which provides intervention to children and youth showing
deviant sexual behaviors in the United Kingdom. Almond (2014) wished to determine the impact
of the work on the participants, determine existing sources of support (both internal and external
to the organization) and provide recommendations for future program development to increase
staff well-being.
Almond (2014), interestingly, received strong positive responses from each of the 16
respondents regarding their feelings about their work. Participants valued the position as a source
of great professional and personal development. They believed the work caused them to become
more tolerant and less judgmental. Most of the negative feelings expressed related to
dissatisfaction with the organization; participants expressed that they felt a lack of respect from
their senior managers and that they struggled with the bureaucracy of their workplace.

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When questioned about supports utilized, participants consistently reported they primarily
relied on team/colleague support. Fourteen participants stated they did not discuss their work
with friends or family. External supports were thus indirect, consisting of distractions from work
stressors. Participants also expressed great reluctance to utilize in-house supports provided
through their employer, such as the Employment Assistance Program (EAP), due to skepticism
towards support provided by the organization (Almond, 2014, p. 343). It was expressed that a
more “reflective style practice supervisor” would be of assistance, focusing on the needs of the
practitioner (Almond, 2014, p. 346). An acute need for clinical supervision was also mentioned
by most participants.
In conclusion, Almond (2014) makes the following three recommendations: 1)
constructive supervision and support of practitioners; 2) the provision of trusted organizational
support, separate from formal management and evaluation; and 3) the provision of confidential
clinical supervision. It was noted that the general views of the effects of working with the
sexually deviant youth were described in positive terms, and that the suggestions are all
organizational in nature.
A study conducted by Crown and Bourke (2015) examined correlations between the use
of humor and secondary traumatic stress in United States Marshals enforcing laws on Internet
crimes against children. The authors examined how humor at the expense of victims, humor at
the expense of offenders, and humor containing sexual innuendo correlate with secondary
traumatic stress scores using the STS scale. Three hundred and fifty seasoned Marshals with an
average of 16.7 years of service participated in an anonymous survey. Three-quarters of survey
participants reported never making jokes at the expense of a victim, 19.6% reported doing this “a
little”. Although making jokes at the expense of a victim was relatively rare, it was found to

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strongly correlate with high STS scores. This indicates that an observation of this behavior could
act as a reliable “red flag” indicating a Marshal may be experiencing high levels of secondary
traumatic stress. Humor targeted towards offenders and sexual humor were found to have no
significant correlation to a participant’s experience of secondary traumatic stress (Craun &
Bourke, 2015)
In his dissertation for a Ph.D in Psychology degree, Drinks (2015) described a qualitative,
phenomenological study examining the experience of eight psychologists who worked with sex
offenders. The author identified ten main themes from the interviews including adverse effects of
the work such as hypervigilance, vicarious trauma, several stressors, and myriad frustrations
related to the work. A benefit noted, however, was the reward provided in the importance of the
work to community safety.
Vicarious Perpetuation
Simpson (2005) introduced the concept of vicarious perpetuation in her 2005 dissertation.
Vicarious perpetuation is the concept that clinicians who spend time with sex offenders begin to
experience their clients’ maladaptive and deviant characteristics (Simpson, 2005). Pullen and
Pullen (1996) explain the phenomenon as follows:
A significant part of many of our jobs is to get inside the minds of sex offenders; we must
understand their thought processes and abusive patterns. But, when we comprehend these
devious mechanisms, and when we use our power to manage them, we may ask ourselves
whether we have, somehow, also become a perpetrator in our effort to understand them (p.
104).

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Further research has indicated some clinicians begin to experience deviant sexual
thoughts, arousal, images, fantasies, or impulses similar to those of their clients (Simpson, 2005,
p. 25). Seventy-seven percent of the participants believed that clinicians who work with sexual
offenders are at risk of experiencing similar characteristics of the offenders.
Perspectives on Resiliency
The first piece of literature noted in this compilation, Clarke (2011), begins by noting the
many negative impacts of working with sex offenders cited in previous literature. Clarke (2011)
then, however, cites sources (Edmunds, 1997; Ellerby, 1998; Hatcher & Noakes, 2010; Kadambi,
2000; Kadambi & Truscott, 2006; Turner, 1992) that indicate anywhere from 17-96% of
treatment providers believe the provision of treatment programs to sex offenders to be “the most
rewarding and satisfying activities of their career” (Clarke, 2011, p. 337). Based on this, Clarke
(2011) examines the circumstances under which positive or negative outcomes prevail, to
provide suggestions for future practice.
Clarke (2011) suggests the following five actions for therapists to limit the negative
impacts of their chosen career: 1) Manage your energy (physical, emotional, mental, and
spiritual); 2) Meaning – ensure you care about what you do; 3) Know your strengths and
vulnerabilities; 4) Acknowledge the impact and express emotion around your work; 5) Plan for
your exit and acknowledge that leaving a role does not mean leaving the impact behind.
Hatcher and Noakes (2010) offer an Australian perspective on the impact of sex offender
treatment on service providers. From a nationwide sample, the researchers sought to establish the
level of negative psychological effect on the professionals. A sample of 48 clinicians who
worked in a custodial setting were provided with a basic demographic questionnaire, the

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Professional Quality of Life Scale (ProQOL) as described by Figley (1995), The Impact of Event
Scale – Revised (IES-R), which measures three of the four DSM-IV criteria of Post-Traumatic
Stress Disorder (PTSD), and the Quality of Work Life Survey, which measures workplace factors
that participants perceive to impact their workplace stress levels. Further, participants were asked
to answer three open-ended questions pertaining to how their work with sex offenders impacts
their lives, what coping strategies they use, and how colleagues assist in coping with the impact
of the work.
The findings of Hatcher and Noakes’ (2009) study were surprising. They found no
significant connection between gender, age, ethnicity, or frequency of supervision and the
ProQOL, IES-R, or the Quality of Work Life Survey. The authors conclude that working as a sex
offender treatment provider in Australia does not have a negative impact on psychological
wellbeing. The professionals who participated were found to be at low risk of burnout and
compassion fatigue. Eighty-five percent of participants reported enjoying their job and there were
close to no symptoms of PTSD recorded. The open-ended questions, however, showed clear
signs of shifts in cognitive schemas. As noted in previous pages of this paper, this is consistent
with vicarious traumatization, as described by McCann and Pearlmann (1990). It was, however,
only a minority of participants that noted heightened concerns for their own or other’s safety and
increased suspicion of other people’s behavior. Fourteen percent reported emotional exhaustion
and 4% reported tiredness or frustration with their work (Hatcher & Noakes, 2009). The authors
conclude the results indicate there is, in fact, a low negative impact of sex offender treatment
work, contrary to other studies. This is explained by the concept of resiliency, which the authors
believe participants may have developed due to routine exposure to traumatic material (Hatcher
& Noakes, 2009, p. 162). The research, however, found there seems to be great importance in

19

collegial support which appeared to reduce the risk of compassion fatigue. Organizational
support, meaning that the staff feels valued by their organization, seemed to be a further
protective factor in reducing compassion fatigue.
Moulden and Firestone (2007) echo many of the findings noted by Hatcher and Noakes
(2009). The authors discuss vicarious traumatization in providers of sex offender treatment
programs. The authors found the relationship between the provision of sexual offender therapy
and the development of vicarious trauma is linked to professional experience and training,
wherein increased experience and training reduce the propensity for vicarious traumatization.
However, therapists in the early stages of their careers and therapists with many years of
experience were affected most. Further, they found positive coping strategies (e.g., collegial
support, debriefing) were a strong protective factor, whereas negative coping strategies (e.g.,
alcohol use, pornography use) increased the prevalence of vicarious traumatization. The authors
also noted service providers working in an institutional setting (e.g., jail or hospital) experienced
more negative effects than those working in a community setting (Moulden & Firestone, 2007, p.
78).
Dean and Barnett (2011) conducted a qualitative investigation into the effects of
treatment providers who provide one-to-one treatment programs with sexual offenders. This
research was conducted on therapists working in Her Majesty’s Prison Services’ “HealthySexual
Functioning Programme” in the United Kingdom. Semi-structured interviews, a focus group, and
a “diary” were analyzed using content analysis. The authors identified the following themes: 1)
change in perception of self or others; 2) self-questioning; 3) change in view of others; 4)
intrusive cognitions; 5) types of intrusion; 6) management of intrusive thoughts; 7) personal
responsibility; 8) perception of therapeutic relationship; 9) professional development and

20

satisfaction (Dean & Barnett, 2001, p. 310 – 314). This research also found the following
“mitigating factors”, that were seen to reduce the negative impacts of working with sex
offenders: 1) one-to-one provision of intervention (as opposed to group intervention); 2) peer,
supervisory, and managerial support, wherein directional, reflective, and focused supervisory
support was seen as most important; 3) de-briefing opportunities, to manage rumination; 4)
context/environment (including support available; safe, comfortable settings and client
motivation). Essentially, Dean and Barnett (2001) stress the profound impact supervisory
management positions can have on the well-being of professionals providing treatment to sex
offenders.
Slater and Lambie (2011) provided a qualitative study conducted in New Zealand. The
goal of this study was to examine the positive effects of providing services to sex offenders. The
research team conducted semi-structured interviews with 12 clinicians who provided treatment,
support, and education to adults, adolescents and children who sexually offend against children.
The researchers found three major themes emerged from their data: taking an optimistic
perspective, working for the community outcomes, and supportive agency culture. Participants
stressed the importance of embracing a holistic view of clients, considering the offence as only
one aspect of the person as a whole. The clinicians described feeling greatly rewarded when they
could experience change in the participants. They discussed the importance of being a positive
role model for the clients but having good coping mechanisms in place to assist when clients
would re-offend (Slater & Lambie, 2011, p. 329).
Regarding the supportive agency culture, participants noted the value of opportunities for
innovation, allowing them to be creative within the confines of the program. They expressed

21

appreciation for the multidisciplinary nature of their team, which they found was professionally
stimulating and provided a variety of theoretical input. Collegial spirit was described as of
upmost importance. Participants noted bonding exercises and humor allowed them to better cope
with the intensity of their work.
Willis et al. (2018) conducted a mixed methods study exploring how supported therapists
who provide treatment to sexual offenders feel in their work. One hundred and eighty-nine
participants were recruited through professional organizations in North America, the United
Kingdom, and Australia and New Zealand. Participants completed an online survey containing
both quantitative and qualitative questions. Participants disclosed feeling generally well
supported (M = 7 out of a possible 10). The most common qualities of supportive employers
mentioned were “Supportive of professional development”, “Being ‘human’ and approachable”,
and “Good contractual agreements” (Willis et al., 208, p. 320). Most common struggles were
“Access to good support”, “Lack of senior management/administrative support”, and “Poor
supervisor support” (Willis et al., p. 317).
Elias and Haj-Yahia (2018) and Elias and Haj-Yahia (2019) both describe aspects of a
study involving 19 social workers employed by Probation Services in Israel. Participants
described their primary responses to direct contact with sex offenders, as well as cumulative
responses related to their ongoing work. Participants described the profound perceived
interpersonal consequences of their work including the impact their work has on their parenting,
their intimate relationships, and their general quality of life. Participants also noted positive
consequences of the work. Coping strategies participants use were categorized into emotionoriented strategies (e.g., venting to friends, or dissociation), problem-oriented strategies (e.g.,
seeking clinical supervision, consulting with peers), and meaningful-oriented strategies (i.e.,

22

positive feelings such as achievement accompanying the negatives). The authors stress the
importance of adapting the work environment to allow for coping strategies but did not suggest
what this might look like.
Parsonson and Alquicira (2019) conducted a qualitative, exploratory study to examine the
experiences and coping strategies of sex offender treatment providers. Nine female licensed sex
offender treatment providers from Houston, Texas, were interviewed, and the data was analyzed
utilizing thematic analysis. The treatment providers were, or had previously been, engaged in
providing treatment to sexual offenders in private practice. Self-care strategies were examined on
three levels: personal (e.g., family, hobbies, spirituality), professional (e.g., attending
conferences, diversification of work assignments, reflection of values), and organizational (e.g.,
participation in employee assistant programs, mentoring, and debriefing) (Parsonson &
Alquicira, 2019, p. 2030). This study found connection to others (both in personal and
professional contexts) and work-life balance (in personal, professional, and organizational
contexts) to be extremely important in minimizing the effects of burnout. Parsonson and
Alquicira (2019) describe the concept of “goodness of fit” for this work as a concept describing
each therapist’s use of a variety coping strategies that leads to a career with limited symptoms of
burnout. Although the authors received some information on participants’ barriers to practicing
self-care, they believe this aspect of the study warrants further investigation. The research
conducted by Parsonson and Alquicira (2019) bears many similarities to the research conducted
for the purpose of this thesis. Participants in the study conducted by Parsonson and Alquicira
(2019), however, operate exclusively in private practice. Being self-employed would offer a
vastly different experience to that of an employee working in a similar capacity.

23

There are many negative effects of working with sex offenders documented in the
literature. Burnout, vicarious traumatization, secondary traumatization, and vicarious
perpetuation are terms that have been used in peer reviewed journals from across the world to
describe the experiences of professionals working in this field. There are also, however, many
sources describing positive effects of this work. Factors that increase the negative impacts of the
work, such as lack of education, negative coping strategies, and organizational factors were
documented. Factors that decrease the negative impacts of this work were shown to include
training, supportive supervision, clinical support, development and diversification of coping
strategies, positive perspectives, understanding the symptoms of secondary trauma, and a
supportive agency culture. Although many challenges faced by people working with sex
offenders have been documented throughout the years, these challenges have also been found to
be counterbalanced by the rewards including the high degree of personal and professional
fulfillment found in this line of employment. Although sex offender treatment is a stressful line
of work, it offers many rewards and has been described as both a challenge and a privilege
(Scheela, 2001). The following chapters describe a research study conducted to examine the
effects experienced by professionals with bachelor’s degrees working in the field of sex offender
intervention. Organizational, personal, and social struggles participants encountered will be
examined, as well as coping strategies that have proven to be helpful in maintaining wellbeing
while pursuing this career path.

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Chapter 3: Research Design
In this study, the effects on people working with sex offenders and their coping strategies
will be examined. In general terms, the goal of a researcher is to design their research in a
manner that allows for the identification of relationships between constructs and simultaneously
rule out other possible hypotheses (Heppner et al., 1992, p. 43). To select the most useful
research design, Heppner et al. (1992) suggest considering the following:
(1) the existing knowledge bases pertaining to the specific research question, (2) the types
of research designs used and inferences made to develop the existing knowledge bases,
(3) the resources available to the researcher, (4) the specific threats to the validity of the
particular design being considered, and (5) the match or fit between previous research
knowledge (factors 1 and 2), the design being considered (factor 4), and one’s resources
(factor 3)” (Heppner et al., 1992, p. 73).
My research question for this study was: “What are the effects of working with sex
offenders on front line workers with an undergraduate degree and what factors contribute to
worker resiliency?”
In the most general of terms, this study was conducted from a social constructionist
perspective. Through this perspective, experiences are produced and reproduced, and social
problems created by people or organizations that make “claims” that something “is”. An
example of one such claim could be that it is unsafe for children to be playing around mailboxes.
In this example, children playing around mailboxes can become a social problem (Loseke, 1999).
Because the notion of sex offender rehabilitation, associated vocations, and even the label of “sex
offender” are socially constructed concepts, an awareness of social constructionism throughout

25

this study is crucial. The definition of a sexual offence has varied throughout times, cultures,
religions, nations, and states. What is considered an acceptable sexual act is dependent on the
social and political ideals of each time and place. In ancient Rome, for example, boy-brothels
were commonplace and socially accepted entertainment included watching women and children
being raped and having sex with animals (Terry, 2012, p. 25). Legislation declaring an age of
consent was first introduced during the Industrial Revolution, when adolescent girls could more
easily travel outside of their villages and unwed teen-pregnancy became of greater social
concern. In Europe in the early middle ages, homosexuality became criminalized, on religious
grounds. This remained so for many years until the late 1960s, when homosexuality was
decriminalized in most countries (Terry, 2012). The existence of the sex offender is dependent on
the construct of the sex offence. Sex offender treatment is dependent on the assumption sexual
offending is a mental health issue and should be treated. The effects of facilitating this treatment
on a practitioner are thus dependent on several layers of social construct, justifying a social
constructionist approach to this study.
In the design of this research study, the limitation of resources available to the researcher
must be emphasized. Although supervision was provided through a thesis supervisor from the
University of Northern British Columbia, the research experience of this researcher was limited
and there was no funding. Considering these circumstances and the suggested criteria noted by
Heppner et al. (1992), it was determined a Qualitative Exploratory approach would be best
suited. This approach will be further discussed in the following sections.

26

Methodology
This study was conducted using qualitative methodologies. Qualitative research consists
of practices used to interpret and represent phenomena. This could include the use of field notes,
interviews, conversations, photographs, recordings, or memos. The goal of the researcher is to
make sense or interpret phenomena in terms of their meaning to participants. Although not
exclusively so, qualitative research is frequently used in an exploratory capacity, where little
prior knowledge exists. It provides insight and interpretation of lived experiences as perceived
and analyzed by the people participating in the research. This provides a cultural context and can
offer answers to the “why?” and “how?” aspects of a research question, which cannot be
explored in quantitative research (Denzin & Lincoln, 2017).
Given the limited purely qualitative research into this specific topic of inquiry, the
exploratory nature of a qualitative inquiry was deemed appropriate to provide parameters to
define areas more clearly for future research. As previously mentioned, many previous studies
measured participants’ experiences by asking them to complete standardized tests or measures to
quantify their experience of “burnout” or “vicarious traumatization”. Insights into the lived
experiences of the participants, however, are paramount to understanding the full extent of the
effects of their work. By gaining understanding of the full depth of the lived experiences of
participants, the importance of strategies to mitigate the harm to the person can be appreciated. A
qualitative approach provides a more personal, relatable story, rather than a quantitative, numeric
result. Deeper insights into the nature, meaning, and benefits of coping strategies utilized by
participants provides greater understanding into the insights of participants and offers a base on
which to found initial policy suggestions. Further benefits to qualitative exploratory research
include the relatively small sample size required. This will be discussed in further sections of this

27

chapter, but this is of benefit because it makes a relevant sample more attainable to a researcher
operating without great financial resources. Arguably, the pursuit of understanding of a topic on
an exploratory scale lends itself to a novice researcher as a first line of inquiry into an area of
interest. Should future research follow, a more specific, specialized study can be conducted that
may include quantitative measures and a greater number of participants.
Disadvantages of a qualitative exploratory approach include the potential for bias in the
interpretation of the data. This is especially noteworthy because I am conducting this research as
an “insider”, a former probation officer who has experience working in the field of sex offender
intervention. Although this provides me with a base level of understanding of the experiences of
the participants in this study, it could also result in a less thorough or rigorous analysis of the
data, wherein assumptions are made (Tinker & Armstrong, 2008). To counteract this, attempts
were made to maintain a critical distance from the data by conducting member checks of themes
found in the interview transcripts, as well as by maintaining a research journal to document
awareness, thoughts and struggles regarding possible biases and pre-conceptions. Guidance and
support to explore possible biases and pre-conceptions was provided by my Thesis Supervisor.
Methods
To ensure this novice researcher was prepared and adequately equipped to conduct the
research required for this document, methods with clear, simple guidelines described in the
literature were chosen. Details of the methods used will be described in the following pages.
Participants
For this study, a criterion sampling strategy was utilized, interviewing participants that
meet predetermined criteria of importance (Patton, 2015). Professionals who have a minimum of

28

one year of experience working with sex offenders in a rehabilitation context, and who work in
positions requiring a bachelor’s degree were interviewed. Six participants were interviewed, in
consultation with professors from the School of Social Work at the University of Northern
British Columbia, considering the goal of achieving data saturation while also considering
practicalities and limitations of the resources available. To determine concrete numbers that
would commonly lead to data saturation, Guest, Bunce, and Johnson (2006) found that based on
the data collected in their study, data saturation occurs within the first 12 interviews, with basic
elements of meta-themes present after six interviews.
The requirement to have worked with sex offenders for a minimum of one year prior to
participating in the study was determined to ensure the participants had adequate experience to
base their responses on and had the opportunity to develop and utilize various coping
mechanisms to support their practice.
Participants were recruited via paid e-blast advertisement through “Perspectives”
magazine, the official publication of the British Columbia Association of Social Workers (see
Appendix B). Potential participants were asked to express their interest in the study via e-mail to
eclark3@unbc.ca. By this means, two participants were recruited. In addition, snowball sampling
was utilized to gain further participants through primary participants (Noy, 2008). Each
participant was asked if they knew any other professionals who may be interested in participating
in this research project. Contact information for further potential participants was gathered, and a

29

recruitment poster was sent to them, directly. By this means, four further participants were
recruited.
Participants were asked to engage in a roughly one-hour telephone interview, conducted
by myself. First, basic demographic information was collected (sex, age, relationship status,
location, degree, years employed, years working in sex offender intervention). After this,
participants were asked to describe their current position (e.g., “what is your current role in sex
offender intervention?”, “what training did you receive to work with sex offenders?”), the
training they received at their place of employment (e.g., “What training did you receive to work
with sex offenders?”), and the workplace policies pertaining to their position (e.g., “how do your
workplace policies help in providing you with the necessary framework for the intervention you
use with sex offenders?”). Participants were asked to describe the benefits and struggles they
associate with their employment (e.g., “How has this work personally impacted you?”, “What are
the most important aspects of sex offender intervention for you?”, “Can you tell me about some
situations working with sex offenders that stand out to you or particularly impacted you?”).
Lastly, participants were asked about their coping strategies surrounding their work stressors
(e.g., “What/who are your main supports at work?”, “who are your main supports outside of
work?”).
Thematic Analysis
To analyze the data collected, thematic analysis was utilized. Thematic analysis is a
method of analyzing and reporting patterns or themes within data. Steps taken to conduct data
analysis according to thematic analysis have been defined as follows: (1) Familiarization with the
data – transcription, reading and re-reading the data, noting initial ideas; (2) Generating initial

30

codes – coding of interesting features and collating data; (3) Searching for themes – collating
codes into potential themes and gathering data according to these themes; (4) Reviewing themes
– verifying the determined themes work; (5) Defining and naming themes – refine each theme
and providing a name for each; (6) Producing the report – final analysis is presented and related
to previous literature and the research question (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 87).
When describing the findings reflected in a data set, an inductive approach was taken,
wherein themes identified were derived from the data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Although the data
collected may then not have been closely related to questions asked to participants, themes not
previously suspected were thus likely to emerge. This would then reduce the risk of my personal
biases and personal experience influencing findings. The interviews were analyzed using both
latent and manifest content analysis.
To develop themes, sections of the interview transcripts were highlighted. These
highlighted sections either included a manifest or latent theme, as described by Braun and Clarke
(2006). Manifest themes included items such as “dreams” or “hyper vigilance”. These themes
were mentioned explicitly by several participants. Latent themes were detected in broader
descriptions participants provided. These themes included underlying ideas that were thought to
be of significance to the research question.
After highlighting transcript segments, initial themes were drafted. A tab in a Microsoft
Excel worksheet was named after each theme. Previously highlighted sections of the interview
transcripts were then copied and pasted into the Microsoft Excel worksheet under the tab to
which they were thought to correspond. Both the name of the themes as well as the allocation of
transcript sections to a theme were reviewed several times. After many revisions, it was

31

determined that the themes were adequately distinguished and defined, and each text section was
appropriately allocated.
Validity - Member Checking and Consultation
To ensure trustworthiness, member checking was conducted. Member checking has been
described as a crucial technique to establish validity in qualitative research. Data collected
throughout the inquiry was “played back” to study participants to ensure it is congruent with the
message they attempted to convey (Denzin & Lincoln, 2017). Upon completing the thematic
analysis of the interviews conducted for this study, each participant was again contacted and
asked to confirm the themes that were found to emerge from their interview via e-mail. Themes
were sent, as opposed to entire transcripts, to save time for participants and to confirm the
researcher’s understanding of the participants’ disclosures. At this point, incongruences or
misunderstandings were rectified. When confirming themes with participants, minor
discrepancies in the understanding of themes were adjusted. At this time, two participants,
requested details regarding experiences they had conveyed in their interviews to be omitted from
this final report. They were both concerned their anonymity would not be maintained, should
certain specifics be mentioned. This information was removed from the interview transcripts and
thematic analysis.
Ethical Considerations
Because participants in this study were adult professionals speaking anonymously about
their experiences in their workplace, the research risk assessment is somewhat mitigated. Despite
this, due to the potentially sensitive experiences participants may recall, the research risk can be
considered “medium”. Participant vulnerability is elevated (medium vulnerability), due to these

32

circumstances. This determines the cumulated research risk to be “medium”. Counseling
resources were provided to participants via e-mail after their interview. Approval was sought
through the University of Northern British Columbia Research Ethics Board (REB) and granted
on April 7th, 2020 (see Appendix E).
Expectations
The goal of this research was to conduct a preliminary inquiry into the experiences of
professionals working with sex offenders, determine common struggles faced by these
professionals, and learn of strategies they have utilized to foster professional resiliency. Policy
suggestions were to be formulated based on the findings, to allow agencies to adopt workplace
practices that allow for a positive work environment and allow for emotionally healthy, and
resilient staff, who may be less inclined to turn-over. This, in turn, could save agencies the
financial output involved in training an ever-revolving body of staff. It may, also, result in a
higher quality of work out-put by staff. Furthermore, increased support measures for
professionals working with sex offenders could reduce the emotional harm potentially caused to
future workers and improve their professional and personal quality of life.
Despite a variety of research conducted on the effects of working with sex offenders over
the past 20 years, this area of study is relatively new. Sex offender intervention itself is a
relatively recent phenomenon; the study of the effects of this work on those who practice it is
even more recent (Clarke, 2011). The research conducted for this study is unique in that it is
purely qualitative and describes participants’ experiences without operationalizing or quantifying
them by attributing them to a specific value on a pre-determined measure. Furthermore, the
participants are all employees, and thus at the mercy of the organizational structures imposed on

33

them by their employers. Based on these parameters, the expectation of this study was to gain
deep and personal insights into the effects of working with sex offenders. Participants could
share strategies they successfully, or unsuccessfully utilized to cope with this work. This, in the
hopes of formulating recommendations of concrete and realistic workplace strategies that could
be implemented to improve the wellbeing of the people engaged in this line of work.

34

Chapter 4: Findings
Participants
Upon placing the paid recruitment advertisement, two people responded and indicated
they wished to participate in the study. Upon completion of these interviews, one of these initial
participants referred two further participants. Each of these participants referred one further
participant. This resulted in a total of six interviews being conducted. All participants resided in
British Columbia. Four participants were female, two were male. Both male participants were
married, all four female participants were single. Four participants were 40-49 years old; two
participants were 30-39 years old. As per the outlined recruitment criteria, all participants had
bachelor’s degrees, although one participant had both a bachelor’s degree in Social Work and
one in Psychology. Two participants had degrees in Social Work, two participants had degrees
in Criminology, one participant had a degree in Psychology, one had a degree in History, and one
had a degree in English Literature. The time participants had been employed in the social
services ranged from 8-25 years, with an average of 13.8 years. The number of years working
with sex offenders ranged from 5-11 years, with an average of 7.5 years. For all participants,
their first employment after graduating from university involved working with sex offenders.
Five of the six participants had, either previously or were currently, employed as adult probation
officers. One participant was a youth probation officer, who previously had worked for a
therapeutic program for young offenders. Two participants were Indigenous justice workers. One
participant was an institutional parole officer.

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Themes
As a first step in the Thematic Analysis conducted for this thesis, six categories of inquiry
were determined, based on a loose grouping of topics discussed in the interviews. These
categories of inquiry were effects on the person, workplace struggles, workplace rewards,
workplace coping strategies, home coping strategies, and ideas for improvement. Under each of
these categories, themes were listed as they arose when reading and re-reading the interview
transcripts. Themes that arose in each category of inquiry will be discussed in the following
sections.
Effects on the Person
Hyper Vigilance. The most common effect participants noted was hyper vigilance. Five
participants noted they became hyper vigilant as a result of their work with sex offenders. One
male participant recalled:
I remember going for a run in my neighborhood after work one day and ran in to a little girl
with a puppy. I said, “what a cute puppy, what’s his name?” and she said “Danger”, and
that kinda triggered something in me and I got worried, like, what is she doing out here all
on her own? And what am I doing here with her on her own?
A second female participant described the effects of her hyper vigilance on her social life as
follows:
I was working with kids at my church [. . . ] and I was requiring all the adults who work
with the kids to never be alone with them and I was stressing and pushing safety, you
know, so that if there was a sex offender, they wouldn’t have access. And a lot of people
got very upset with me. They were thinking I was alleging they are sex offenders. So a lot

36

of people got offended with me being hyper-vigilant and trying to protect kids and not
allowing them to be by themselves with kids. [. . .] My social life disappeared, went to the
background and I became just ultra-focused on protecting children.
Only one participant did not mention hyper vigilance in their interview.
Intimate Relationships. Three participants disclosed they had experienced adverse
effects of the work in their intimate relationships. One of these participants disclosed he
experienced intruding thoughts of discussions with sex offenders while engaging in intimate
relations with their partner. Another participant disclosed they struggle to participate in sexual
activities they previously enjoyed such as watching pornography or dressing in costumes:
I just kept having flashes of these parallels between topics in porn and topics or fantasies
my sex offenders would talk about with me. I just saw everything suddenly being a deviant
sexual interest. This really affected the relationship I was in at the time when I started
supervising sex offenders.
The third participant who mentioned their intimate relationships were affected stated:
I think in one way, it prevented me from getting married. I was being pursued by a guy and
I was so grossed out by listening to the sex offenders, I just didn’t want to have anything to
do with it and I told him that I don’t want to get married. And I think it affected my life by
my views of men, I think it that it caused me to view men through an unfair lens where I
deemed them all to be perverts.
Loss of Faith in the Criminal Justice System. Two participants provided lengthy
accounts of experiences in the courts that resulted in a loss of faith in the criminal justice system.
One participant was an adult probation officer, the other an Indigenous justice worker. Both

37

participants have since been diagnosed with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, secondary to their
work with sex offenders. One has since returned to their position but is no longer able to work
with sex offenders. The other participant was not able to return to their position and is on longterm disability leave. One participant described a formative experience as follows:
I was doing a home visit at the residence of this guy who was a prolific pedophile. He
had, like, fifty-two victims and was being investigated for the death of another child [. . .].
So, I went there and he wasn't home. But his roommate was and he was this drug dealer. I
asked his roommate to show me my client’s bedroom and he let me in and showed me the
bedroom. We open up the door and there's two little girls sitting there on his bed. So this is
a house where people who are addicted to drugs would come and exchange their kids for
drugs. And so I breached this guy. Because he's in the house with kids and I submitted the
breach thinking, this is a solid breach but Crown [Council] decided they weren’t going to
go through with it. They said he wasn’t there, you can't prove it was him and his roommate
is unreliable, because he’s a drug dealer.
The same participant recalled another experience in court, wherein they were required to testify
throughout a five-day hearing against a client, requesting a peace bond, prohibiting him from
having contact with children, or attending anywhere children or youth may frequent:
So, they bring in this pastor, and I'm thinking what are you doing vouching for this guy?
Like, why would you want to not protect the community and the kids? I just want him to
stay away from playgrounds and kids [. . .] and then they brought in his counselor. And his
counselor, she had a two-year diploma in recreation studies. And so she was, you know,
talking about how she is trying to get him to become assertive but she was totally feeding

38

into his narcissism. And then I was being grilled on the stand and every time there was a
break, the defense lawyer would ask me to go find some more information. So I never got a
break. So while they got breaks I had to go and hunt for more information. It was such a
draining week. Yeah, so that one stood out for me because I felt very much helpless and
powerless in the system just that I was the one getting attacked. Not him. I’m there getting
grilled for 5 days and he’s sitting there watching me.
The second participant describes her disillusionment as follows:
And after witnessing so many people go through the court system and have to [. . .] tell
their stories and be ripped apart on the stand and have no success when still those people
get off and they have to face them in the community. I was at the point where it was hard
for me to advocate laying charges. At the end, I would tell them that this is the reality of
what's going to happen to you if you report this. [. . .] [I]t goes against everything I should
have done, and the truth is, I thought it was like my only way that I could think of to help
the people to move on is to tell them to not go through the court process and that makes me
sad because it's the reason you want to report something is so it wouldn't happen to
someone else.
Effects on Physical, Emotional, and Mental Health. All six participants described effects
of their work with sex offenders on their physical, emotional, and mental health. As mentioned,
two participants disclosed formal diagnoses of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder associated to their
work. Other effects on participants’ health included nausea and vomiting with no physical cause,
panic attacks, feelings of helplessness, and mood swings. Three participants described repeated
incidences of uncontrollable crying. Two participants described feeling emotionally numb. Two

39

participants mentioned having dreams about their work with sex offenders. Of these, one
participant did not disclose detail but stated they had had dreams after reading police reports in
several clients’ files. The second recalled having nightmares about one client who had victimized
multiple children: “He had a very ugly face to begin with. I remember having nightmares. I
remember having nightmares where he climbed in through my window.”
Workplace Struggles
Participants were asked to identify challenges they faced in their workplaces, where they
worked with sex offenders. Five themes emerged from this line of questioning, wherein struggles
with management and lack of training or education to perform the job were most mentioned.
Struggles with Management. All but one participant described significant struggles with
their management team that caused them distress in their job. One participant described their
experience following a mistake they had made became public in local newspapers:
They came in like a bull in a china shop! It was a horrible process. I got a talking to from
[upper management] and I remember the impact of that and I didn’t feel supported in the
mistake I made. I was left on my own. I learned that if something goes sideways, you’re on
your own.
Another participant described struggles with being blamed for clients’ behavior and fear of
professional reprimand as follows:
The worst part of the job [as adult probation officer] was fear of reprimand. That was one
of the most stressful aspects of the job. You’re always told you’re not responsible for
offenders reoffending. But if they did something that was newsworthy, noteworthy, or
otherwise a breach? Then a file review is done. If some piece of paperwork was missing,

40

we would be penalized. So there’s always that aura of ‘we better do this or if he re-offends,
it will come back on us and we’re gonna get in trouble’. So there’s always that fear of
punishment. We are told we’re not responsible, but we were responsible. I feel more secure
in my current job [as Indigenous justice worker] that is not union than I did in my job as a
probation officer, which was union. Because now, I feel like my boss has my back.
Of note, this participant described significantly fewer adverse effects of the job in their current
position as Indigenous justice worker, where they were working in the same community, with the
same sexual offenders. This was, largely, attributed to a more supportive management style.
Lack of Training or Education to Perform the Job. Five of the six participants in this
study indicated they did not believe they had received adequate training to fulfill the
requirements of their job. One participant, who began working as an adult probation officer after
completing a degree in Criminology in the late 1990s stated: “There was a day and a half training
session to learn how to do risk assessments and some words and language so that we would be
comfortable speaking to our clients. There wasn’t a whole lot”. This participant further described
their training to facilitate the bi-weekly Sex Offender Maintenance Program (SOMP) for sexual
offenders: “We just winged it back then. We did SOMP and we just came up with stuff on our
own, like what we thought might be high-risk situations and we talked through how to mitigate
them”.
Three participants who were more recently trained adult probation officers reported
receiving more extensive training to work with sex offenders. This included several weeks of
training at the Justice Institute of British Columbia to complete risk assessments for sex
offenders, and more comprehensive training to facilitate SOMP. Two of these adult probation

41

officers, however, expressed a desire for more training. One participant with a degree in
Criminology stated: “I think we should have a PhD in Psychology to do the job”. The other
recently trained adult probation officer stated:
It would really stress me out to think that I was responsible for keeping the outside world
safe from these people. I’d run SOMP and sometimes feel helpless because the guys
wanted help and they didn’t want to re-offend but I sometimes didn’t know how to deal
with it. I wish we had more training on that. I think it would take a lot to be comfortable
with the responsibility though. Like, a full diploma or something.
A participant who was employed as an Indigenous justice worker with a degree in
English literature stated: “I got the job and they plopped me in, and they say said yeah, here you
go. I just did a lot of research on my own because it wasn’t something I was familiar with”. An
institutional parole officer with a degree in history stated: “I started in January and I did my
training to become a parole officer in November. So there was no training for almost a year”.
This participant elaborated the parole officer training does not include training specific to sex
offenders. An annual learning event is held, which only just this past year was surrounding sex
offenders “so this is the first years, five years in [to this job] that we’ve had that kind of training.
Most of the learning comes from working within your Case Management Team”.
Lack of Training or Support for Emotional Survival. When considering the impact of
working with sex offenders, two participants described exceptionally negative impacts of their
work including diagnoses with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Both of these
participants stated they believed their employer did not provide adequate information about or

42

preparation for the effects they may experience because of their job. They both disclosed mental
health supports were not sufficiently available to them. One participant noted:
It was just like nobody gave a crap about your emotional well-being. I was the supervisor,
so I was the one who provided the debriefing, but nobody ever debriefed me. I would host
these debriefings and it was just expected that I was going to be okay [. . .] by the time you
actually understand what’s wrong with you and you know what you should do to take care
of yourself, It’s just too late.
The second participant stated:
A co-worker once gave me a hand-out that had the effects of working with sex offenders on
it. I thought I had been going insane there for a while so just seeing that this was common
for people working with sex offenders helped me understand that I wasn’t alone and
knowing that there’s other people that felt that way. I still didn’t have an outlet to discuss
or debrief this with anyone.
Lack of Resources for Clients. Five of the six participants disclosed a lack of referral
resources for clients was a significant stressor for them. One participant, who began their career
as an adult probation officer and at the time of the interview was employed as a youth probation
officer stated his job was much less stressful working with youth, because there are more
resources available:
The work is way more in depth with adults. There are way more services available on the
youth side. There are residential programs and ongoing treatment options. On the adult
side, you have to refer them to the one treatment program they might get in to. Then they

43

have to show up [for the intake], be accepted, and keep going to the program. If that
doesn’t work out, you’re on your own”.
The institutional parole officer stated although there is adequate psychological intervention for
most sex offenders in Federal custody, there is a lack of referrals for sex offenders in the
community. This resulted in significant stress when attempting to plan for the release of an
inmate:
A lot of halfway houses and resources are very clear that they don’t want sex offenders.
And even if it’s a house that might have great interventions, but they’re within 100 yards of
a school or playground, well they can’t go there. Most treatment centers won’t take sex
offenders. So we definitely need more support from agencies on the outside.
Struggles Intellectualizing or Comprehending Sex Offences. Two participants
disclosed struggles with the intellectual discussion of the social construct of the sexual offence.
They both described struggling after intervention sessions with sex offenders, wherein the social
construct of their crime was argued by the offender. One participant stated:
I really struggled with this guy who thought his “preference in art” was only criminalized
because society had deemed it inappropriate and that it wasn’t actually “true”. You know,
some people like looking at paintings of bowls of fruit and he liked looking at little girls’
genitals. So wrapping your head around the intellectual aspect of it was probably harder on
me than [. . .] a particularly horrific crime.

44

Workplace Rewards
Workplace rewards mentioned by participants were surprisingly few. Five participants
indicated they believed their job increases public safety. The sixth participant explicitly stated
they did not believe their job increased public safety.
Three participants saw the positive changes they witnessed in their clients to be a reward
of the job. One adult probation officer stated: “When you get to know their risk factors and are
working on modifying them and they are beginning to self-regulate; that was really kind of a cool
part of the job”.
A second adult probation officer stated:
Although I always dreaded facilitating the Sex Offender Maintenance Program, it felt like
I’d made a difference, afterwards. We would discuss risky situations and discuss ways to
get through them without reoffending. The guys all participated super well and it seemed
like it genuinely helped them.
Another participant, an institutional parole officer, stated:
The program content in the [Federal] sex offender program I really like. I think it’s very
strong. I think it’s something that if they practice and follow and utilize those skills, they
are really setting themselves up for a good future.
This participant also explained the work with sex offenders in the Federal correctional center is
particularly uncomplicated:

45

Sex offenders are probably the most compliant inmates. When they come in, I don’t really
have to focus on their institutional adjustment. They do not get caught up in the
institutional sub-culture. They just don’t want anybody to know they are a sex offender.
Workplace Coping Strategies
Four major themes were detected in the interviews regarding positive workplace coping
strategies participants found helpful.
Debriefing or Consulting with Co-workers. When asked what workplace support
helped mitigate stress associated with work with sex offenders, all six participants expressed
their co-workers were of assistance to debrief or consult. One participant stated: “Any sex
offender case that would actually bother me would be horrific, to the point where you can’t share
that with anyone outside of work, so I rely really heavily on my work people”. Another
participant recalled: “It was the friendships within that work that made a positive difference [. . .]
I just don’t think people get it unless they are in that world. It’s as simple as that. You can’t
explain it to them”. A third participant recalled: “To have another human being that I can debrief
with was amazing because I had tried previously to debrief with other co-workers, but they all
said they didn’t want to talk about [sex offenders]”. Despite this, the same participant also noted:
“going to a co-worker wouldn’t always help because we aren’t trained [to provide appropriate
debriefing], and we would often just traumatize each other”. Of note, this participant also
emphasized they believe it to be important to associate with “people who are healthy and positive
and are not in careers that are in social work or anything like that”.
Supportive management. Four interview participants stated supportive management
greatly increased their workplace wellbeing. Of note, three of these participants had previously

46

been employed in other positions involving sex offender intervention wherein they did not
experience supportive management. These three participants all disclosed their new employment
involving sex offender intervention affected them less, due to the support they experienced from
their managers: “My experience at [my current employment] has been great. I know that my
management will back me”. A second participant stated: “I feel like my boss has my back.
Whereas in my [previous] job, I was worried about my boss being on my back”. Given three
participants reported vastly different experiences working with sex offenders depending on their
perceptions of their manager’s support, this finding is especially noteworthy.
Other initiatives implemented by managers that participants found helpful included
allowing them to work from home at times, to complete paperwork outside of the context of their
workplace. The availability of psychologists to consult was noted as a great relief, as was the
availability of other professional referrals for clients. Two participants emphasized the
importance of being allowed to trade clients they found particularly difficult. All six participants,
unequivocally, stressed the importance of the availability of extra time off, should workplace
stress require a mental break, which can be seen as a managerial policy.
Counseling. Four out of six participants experienced improved workplace wellbeing after
attending counseling services. One participant stated they believed counseling should be
mandated by the employer, as they wished they had attended sooner. Despite this, three
participants described struggling to find adequate counseling. Two participants stated they did
not wish to attend the same counseling resources they worked with in the community and
referred their clients to:

47

So, I show up to this counseling appointment and first thing, I’m in the waiting room with
this woman who looks super familiar. Then the counselor comes out to get me and it’s
someone I’d worked with on committees and referred clients to, so I knew her, and it was
super awkward! It was an awkward appointment and I just really didn’t want to talk to
her about anything personal.
Two participants described struggling to discuss the subject matter of their jobs with
counselors, who they feared may not be prepared or qualified to hear their struggles with sex
offenders.
Workplace Philosophy.
Two participants who had both worked as adult probation officers in the past, disclosed
they experienced much improved workplace well-being after switching to a different workplace
with a different approach to sex offenders. The first participant transitioned to working as a youth
probation officer:
For adult offenders, there’s more of a label. They are, you know, a child porn guy or a
pedophile or a rapist. On the youth side, we try not to label. It makes it easier to do the
work. We work with an individual, not just a sexual deviant.
The second participant who now works as an Indigenous justice worker described the differences
in workplace philosophy between employers as follows: “I know what the person has done, I
look over the basics of what happened but not in detail. It’s more dealing with the individual, not
with the offence. It’s so much easier to do the work this way”.

48

Home Coping Strategies
Coping strategies participants used varied and were not necessarily or conclusively
beneficial to the participants’ well-being. Two male participants disclosed use of alcohol or
marijuana after work helps them cope. Two female participants disclosed emotional consumption
of excessive sugar helped them cope: “I would go to Dairy Queen and order chocolate covered
strawberry blizzards when I had a stressful day. That wasn’t a very healthy coping strategy”.
Four participants stated they use physical activity to cope with workplace stress. Other means of
coping mentioned are playing video games or strategy games, “to get the mind working
elsewhere”, painting, and prayer.
Interestingly, four participants noted they use “dark humor” to cope with the subject
matter they experience in their work with sex offenders. Although it was mentioned as a coping
skill, one participant expressed feelings of shame associated with the dark humor and joking
about a person’s suffering. A second participant stated despite the dark humor helping to cope
with the subject matter, it led to significant social challenges:
It would really help to joke with co-workers about the crazy things we would hear at work.
It would really lighten the mood, cheer us up and get us laughing. On the other hand, that
does not go over so well in regular social situations, like at a dinner party. Sometimes, I
would crack a joke about something I had dealt with at work and people would be
horrified. It was isolating.
Ideas for Improvement
All participants were asked to offer suggestions of what might support them better in their
work with sex offenders. Not surprisingly, most suggestions related to the struggles or supports

49

experienced. Participants believed more time off would be of assistance or breaks from working
with sex offenders. Better community resources available for sex offenders was noted, as well as
resources available to workers (i.e., skilled debriefing or counseling). Skilled managers were
mentioned by several participants. This was emphasized by one participant as follows:
Managers need to be able to recognize when there are unhealthy coping mechanisms or
signs of distress. This should not be dealt with in a punitive way; I was disciplined and that
was detrimental. There needs to be recognition of how fragile the brain is and the manager
needs to come in and deal with this gently and with understanding rather than demoting
someone or making them feel like they are broken and useless. Recognize and still
encourage, make sure their mental health is not completely destroyed.
One topic that was mentioned in the recommendations portion of the interview had not
previously been mentioned by participants. Interestingly, four participants noted financial
compensation should recognize the exceptional strain work with sex offenders subjects people to.
One of these participants stated there may be less staff turnover if they were compensated
according to the stress and the responsibility of the job.
Research Journal
I maintained a research journal during the data collection and analysis process. This
journal allowed me to take note of any struggles with personal preconceptions or biases. Several
interesting points were noted throughout the process. Firstly, I was surprised how difficult it was
to avoid making assumptions. Throughout the interviews I conducted for this study, I attempted
to allow participants to explain their answers to the interview questions. On several occasions, I
was given answers and asked for clarification on matters I assumed to understand, but

50

consciously asked the participant to explain. One example of this was when a participant who
was a probation officer was speaking about the Sex Offender Maintenance Program. As a former
probation officer who has facilitated this program, I assumed to understand the premise of this
program; I made a point, however, of asking the participant to describe the program to me. This
ensured the participant’s description and understanding of the program was accurately recorded
and it minimized my preconception influencing the data.
Secondly, I was surprised at how openly participants spoke of their struggles. This was
especially noted during transcription of the interviews. When participants were interviewed, the
discussion seemed light-hearted. When the words participants spoke were transcribed, verbatim,
a more sinister message arose from these interviews and the extent of participants’ struggles
became more apparent. Much was seemingly diluted by friendly tones of voice and nervous
laughter.
Thirdly, the responses provided by all participants illustrated the importance of this
research. I was amazed by the struggles professionals face every day in their chosen line of work,
and yet more amazed at their perseverance. The effects of the work on the participants were
physical, emotional, social, and sexual. Despite this, the majority of participants continue to
pursue this career because they perceive the work to be important. Considering these
circumstances, the importance of providing a work environment conducive to minimizing the
harm to the people in this employment must be emphasized.

51

Chapter 5: Discussion
Relation to the Literature
The themes identified in this study are reminiscent of several items on scales mentioned
in the literature review portion of this paper. It must be noted that none of the participants were
asked specific questions from the scales described (e.g., Maslach Burnout Index, Assessment of
Dynamic Adaptation scale, etc.).
The Maslach Burnout Index (MBI) encompasses three sub-scales: Emotional Exhaustion,
Depersonalization, and Personal Accomplishment (Maslach et al., 1997). Aspects of these three
sub-scales can be seen throughout the responses provided in the interviews. One participant
stated: “I had three years of dealing with him and it was like at a breaking point. I dreaded
coming back to work to have to deal with that.” This could, arguably, speak to all three of the
MBI sub-scales. One further example of a statement could relate to both the depersonalization
and personal accomplishment sub-scales:
It’s a small level of success. I still didn’t know how to really protect these kids. So even
though I achieved a success, it was still just a piece of paper, people still have a choice to
go and violate those pieces of paper.
Of the six interview participants, four participants made numerous statements that were
reminiscent of the MBI, and the associated burnout. To conclusively determine the level of each
participants’ burnout, a further study incorporating completion of the MBI would be necessary.
Vicarious traumatization is described as involving alternating feelings of being
overwhelmed and feeling emotionally numb. General changes indicating vicarious traumatization
include disconnection from loved ones, social withdrawal, no time or energy for oneself,

52

increased sensitivity to violence, cynicism, generalized despair and hopelessness, and nightmares
(Saakvitne & Pearlman, 1996). Emotional numb-ness can be seen in several statements provided
in the interviews: “I supervised a lot of high-risk pedophiles and I started to normalize their
behaviors, I just didn’t think it was a big deal anymore”. This quote from a participant speaks
directly to feelings of despair and hopelessness: “I didn’t want to hear it anymore. I would almost
shut down when they were talking about stuff because I just couldn’t handle listening anymore.
And also I think the feeling of being just really helpless”. Later in their interview, the same
participant stated: “I felt so helpless watching it happen and being so angry. I felt like getting up
in the courtroom and yelling ‘what the fuck is wrong with you people?’”. Another quote from the
same participant further emphasizes these feelings:
I stopped having the same passion for it because it just felt like, why are there so many of
them? Why does this keep happening? How can we change it? I don’t know because
people just keep doing it. It just killed me.
As noted in the thematic analysis section of this paper, nightmares, which are direct symptoms of
Vicarious Traumatization, were explicitly mentioned by two participants.
The Assessment of Dynamic Adaptation (ADA) scale as described by Clarke and Roger
(2007) was specifically developed to measure the impact of working with sex offenders. The subscales of the ADA are: negative reactivity to offenders, ruminative vulnerability, and
organizational dissatisfaction. Five of the six interview participants described significant
organizational dissatisfaction related to either their current or former employer in the field of sex
offender intervention. Each person interviewed for this study described at least one client that
had a profoundly negative impact on their wellbeing. Although no interview participant explicitly

53

mentioned rumination, it is evident in statements such as: “My social life revolved around
protecting kids, so I didn’t have a healthy social life where you go out and do things. Most of my
life was consumed with organizing people to help me protect kids who are vulnerable”.
Almond (2014) found many themes similar to those found in this research in her research
study involving professionals providing intervention to children and youth showing deviant
sexual behaviors in the United Kingdom. Participants in Almond’s study, like participants in this
study, indicated co-workers were their primary support. Most participants stated they did not
discuss their work with friends or family. Furthermore, Almond’s participants expressed
reluctance to utilize supports provided by their employer’s Employment Assistance Program, as
they were skeptical of the support provided. This was mirrored by the participants in this study,
who described struggles to obtain counseling within their organization or community. One
participant went so far as to seek out counseling in a community which was a six-hour drive from
her home community, alternating between virtual and in-person appointments.
Farrenkopf (1992) found that roughly one third of sex offender therapists described in his
study expressed frustration with society and the correctional system. This was mirrored in a
theme detected in this study, wherein two participants (one third of participants) described a loss
of faith in the criminal justice system as a result of their work with sex offenders.
This section offered only a selection of quotes from the interviews conducted for this
research that paralleled adverse effects to traumatic work environments described in the
literature. The negative effects described by participants were numerous and profound. Although
positive impacts of the work were noted, these were mentioned infrequently compared to the
negative impacts. As previously noted, two participants were diagnosed with PTSD because of

54

their work with sex offenders. These participants worked with sex offenders for 9 and 11 years,
respectively. Neither participant was able to return to this work. One participant does not
currently work with sex offenders but did not rule this work out in the future. Three participants
expressed satisfaction with their current employment and indicated they could conceivably
continue in their current position for the remainder of their career. These participants, however,
all expressed dissatisfaction with a previous employer in the same field of employment. This,
along with the dissatisfaction with employers expressed by the three participants who no longer
work with sex offenders, may indicate that emotional survival in the field of sex offender
supervision may be linked to the circumstances of everyone’s employment. Although the
negative impacts of the work were overwhelming in the interviews and associated thematic
analysis, these circumstances bear hope. With an appropriate workplace environment including
supportive management, trauma-informed working conditions, counseling services, and ongoing
training opportunities, workers in the field of sex offender intervention can have fulfilling careers
in this important line of work. The following sections will summarize limitations of this study as
well as recommendations formulated based on ideas from participants, and characteristics of
workplaces that were described to be conducive to their well-being.
Limitations
This study was based on interviews conducted with six participants and is not
representative of all professionals who work with sex offenders. Given the exploratory nature of
this research, possible future research could include a quantitative study based on themes
identified in this research. A study of this nature with a far larger number of participants may
allow for increased generalizability of findings. The geographic scope of this study was limited
to British Columbia, Canada.

55

My past employment as a probation officer in several communities in northern British
Columbia was considered in the design of this study. Considering a pre-existing relationship may
have affected the participants’ responses in several ways. Participants may, on the one hand, be
more inclined to share their experience with me, as rapport may already exist, and they may
believe I share some of their experiences and therefore may be more understanding.
Alternatively, participants may have pre-conceptions of what my perception of the subject matter
may be, and they may answer my questions accordingly. For these reasons, interviews with
participants with whom I have a previous working relationship were declined. Further, I
maintained a research journal with thoughts and concerns regarding possible bias or preconceptions.
Although the literature review and findings sections of this paper contain references to
specific phenomena (burnout, vicarious traumatization, etc.), none of the participants were asked
questions specific to these indexes. In the “Relation to Literature” section of this paper, themes
identified in the analysis of the interviews were loosely linked to items of the indexes used to
describe these phenomena. This does not determine the definitive presence of these phenomena.
Further in-depth research and questioning of participants would be necessary to make this
determination.
Recommendations
Based on the themes detected in participants’ struggles, supports, experiences, and
suggestions, four recommendations were devised to allow workplaces that offer intervention to
sex offenders to better support their staff:

56

1. Recognize, enable, and augment the support provided amongst co-workers. This should
include providing training to staff on debriefing and self-care strategies.
2. Provide counseling services that are informed of the specific stressors involved in this line of
work. Provide at minimum one introduction to counseling session to all staff upon hiring, to
illustrate the accessibility of this service and to provide an overview of the possible effects of the
work with sex offenders.
3. Adopt a management style that is supportive, rather than punitive. This would include
providing the opportunity for increased time off if required, options to work from home at times,
offering advice and consultation to staff freely, and supporting staff when decisions are being
questioned.
4. Provide ongoing training to and clinical supervision to staff, to enable them to feel informed
and confident in their work. Some participants expressed specific areas they wished to receive
further training in, but this was not explored with all participants and would depend on specific
job descriptions.
These recommendations deliberately do not address supports or coping mechanisms used
by workers outside of the workplace. This is due to the author’s belief that private coping skills
should not be dictated by an employer. This does not reflect on the importance of coping and
self-care strategies utilized outside of the workplace. It is an expectation that these coping skills
would be discussed with peers in debriefing sessions, or with counselors, in a private setting.
When determining what a supportive management style may look like, Sosik and Jung
(2018) state the transformational-transactional leadership paradigm, originally coined by
Bernhard Bass in the mid-1980s, is the most widely accepted, studied, confirmed, and re-

57

confirmed leadership style. The transformational leader follows the following principles:
“Idealized influence (behavior), idealized influence (attributes), inspirational motivation,
intellectual stimulation, and individualized consideration” (Sosik & Jung, 2018, p. 11).
Essentially, transformational leaders lead by example, they use rapport, inspiration, and empathy
to engage, and they provide opportunities for ongoing professional development. (Sosik & Jung,
2018).

58

Chapter 6: Conclusion
Despite generally strong feelings of uproar experienced by the public when confronted
with the reality of sexual offending and our society’s condemnation of sexual crimes, I believe
the public remains greatly unaware of efforts undertaken by professionals to elicit change in
these offenders. Amongst the professionals aspiring to reduce the risk of sex offenders reoffending are probation officers, parole officers, Indigenous justice workers, counselors, and
doubtlessly many others, who attempt to achieve change. The positions of these professionals
oftentimes require a mere bachelor’s degree. In these professions, the stakes are high; failure to
notice subtle hints in the mood or demeanor of a client or inadequate intervention may result in
horrific victimization. This pressure, coupled with the review of detailed victim accounts and
police reports, creates the potential for burnout, vicarious traumatization, or myriad other adverse
effects. The research question in this study was to determine the effects of working with sex
offenders on front line workers with an undergraduate degree and what factors contribute to
worker resiliency. Participants in this study described many negative effects their work had on
their well-being. Two participants were diagnosed with PTSD resulting from their work with sex
offenders. Some benefits of the employment were noted, but these were few. Despite this, the
results of this study show areas of potential for great improvement. Three participants recalled
detrimental effects when employed by one employer but expressed they could conceivably
remain in their current employment in a similar line of work for the remainder of their career.
The three participants who did not continue working with sex offenders expressed much
dissatisfaction regarding their former employer and all wished for different employment
circumstances to better support their wellbeing. This allowed the opportunity to focus on the

59

workplace circumstances participants found to be conducive to long-term emotional survival
when working with sex offenders and formulate four recommendations:
1. Recognize, enable, and augment the support provided amongst co-workers.
2. Provide counseling services that are informed of the specific stressors involved in the line of
work.
3. Adopt a management style that is supportive, rather than punitive. The transformative
leadership model as described in Sosik and Jung (2018) may be helpful in establishing this.
4. Provide ongoing training to staff.
Given the importance of the rehabilitation of sex offenders and the great responsibility
professionals in this field carry, it would seem evident that agencies employing these workers
should provide workplace policies and resources to assist their staff to remain emotionally
healthy in their jobs and in their home lives. This could, potentially, reduce staff turn-over,
greatly reducing the cost of training and hiring new staff. It could also reduce the social costs that
may be associated with the emotional turmoil experienced by emotionally unhealthy staff.
Furthermore, valuable, seasoned employees could be retained in their workplace and remain
effective in their job, while maintaining their well-being. Although recommendations were made
based on the research conducted for this study, I believe that one of the key findings was the
profound importance of this area of research and the need to examine workplace circumstances
of people working in the field of sex offender intervention further to provide better support for
the people engaged in this work.

60

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Appendix A: Interview Guide
Sex:
Age:

20-29

30-39

40-49

50-59

60-69

70+

Relationship status:
Location:
Bachelor’s degree:
Years employed in the Social Services (circle one):
< 1 year

1-4 years

5-9 years

10-14 years

15-19 years

20+ years

15-19 years

20+ years

Years of sex offender intervention work (circle one):
< 1 year

1-4 years

5-9 years

10-14 years

1)

How did you become involved in this line of work?

1.1)

What is your current role in sex offender intervention?

2)

What training did you receive to work with sex offenders?

2.1)

Tell me more about this training?

3)

How do your workplace policies help in providing you with the necessary framework for
the intervention you use with sex offenders?

3.1)

Can you give me examples? (if not already stated)

3.2)

Which policies?

4)

What would you change about the work you do with sex offenders?

5)

What are the most important aspects of sex offender intervention for you?

6)

What challenges do you have working with sex offenders?

7)

Can you tell me about some situations working with sex offenders that stand out to you or
particularly impacted you?

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8)

How has this work personally impacted you?

8.1)

How have you coped with stressful or difficult situations or emotions you experienced
while working with sex offenders?

8.2)

What/who helped you maintain emotional, physical, or spiritual well-being when faced
with stressors associated with working with sex offenders outside of work?

8.3)

What helped you maintain emotional, physical, or spiritual well-being when faced with
stressors associated with working with sex offenders while you were at work?

8.4)

What do you think would be useful to you, to help you cope with stressful or difficult
situations or emotions you experience working with sex offenders? (outside of work, and
at work)

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Appendix B: Participant Recruitment Advertisement (E-blast)

Are you interested in participating in a research study?
Do you work in the Social Services?
Is your highest level of education achieved a bachelor’s degree?
Do you work with sexual offenders?

If you meet these three conditions, your participation in a research project would be greatly appreciated
for Master of Social Work Thesis Research!

Participants will be asked a series of questions about their work with sex offenders, and their support
systems. A roughly one-hour phone interview could give you the opportunity to share struggles and
coping strategies to assist professionals in this field with workplace resiliency, strategies, and supportive
policies.

For more information and to see if you qualify, please contact: eclark3@unbc.ca
Supervision on this research project provided by Dr. Glen Schmidt: schmidt@unbc.ca
Thank you for your consideration!

This study has been reviewed by the UNBC Research Ethics Board. For more information, please contact
reb@unbc.ca or call the UNBC Office of Research at 250-960-5852

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Appendix C: Information Letter / Consent Form

Workplace Resilience in the field of Sex Offender Intervention
Project Lead: Elizabeth Clark MSW Candidate
University of Northern British Columbia, School of Social Work
Prince George, BC V2N 4Z9
eclark3@unbc.ca
Cellular Phone: (506) 333-7709
Supervisor:

Professor Glen Schmidt
University of Northern British Columbia, School of Social Work
Prince George, BC V2N 4Z9
schmidt@unbc.ca
Phone: (250) 960-6519

You are being invited to take part in this research study because of your employment in sex offender
intervention services.
Purpose of Project
1) To examine the experiences of professionals with bachelor’s degrees working withsexual
offenders
2) To examine variables that affect the well-being of professionals in this capacity
3) To examine the coping strategies of professionals that work with sexual offenders
What will happen during the project?
You will be asked a series of questions about your experiences working sexual offenders in a
telephone interview. Data from this study will be analyzed and integrated into a final report, a Master of
Social Work thesis. This thesis will analyze the responses provided, summarize the experiences of
professionals working with sexual offenders, and examine existing resiliency strategies. From this,
recommendations to improve the well-being of professionals working in this capacity will be provided.

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Risks or benefits to participating in the project.
Due to the nature of the questions, you may feel uncomfortable with some of the questions included
in this research. You can refuse to answer any question you are not comfortable with or skip questions you
do not want to answer. You can stop your participation in the research at any time. You will be provided
with information on how to connect with counseling resources at the time of the interview, to provide
options should you wish to de-brief. After the interview, a summary of themes determined from the
interview will be sent to you via e-mail. You will be asked to read these themes to ensure accuracy, and you
will be given the opportunity to strike any themes you are not comfortable with.
Should you disclose intent to harm yourself, someone else, or a child, this information will be
reported to the appropriate authorities and may, thus, involve a legal risk.
Likely benefits to you are minimal; however, we hope to increase awareness of the struggles of
professionals working with sexual offenders through this project. Upon completion of this project,
publication and dissemination of key findings and recommendations will be pursued. This may lead to
increased support measures being put in place to reduce future harm to these professionals and this, in turn,
may reduce staff turn-over.
Confidentiality, Anonymity and Data Storage
You will not be identified with the information you give; the research is confidential. Only the
interviewer will know how you answered the research questions. The interviewer’s supervisor will have
access to the interview transcripts without your name attached. Although basic demographics will be
collected (sex, age, years of service), your name will be eliminated from all documents associated with the
research and a number will be assigned as an identifier. The linked list of names and numbers will be kept
in a separate document on an encrypted flash drive.
All identifying information will be destroyed immediately after the data analysis is complete. The
interview will be audio recorded. The audio recording will be destroyed upon completion of data analysis
and stored on a password protected USB storage device until that time. After your interview has been
analysed and themes have been determined based on your answers, I will contact you via telephone to
confirm these themes. Should you wish to withdraw any themes or withdraw completely from the study at
this point, any information you have provided until that point will also be withdrawn and securely destroyed.
After this point, however, your information can no longer be withdrawn. The information we collect from
you will be combined with information from other research participants to help develop insight into the
impacts of sex offender supervision on professionals.
Although the information you provide to the interviewer is confidential, the appropriate authorities
will be notified, should you disclose intent to harm yourself, others, or a child.
Study Results
The results of this study will be reported in a graduate thesis and may also be published in journal
articles and books. A copy of the completed thesis can be made available to you via e-mail, should you
wish to receive one. If so, please enter your e-mail address in the section on “follow-up information”
below.

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Further, a copy of the thesis will be available for viewing by the general public at the University of
Northern British Columbia (UNBC) library upon completion.
Questions or Concerns about the project
If you have any questions about what we are asking of you, please contact the main project lead
or supervisor. The name, e-mail and telephone numbers are listed at the top of the first page of this form.
If you have any concerns or complaints about your rights as a research participant and/or your
experiences while participating in this study, contact the UNBC Office of Research at 250-960-6735 or by
e-mail at reb@unbc.ca.
Participant Consent and Withdrawal
Taking part in this study is entirely up to you. You have the right to refuse to participate in this
study. If you decide to take part, you may choose to pull out of the study at any time without giving a
reason.
CONSENT
I have read or been described the information presented in the information letter about the project:
YES

NO

I have had the opportunity to ask questions about my involvement in this project and to receive additional
details I requested.
YES

NO

I understand that if I agree to participate in this project, I may withdraw from the project at any time up
until the report completion, with no consequences of any kind. I have been given a copy of this form.
YES

NO

I agree to be audio recorded.
YES

NO

Follow-up information (e.g. final report) can be sent to me at the following e-mail address:

Signature (or note of verbal consent):

Name of Participant (Printed):

Date:

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Appendix D: Counseling Resources E-mail
Dear Participant
Thank you for your participation in my interview for my research on resiliency in the field of sex
offender intervention. Due to the nature of the questions asked in the course of your interview,
you may experience emotional or psychological distress. Should you wish to speak with a
counselor, the following link will provide information on certified counselors in your area:
https://www.psychologytoday.com/ca/therapists

Thank you for your assistance in this project.
Regards
Elizabeth Clark

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Appendix E: Research Ethics Board Approval Letter