FRAMING COMMUNITY FOOD SECURITY:
CONNECTING THE PERSONAL TO THE POLITICAL
by
Joanne Kathryn Houghton
B.Sc., University of British Columbia, 1987

THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF SCIENCE
in
COMMUNITY HEALTH SCIENCE

© Joanne Houghton, 2003
THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
June 2003

All rights reserved. This work may not be
reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy
or other means, without permission o f the author.

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11

Abstract
This study explores the way community food security is conceptualized within the
community food security movement. Clarihcation o f the concept can contribute to the
development o f a coherent policy map, and concerted efforts along the road to community
food security. Through an interpretive process of analysis, data derived 6om interviews with
leaders o f British Columbia's community food security movement, supplemented with
document data, were examined. A set o f shared principles, constituting an alternative food
justice vision emerged. Within this vision, the goal is health evidenced by a well-nourished
population and local sustainable food systems. Three broad strategies are put forth to realize
this goal including: 1) educating the masses to realize a paradigm shift, 2) creating food
citizenry everywhere and 3) mobilizing communities towards policy and systems redesign.
Missing 6om this vision are shared understandings about the cause(s) and the culprit(s) for
community food security issues. In the absence o f a well-accepted master hame, a coherent
food policy strategy does not exist. Giving rise to differences amongst leaders in their
understandings about the cause(s) and the culprit(s) are differing beliefs. Three framing tools
are presented to assist the movement iu furthering their policy aims and community food
security endeavours.

m

Table of Contents

11

Abstract
List o f Tables

VI

List o f Tables

VI

List o f Figures

Vll

Acknowledgment

vm

Chapter 1

Introduction
The Problem and the Need for Research
The Research Questions
Chapter Preview

1
1
7

Chapter 2

Framing Community Food Security: Context, Theory, and Research
The Quest for Food Security: Rhetoric and Rethink
Understanding food security.
Food security, food systems, and food policy.
The ofGcial response.
The unofBcial response.
Canada's Action Plan for Food S ecurity.
The World Food Summit - 6ve years later.
NGO activity —rive years later.
Food Security Developments in Canada: Food Policy rirom the Field
Food policy in Canada: A missing ingredient.
The People's Food Commission: the grassroots speak out.
Spinning webs of connections: public health enters the picture.
British Columbia's community food security movement.
Factors Influencing Policy: Framing Key
The need for a master frame.
The community food security rirame: Existing research.
Chapter Summary

10
11
12
14
16
17
18
18
19
19
22
24
26
31
32
33
37

Methodology
Overall Research Approach
The hermeneutic circle.
Language and context.
The researcher's presence.
Rigour
Ethics
The Research Process

40
40
40
41
42
42
44
45

Chapter 3

10

]V

Sources o f data.
Selecting the participants and the sites.
Collecting the data.
Analyzing and iateipreting the data.

46
47
48
49

Chapter 4

The Cycle o f Food Insecurity
The Leaders
Why the Concern About Community Food Security?
Health the invisible link.
Food injustice: The visible link.
What is the Cause o f Food Insecurity? Who is to Blame?
The cycle o f community food insecurity.
lust Food for a Change
The food security continuum.
Pohcy Suggestions Put Forth in the Absence o f a Master Frame
Who is Responsible for Community Food Security?
The Political Nature o f Community Food Security
The behef wall.
Speaking up is risky business.
Dealing with crisis.
Knowledge, experience, interest and time.
Chapter Summary

51
52
53
54
55
57
63
65
66
68
69
71
71
72
73
73
74

Chapter 5

Going Against the Grain
Shared Framing Principles
Balance.
Community/Food citizenry.
Community-based alternatives.
Diversity.
Economic security.
Education.
Empowerment.
Food democracy.
Food justice.
Food matters.
Food needs and rights.
Local.
Health.
Holism.
Paradigm shift.
Pohcy towards systems change.
Social movement /building capacity.
Sustainability.
Principles: Degree of ht With the Dominant Ideology.
Differences in Ideological Stances: Tensions Revealed

76
76
77
78
78
79
79
79
80
80
80
81
81
82
82
82
83
83
84
84
84
85

Chapter 6

Economic security.
Local.
Money.
Power/empowerment.
The right to food.
Systems change.
The role o f fbodbanks.
Learning to Speak the Same Language
Food security or food system?
The Leaders' Reflections About Tensions
Chapter Summary

86
86
87
88
89
90
91
93
93
94
95

Discussion and Implications
An Alternative Vision.
The Elusive Master Frame.
Diftering Behefs: Tensions Emerge.
Towards Community Food Security
hnphcations for theory.
hnphcations for pohcy-makers.
hnphcations for British Columbia's health sector.
Implications for community nutritionists.
hnphcations for British Columbia's commimity food security
movement.
Limitations o f this research.
Recommendations for future research.

97
98
103
103
104
107
107
108
109
109
110
111

References

113

Appendix 1

120

Appendix 2

121

Appendix 3

122

Appendix 4

124

VI

List of Tables
Table 1. Select trends in Canada's food system, policies and health outcomes

21

Table 2. Select examples o f food injustices identihed by leaders o f British Columbia's
community food security movement

56

Table 3. Sectors and their responsibility for community food security

70

V ll

List o f Figures
Figure 1. The Cycle o f Food Insecurity: An interplay of factors giving rise to community
food security issues
63
Figure 2. The Food Security Continuum: Stages of change in mobilizing communities
towards food security

66

Figure 3. Food Justice: A vision for community food security.

102

vm

AcknowledgmGnt
When I commenced this thesis journey, my daughter Vanessa was entering
kindergarten and could not yet read. Many mornings she would pad into the thesis room
rubbing sleepy eyes and asking for her morning cuddle. As I near completion of this thesis,
Vanessa, who is now in grade four, reads over my shoulder and asks questions like "What
does

mean?" I want to express heartfelt thanks to Vanessa for her support

during this journey and for keeping me grounded in motherhood.
I would also like to express sincere thanks to Martha MacLeod and Loma Medd —
both o f these women have an uncanny knack o f knowing just what to say, how much to say
and when. As well, special thanks to my thesis committee members Graham Riches, Richard
Lazenby, and Kwong Tang, whose advice and support were most ^preciated. Warm and
heartfelt thanks to Danielle S )tes, for her wizardry with the editing and formatting o f this
document, and the crafting o f tables and Ggures. Finally, I wish to acknowledge and thank
each of the participants for their time, their wisdom, and their inspiration.

Chapter 1
Introduction
This study was undertaken to explore the way community food security is
conceptualized within British Columbia's community food security movement and to
articulate the extent to which conceptualizations are linked. Finding common ground
between conceptualizations is an important place to begin the construction of a pohcy map
and movement together along the road to community food security.
fAe iVeecf/hr
Despite the fact that Canada is renowned worldwide as a leader in die production of
hesh whole foods, and the provision o f food aid to third world countries, food security is a
persistent and seemingly insoluble problem at home. There is no shortage of evidence
demonstrating the systems governing food security are unable to ensure all people at all times
have access to the foods required for health. The results o f the 1998/99 National Population
Health Survey revealed 7.8% o f Canadians, or 2.3 milhon households, were food insecure
and experiencing "at least a compromised diet" (Rainville & Brink, 2001). In 2002, in an
average month, 750,000 Canadians turned to food banks to feed themselves and their
families (Canadian Association ofFood Banks [CAFB], 2002). Concurrently Canadian
children are consuming more packaged, processed, simple carbohydrate and fat laden foods
than ever (Northern Health Authority, 2002). The percentage o f obese children has doubled
in the last two decades, and the incidence and prevalence of childhood Type 2 Diabetes is on
the rise (Northern Health Authority, 2002). Yet as government officials pledge their
commitment to world food security, world nutrition, the right to food, and freedom from
hunger in international arenas, a coherent food policy to address these concerns in Canada

has not been developed. Further, existing related policies are fragmented and appear to
perpetuate, rather than prevent, food security issues (MacRae, 1999; Riches, 1997).
In response to food security issues a grassroots community food security (CFS)
movement has emerged (Canadian Food Security Network [CFSN], 2003; Kalina, 2000;
Kneen, 2000; Ontario Healthy Communities Coalition [OHCC], 1997). This movement is
comprised o f individuals concerned about CFS, including representatives o f food policy
organizations (FPOs). A FPO is a community, city, or region-based group whose aim is to
improve CFS through actions towards policy change (Kneen, B., Kneen, C., & McDougall,
1997). Most FPOs are voluntary, grassroots, and non-proft organizafons (See Appendix 1
for a snapshot o f FPOs in Brifsh Columbia). The CFS movement seeks to create coherent
food policy that has as a goal well nourished people supported by communities that are food
self-sufGcient (British Columbia Food System Network [BCFSN], 1999b;CFSN, 2001;
CFSN, 2003; MacRae, 1999).
Over the years, the CFS movement has become more organized evidenced by a
growing web o f linked FPOs and related food security programs and acfvifes (CFSN, 2003;
Healthy Eating Active Living [HEAL], 2003; Kneen, 2000; Peoples Food Commission
[PFC], 1980). While alternative community food programs have proliferated across the
naf on, the movement's success in the political area has been somewhat limited. Few
municipahfes have adopted a food policy and to date coherent food pohcy does not exist at
provincial, national, or international levels (CFSN, 2001; CFSN, 2003; Kalina, 2000).

Social movement theorists, researchers, and practitioners alike suggest that 6aming is
a critical limiting factor for the movement' (Lang, 1999; Lezberg, 1999; Nathason, 1999;
Snow & Benfbrd, 1992). For the purpose o f this paper, Naming is dehned as the conscious
constniction o f the meaning o f a social problem. Frames may be expressed verbally, or
recorded as definitions or illustrations. Frames imply a choice, a particular way o f seeing a
problem amongst a range o f alternatives. Understanding the way food security is framed is
important because it directs responses. In my experience as a community nutritionist and a
leader in British Colmnbia's CFS movement, I have observed that social action towards
health related policy change for food security is in part determined by the way CFS is
framed.^
The literature speciGcaUy suggests a m n f t e r f o r the CFS concept - or widely
accepted, core grammar identifying the issue(s), the cause(s), and the culprit(s) responsible
for CFS issues —is lacking within the movement. The construction of a master 6-ame is an
important first step on the road to the construction of a coherent pohcy strategy that can
effectively target the cause o f and the culprit responsible for food security issues (Lezberg,
1999; PFC, 1980; Snow & Benfbrd, 1992).

' While framing is a critically important factor for social m ovements in realizing their policy aims, this is not to
suggest framing is the only factor. As the literature and this research shall reveal political opportunity,
mainstream ideology/ public support, and the availability o f resources are additional factors (Biehler, Fisher,
Siedenberg, W innie & Zachary, 1999 ; Yeatman, 1994). While each o f these factors will be touched upon in this
inquiry, examining each in depth is beyond the scope o f this study. Such exploration may serve as fertile ground
for future study
^ It was my observation that when community food security was framed as a violation o f rights and an
abdication o f the provincial government in living up to its responsibility, the response from EC's CFS
movement was to support the submission o f a report to government officials calling for social policy change to
alleviate hunger (Dietitians o f Canada, 2002). Likewise, when the problem was framed as loss o f community
capacity to feed their citizens, and a failure o f the government to provide the context for local food selfsufficiency, the E C community food security movement responded by calling upon the Ministry o f Agriculture
and Food and Fisheries to create policy supporting local sustainable agriculture (Farmfolk Cityfolk, 1999).

There are different schools o f thought about the way CFS is h-amed. US food security
researchers have suggested that differing master frames exist beneath the banner o f the CFS
concept; the anti-hunger and sustainable food system hames predominating (Clancy, 1994;
Lezberg, 1999). These researchers argue that the differing master frames are not wholly
complementary, that linkages between the differing fames have not been articulated, and
that this situation causes tensions between actors of the CFS movement. While other US and
Canadian food policy analysts agree that there are differing frames at the table, and that this
situation causes tensions, they argue that the differing fam es are complementary (Biehler et
al., 1999; Fisher, 1997,1998; Lang, 1999; MacRae, 1999). They suggest the diversity o f
perspectives within the CFS movement has resulted in innovative ideas and solutions to ageold problems - solutions that may otherwise have failed to emerge with a less diverse group.
Lezberg (1999) justifes her argument that there are differing incompatible fam es
beneath the CFS banner by pointing out the fact that there are multiple defnitions for the
CFS concept - definitions citing differing issues, causes, and/or solutions for the issues. She
concludes that mulfple definitions paint an incoherent picture of the situation thus creating
conceptual confusion amongst actors o f the movement, potential new adherents, and pohcy
makers alike. This conceptual confusion diffuses coordinated pohcy responses.
That differing defnitions exist, that a coherent pohcy does not exist, and that this
hinders the ability o f the movement to further pohcy aims, resonates with my experiences as
a leader within BC's movement over the past decade. During this time, I have observed the
existence of many definitions of CFS citing a number o f differing issues and causes for those

issues. Hunger, malnutrition, cardiovascular disease, food worries, insufficient food
production, genetic engineering o f foods, and sustainability o f the food supply are but a
sample o f the food security issues identihed in dejSnitions within documents o f BC's food
security movement. The reported causes o f these issues are equally diverse ranging 6om
poverty, inequality, and erosion o f the social safety net to consolidation and control o f the
food supply, loss o f biodiversity and degradation o f the soil. Furthermore, the definitions for
CFS rarely name a culprit. Finally, the proposed solutions to CFS problems range from the
institutionalization o f emergency food programs and the support o f community &od self
reliance, (through the development of alternative community food programs), to food
democracy and welfare, economic, and agricultural pohcy reform (BCFSN, 1999b; British
Columbia Heart Health Coalition [BCHHC], 1997; Dietitiaos o f Canada, 2002; FFCF, 1998,
1999; Food First o f Northern British Columbia, 2002; Food For Kidz Coahtion [FFKC],
2001; Kalina, 1993, 2000; Kamloops Food Pohcy Council [KFPC], 2000; Riches, 1997,
1998; Vancouver Food Pohcy Organization [VFPO], 1998).
In addition to lack of clarity about the issue(s), cause(s) and culprit(s), I have
observed that a coherent food pohcy strategy does not exist within BC's movement. In fact,
food pohcy activity has been limited and sporadic. Furthermore, when pohcy
recommendations have emerged, they have been contradictory.
This is not to suggest that activities within pohcy arenas have been without success.
Limited success has been realized at both local and provincial levels. For example the City of
Kamloops is poised to adopt a food pohcy and the Ministry of Agriculture Food and
Fisheries' 5'eZect

on yfgrz-Foocf foZzcy has included food security as an

objective in provincial agriculture pohcy documents (British Columbia Ministry of

Agriculture Food and Fisheries [BCMAFF], 2000; Kalina, 2000). However, the ability o f
BC's CFS movement to further pohcy change at provincial and/or local levels is uncertain.
An important factor creating both crisis and opportunity for BC's CFS movement is the
current political context.
The newly elected provincial Liberal government has radically shifted pohcy
direction on many h"onts, a move that has contributed to a number o f food security issues.
Welfare benefits have been reduced and food bank lineups have lengthened (British
Columbia Ministry o f Human Resources [BCMHR], 2002; CAFB, 2002). Health budgets
have been 6ozen and community nutrition positions have been lost.^ Education budgets have
been frozen contributing to a trimming of school meal programs (British Columbia
Confederation o f Parent Advisory Councils [BCCPAC], 2002; J. Manley, community
nutritionist, personal communication, April 22,2003). The changed pohcy direction paints
grim prospects for the development o f coherent food pohcy in BC.

On the other hand, the shift in government pohcy appears to have drawn British
Columbians to the CFS movement. For example, the Healthy Eating Active Living project
(HEAL) spanning the northern two thirds of the province, reports two consecutive years of
growth in food security activities - 6om gardens to school pohcy (HEAL, 2003).
Furthermore, new opportunities for food pohcy appear to be emerging at municipal levels
and provincial levels. For example, councilors with the City of Vancouver and the City of
Prince George have recently expressed an interest in the creation of municipal food pohcy
(Food First of Northern BC, 2002; Corinne Eisler, board member of the Vancouver Food

' Coimnunity nutritionists have played an instrumental role in the CFS movement (Houghton, 1998)

Policy Organization, personal communication, April 23,2003)). As a second example, the
Ministry o f Health is creating a new Public Health Act and has requested input from the
public health sector (British Columbia Minishy of Health [BCMOH], 2002). Community
nutritionists are advocating, among other items, the creation of a provincial food policy
council as an initiative within the new Public Health Act (Gibson & Kneen, 2003).
The need for clarity in the conceptualization o f community food security amongst the
actors o f BC's CFS movement is greater than ever. Clarity can contribute to a concerted
eSbrt in the creation of a coherent food policy strategy. In turn, this may place the movement
in a better position to collectively take advantage o f opportunities and to collectively
advocate for coherent solutions to food security issues in other areas.
The findings in the literature and practice suggest that research is timely and
warranted into the way CFS is conceptualized within the CFS movement. There is httle
research on this topic area in Canada and BC's CFS movement provides fertile ground for
this inquiry. The results o f this research will be useful not only to the actors within BC's CFS
movement, but to those concerned about CFS across Canada, and internationally.

The research questions are as follows:
1. How is CFS conceptualized within BC's CFS movement? Specihcally: What are the
issues? What are the causes? WTho are the culprits? What are the solutions? Who is
responsible for the building o f CFS?
2. To what extent are the conceptualizations linked? Specifically: To what extent are the
conceptual elements hsted above linked?

An interpretive, descriptive analysis was used throughout this study beginning with
an exploration o f context, theory, research, and practice. This review suggested answers to
the research questions could be found through in-depth interviews with leaders o f the
movement as well as analysis o f the documents o f prominent FPOs. According to Snow and
Benfbrd (1992), leaders o f the movement are choice sources of data for this type o f inquiry
because they are instrumental in the process o f constructing and communicating hrames of
understanding. Document analysis contributes to the rigour of the study, providing a testing
ground for developing insights emerging in the data analysis (Thome, Kirkham Reimer, &
MacDonald-Emes, 1997). Document analysis reveals the way the CFS concept is conveyed
in words, definitions, and illustrations, and in changing context. Examining the way the
concept is conveyed in text builds upon insights emerging 6om examining the way the
concept is conveyed verbally.
CAqpter freview
The structure o f the thesis will be as follows.
Chapter 2, a literature review, situates the reader and orients the inquiry. It provides
an overview o f the political trends giving rise to the emergence of the CFS movement, the
development o f the movement across Canada and in BC over the past three decades, and the
theory and research relevant to the framing o f CFS. Chapter 3 outlines the research approach
and rationale, the principles of the approach, and the research methods.
In chapters 4, and 5, the interview and document data are analyzed and interpreted.
Specifically, chapter 4 stitches together the leaders' stories, including their perceptions about
the CFS issues, the causes, the culprit, and the solutions for those issues. Linkages and
differences are drawn out. Attention is paid to language, and tools to convey

conceptualizations. Chapter 5 examines the underlying theme emerging from chapter 4 ideology. Eighteen shared ideologically based principles shaping conceptualizations are
revealed. Tensions amongst the leaders with respect to differences in their ideological stance
are also revealed.
Chapter 6 summarizes signiGcant Endings and then discusses them in light of existing
research in this area. The hnphcations for theory, pohcy, and practice as well as for future
research are drawn out. Recommendations for future research are put forth.

10

Chapter 2
Framing Commimity Food Security: Context, Theory, and Research
This chapter, a review o f the literature on Naming CFS, is divided into three sections.
The hrst section provides an overview o f the quest for food security 6om an international
perspective. It draws out understandings o f the nature of the problem and solutions. The
second section presents an overview o f food policy developments in Canada and the
emergence o f the CFS movement. This section includes a focus on developments in BC, a
province said to have "strong" and "broad-based" CFS movement activity (Kneen, 2000).
This section also draws out understandings about the nature o f the problem and the solutions.
Moreover, it explores the impact o f the movement in terms o f achieving public pohcy
change. The third section presents haming theory with respect to social movements and their
abihty to realize pubhc pohcy change. It also presents what is known and what is yet to be
understood about the way CFS is hamed. This review of context, theory, and research not
only orients the inquiry, but it demonstrates the need for the inquiry. Further, it provides the
preliminary analytical hamework upon which the method o f the inquiry was developed.

Few would argue with the assertion that food is a universal need and a basic human
right, essential for hfe, and foundational to health. Each and every human being engages in
the pursuit o f food 6om the moment o f their birth to the end o f their days. Thus, it has been
said that the quest for food security is as old as the dawn of humankind (Deslile & Shaw,
1998). Throughout the 20'^' century, this pursuit has been a seemingly endless journeyduring the course o f which the number of people for whom food is a privilege rather than a
right has continued to grow. Recent data from the Rreuefybr tAe IfbrM fAafzïwig estimates that

11

worldwide more than 840 million people are unable to access the foods required for health
(Bread for the World [BFW], 2003). The paradox o f hunger and food insecurity in a world
that has the capacity to produce more than enough food for all continues to be one o f the
most pressing public health pohcy challenges of our time (Campbell, 1991; Lang, Heasman,
and Pitt, 1999; MacRae, 1997; Ontario Public Health Association [OPHA], 1996; Schiller,
1993)

DejSnitions o f food security have evolved, diversihed, and multiphed over the years,
exphcitly reflecting its complexity, the changing pohtical and ideological context, and the
experience of those engaged in dehnition crafhng processes (Lang, et al. 1999; Riches, 1997;
Snow & Benfbrd, 1992). Nearly two hundred dehnitions o f food security are said to exist
(Clay & Shaw, 1998; Liedenhrost, 1994).
One of the most 6equently cited definitions offers a useful place to begin to
understand the concept. This dehnition, agreed upon by over six thousand delegates,
emerged during the United Nation's Food and Agricultural Organization World Food
Summit (WFS). It reads: "food security exits when all people at all times have physical and
economic access to sufhcient, safe and nutritious foods to meet their dietary needs and food
preferences for an active healthy hfe" (Food and Agricultural Organization of the United
Nations (FAO), 1996).
Several elements o f this definition are worth noting. First, inclusion of the words "all
people" makes explicit that international leaders regard food security as a universal concern.
Second, inclusion o f the words "at all times" makes clear that solutions to food security
issues must be sustainable over the long term. Third, physical and economic access, are

12

explicitly identified as barriers to food security. Thus, within the international community,
the two critical root causes o f food security issues are thought to be poverty and the
availability o f food. In the documents emerging 6om the WFS food availabihty is
conceptualized as the physical presence o f food. The source o f the food - whether it is local
or imported - is not exphcitly raised as a concern. Fourth, food security is a concern that
individuals are able to access the quantity and quality of food to meet their individual health
needs. Fifth, as the goal for food security is an active healthy life, achieving food security
clearly hts within the mandate o f the pubhc health sector (Campbell, 1991).

Food fecwnfy, yôod

/ood^oZicy.

Missing 6om this definition (or at least not made exphcit) is the fact that food
security is a pohcy issue. Food pohcy analyst Lang (1999) drives this point home with his
observation that malnutrition in the United Kingdom was virtually eliminated during the
Second World War when revisions to food related pohcies were made supporting community
food self sufficiency as well as the equitable distribution o f foods through rationing.
Also notably absent in the dehnition is the fact that food security is a systems issue.
According to food systems analyst Kneen (1993), food security is dependent on the food
system - a sustainable food system. Kneen dehnes a sustainable food system as one that does
not compromise the land, air, or water for future generations. He defines a food system as the
dehberate organization o f the production, processing, and distribution o f food. He asserts that
consolidation and control of the food system has not only contributed to growing inequities
(which result in food poverty and hunger), but it has also profoundly reduced the capacity of
communities to feed their citizens (which inevitably results in hunger). Moreover he asserts

13

that the current system is unsustainable and solutions failing to address this piece o f the food
security dilemma are doomed to fail.
The views o f these two authors resonate with varying degree to my own. From my
perspective food security issues are public health concerns. These issues arise 6om lack of
comprehensive, coherent food policy that has as a goal healthy people supported by healthy
communities, and healthy environments. Food policy represents the integration o f policies
that shape the systems providing the context for food security. Systems that impact food
security extend beyond the conventional agricultural system to include environmental,
economic, health, social, educational political, cultural, spiritual and communications
systems. Together, these systems comprise what I term the food system. Food policy is part
of an integrated public pohcy approach known as healthy public pohcy. Healthy pubhc
pohcy is fundamentally concerned with ensuring health through the creation o f healthy social
and physical environments. The creation o f healthy pubhc pohcy involves inter-sectoral
partnerships. Such pohcy acknowledges that the responsibility for health is resides primarily
with the community and the government.
My perspective resonates most closely with that of food pohcy analyst, MacRae
(1999) who asserts.
If food security is to be achieved food systems must be shaped by pohcy that has
optimal nourishment of the population as its highest purpose, makes agricultural
production and distribution a servant of that purpose, and ensures the food system is
financially and environmentally sustainable, (p. 183)

14

raypo/Lye.
In response to food security issues, a number of wake up calls have been issued.
According to Clay & Shaw (1998):
Since 1920, it is estimated that 120 international declarations, conventions, and
resolutions have been reached regarding the right to food. That right and the
elimination o f hunger were enshrined in the Universal Declaration o f Human Rights
(United Nations, New York, New York, 1948); in the Universal Declaration on the
Eradication o f Hunger and Malnutrition (World Food Conference, Rome, Italy,
1974); in the World Declaration on Nutrition (International Conference on Nutrition,
Rome, Italy, 1992); and in the Rome Declaration on World Food Security (World
Food Summit, Rome, Italy, 1996). (p. 57)
The outcome o f these events has thus far proven largely ineffective in stemming the
growing tide o f hunger and food insecurity. A closer look at the policy platform arising out
o f the 1996 World Food Summit (WFS) reveals current thinking amongst international
leaders about the nature o f the problem and the solutions. It also sheds some hght on the
apparent impotency o f the response.
According to Clay and Shaw (1998), the f/um q/'vfcA'oM coming out o f the 1996 WFS
contained 27 commitments, which can be summarized into seven broad statements:
1. Ensuring an enabling pohtical, social, and economic environment most conducive to
achieving sustainable food security for all.
2. Implementing policies aimed at eradicating poverty and inequahty and improving
physical and economic access to food by all.

15

3. Pursuing participatory and sustainable policies and practices in high and low potential
areas.
4. Striving to ensure that trade policies are conducive to fostering food security for all
through fair and market-oriented world trade systems.
5. Endeavouring to prevent and prepare for natural and human made disasters and meet
transitory and emergency food requirements in ways that encourage recovery,
rehabilitation, development, and capacity to satisfy future needs.
6. Promoting optimal use o f public and private investments that foster human resources,
sustainable agriculture systems, and rural development in high and low potential areas.
7. Implementing and monitoring the P/a/% q/"v4crzo/%at ah levels in cooperation with the
international community (p. 64).
On the surface, this plan ^ipears broad and balanced and contains a good dose of
politicahy correct language, including terms such as sustainable, fair, and equitable. The
meaning o f these terms, however, is not spelled out and a closer look reveals contradictions.
On the one hand, the plan suggests a reduction in poverty as weU as the need for balanced
economic and social environments. On the other, it promotes fair and market-orientated
trade. Yet the preponderance of evidence regarding the impact of the global market-oriented
trade system, however, indicates that it is far &om fair. The global trade system yields the
accumulation o f vast wealth for a few and poverty for the masses (Lang et al., 1999; Lappe F.
& Lappe A., 2002; Tansey & Worsley, 1995). In market-oriented systems, social and
environmental issues like food security take a back seat to economic issues. Compromised
pubhc health is the inevitable outcome (Barlow & Clarke, 2001; Lang, 1999; Lang et al.,
1999; MacRae 1997, 1999).

16

Also o f interest in this plan is the absence of commitments to improve the
sustainability o f the food system (a critical concern as noted by MacRae and Kneen earher),
as well as the absence o f rights and health language.

Although it received less fan fare, a second significant event occurred in Rome during
the time o f WFS. While government officials were meeting at the WFS to devise their plan to
address food security, a group o f representatives of non-govemment organizations (NGOs)
and civil society gathered in another location to formulate their own model for food security.
According to Clay and Shaw (1998), the collective NGO statement,

Few orFbotf

ybr yffZ." Fotxf SbvereigMiy amff j'ecwnry m Fhmmaie fAe Gfoha/zzaiioM q/".Hwnger, highlighted
snr key strategies:
1. Strengthen the capacity o f family farms and local and regional food systems,
2. Reverse the concentration of wealth and power,
3. Support sustainable food production systems,
4. Ensure the state takes responsibility for providing the context for food security,
5. Ensure the participation o f civil society and NGOs at all levels in discussions about food
security,
6. Guarantee the right to food in international law. (p. 66)
A critical difference between the WFS plan and this NGO plan is the stance on trade.
The WFS plan promotes fair market-oriented trade. This NGO plan calls for decentralization
and a break-up of the present concentration of wealth and power, fostered by liberalized
markets. This event and the resulting strategy reflects a rethink of the issues - a NGO rethink

17

that flies in the face o f what has been termed government rhetoric (CFSN, 2001). This
rethink emerges in grassroots or CFS activities in Canada and worldwide.

CoMOffa .yAction fZa/z /b r
In 1998, as a measure o f its commitment to food security, Canada produced an vfcAon
f/anybr

(Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada [AAFC] 1998). The creation of

this plan involved a consultative process with NGOs and civil society. The final document
however, mirrored the contradictions in the WFS document. Again, the problems of hunger
and food insecurity were viewed as problems of poverty and food access. The two-pronged
solution to hunger was: 1) to reduce poverty by providing targeted rehef to vulnerable
populations, and 2) to increase the availability of food. The latter objective was to be
achieved by increasing food production and promoting more liberalized trade. Again the
relationships between global trade policies, the food system, and hunger were not articulated.
Again, sustainability was a missing element in the measures put forth to reduce food security
issues. Again it was unclear how targeted measures to reduce poverty within certain
vulnerable populations would ensure the right to food for all.
In this plan, the federal government acknowledged the growing incidence and
prevalence o f hunger within Canada. Further, it supplied resources for the creation of a
virtual Food Security Bureau within the national Ministry of Agriculture. This Bureau has
developed a mechanism to include the voices o f NGOs and civil society by estabhshing a
consultative working group. The Bureau's mandate is to monitor food insecurity and
progress with the plan and then to report outcomes to the United Nation Food and
Agricultural Organization every two years (AAFC, 2003).

18

Zafgr.
In 2001, heads o f state, NGOs, and concerned citizens gathered once again in Rome
to attend a follow up to the WFS. Several nations reported progress in realizing previous
WFS commitments/aspirations. While many countries had moved forward in their food
security endeavours (submitting separate detailed plans o f action on domestic 6onts), on the
whole, the impact o f such work speared to be negligible. The estimated number o f people
unable to access the foods required for health remained at 840 million (BFW, 2003). Once
again, the summit concluded with all countries reafGrming their concern about hunger and
food insecurity and their commitment to work towards the 1996 FZum qfvfetzoM. No
signihcant new directions were put forth.
NGO

-/zv e years Zafer.

An important development during this 6ve-year period was the blossoming o f a
grassroots or CFS movement (Lappe and Lappe, 2002). This movement is characterized by
community-based collective activity designed to increase citizen participation in the
reshaping of systems that impact their access to food (CFSN, 2003: Kneen, 2000; Welsh &
MacRae, 1998; Riches, 1998).
In Canada, this activity has become increasingly organized and politicized.
Alternative community food programs such as community kitchens, community gardens,
food co-ops, community- shared agriculture, food box programs, and food buying clubs, have
proliferated across the nation (Kalina, 2000; Kneen, 2000; OHCC, 1997). Over time, these
programs have come together within neighbourhoods, cities, and regions forming networks,
coalitions, or food policy organizations (FPOs). The goal of most of these groups is to
change pubhc policy in order to change the systems contributing to food insecurity (CFSN,

19

2003; FFCF, 1998; HEAL, 2003; Kalina, 2000; Kneen, 2000). A number o f groups are
working with local and provincial policy makers towards that end. While coherent food
pohcy in global arenas remains an enigma, NGKDs have enjoyed limited success on the food
policy hont at local levels (CFSN, 2003; Kalina, 2000; Welsh & MacRae, 1998).
This situation raises two important questions: 1) to what extent has the grassroots
CFS movement impacted food policy development? and 2) what enables and constrains
policy endeavours? Seeking answers to these questions, the following section examines food
security developments in Canada over the past three decades.
Fbocf jkcwrzfy
F'ood j?ohcy in Conodo.-

Food fohcy/roTM tAe F'Wd
TMÜsmg ingredient.

Although it has been described as contradictory, and somewhat narrow in scope,
Canada .dciion Fian on Food &cwrity appears to be the closest the federal government has
come to establishing a national food pohcy. A comprehensive, coherent food pohcy, having
the health o f the population as the primary goal while balancing economic, social, and
environmental needs, does not exist at national levels. Nor does such pohcy exist at
provincial levels (MacRae, 1999). The responsibility for food at all levels o f government is
divided amongst sectors, o f which the agriculture sector is the principal driver.
Agriculture pohcy however, has as a priority o f food production for export and profit,
rather than food production to nourish the population. This is made clear in federal
documents where Agriculture Canada describes itself as "a growing, competitive marketoriented agriculture and Agri-fbod industry that responds to the changing food and non food
needs o f domestic and international customers" (AAFC, 1994).

20

Health cornes into the federal food policy picture in terms o f providing regulations
around food safety and food labeling. Health Canada also provides dietary guidelines;
however, these guidelines are not enforceable and are not integrated into agriculture or social
pohcy. Similarly, at provincial levels, the health sector provides food safety regulations,
dietary guidelines, and pubhc health nutrition program goals. Again, these guidelines and
goals are, for the most part; separate hom agricultural and social pohcy and goals.
With the demise of the Canada vffjwmnce fZa/z in 1996, any national requirement
that the provinces should ensure adequate social assistance benehts to meet basic food needs
was abandoned (Houghton, 1997; Riches, 1997). Thus, a critical driver is not in the federal
food pohcy car. At provincial levels across the country, social pohcy fails to ensure nutrition
standards are met.'*
The need for comprehensive coherent food pohcy, having health as a goal and
placing multiple sectors together in the driver's seat, has never been greater. In the absence
of such pohcy at ah government levels, a number o f health concerns emerge. Table 1, on the
following page, illustrates the relationship between select trends in the Canada's food system,
policies, and health outcomes.

^ Dietitians and community nutritionists conduct Nutritious Food Basket costing surveys in most provinces.
These surveys provide a standard measure o f the income necessary to purchase the foods required for health. In
the past three years, annual surveys conducted in British Colum bia demonstrate that social assistance benefits
fail to ensure recipients are able to purchase the foods required for health (Dietitians o f Canada [DC], 2002).

21

Table 1.
Zrenck m Cawzcü j
Food System Trend_______________
Proliferation of and dependency on food
banks (Riches, 1986 & 1997).

foZzcï&y, o/icf

Ow^co/»&y.

Policy Issues
Lack of federal social policy
and inadequate provincial
social policy to ensure social
assistance benefits enable
recipients to purchase the
foods required for health.

Health Outcome
Food insecurity and
hunger.

Loss of the small family farm and farming Lack of federal and provincial
skills. Loss of in&astructure to support
agriculture policy supporting
local food production. Food traveling long local sustainable food
routes.
production.

Loss of community
food self-reliance.
Food insecurity and
hunger.
Environmental
degradation (air, soil,
water and food), food

Increased dependency on non- renewable
fossil fuels. Increased dioxins in the air
and global warming. Increased synthetic

Lack o f provincial
educational policy supporting

fertilizers and chemicals in the soil, water,
and food (Kneen, 1999; Lang 1999).

agriculture in the curriculum.

insecurity, and
hunger.

Increased advertising o f fast foods
targeting children. Proliferation o f fast
food outlets. Proliferation o f cheap
packaged high fat and sugar- laden foods
on grocery store shelves (Kneen, 1999;
Nestle, 2002).

Lack of federal, provincial
and municipal policy limiting

Increased incidence

corporate advertising o f fast
foods during the prime time
children view television. Lack
o f coherent food policy in

nutrition related
disease. During the
1981-1996 period the
percentage o f obese

schools.
Poor eating habits. Canadian children
aged 13 - 17 years, derive on average,
Lack o f federal and
over one third o f their daily caloric and
provincial agricultural policy
daily fat intakes from the other food
making locally produced
group - that’s pop, candy, and chips
w hole fresh foods more
(Northern Health Authority, 2002).________ affordable and available.

and prevalence of

Canadian children
aged 7 -13 years
doubled; 29% o f girls

and 35% of boys are
now obese (Northern
Health Authority,
2002).

^ Each o f the pohcies said to lacking in Canada have been put in place in Norway as part o f a coherent national
food policy and the result has been a reduction in nutrition-related disease (Norwegian Royal Ministry o f Health
and Social Affairs (1981-82).

22

This situation has led to a paradox o f views where Canada is internationally
renowned as a leader in the production and export o f quality h-esh foods, and the provision o f
food aid to third world countries, while at home there is growing recognition that the food
system is under severe strain and failing to ensure food security, health, and well being for
all.

Canadians have a long history o f grassroots activism around social and food issues,
which has been described as a part o f the culture (Guest, 1985). Thus, the fgqpZe f fo o d
Co/M/Müszon (RFC) o f the late 1970s was not the hrst organized attempt by ordinary citizens
to have a voice in shaping the systems influencing their access to and supply o f food - nor
would it be the last. However, given the number o f people involved in the initiative (over five
thousand) and the fact that the inquiry visited all provinces, it was a milestone in what is now
termed the community food security movement (PFC, 1980).
This commission was not a Royal Commission rather it was a grassroots endeavour.
The Commissioner's mission was to understand the issues in the food system and the
solutions to those issues. Three factors gave rise to the Commission: 1) the cumulative effect
o f soaring inflation rates, 2) high unemployment rates, and 3) loss o f local food production
capacity. These concerns, now termed CFS issues, were the backdrop for the stories told to
Commissioners by the farmers, food processors, food retailers, health care professionals, the
poor, and ordinary citizens 6om across the country. These stories were diverse, yet struck a
chord that resonated with all. The task o f the Commission was to discover chords of
coherence amongst the stories and solutions to Canada's food system troubles.

23

In 1980, three years alter the launch o f the PFC, aAer compiling, analyzing, and
synthesizing data &om thousands o f documents, a report

a/zif

was

released (PFC, 1980). This report had lour broad conclusions. First, the rq)ort suggested that
the greatest potential for common ground amongst all the sectors concerned about the food
system was a "desire for change," a "desire for responsibility and control over their own
[food] destinies" and a "desire to do satisfactory, creative work that would contribute to the
well-being o f others as well as themselves" (p.79).
Second, the report asserted that the greatest division amongst people was "differing
beliefs about the cause o f food problems". The authors concluded that a "circle o f blame"
existed. They stated, "farmers are still saying consumers could change if they wanted
to".. ."people are still pointing at 'greedy labour' as the cause o f rising prices"... and "middle
income people are still saying the poor could eat well if they only knew how to budget".
Furthermore, the authors found that Canadians had difSculty believing that "the organization
o f the current food system was responsible for the loss o f control over food decisions" (PFC,
p. 91).
Third, the report suggested that deqa divisions in behefs were the outcome o f a "wall
o f beliefs" constructed by the corporate sector. According to the authors of the report, within
this wall the corporate sector is heheved to be the engine o f a healthy and wealthy economy,
the market is believed to be the best guarantee o f food security, individuals are beheved to be
responsible for their food issues, hunger is believed to be a temporary phenomenon, and it is
believed that people need only to work harder to resolve food system issues (PFC, 1980,
p.75)

24

Fourth, the report found that diGering beliefs about the cause of the issue resulted in
varying and contradictory solutions to food system problems. For example, the authors stated
that some farmers embraced Agriculture Canada's policy direction supporting mega farms
and increased food production for export, while others simply wanted to maintain their small
family farm.
The Gnal recommendation o f the PFC report was that the grassroots continue to
organize and seek ways to dismantle the wall o f behefs. Specifically the authors o f the report
stated " we need to become much clearer about who are our allies and who are going to work
against us, and once we hnd our alhes, be ready to work with openness and respect for
different perceptions coming hom different experience" (PFC, 1980, p. 91).
web.; o/"coMMechofr;. /w bhc Aea/rA enter; tbe ^zctwre.
In 1981, as grain elevators disappeared on prairie horizons, the hrst food bank opened
in Edmonton, Alberta (Riches, 1986). During the next decade, food banks prohferated at
twice the speed o f McDonald franchises such that by 1991 there were 345 food banks across
Canada serving approximately one thousand community food depots (Schiller, 1993).
During this period, public health departments across the country were reorganizing in
line with the new broadened view o f health detailed in the Lalonde Report (Lalonde, 1974).
The report advocated a move from the view that health was an individual concern to a
holistic view recognizing that a variety o f influences affect health, among them food,
housing, education, income, and employment.
In the wake o f the Lalonde report (1974), the healthy communities' movement
emerged. This focus o f the movement was to bring multiple sectors together within
communities to address the determinants o f health. In 1988, the Toronto Board o f Health

25

released one o f the Grst healthy conmiunity reports in Canada entitled
n

yôr

Tbro/zfo 2000.

Czfy (City o f Toronto, 1988). One o f the recommendations in the

report was the establishment o f a Toronto Food Policy Council (TFPC). Two years later,
spurred on by growing pressure 6om a public having heightened awareness o f a highly
organized food system and hagmentation around food policy, the TFPC emerged (Schiller,
1993).^
The TFPC was Canada's hrst ofBcial Food Policy organization.^ The mandate o f the
TFPC is to address the immediate problems o f hunger and the long-term reorganization of
the food system. Organizational documents reveal the TFPC hrames CFS as a problem o f
hunger, poor nutrition, and unsustainable food systems (TFPC, 2001a, 2001b). The cause is
not clearly identified in organizational documents, although lack o f comprehensive food
policy is identrGed as an exacerbating factor. The culprit for CFS issues remains unnamed.
Within the documents o f the TFPC, it is made clear that the organization believes that the
state intervention (the provision o f social assistance beneGts) and emergency food programs
are inadequate measures to ensure CFS. New soluGons are required, thus the TFPC advocates
a two pronged approach: 1) empowering people to become agents o f change and to engage in
community development acGviGes in order to alleviate their poverty and dependency, and 2)
creating the context to allow this to happen (that is, removing policy barriers at local levels
and creating local policies to enable food security) (Schiller, 1993).

®In historical documents o f the TFPC, the PFC was one o f the factors in raising public awareness about food
system malaise (Schiller, 1993).
’ The TFPC was not a novel concept it was inspired by the Knoxville Food Policy Council and the U K ’s
London Food Commission (Lang, 1999; Yeatman, 1994). The TFPC differs from most other FPOs in the
country in that it is based in government institutions.

26

Since its inception, TFPC has acted as a catalyst spurring on community development
processes that have resulted in the establishment o f a variety o f alternative community food
programs. On the pohcy hont, the organization has developed a number of discussion papers
and has advocated policy change in local and provincial arenas. In 2001, the City o f Toronto
adopted a Food Pohcy Charter (TFPC, 2001a).
The TFPC model has inspired the development o f FPOs across Canada, hom St.
Johns, Newfoundland, to Dawson Creek, BC. These local groups are linking through a
variety o f mediums (Internet, teleconferencing, and face-to-face meetings), creating regional,
provincial, and national networks, and pressing for pubhc pohcy change. For example, a
national gathering o f actors within the CFS movement was held in Toronto in June o f 2001
for the purpose o f reviewing and responding to CumzJa yfchon f/a n ybr Fbcwf

The

results were compiled into a paper and presented to the federal government. During that same
meting the national food democracy network was launched (CFSN, 2001)

F o o d p o lic y in B C h as b een s lo w to em erge. T h e sam e critical issu e ex ists in B C , lack

of coherent food pohcy that has nourishment o f British Columbians as the principal goal.
According to the British Columbia Heart Health Coahtion (BCHHC) (1997), existing
pohcies around food and nutrition are hragmented, and fail to ensure nutritional health and
well being o f British Columbians.
Food related pohcies in BC mirror those in other parts of the country, with a notable
exception - agricultural pohcy. In BC, local sustainable food production has a place at the
policy table. Geography is a m^or reason the production paradigm has not taken firm hold.
There is a rich diversity o f ecosystems in BC (ranging from rain forest to desert) and this

27

diversity does not accommodate mass production o f any one crop. The Agricultural Land
Reserve (ALR), created by the Ministry o f Agriculture Food and Fisheries in 1973, has
contributed to CFS as it has curbed urban development on designated agricultural land. This
has ensured that an allotment o f land is available to communities so that they are able to
produce food to feed their citizens. The Rwy RC program launched in the 1990s has also
contributed to CFS. Promotion o f &esh, pure BC food products during the 1990s boosted the
public appetite for healthy foods (BCMAFF, 2003).
In 1984, the inadequacy o f social policy became evident with the opening o f the Srst
6 o d bank in Vancouver, BC. By the year 2000, there were 85 food banks across the
province. In March of 2000,75,987 British Columbians resorted to food banks to feed
themselves and/or their families (Greater Vancouver Food Bank Society, 2003). In the 1990s,
as a secondary response to hunger and food insecurity, community kitchens proliferated
across the province (Kalina, 1993). During this period, FPOs began to emerge as well.
One o f the 5rst FPOs in BC, Farmfblk Cityfblk, was launched in 1992. By 1999,
there were at least a dozen FPOs in BC (FFCF 1998; Kalina, 2000; Kneen, 2000). 1999 was a
milestone year for CFS organizing as it marked the birth o f the British Columbia Food
System Network (BCFSN). The BCFSN is a communication hub, linking individuals
concerned about or involved with (CFS) activities across BC. It hosts annual gatherings,
bringing food activists together to strategize about food policy and programs. Finally, while
an ofBcial tally o f the current number o f FPOs is unavailable, in the past two years alone,
several new FPOs have emerged in northern BC (HEAL, 2003). (See Appendix 1 for a
snapshot o f FPOs in BC). While the bulk ofFPO activities have centered on the development

28

and support o f alternative community food programs, three signiScant provincial policy
efforts are highlighted here.
The jGrst was the development o f a food and nutrition policy paper entitled

Owr

FwA/re. .ÿecMre owr ffea/rA (BCHHC, 1997). This report, developed by a coalition o f
dietitians, community nutritionists, and a handful o f other concerned professionals and
academics, included a series o f food related pohcy recommendations, hom continued
monitoring and support o f emergency feeding programs, to support o f increased nutrition
services &om hospital to home. The m ^or recommendation of this document was a call for a
comprehensive 6>od and nutrition pohcy. The document was the impetus for the creation o f
an inter-ministerial committee on food and nutrition pohcy, charged with the task of
identifying options for a comprehensive food pohcy for BC.
The second development was an organized series o f pubhc presentations to the
AüMffzMg Com/Mittgg OM

This was one o f the hrst organized pohtical

strategies o f the British Columbia Food Security Network (BCFSN). The aim was to press
for the context that would enable local, sustainable food systems within BC's new
fo/icy. As a result, the hnal document included a section on food security (BCFSN, 1999a;
BCMAFF, 2000).
A third development was the launch o f an annual report entitled the

q/"Eun'Mg in

(DC, 2002). This report is the result o f the efforts o f community
nutritionists who conduct annual surveys across the province to determine the cost o f a
nutritious basket o f food in comparison to social assistance rates. The report is used as a tool
to heighten awareness about the issues and to press for social pohcy change. It is forwarded
annually to the Premier and all Ministers, calling for pohcy changes on three fronts: 1)

29

increased welfare rates to ensure recipients have sufGcient funds to purchase the foods
required for health, 2) additional child feeding programs, and 3) support of alternative
community food programs.
An analysis o f this pohcy work reveals intriguing conundrums. First, it is clear that
this work has not been part o f a coordinated strategy. Recommendations for pohcy change
have come from many honts and have involved many different sectors. Pohcy
recommendations tend to come in a sporadic fashion, at times directed to the Premier and all
Ministers; at other times directed towards a single Minister. Thus, pohcy demands are seen in
a 6agmented manner by differing ministries at differing times.
Second, pohcy requests have at times emphasized a piece o f the food security
problem and a particular solution. The difhculty with this approach is that the complex,
multi-layered CFS phenomenon, requiring multi-pronged, integrated solutions will be
reduced to a singular issue requiring a singular solution. For example, presentation o f the
phenomena as a sustainable food production problem suggests a resolution may be found
with agricultural pohcy change solely. Pohcy makers can then claim they are addressing
hunger by ensuring people have skills, land, and resources to produce food. In turn, efforts by
another stream o f the movement pressing for social pohcy change (adequate welfare rates)
may be slowed.
Third, pohcy demands from one sector are seemingly contradictory to those
advocated by another sector. For example, it has been argued that pohcy demands for support
of emergency food programs does not f t pohcy demands for an increase in welfare rates.
According to Riches (1997), history has demonstrated that reliance upon the individual,
charity, and the community alone does not solve hunger. Furthermore, of these two policy

30

requests, the request for support o f emergency food programs is more than likely to be
granted, as it is the least co stly/
In the absence o f a coherent policy strategy, the success o f these endeavours has been
Tninimal. Yet, this is not the sole reason policy work has had limited success. In 2001, a
change in provincial government saw a radical shift in policy direction. BC, a province that
has been governed by parties with social and/or environmental platforms for the past 70
years, was now governed by a party whose thrust was economic prosperity. To balance
budgets in a sagging economy, the government moved into deficit reduction and hscal
restraint mode. The result has been the rapid dismantling o f all previously mentioned efforts
towards coherent food policy, as well as continued erosion o f the social safety net. Four
examples o f the impact o f the political context on food policy development in BC are
provided below.
First, the /hrer-TMm/sfgna/ CoTMTMZtteg on Fbozf onzf /Vhrnhon Bohcy has "unofGcially"
disbanded (Janice Linton, Chair o f the Interministerial Committee, personal communications,
September 2002). Second, the yfgM-foozf Bohcy work has come to a stand still and the Bwy
.BC program has been canceled (BCMAFF, 2003). Third, welfare eligibility requirements
have become more stringent, and rates have decreased. In Vancouver, a single parent family
of three receives social assistance benefits amounting to $1350 per month^, yet the average
cost o f rent is $919.00, and the cost o f purchasing a nutritious basket o f food is $458.00
month. Thus, once the rent is paid, this family cannot afford a nutritious basket o f food (DC

^Over the past decade, social assistance rates in British Columbia have continued to decrease. Legislation has
been passed however, to support emergency food programs. The Food Donohon
passed in 1996 facilitates
the distribution o f surplus foods from the food industry to emergency food programs (Chong, 1996).
^ This amount includes social assistance benefits, child tax benefits, and BC family Bonus.

31

2002). Fourth, education budgets have been frozen at 2002 levels. The downturn in the
lumber industry however, has resulted in a mass migration of workers out o f the rural and
remote communities in BC. Enrollment is down, and school boards, staffs parents, and
children are grappling with school closures. Funding is no longer earmarked for school meal
programs rather the money has gone into the envelope of general school revenues (BCCPAC,
2002). Scrambling to deal with budget shortfalls, schools are on the one hand trimming the
school meal programs to reduce expenditures, and on the other partnering with the
carbonated beverage industry to increase revenues (Welsh, 2002).
While the shift in pohcy direction has realized the grim food security scenario above,
as discussed in the introductory chapter it also appears to have contributed to positive
developments and opportunities for the CFS movement. That is, the movement has
experienced an increase in membership and activities (HEAL, 2003). As well, new
opportunities for pohcy development are emerging at local and provincial levels (BCMOH,
2002; Food First o f Northern British Columbia, 2002)
T hu s, the ov era ll p o lic y d irection o f th e current Liberal government has resu lted in

crisis and opportunity for the CFS movement in BC. The potential however, for the CFS
movement to reahze pubhc policy change is uncertain. A coherent pohcy strategy has not
emerged and in its absence, policy direction has been sporadic, contradictory, and largely
ineffective. The current pohtical context suggests that now more than ever, members o f BC's
CFS movement would benefit if actors were coming hrom the same pohcy page.
Fucror.y

f obey.- Frammg

Thus far, this review has suggested that a number o f factors enable and constrain the
CFS movement in achieving their policy aims. Factors include: perceptions about the nature

32

o f the issue, and solutions to the issue; the fact that ideology within the mainstream is
opposite that shared within the movement; the existence o f evidence considered legitimate by
the pohcy-makers; political opportunity and public opinion; and the existence o f human and
material resources. O f these concerns, a number o f policy analysts concur haming is a
critically important issue (Delisle & Shaw, 1998; Lang, 1999; Lezberg, 1999; MacRae,
1999). According to Delisle and Shaw (1998):
Food security as a multifaceted and multi-sectoral concept has been a m^or barrier in
reaching consensus on how to dehne it and achieve it, and lack o f agreement on
effective policy prescriptions has resulted in inadequate, concerted action, (p. 9)
needybr a /waster^a/we.
Framing, in social movement discourse, is described as the conscious construction o f
shared meanings and dehnitions to describe social problems such that they legitimate protest
and motivate adherents toward coUective action (McAdam & Snow, 1997). Social movement
theory suggests that in order to create a coherent policy, a universally accepted and wellarticulated master hame is required. According to Snow and Benfbrd (1992), a master hame
provides core grammar upon which more elaborate hames can be constructed. Minimally, a
master frame identiGes the issue, the cause, and culprit for the problem. Agreement within
social movements upon the nature o f the problem and the culprit allows the formation of
coherent policy that effectively targets the root o f the problem and the institutions and actors
responsible for the problem. In the absence o f a master frame, other frames may be
developed such as a motivational frame (a Game inciting action) or a prognostic Game (a
frame identifying solutions). However, the policy dnection arising Gom these Games will

33

likely be fragmented, contradictory and can serve to perpetuate rather than to resolve the
problems.

ybofi a:ecwnryyra/Mg. ÆrLfhMg re.yearcA.
The framing o f CFS has been studied in various disciplines and in various contexts.
In US studies, researchers have found that the movement draws together people from
differing sectors that conceptualize the problem differently. Further, these researchers
suggest that there are two dominant master frames existing beneath the umbrella o f the CFS
concept - an anti-hunger frame and a sustainable agriculture frame.
Proponents o f the anti-hunger

fam e identify hunger as the primary issue, and

poverty and inequality as the primary causes (Campbell, 1991; Riches, 1986, 1997).
Typically, those holding an anti-hunger perspective support policy responses such as welfare
change (to ensure, at minimum, basic needs are met, including food, housing, child care,
transportation, and medical needs), hving wage jobs, and hteracy and employment training.
The resonating motivational theme amongst adherents of the anti-hunger fam e is the
understanding that food is a human right Food security is seen as an enftlement. The
government is believed to have the primary responsibility to ensure people are food secure.
Proponents o f the sustainable agriculture fam e, idenffy long-term sustainabihty of
land and resources for local agricultural production as the crifcal CFS issue (Kneen 1993,
1999). They point to the industrialized food system as the causative factor. They observe that
this system, characterized by dependence on chemical inputs, the technology feadm ill, and
the proft-orientated nature o f the capitalist market, has distanced people from their food

10Also referred to as the entitlement fram e, or the redistribution [ o f wealth] fra m e or the institutional frame.

34

supply and has placed control o f food decisions in corporate hands external to the
community. They argue that the industrialized food system has created a situation where
communities do not have the capacity to produce food to feed their citizens. Solutions to food
security include policy support for local food self-sufBciency and local control o f food
production, support o f organic production methods, and reestablishing connections between
the local farmers and local consumers. The responsibility for food security lies primarily with
community. The government is responsible to provide policies to create the context for local
sustainable food systems. The resonating motivational theme amongst those holding a
sustainability 6ame is the view that degradation o f agro-ecological resources and the loss o f
local food self-sufGciency is an mjustice to people, communities, and the environment.
An examination o f the Canadian CFS movement reveals that there is at least one
additional influential hame at play in the CFS movement - the health promotion hame
(BCHHC, 1997; Schiller, 1993). The aim of the health promotion hame is to empower
people to increase control over their health. Adherents o f this frame are concerned with a
number o f health-related problems arising hom lack o f food security including, but not
limited to, hunger, nutrition dehciencies, obesity, cardiovascular disease, diabetes, food
allergies, and food borne illness (BCHHC, 1997). O f these issues, hunger is most frequently
cited in health hterature, and socio-economic inequities are most hequently identified as
principal causes of this problem (American Dietetics Association, 1998; Campbell, 1991;
Fitz, 1998). More recently, food security concerns, such as increased prevalence and
incidence of food home illness and the agro-ecological impact o f genetic engineering, have
appeared in health literature. These problems have seen the addition o f consohdation and
control o f the food supply in the hst of principal causes.

35

In the health promotion frame, solutions involve the creation o f supportive
environments, strengthening community action, developing personal skills, and building
healthy public policy to address structural inequities. A community development approach
bringing together key stakeholders 6om across the local food system to identify their issues
and then to act upon them is a commonly employed health promotion strategy to realize CFS
(Kalina, 1993; Kneen, 2000; OHCC, 1997). The resonating motivational theme for adherents
o f the health promotion hrame is the understanding that the resources for health, iucluding
food, are universal human needs and entitlements. The government, the community, and the
individual are all believed to be responsible to ensure this entitlement is provided. Thus, the
health promotion Same compliments both the anti-hunger and the sustainable food system
frames.
While additional frames may exist within the CFS movement, elements o f these three
frames in particular appear to dominate the Canadian scene (BCHHC, 1997; BCFSN, 1999a;
CFSN, 2003; TFPC, 2001b).
The impact o f differing frames within the CFS movement is an issue o f debate. Some
authors suggest that diverse agendas have facilitated the movement, while others argue that
they have constrained the movement. For example, Lezberg (1999) asserts that the US CFS
movement suSers f"om f-ame over extension. She states, "the framing for the CFS approach,
in its broad conceptualization, reaches out to many concerns and issue areas but potential
adherents, for whom porf ons but not the totality o f the f-aming resonates, have d iff culty
identifying with the frame" (Lezberg, 1999, p. 22). She suggests that differing frames lead to
recruitment and retention problems and tensions between the actors of the movement. She
also asserts that linkages have not been made between the sustainable agriculture and the

36

anti-hunger 6am e with respect to issues, causes, and culprits. Lezberg concludes that in the
absence o f a master 6am e for the CFS concept, linking the anti-hunger and sustainable
agriculture &ames, the US CFS movement has limited ability to realize political change.
Lezberg's Gndings regarding tensions and the problems with the lack o f a master frame are
consistent with the ûndings o f the PFC report in the 1970s.
Fisher (1997, 1998), a leader o f the US based

Foot/

Coa/iAon,

agrees that tensions exist within the movement, but he argues that the underlying concern is
not an issue o f over extension, but a problem o f balancing the needs and wants o f the
principal sectors. Furthermore, diversity o f partnerships is cited as a "strength" o f the CFS
movement in a number o f documents (Biehler et al., 1999; TFPC, 2001b; Yeatman, 1994).
Lang (1999) provides further food for thought regarding the way CFS is hamed. He
points out that the CFS movement emerged in opposition to mainstream views. He suggests
that for each view within the food security movement there is an equal and opposing view
informing mainstream pohcy, practice, and the pubhc. For example, he suggests that in
contrast to the sustainable agricultural hrame, the production hame exists. Adherents o f the
production frame identify hunger as the key food security issue and increased production as
the solution. The cause is insufhcient adoption o f technology.^' Similarly, in contrast to the
anti-hunger hame, the residual hame exists. Adherents of this hame assert hunger is a
temporary problem, and individuals, their famihes, and the community are responsible for
hunger.'^ Welfare is viewed as a last resort. Finally, in contrast to the health promotion

' ' The production frame is the basis o f the WFS Plan o f Action, Canada’s Action Plan on Food Security, and
Agriculture policy in Canada at federal and provincial levels.
The residual frame is the basis o f social policy at federal and provincial levels (Guest, 1985; Riches, 1997).

37

&ame, the treatment &ame exists, where the focus is to hx the sick rather than prevent the
illness.
Lang (1999) suggests that a useful way o f conceptualizing the difference between
these frames is to consider that they exist on a continuum. At one end, the production,
residual, and treatment 6ames exist. Together they form the dominant paradigm. This
paradigm informs mainstream policy and practice. At the other end o f the continuum, the
sustainable agriculture, health promotion, and anti-hunger hames exist. Together they form
the alternative paradigm. This paradigm informs the CFS movement. Lang suggests that
these hames are pulling food policy in two different directions (this situation is explained in
hirther detail in Appendix 2). Like Fisher, Lezberg, MacRae, and other prominent food
pohcy analysts, Lang asserts that clarity o f the CFS hame is absolutely necessary if a
coordinated campaign is to be mounted that w ill effectively influence mainstream views
which are currently completely swayed by the dominant paradigm.
Chapter S'umma/y
The hterature reveals that CFS is a long-standing problem, a problem that is structural
in nature and requiring inter-sectoral collaboration towards pubhc pohcy change. Current
international, federal, and provincial pohcy directions appear to be ineffective in stemming
the growing tide o f hunger and food security issues. In fact, it has been argued that such
pohcy has contributed to the current situation. A grassroots CFS movement whose goal is
coherent food pohcy has emerged across Canada. While the movement has had limited
success in reahzing pohcy aims at local levels, the potential for the movement to maintain its
momentum is uncertain. Social movement theorists, food pohcy analysts, and researchers

38

alike concur that framing is one o f the critical factors limiting the success o f the CFS
movement in pohtical arenas.
There are differing schools o f thought about the way CFS is framed. Some studies
suggest differing Aames exist within the movement (Clancy, 1994; Lezberg 1999; PFC,
1980). These studies conclude the frames are not wholly complementary, causing tensions
and reducing the abihty o f the movement to achieve its pohcy aims. Others involved with the
US and Canadian CFS movement, beheve the frames are more complementary and that the
tensions are a strength o f the movement (Fisher, 1997,1998; Joseph, 1998; MacRae, 1999;
Yeatman, 1994). Still others suggest that the real tensions are not within the movement, but
between the movement and mainstream (Lang, 1999). AH conclude that a well articulated,
widely accepted master f-ame for the movement has not emerged. Making clear the issues,
the causes, the culprit, and the extent to which these conceptual elements are linked is a
perquisite to the crafting o f a coherent food pohcy strategy. This in turn can substantially
contribute towards concerted action towards the goal o f pubhc pohcy change.
What is missing 6om the hterature, particularly the Canadian hterature, are the voices
ofFPO leaders or those individuals who are instrumental in the process o f constructing and
communicating fam es o f understanding. In BC, considerable grassroots organizing has
occurred over the past decade, providing fertile ground for research exploring the way the
CFS concept is framed. If leaders from the health, agricultural and anti-hunger sectors are
interviewed and the documents from the FPOs they lead are examined it may be possible to
clarify the way they conceptualize CFS and the extent to which their conceptualizations are
linked. Given the pohtical context in BC, this research is timely. The results wih have

39

signiGcance for BC's CFS movement and for those involved with or concerned about CFS
across Canada and abroad.

40

Chapter 3
Methodology

The overall research approach was a qualitative one, involving interpretive
description o f data gathered through in depth interviews o f leaders o f FPOs in BC and
supplemented with document analysis. The aim o f this approach is to describe and interpret a
shared experience from the perspective o f those who live it. Assumptions within this
qiproach are that experiences are individual and shared, complex and contextual, and that
these experiences form the basis o f knowledge (Thome, Kirkham Reimer & MacDonaldEmes, 1997). The interpretive descriptive approach was chosen because, as is the case with
nursing practice, this approach fits with the theoretical and philosophical underpinnings o f
community nutrition practice. Within these hohstic relational and interpretive practices, there

is a respect for knowledge about aggregates in a manner that does not render the individual
case invisible (Thome et al., 1997). There is also a respect for the dialectic between the
personal and the political, the local and the global, the practical and the theoretical,
individuality and commonality. The interpretive descriptive approach 6ts well with the
research purpose and can yield knowledge that has apphcation to both the science and
practice o f community nutrition.
77:6 AerTMe/zewhc circZe.
As is often the case with interpretive studies, this inquiry draws upon the
philosophical underpinnings o f hermeneutics (Gadamer, 1989; Koch, 1996). The
hermeneutic circle, foundational to interpretive analysis, assumes that the act of
understanding is achieved when we make sense o f something, in relation to what we already

41

understand. Understanding and meaning come together through a dialectic process o f
exarnining the whole o f the phenomena in relation to the individual parts. Our understanding
o f the individual parts gains meaning as our understanding o f the whole takes shape.
Simultaneously, our understanding o f the meaning o f the whole is dependent on
understanding the meaning o f the parts. It is essentially a reflexive process o f moving back
and forth hnm the individual parts to the whole, enlarging our understandings during the
process (Koch, 1996; Steeves & Kahn, 1995). Understanding is thus existence, a way o f
being, and like conversation, is always a reciprocal relationship.
ZnmgMngg uW cowferf.
Attention to language and context are fundamental to gaining understanding.
According to Gadamer (1989), "language speaks us" in so far as human beings are produced
within a linguistic environment they inherit. They also reproduce and change this linguistic
inheritance throng their participation in it. Language is thus a contextual, social, and
collective construct. Language and context, bridge meaning and understanding between the
researcher and the subject o f study. Language and context are mediums that enable
interpretation o f that which is not readily in view.
Throughout this study, attention was paid to language and context. For example,
careful attention was paid to the use o f the words 'food security" and "food system" as they
were at times used interchangeably. Differentiating the meaning o f each o f these words
proved to be an important aspect o f understanding the tensions between conceptualizations.
Similarly, careful attention was paid to the changing ideological and political context and this
proved to be another important aspect o f understanding linkages and tensions between
conceptualizations.

42

TTze reLyearcAer
In interpretive analysis, it is understood that the researcher is engaged or situated in
the study. Furthermore, it is understood that the researcher and the participants both arrive in
the study with a set o f values, beliefs, and assumptions derived from past experiences and
projections o f the future. The values, beliefs, assumptions, and experiences o f the researcher
cannot be avoided in the data making, analysis and interpretation processes. The perspective
of the researcher is integral to proper engagement in hermeneutic circle and the process o f
interpretation (Koch, 1996). When the researcher makes explicit her prejudgments and &ame
o f reference it enables her t keep her own understandings in question and to enter into a
dialogue with the text In interpretive research this reflexive process assists with
understanding (Gadamer, 1989; Macleod, 1996). The task o f interpretative analysis is to
describe and interpret the often taken for granted understanding o f food security recorded in
the participant's interviews and in the document data. The way this task was achieved is
discussed below.
Kzgowr
Ensuring the trustworthiness o f the study was an important consideration in research
design and throughout the process. To ensure rigour, two criteria were adhered to: 1)
ensuring that a traceable audit trail for the research inductive reasoning processes was
developed and 2) ensuring the voices o f the participants were related accurately and well.
The inductive reasoning process for this research can be traced through a number o f mediums
including importantly, a reflexive journal. This journal provides a record o f my perspective at
the onset o f the research, my reactions to data in the process o f interpreting, and my
attentiveness to expressing the voices o f the participants, contextual influences during the

43

research process and finally, the way my perspective changed during the process. Other
mediums to trace the inductive reasoning process include audiotapes containing raw
interview data; transcribed interview data; coding sheets containing interview data
systematically differentiated by words, phrases, and paragraphs; fhp chart sheets containing
interview data integrated into broad themes. As w ell, the inductive reasoning process is
evident in the research proposal and the differing versions o f the thesis document leading up
to and including this Anal version.
As a measure o f ensuring that emerging conceptualizations were indeed grounded in
the data, reflecting a fusion o f the participant perspectives and my own, conceptualizations
were shared with participants on two separate occasions. That the participants would have an
opportunity to review and provide feedback on the emerging conceptualizations was a mutual
agreement made between the participants and m yself prior to commencing the study. The
Arst opportunity to share conceptualizations presented itself when one o f the participants
suggested that I present the preliminary interpretations o f the data to herself and a small
audience during her trip to Prince George. She was eager to see the results o f the research
and to support the completion o f the paper. Together, the participant and I drew up a hst of
invitees including a medical health officer who was widely recognized as a leader within the
northern CFS movement, a community development consultant who was a leader o f a
northern network o f FPOs, and a professor o f environmental studies who was a long-standing
member of a northern FPO. The fact that a research participant was in the audience at the
time of the presentation was not disclosed to the group. While the thesis itself had not been
yet been constructed emerging definitions, principles and the tools for practice were available
and shared with the group. The feedback was extremely useful. On the whole, interpretations

44

appeared to be on track. The principles appeared to have a good degree o f resonance with the
audience and the tools (preliminary versions o f the
JityAce; yf Kffion/hr

Footf

ConhnwwM, the Foocf

and the CycZe of.Foo^f

were

received enthusiastically. An important insight during this process was that the possibihty o f
discovering or developing a single tool to illustrate the complex CFS phenomenon was
remote. Difïering tools were needed for differing context, differing audience and differing
purpose.
A second opportunity to share the findings presented itself once the initial chapters,
containing analysis o f the data from the interviews, were written. Chapters 4 and 5 were
distributed to each o f the participants for their review and feedback. Again, the results were
positive and the feedback was most constructive. Overall leaders appeared to be satisfed that
their perspectives were present in the interpretations. Three leaders put forth additional
information to clarify their views. This information was incorporated in this final document.
Of interest is the fact that the research appears to have already had impact on practice. The
imminent completion o f the thesis was announced at a FPO meeting by three o f the
participants. As well, while the tensions revealed in the paper did not appear to come as a
surprise to the leaders, each leader expressed a concern about the tensions and a desire to
explore the tensions with members o f the CFS movement.
Fr/ncj
Four ethical considerations presented themselves during the course o f this research.
The frst was ensuring that the participant's names were kept con f dential. As promised in the
letter o f consent signed by each participant and I, pseudonyms were used rather than actual
participant names (See the letter o f consent and consent form m Appendix 3). Pseudonyms

45

were used in place o f FPO names as well. Pseudonyms appear in field notes, transcripts,
coding sheets, and flip charts. As I was aware that the circle o f prominent leaders and FPOs
comprising BC's CFS movement was relatively small, and that leaders knew each other well,
I was particularly sensitive to ensuring pseudonyms were used during conversation.
A second ethical consideration was reciprocity. As a measure of reciprocity for the
estimated four hours o f time the participants contributed to the study (one hour per interview,
plus three hours to review and provide feedback to the initial conceptualizations), I have
assisted participants with their local or provincial food policy endeavours. Support has been
provided in terms o f assisting with the writing and/or editing o f articles, p ^ ers, and reports.
Support has also been provided through, planning, organizing, or implementing meetings.
Intrusiveness and safety were two additional ethical concerns. To address these
concerns, the interviews occurred in places and at times convenient and safe for both the
participants and myself. All interviews took place in the participant's home, and/or in a quiet
pubhc meeting room.

An initial step in the research process was to ensure there was coherent logic in the
research design. This involved an examination o f relevant literature on the Naming of CFS
and the formulation o f analytic hamework for the inquiry. The hterature suggested a
purposeful sample o f leaders o f FPOs within EC's CFS movement - leaders having
agricultural, ant-hunger and health backgrounds. It also suggested that the initial questions
should ehcit hom the leaders their understandings about CFS issues, the causes of such
issues, solutions to the issues as well as their views about the culprits responsible for the
issues.

46

The analytic Framework differed 6om a formal theoretical conceptual framework
demanded in traditional quantitative research as it represented a platform or a beginning
point for the study rather than organizing structure for the inquiry. As the inductive analysis
proceeded, the analytic framework was challenged. For example, the literature suggested
three separate master frames - the anti-hunger, sustainable agriculture, and health promotion
f-ames - existed within BC's CFS movement. This imphed that the analysis should involve
examining each o f the leaders' conceptualizations separately. It was anticipated that from this
process, the three differing frames described in the literature would emerge, and the tensions
between those frames would become readily ^iparent. However, during a preliminary
analysis separating data in this manner it was discovered that differences in framing were
minimal and similarities were far greater. The data were then reexamined to identify the

linkages between the various framing elements (the issues, the cause, the solufon, and the
culprit). Both processes were extremely useful; the inifal approach drew out the differences
while the later approach drew out the linkages.
iÿowrcay

dafa.

As noted in the introductory chapter, two sources o f data informed this research: data
derived fnm in-depth interviews with leaders of prominent FPOs in BC and data from the
documents of these organizations (and/or the leaders' personal document f les). Document
data included organizational terms o f reference, position statements, minutes o f meetings,
reports, fact sheets, brochures, newspaper articles, journal articles, and educational booklets,
videos and manuals.

47

The second step in this inquiry involved the selection o f participants and sites. The
literature suggested a purposeful sample o f each taking the following criteria into
consideration:
# The leader was well recognized in terms o f his/her influence on EC's CFS movement,
# The leader was ready, willing, and able to participate in the research.
# The leader had a health, agricultural, or anti-hunger background.
# The leader represented a prominent FPO within the CFS movement.
#

Collectively the FPOs represented a geogr^hically diverse scope o f practice including
provincial and local, urban and rural, south and central.

#

Substantial documentation existed within the FPO to supplement the findings &om the
interviews and

#

I could easily access this documentation.
The process o f selecting the leaders and sites involved phoning recognized leaders

and requesting the names and contacts o f three other leaders who might fit the selection
criteria. New contacts were phoned and asked to provide three names. The list was complete
when all new contacts were phoned and no new names emerged. From the list o f 22 potential
research participants, the 6 names put forth most often were chosen as potential research
participants. Within this group, at least two had a sustainable agriculture background, at least
two had an anti-hunger background, and at least two had a health promotion focus. Further,
this group of leaders represented five FPOs having urban, rural, provincial and local focus.
Each leader was phoned and each agreed to participate. (See chapter 4, p. 52 for a summary
of the leaders).

48

While it was understood that that the sample o f leaders was small given the
complexity o f the CFS phenomenon, the perspectives within this pool o f leaders represented
the most predictable variations in the way CFS is hramed. It was also understood that the
conceptuahzations derived in this study might not be representative o f conceptualizations
drawn from a different sample o f leaders or a sample taken in different locations. However, it
was not the intent o f this study to reveal representative conceptualizations. This study aimed
to understand conceptualizations within the group studied in order to uncover new insights
about the framing o f CFS. The information garnered here w ill contribute to existing
knowledge and practice and can inform further inquiry.
Co/ZecfzMg tAe data.
The third step in this inquiry involved developing a semi structured interview guide
with open-ended questions following the areas o f relevance derived 6om the hterature. (See
interview guide in Appendix 4). The phrasing o f the questions and the order in which they
were asked varied from interview to interview in response to the leaders' responses and/or
the changing context. For example, in response to the initial question "tell me about yourself
and your interest in community food security" most leaders spoke at length providing rich,
detailed information relevant to several o f the other questions not yet asked. During the
response to the first question, opportunities arose to probe a bit to get the details about a
question not yet asked. The phrasing o f the remaining questions was adjusted so as not to
cover the same ground. Maintaining flexibihty in the interview process was essential to the
interpretive process. Flexibihty afforded the leaders maximum opportunity to use their
imagination and knowledge resulting in the gathering o f much rich detailed data that may
have otherwise been missed if the initial set of interview questions had been rigidly adhered

49

to. Placing maximum control o f the process in the hands o f the participant also increased the
phenomenological validity o f the research (Patton, 1990; Marshall & Rossman, 1995).
With permission hnm the participants, all interviews were captured on audiotape.
Field notes were taken during the interview process to capture initial interpretations o f data.
Over the next three months, I transcribed all of the audiotapes,

and mre/yreAMg fAe c/ara.
The following discussion attempts to outline the process o f data analysis and the
process o f constructing the thesis document. During these processes, the principles o f
interpretive analysis were adhered to including: attention to language within the study,
attention to the context in which the study occurred, and a commitment to rigour. Initially an
inductive non-categorical ^yproach was utilized during the data analysis process. This means
that predetermined coding schemes were avoided. According to Thome et al. (1997)
premature coding arising 6om an eagerness not to let the data gathering get out o f hand, can
privilege superficial Endings at the expense o f deeper more meaningful analytic
interpretations. The data analysis took on the form o f repeated immersion into the data prior
to coding. Repeated immersion allowed initial synthesizing, theorizing and recontextuahzing,
rather than simply coding and sorting.
An attempt was then made to derive themes o f understanding for each participant data
set. Each word, set o f words, or phrase was carefully and systematically defined, coded, and
organized under broad themes. At this point, the themes were essentially the framing
elements identihed in the literature (CFS issues, cause, culprit etc....). Codes were recorded
directly in the transcripts beside the paragraphs o f data. The sum o f themes, and codes &om
the first review o f one leaders' data set formed a lens for the review o f the next leaders' data

50

set. During the review o f the next leaders' data set new themes were added and coded.
Dehnitions were also were expanded upon and the lens was ac^usted accordingly.
At this point, underlying ideological, motivational, and relational themes began to
emerge. The lens was further expanded to include the new themes. At the conclusion o f the
Grst round o f coding all o f the data, the lens was quite stretched with many overlapping
codes and themes. I then placed the themes on flip charts where they were integrated and/or
differentiated. The coded words, sentences, or phrases, applying to one or more o f each o f
the new themes, were reorganized under the new themes. Dehnitions were made more
succinct.
Following analysis o f the interview data, systematic analysis o f document data was
conducted. Specifically, the organizational goals, objectives, activities, definitions, and
dingrams were pulled 6om the documents. Paying attention to context and language, each
data source was examined to derive conceptualizations o f the CFS issues, causes, culprit, and
solutions. As per the process used with the interview data, the document data were initially
examined to explore the way CFS was conceptualized within the individual FPOs. Then the
document data were examined to explore the way CFS was conceptualized amongst the
group of FPOs. Finally, the document data were examined together with the interview data.
The final stage in the research process involved constructing a thesis in which
emerging insights were described and interpreted and recommendations were put forth for
theory, research, policy, and practice. This involved several rewrites, during which
interpretations were refined until the paper was complete. One o f the most rewarding stages
of the research process was receiving feedback from the participants indicating that the work
indeed reflected their perspectives

51

Chapter 4
The Cycle o f Food Insecunty
e wAo cdMMot/ged tAeir^g(y/e )wZZ he (ZommaW hy fho^e who can.
froveyh
The knowledge that food is power served the Mohawks well. Prior to the influence o f
European culture, they were a healthy vibrant people - seed savers, food growers, hunters,
hshers, and traders. Only one food master, the earth, dominated them (K. Patterson, Director
Aboriginal Health, Northern Health Authority, personal communication, March 23,2003).
As I w ill reveal in this chapter, a common thread engaging all leaders in CFS work is the
knowledge that food is power. All understand that food security problems are the result o f an
imbalance in power. All are aware that increasingly the decisions about food are made at
boardroom tables rather than at the kitchen table. The belief however, that a shrinking pool of
huge transnational food corporations dominates civil society is a leap for some. That this is
the root cause ofhunger and food insecurity is another leap. Yet, this is precisely the picture
that emerges when the leaders' stories about the food security situation are stitched together.
This chapter begins an analysis of the data derived from in-depth interviews with
leaders o f select FPOs within EC's CFS movement. Supplemental data from the documents
o f the FPOs is integrated throughout the interpretive analysis process. The chapter
commences with a description o f the leaders' perceptions about CFS issues. This is followed
by an interpretation o f the responses and a description o f their perceptions about the causes
o f such issues, and the culprits responsible for these issues. Again, interpretative analysis
follows. The process is repeated a third time with respect to their perceptions about the
solutions and the responsibility for CFS. During the interpretive process, attention is paid to

52

similarities and differences in conceptualizations, the rationale for such, and the implications
of conceptualizations on the ability o f the movement to achieve policy aims. The resulting
broad-brush picture o f the leaders' conceptualizations sets the stage for chapter 5 where the
common thread amongst their views, ideology, is examined more closely. Prior to launching
into an analysis o f the data, however, a brief summary of the leaders and their background is
provided.

Six leaders representing 6ve FPOs participated in this research. O f the six, one is a
retired food bank administrator, two are food system analysts and activists with farming
backgrounds, and three are community nutritionists. All of the leaders are deeply and
personally involved in food issues, and community and/or political organizing around food.
One leader provides a succinct description o f her personal and political relationship with
food:
One thing about working in food security is that it has asked me to walk my talk,
profoundly linking personal to political. The foods I buy centre on my knowledge of
food security - local, non-GMO^^, organic, fair trade, etc. This is hugely important to
me! I also make a point o f telhng my friends I am feeding them this way, and if they
ask, I tell them why.
The leaders bring to the research a wealth o f knowledge and experiences in a
spectrum o f areas including, but not limited to: emergency food provision, community
development, sustainable community planning, health promotion, nutrition, sustainable

Genetically ModiEed Organisms

53

farming/food production, food marketing, food policy analysis (speciûcally in the
agricultural, economic and trade areas), community organizing and public education. The
combined CFS organizing experience o f these six individuals totals 66 years
rAe CoMcer»

Co/M/MM/nYy

S'ecwrzfy?

The question, 'W hat are the key food security issues?" elicited a passionate and
lengthy response. The leaders voiced a plethora o f concerns ranging &om poverty, hunger,
and loss o f farming skills, to soil erosion and toxic chemicals in the fbod.^" As noted by
Lezberg, (1999), the issues could be sorted beneath the umbrella o f two issue areas Aeedom 6om hunger and sustainability o f the food supply. Indeed the words hunger and
farms came iqi again and again during the 2-hour interviews.
Only one leader, the food banker, conceptualized hunger as a distinct issue separate
from the sustainable food systems issue. He Adly supported sustainable food system
activities, however, because they address immediate hunger concerns even if in a modest
way. All others spoke o f the two issues as if they were inextricably linked.

The comprehensive list o f issues included: the valuing o f m oney above all else, the commodification o f food,
reductionism, individualism, competition, loss o f community, loss o f food production, processing, distribution,
selection, preparation skills, disem pow erm ent (loss o f control over food decisions), food democracy,
globalization, free trade, distancing from food supply, hunger, obesity, nutrition related diseases, food poverty,
the proliferation and reliance upon food banks for basic food needs, institutionalization o f charitable emergency
food programs, inadequate welfare policy, the right to food denied, policy supporting food export rather than
feeding the neighbors, lack o f policy to support sustainable local food production, policy supporting the
dismantling oflocal food production facilities, loss o f the fam ily farm, lack o f public awareness about
community food security issues, m anipulation o f the media to promote the corporate agenda; loss o f traditional
foods, dependency on imported foods, proliferation o f unhealthy food products in public institutions, dignity in
food access , loss o f food diversity (and food nutrients associated with this), contamination o f the environment
with use o f synthetic fertilizers and chemicals in conventional food production methods, a food system
dependent on transport and the burning o f fossil fuels, global warming, and food waste in a food rich country.

54

Surprisingly, although three o f the participants were community nutritionists, health
was not readily put forth as an overarching link between the predominant issue areas. It came
across during conversation as a subtle background thread or undercurrent linking the issues.
Clearly, hunger is a personal health issue, just as the sustainabihty o f the food supply is a
community and environmental health concern.
All leaders verbalized the link with health when they were directly asked, "What is
the critical outcome o f community food insecurity?" Their responses were immediate "unhealthy communities," "malnutrition," "hunger," "obesity," and "poor health". The
health link also emerged among the indicators or measures o f community 5)od insecurity that
the leaders put forth.

The health link was also woven throughout discussions about the

motivational factors engaging the leaders in the CFS arena. That is, each leader explicitly
stated that they valued and respected food and its foundational role in life and health. They
made clear that this valuing o f food, and respect for its role in health and life, fueled their
expressions o f outrage about hunger and food insecurity.
Finally, while a number o f FPO documents state the goal o f CFS is "the elimination
ofhunger" or "the creation o f just and sustainable food systems", when the leaders were
probed about their vision for CFS they readily painted a picture o f healthy well-nourished
people. These people were described as "active participants shaping their local food system".

For example “obesity rates”, “hunger”, “Type two diabetes” standard population health indicators were
offered as indicators o f community food insecurity. Additionally, “food bank usage data”, “school meal
program usage", "fast food proliferation", and "emergency food supply" are emerging community health
indicators. Finally “toxins” and “chem icals” in the air, land, water, and food were stated as standard
environmental health indicators.

55

In food secure communities food gardens bloom in backyards, school yards, and on rooftops;
farmers markets, food box programs, and community cooking circles thrive; fresh local food
can be found in hospitals, schools, prisons, and recreation centres; healthy food pohcy is
standard in all public institutions; and emergency food programs have been closed because
there is no longer a need for this service. Thus, the vision for CFS is healthy, well-nourished
people residing in healthy, food self^sufRcient communities.

While the health link was a quiet undercurrent in conversation, the leaders were
outspoken and clear that the common motivational thread linking the two issue areas was an
imbalance in control over systems impacting access to and/or supply o f the foods required for
health. The leaders described this thread as "food injustice"^^ and declared the situation was
ecologically and socially unsustainable.
The leaders dehned food injustice as an imbalance (pohdcal, structural, ethical,
and/or immoral), limiting the abihty o f a person, community, region, and/or nation to access
the foods required for health. The leaders cast their lens on a spectrum o f food injustices,
hom the existence o f malnutrition m a food rich and wealthy country, to the deliberate
Hicmanfling o f structures that ensured communities had the capacity to feed their citizens.
Table 2 illuminates the food injustice with which each leader appeared to be most profoundly
concerned:

Food Justice is elaborated upon in chapter 5, in the Shared Framing Principles section pp. 76-84. It also
lEpresents the core o f the
vision /h r community
fecwnty diagram chapter 6 p. 102.

56

Table 2.
5'eZec^

z/ywjfzc&y zWenf^e^f 6y Zeaz/erj q/'^nYû'A Co/wm^M 'f coTMTMWMZfyyôozf

^ecMrz^ TMOveTMe/zf.

Food
Injustice
Societal
Values

Quote
[There is a general] lack of respect for food and the importance of food for us
nutritionally, socially, ecologically, respect for food, and the land I guess, and heck
for each other. We know that people on minimum wage or social assistance do not
have enough money to have a healthy diet, but we're not doing anything about
that)!

Unmet food
needs

[I] went down [to the food bank] and just saw the extreme state of despair down
there. I talked to one of the mothers and I'll never forget her stoiy. She said "We
have no food in the house the third or fourth week" and T boil hot water and I add
salt and pepper to it to make soup.”

The right to
food denied

W e’re hearing stories where the daycare supervisor was lining up at a food bank to
get food for the kids. When w e heard that w e were outraged! It’s shocking! There
are some big gaping holes [in the social safety net]. These are things [food
programs] that are underpinnings o f our society, where there is no negotiation they
have to be there! People are going to suffer!

Food
democracy
denied

W hen I’m a dad and m y w ife and kids are going hungry and I’ve lost m y job and
I’ve done everything that I could possibly do and now I find after years o f paying
taxes and contributing - and realize i f the bottom fell out o f everything, I could still
go on welfare- but y ou ’ve just told me I'm not gonna get welfare or I'm gonna get
such a small amount I can't feed my family! I'm gonna get mad at some point! I’m
gonna talk to my neighbor and h e’s gonna get mad! And w e ’re all gonna march
down the streets and throw rocks through windows until som ebody listens.

Food is absolutely necessary for life; it has always had som e sacredness. It is
Corporate
control over because God or the Earth or Manatu gives us food to survive that w e are able to
survive...so all of our spirituality and our religious basing go towards trying to be as
that which
one with the holy power that feeds us. Now, com m odifying, the insistence that food
is sacred
is to be valued solely for its monetary worth.. .Now we have Monsanto and
(food)
Loblaws as the holy power, w hich feeds u s.. .which seems to me like something’s
m issing h ere.. .something extremely important.
[Corporate manipulation through the media means] the average citizen is denied the
Corporate
control over knowledge to make educated decisions about how they want to feed themselves.
One of the horrors of our time is how people who are basically totalitarian have
values
stolen the family and community values._________________________________________

57

Table 2 is most instructive not only because it illustrates the breadth o f food injustices
the leaders are concerned about, but also the depth of their concern, expressed in language
ranging horn despair to horror. This table reveals the very personal nature o f the CFS
concept, the way it touches people's lives physically, socially, emotionally, spiritually,
psychologically, and environmentally. It also makes clear that ideology is a strong link
between these leaders. Important ideologically based haming principles emerge, such as the
right to food and 6)od democracy. A closer examination o f these principles is the focus o f the
next chapter.
Signihcantly, Table 2 also illustrates the complexity and interconnectedness of
injustices. It reveals CFS is impacted by a number o f systems including, but not hmited to,
the economic, welfare, communication, agriculture, health, education, and pohtical systems.
Finally, it suggests there are diGering perceptions amongst the leaders about the cause and
the culprit for these problems - society, government, and corporations are all implicated.
K fAg Cawsg q/"Fooff Thfgcwnfy?

ü to .BZa/Mg?

In virtually every case when leaders were asked to id en tic the cause o f and/or to
name the culprit for CFS issues, the interview momentarily came to a standstill. Several
asked that I repeat the questions, while they contemplated responses. As the interviews
progressed, it became clear that leaders were either at different stages in their critical analysis
o f the problem (and its causes) and/or they were simply hnding the articulation of the
linkages between cause and effect challenging.
One leader provided this response to the question about the cause and culprit for food
security issues: 'M y goodness. I just realized this was my first food security issue [lack of
long-term thinking] and now I have to come up with the whys." When further pressed she

58

added, "Right. The one [cause] that comes immediately to mind, hut I don't know if it's gone
on about, I don't know if it's the driver or not, or if it's the result o f - it's certainly our
political process. We can't even say we have a four year plan, right?" In this quote, the leader
identified lack o f long-term thinking as the primary issue. In later discussions, she expanded
upon the meaning o f her lack o f long term thinking comment. Specihcally, she stated
"society lacks visionaries" who insist "the root o f the problem must be addressed today rather
than patching up concerns tomorrow". She also asserted, "many o f these concerns are
entirely preventable".
This leader's concern about lack o f long-term thinking came up frequently during the
interview as did the observation "right now I guess what drives our society is money and that
maybe doesn't lead us to making long term decisions." During the interview she also
suggested she was in search o f common ground between hunger and sustainable agriculture
issues:
There are so many special interest groups out there. How do you make it so that it's
not just more special interest groups.. .so we are all working towards the same
objectives and that they do m eet.. .the new Ten Commandments or something else in
society? What's the common theme? What can we say we are aU cormnitted to here?
Again in later discussions, she expanded upon her line o f thinking. Specifically her
search is to find ways to articulate the links between the two issue areas, an articulation that
would make the broader food system issues meaningful to those individuals experiencing the
day-to-day realities ofhunger.

59

In response to the same question, another leader initially rephed, "I don't know the
whys, but I know the outcome - the outcome is that the line up gets longer every year."
However, in the next breath he added:
Well the quick answer to that question is that the government has reflected society's
wish that we reduce the social safety net that used to go at least partly towards
meeting some o f those objectives [ensuring food security]. Now we are in a worse
situation then we were 10 years ago. In some cases its individual choices - which
people have decided to spend income on things that don't necessarily reflect those
particular objectives [gettiug the best nutrition for their dollar]. But in most cases, it's
simply not enough Gnancial resources to meet those needs. Depending on charity to
do, it still doesn't meet those needs.
This leader suggested that societal values were the problem. Moreover, he expanded
upon his thoughts by articulating linkages: values affect policy, pohcy aftects the welfare
system, the welfare system affects income, and income affects food access and whether or
not one wiU go hungry. He did not offer an explanation, however, for the fact that societal
values are different today than they were 10 years ago, when social programs appear to have
more satisfactorily met the needs o f the poor. At one point in the interview he did say, "the
[social] agenda is basically a corporate one." Yet he did not make a hnk between corporate
values, societal values, and his key concern - hunger. In fact this leader was reluctant to place
blame, stating, "it isn't a constructive approach." He was particularly cautious about blaming
the corporate food industry - he spoke of the corporate food sector as partners in the
alleviation ofhunger (the rationale for caution in placing blame is elaborated upon in the
po/zhcn/ naA/re q / " / b o d fgcwnty section pp. 71-73).

60

The third leader stated she has remained committed to the original concerns that
brought her to the food security table - hunger, health, and well being. She said her
perspective had broadened recently to include the local food system component o f the CFS
concept. She suggested a cause and effect relationship between hunger, control o f food
decisions, and the industrial food system. She added, "It's all those bigger picture thingspolicy, trade —the stuff [other leaders] go on about." She made clear that these issues needed
to be addressed if food security was to be realized over the long term. She also stated that she
addressed the issues in a small way, and she supported others who were addressing these
issues, but her main interest was in the local picture.
The fourth leader was most concerned with the political picture, particularly the
provincial political landscape and its impact on communities and people. She clearly
articulated that her primary concerns were hunger and sustainabihty o f the food supply.
Further, she named the causes - values within the provincial government (which in her view
do not reflect the populace) and current pohcy directions resulting in the dismantling o f
systems that supported programs alleviating hunger and promoting sustainable food systems.
Her position is illuminated, in part, in the following excerpts 6om her interview:
I think this government is shifting towards individualism and an individuahstic
society where it's "you're on your own, baby" and "we're not going to help you"...
and "we're going to do everything we can to cut back the social safety net". I beheve
that it [the current government's philosophy] does not represent the average person in
our community. I think people are much more giving and empathetic than what we're
going to see quite hrankly. I think we're going to see an increase in poverty - an
increase in the inabihty o f people to cope. People are going to suffer, they're going to

61

become sick, they're going to become ill and the burden o f disease on our
system .. .and it's going to show up in terms o f malnutrition, it will show up in terms
o f crime, it w ill show up in terms o f drug abuse, it will show up in terms of
alcoholism and it wiU turn up in terms o f suicide.
This leader linked provincial concerns to global concerns, however, she stopped short o f
naming a global culprit.
The remaining two leaders appeared to be quite a bit further down the analytical
track, articulating causes, effects, and complex linkages between differing phenomena.
Perhaps they were simply more at ease articulating the linkages given each had at least a
decade more experience in the &od security arena than had each o f the previous four leaders.
The Sfth leader placed the blame for her priority issue, unjust and unsustainable food
systems, squarely on the shoulders o f the corporate food industry. She asserted that the
corporate agenda, essentially the accumulation o f wealth, has resulted in the
commodification o f practically everything, including food. Further, she hrmly believed the
commodihcation o f food (valuing it solely for its monetary worth), along with the view that
food is to be produced for export hrst, was the key factor contributing to consohdation and
control within the food industry. According to this leader everyone lives in a very food
insecure situation. She states "We are all dependent on a shrinking number o f huge
transnational food corporations controlling that which is essential for hfe and health."
This leader extended her analysis to explain hunger:
If food is viewed solely as a commodity, then the commodification of food essentially
means the poor w ill be hungry. CommodiGcation mitigates against the subsistence
perspective, the idea that we have in fact the capacity to feed ourselves. It mitigates

62

against the "of course we do it" attitude, the attitude o f self-reliance -and that's not
individual self-rehance but community self-rehance.
Thus hrom this leader's perspective, values, and attitude play into consohdation and
control and a shift in values and attitudes is the way out.
Finally, in the following excerpt, the sixth leader offered one o f the most
comprehensive explanations for CFS issues, food injustice, and poor health:
[Community food insecurity exists because of] the successfiil corporate agenda o f
getting people to think o f themselves as consumers, then consumers to think that debt
reduction and dehcit reduction are more important than everything else has gotten to
the point where the corporate agenda has been successhil in convincing governments
that they have no power and authority, and acting as though they don't, and then
acting and moving ahead as a purveyor o f corporate interest. So then they become an
aide to the further destruction o f democracy and further the empowerment o f
corporations to be making decisions for us.
This leader does not focus blame exclusively on the industrialized food sector, rather
he places blame on the broader corporate sector. He clarifies during his interview that he
does not believe capitalism, as an ideology is to blame, rather he beheves it is "capitalism
gone awry". He places the blame on a handful o f corporate ohgopohes that have seemingly
limitless power and/or control over food decisions.
This leader's explanation appears to tie together most of the responses from the other
leaders. That is, he identifies there is an imbalance in control over systems impacting food
access and/or supply. He states the causes (knowledge/values of the dominant paradigm,
media, policy, systems, and behaviours) and he names the culprit (primarily corporations and

63

secondarily governments and civil society). As such his explanation may serve as the basis o f
a master frame for the CFS concept. However, this understanding o f the issues, causes and
culprit, is not clearly articulated and/or illustrated in any o f the FPO documents. Moreover,
while all leaders identihed components o f a master frame, not all were able to articulate
linkages between components. Not all were willing to directly place blame on the corporate
sector. Thus, in the final analysis, as a group, the leaders participating in this research did not
have an agreed upon master Same. Yet the components o f such a hame are known amongst
the group.
C y c/e q/"CoMmMMZfy F o o t/ ThsecKnYy.

To illustrate the way conceptualizations o f the issues, the causes, and the culprits
amongst this group o f leaders may be viewed as complementary, a new diagram entitled
Q/c/g

Focwf /nsecwr/fy has been crafted (see Figure 1).

Corporate
Consohdation
^ Control

Behaviors

Individual i

Food Injustice
Society

M oney

Compromised
Media

Health
Systems
/

Knowledge

Values
Governments

Figure /. The Cycle o f Food Insecurity: An interplay o f factors giving rise to community food
security issues

64

The

q/"

illustrates that the leaders beheve no single

factor in itself is the sole cause o f CFS issues rather they are the result o f cyclic interplay
between a number o f factors. The cycle illustrates how corporations use money and the
media to influence the knowledge and values of governments. Governments then create
policies, systems, and programs congruent with corporate values (the commodihcation o f
food and water; global hree trade; and the privatization o f health, education and social
systems, are all sample systems changes that perpetuate the corporate agenda). Society
encourages and supports these pohcies, systems, and programs. At the end o f the cycle the
individual receiving information from media, society, government and corporations (as well
as hving in a context where pohcy, systems and law perpetuate the corporate agenda) adopts
values congruent with the corporate sector and behaves in ways to perpetuate their agenda
(money is valued, food is considered solely as a commodity, farming is not valued, hunger is
ignored, and fast food estabhshments proliferate as do food banks). The result of this cycle is
increased inequities in wealth; corporate consohdation and control over systems impacting
the access to and the supply o f the foods required for health; food insecurity and
compromised environmental, community and individual health. The leaders within EC's CFS
movement assert this cycle creates systems that are socially, ecologically, and economically
unjust and unsustainable.
It is important to emphasize here that this cycle was crafted upon information found
within the research data only. Undoubtedly, more elaborate, in-depth cycles portraying
similar concepts exist in the hterature, particularly within pohtical, economic, and/or social
disciplines. This tool, in conjunction with other theory, can further the construction o f a
master hame.

65

Foocfyôr a CAa/ige
This section presents the leaders' conceptualizations about what needs to be done to
realize CFS and who needs to be involved. Just as the issues are broad, diverse, complex and
inextricably linked, so are the solutions. In essence, it appears that the leaders want nothing
less than a paradigm shift (Details o f the paradigm shift concept may be found on p. 83 ).
Such a shift is necessary in order to reverse the cycle o f food insecurity, to change policies
and systems, and to realize food justice, health, and well being.
Integral to achieving this paradigm shift is the support o f processes encouraging food
citizenry everywhere. According to Welsh and MacRae (1998), food citizens are active
participants in shaping the systems impacting their access to, and supply o f food as opposed
to passive consumers. In a community that encourages food citizenry, people are engaged in
gardens, kitchens, farming, policy, research, whatever measures they identify as necessary to
shape the system to meet their needs. Reflecting on the varying degrees o f political activism
in the group, the leaders speak o f creating food citizenry as the creation o f a "social
movement" or a "crusade" towards pohtical change. One leader describes it as "community
development" towards policy change. Another leader describes the process as "building
community capacity" and moving towards policy change.
The activities put forth by the leaders are summarized in five activity areas: 1)
educating and enlightening the masses to raise consciousness about the issues, the causes and
the solutions, 2) feeding people in the short term to alleviate immediate hunger needs, 3)
managing systems more efhciently to ensure no healthy foods are wasted, 4) creating
alternative community food programs, and 5) changing welfare, economic, trade,
agricultural, health, and other food security related pohcies. This spectrum of activities fits

66

well with an illustrative prognostic haming tool

Foot/ 6'ecwniy CoMhmww;» found in the

documents o f participating FPOs (See Figure 2). Three leaders mentioned that they utilized
this tool to convey meaning to others about the "road to CFS".

The Fooff j'ecwnfy CoMhMwwTMillustrates and explains solutions to CFS issues and the
typical stages o f change that individuals and communities experience on their journey to food
security (Houghton, 1998). The theoretical backbone for the continuum was derived 6om the
work o f MacRae (TFPC, 1994). A visual diagram o f the continuum was originally published
in the Diehha/iy

CoMackr

in 1998, and has since appeared and/or has been cited

in other documents (Gibson & Kneen, 2003; Houghton, 1998; Kalina, 2000,2002)..

Stage 1

Stage 2

Stage 3

EfRciency

Alternatives

Redesign
^ rood Security

Feeding programs:

Community food projects:

Policy development:

Food banks.

Community kitchens.

Municipal food policy.

Soup kitchens.

Gardens,

Health food policy.

School meal programs.

Food buying clubs.

Agri-fbod policy.

Shared farming.

School food policy.

Co-ops,

Welfare policy,

Markets,

Economic policy.

Gleaning.

Trade policy.
Income Policy.

Fzgwrg 2. The Food Security Continuum: Stages of change in mobilizing communities
towards food security.

67

Figure 2 illustrates group activities to address food security are quite varied but fall
into one o f three broad stages along a continuum. The hrst stage involves the creation o f
efhciency strategies, or action plans, to maximize existing resources to address food issues.
These strategies provide immediate, albeit temporary relief for the icidividual experiencing
food insecurity. These strategies may be completed with little commitment 6om the
individual in receipt o f resources or services. The second stage, alternatives, involves
bringing together concerned citizens to identify their food security issues and to act upon
them. The result is the creation o f alternative community food programs. Stage two strategies
take longer to evolve and require involvement and commitment hom the food insecure
themselves. The third stage, redesign strategies, involves focused activity on policy to
redesign the systems giving rise to food insecurity. Stage three strategies require a long-term
commitment hrom a diversity o f sectors concerned about food security including policy

makers and the food insecure themselves. As such, they are often the most difficult to
mobilize communities to pursue. Individuals and/or groups will enter the continuum at any
stage. Moreover, they w ill only move on to another stage, if they have exhausted efforts in a
current stage.
The

6'ecwnty CoMAnuw/M not only presents the various solutions to CFS issues,

but also it demonstrates the relationship between the solutions. Further, it makes clear the
long-term goal is systems redesign. It is broad in its conceptualization o f the solutions such
that it resonates with practically anyone concerned about food (hom the food banker to the
policy activists). For example, the food banker said the work he was engaged in ht well with
stage one and perhaps even stage two on the continuum. The farmers/food policy activists
described activities that fell into stages two and three. The community nutritionists were

68

engaged in activity across all three stages of the continuum. While stage three is the stated
goal o f each FPO in this study, the thrust o f activities in evidenced in the documents these
organizations was stage two, the creation of alternative community food programs.
foZicy Jwgg&ydoMJ' fw t ForiA z/z tAe

q/"a Mdfier Fra/Me

As part o f their response to the question "What are the solutions to CFS?" the leaders
asserted seven broad policy needs: 1) an action plan on food security at all levels of
government, 2) social policy at all levels o f government to eliminate child hunger, 3) health,
social, education and agricultural policy to support nutrition education and meal programs for
schools, seniors, children in day care, high risk pregnant women and their families, and
people with mental illnesses, 4) social policy to support adequate social benedts ensuring
recipients could purchase the foods required for health, 5) health policy that focuses on
prevention or "turning off the tap, rather than mopping up the mess," 6) agricultural policy
preserving agricultural land, local food production capacity, and 7) agricultural policy
supporting food production to meet the needs o f the population drst and then exporting the
rest.
At fust glance these statements may appear contradictory. This may or may not be the
case. First, the full meaning o f each statement was not explored or revealed during the course
of the interview. Exploring the specific policy aims of the leaders and/or the FPOs was not
the focus of this inquiry. Also, the statements are presented without context, thus they may
appear contradictory. For example, one policy suggestion put forth was to create social
policy targeting vulnerable groups. However, as shall be revealed in the next chapter, the
same leader(s) support the universal right to food. Advocating for policy to support feeding

69

programs for vulnerable populations may represent a strategy that the leader(s) felt was
feasible given the political context at the time o f the interview.
That the statements appear contradictory however, is entirely consistent with theory
and research that suggests that in the absence o f a master 6am e attempts at policy change
w ill be hagmented and contradictory. The fact that these statements appear contradictory is
also consistent with an analysis o f the political activity of EC's CFS movement in chapter 2,
which was based on a review o f the policy documents 6om the FPOs including the hve FPOs
represented by the leaders involved in this research.

ybr CoTM/Mwniry fo o d
The leaders provided a lengthy hst o f partners who are vital to the process o f ensuring
food security. Partners included representatives o f the environmental, political, cultural,
education, spiritual/faith, social, economic, and health sectors, as well as ordinary citizens
(including farmers and those living with poverty). Interestingly, the corporate sector is
excluded 6om the list o f partners, indicating perhaps more consciousness o f allies and
adversaries than apparent in other parts o f the interview.
Leaders also provided numerous suggestions regarding the role o f the different
sectors. Significantly, each leader emphasized that all sectors are responsible to ensure the
right to food and heedom &om hunger. Further all sectors have a responsibility to participate
in the activities to create just and sustainable food systems. Suggestions found in both the
interview and the document data regarding the responsibilities o f differing sectors have been
synthesized in Table 3.

70

Table 3.

a/zcl rAezr

yôr coTMTMMMzfx

f ecwnYy.

Sector

Responsibility

Academics

Academics have a responsibility to conduct research monitoring the CFS
situation, evaluating the effectiveness o f CFS measures, and ensuring
policy makers and the public, are informed about the results of their
endeavors. Further, they have a distinct responsibility to enlighten the
populace about the issues, the causes, and their solutions.

Business

Business has a responsibihty to have local food products on their shelves
and to voice their food concerns to pohcy makers.

Conunnnity
Nutritionists

Community nutritionists have the professional responsibility to ensure the
nutritional health and well being o f the population, to educate and raise
awareness about the issues, causes, and solutions, to support community
food alternatives, to voice their concerns to food decision makers and
empower the food insecure to voice their concerns to decision makers.

Community organizations involved with or concerned about CFS have a
Community
Organizations responsibility to: purchase local foods based on quality not just price; to
support citizen empowerment in the creation o f community food
alternatives voicing their 6)od concerns to policy makers.
Farmers

Farmers have a responsibility to use sustainable food production practices,
and to v o ic e their fo o d con cern s to the p o lic y m akers.

Faith Groups

Faith groups have a role not only in feeding the hungry but also in building
community capacity to move towards longer-term solutions. Further they
have a responsibility to participate in any social movement to create the
policy change to make that happen.

Individuals

All people must voice their food needs to policy makers, and purchase
local food based on quality not just price.

Policy
Makers

All levels o f government have a distinct responsibility to provide pohcy,
programs, and services that reflect the w ill o f the populace. They are
responsible to provide the context for CFS including economic security
and sustainable local food systems.

71

While Table 3 does not provide an exhaustive summary o f the responsibilities for key
sectors, it is instructive in demonstrating that diversity of sectors the breadth of
responsibilities.
foAYicaZ Mztwre q/"CommwMzty fo o d 5"gcwnfy
This chapter has revealed that the leaders are at varying stages in their analysis o f
and/or their abihty to articulate the political nature of CFS issues. While a number o f factors
may play a role in this situation, those that emerge in this research include: the belief wall,
the risky business o f speaking up, dealing with the immediate crisis, and knowledge,
experience, interest and time,
be/ie/"wo/A
The fact that the leaders did not readily articulate causes and culprits corresponds
with hndings o f the f eqp/es fo o d Commüffom study discussed in chapter 2 (PFC, 1980).
That study concluded that the inability o f society to identify the cause and culprit for food
system problems was a phenomenon deliberately constructed by the corporate sector. That is,
through the use of the media, corporations created a belief wall that was seemingly
impermeable. Corporations portrayed themselves as the engine o f a wealthy and healthy

society, providing jobs and security. The study concluded that Canadians were conditioned to
beheve, among other things, that they are responsible for their problems. A circle o f blame
existed where people blamed each other for food system failure rather than probing deeper to
examine the root cause and the culprit.
Today, twenty-6ve years later, it seems the behef wall described by the fgqp/ey fo o d
Co/MTMisszon is still an obstacle. One leader stated she believed society has bumbled its way
into the current predicament, as opposed to beheving that today's CFS issues are deliberately

72

constructed by the corporate sector. Another clearly stated that corporations were responsible
citizens and partners in combating hunger. His beliefs about targeting the corporate food
industry are summarized below:
When you think o f [those who say] "we gotta tear down the Safeways", "completely
change and go back to httle rural markets and this wonderful way where everybody
can be close to the food that is grown" -it isn't gonna h^pen, right? And there's no
point in food banks helping tear down Safeways, that isn't a constructive approach. I
don't think food banks will buy into [dismantling Safeways], because they already
have close relationship with the existing food system.
However, vdûle it is clear the wall still exists, cracks are appearing. Within this group, three
leaders plainly pointed to the corporate sector as the culprit, while the other three implied this
sector had a role.

Undoubtedly, fear prohibits blaming. The food industry is a multi-billion dollar
business in Canada. As such, it wields considerable power and influence. For example, a
number o f leaders were directly linked to organizations benefiting hem and/or dependent
upon the food industry. Kellogg Canada, Nestle, Kraft, and others offer huge educational
grants to charities (food banks), community organizations, and Dietitians o f Canada. Finger
pointing at a funding source is risky business. One leader spoke o f this issue:
A shift in power that's [what members o f my FPO desire] for sure, and as I go on I
realize easier said than done! I'm always ruminating on things [and] thinking, OK
now is the next stage of the project. These people that are living in poverty need to
take a lead role. They were talking about marching on City Hall. Now our FPO name

73

is attached to that. Now what if they go a bit awry and the FPO name is attached to
that? We're- yon know it comes down to - we are responsible to our funders.
Another leader spoke directly about the corporate consohdation and control issue at a CFS
visioning session. She said, "We need to learn to fly under their radar" (HEAL, 2003).

Hunger, and/or loss o f the family farm are immediate critical needs that must be
addressed. It may be unrealistic to expect that people who are engaged in fulfilling this need
will have the time or energy to reflect upon root causes and/or culprits. It is quite a leap to
look upstream when there are so many individuals needing rescuing downstream. One leader
offers his thoughts on moving towards systems redesign work:
I must say I was initially quite threatened by the food security initiatives. I didn't see
that our board at the time was ready for a community development aspect o f [added
to their food bank work] and providing coordinators and having a whole bunch o f
educational stuff going on when you're trying to get potatoes for tomorrow! My
feeling [today] is that it [feeding] is the first step [and] make[ing] sure people can get
enough to eat then move on giving them the tools to be self sufficient and build
community capacity and on from there [to changing the systems].

expeng/zce, mtgrg.yt ancf Amg.
According to one leader, policy is a foreign word to many and an overwhelming task
to others. Further, he suggests not all leaders have the understanding, expertise, and interest
to work in the policy area. Another leader observed that moving into the policy arena takes
time. This leader used the Foot/ .9gcMnYy CoMtmwMm to trace her decade long journey in
cormecting the personal to the political. She spoke o f her initial engagement in CFS work, a

74

personal eye-opening experience at a food bank, and the transition to her current activities,
which include advocacy around the creation o f municipal food policy. She discussed the way
her thinking evolved in the process:
I never really understood the policy piece - it took me a while. Although I talked
about it, and we formed a food policy council, it just didn't make sense to me. Every
year I learn policy makes more and more sense. I can [now] see an example o f local
policy that makes a difference.
Chapter .S'u/M/wu/y
Leaders identiGed two dominant issue areas -Geedom Gom hunger and sustainability
o f the food supply. Food injustice, an imbalance in control o f the systems impacting the
ability to access and/or supply the foods requGed for health, was passionately verbalized as
the link between the two issue areas. Health, the goal o f CFS, was spoken o f only after
probing and is thus referred to as the invisible link between issue areas.
Food maders - the leaders value food and understand its critical role in life and health.
It was this understanding that fuels then ouGage when they perceive the ability to access
food is denied. Food injustice is the motivational factor behind the leaders' continued
engagement in CFS work. Hence, ideology is a signiGcant consideraGon, which must be
included in any analysis o f the CFS concept.
A widely accepted 'Piaster Game" did not emerge within this group, nor was one
found in the documents of FPOs. Further, a coherent policy sGategy had not been developed.
However, the pieces o f a master Game were arGculated. That is, most leaders were able to
idenGfy the issues. Further, all were able to name one or two causaGve factors. All were also

75

able to name a culprit. Two o f the leaders were able to articulate complex linkages. One
described a complex interplay o f the factors or a cycle o f food insecurity.
This chapter also revealed that the leaders sought nothing less than a paradigm shift
and the policy change required to create just and sustainable food systems. They provided a
broad number o f activities to achieve this mammoth task. Creating food citizenry everywhere
was a central strategy to achieve their aim. The policy advocated is best described as vague,
and this is to be expected given the absence of a master hame and a coherent pohcy strategy.
One o f the barriers to the creation o f a master Aame, or the identihcation o f the cause
and the culprits, is thought to be a wall o f behe6. This wall is a set o f messages created by
the corporate sector to further their agenda - the accumulation o f wealth and power. This
wall plays a role in the leaders' reluctance to name the culprit.
Ideology has emerged as the central theme in this chapter. It fuels the leaders'
outrage, it hinders articulation o f the master hame, and a change in ideology is the thrust o f
the movement, which is thought to be necessary to achieve CFS. Exploring ideology is the
substance o f the next chapter.

76

Chuter 5
Going Against the Grain
This chapter draws out the ideological underpinnings, or the values, beliefs, and
assumptions, shaping the way leaders conceptualize CFS. It specifically pieces together a set
of ideologically based principles shared amongst the leaders. When this set o f shared
principles is examined in light o f the dominant paradigm it is clear that the leaders'
perspectives are counter-culture. This chapter also reveals that diSerences exist amongst the
leaders in their ideological stances and these differences cause tensions. Language emerges
as a factor contributing to tensions.
It is important to point out that the set of common principles does not form what
social movement theorists would call a master 6ame. The principles do not specify the
issues, the causes, and the culprit. The discussion in the previous chapter makes clear that
within this group o f leaders a widely accepted master hrame has yet to emerge. However,
ideologically based principles underpin the master frame. Thus, the extent to which the
leaders' ideological stances agree reflects the extent to which leaders are able to construct a
master frame and a coherent food policy strategy. Similarly, the capacity o f the group to fn d
common language also reflects their capacity to construct a master hame and a coherent food
policy strategy.
The chapter concludes with the leaders' reflections on tensions and set o f propositions
to inform the construction o f a master fam e.
Framing
The shared set o f ideologically based principles espoused by each leader includes
those mentioned or alluded to in previous chapters - balance, community, community

77

alternatives, diversity, economic security, education, empowerment, food democracy, food
justice, food matters, food needs and rights, health, holism, local, paradigm shift, social
movement, policy change, sustainability, and systems redesign. Each principle is vital to
realizing CFS. That is, in the absence o f any one principle, CFS would not be realized over
the long term.
Principles are presented in alphabetical order rather than hierarchical or functional
order. Each principle includes a definition derived 6om the interviews. In most cases, a quote
6om the data is provided to illustrate and/or expand upon the meaning o f the principles,
balance.
The principle states that harmony and equilibrium between people, the planet, and
systems that govern each is necessary to achieve CFS. Leaders demonstrated the principle of
balance as they sought to accommodate dialectical agendas and relationships in their ongoing
CFS work. Further, they demonstrated this principle in their desire for sustainable, diverse,
peaceful non-violent solutions to issues. In the following quote, one leader reveals a
remarkable capacity for balance:
When it [food banking] sounds to be dishonored or denigrated - 1 get upset about that!
Because it's negating all that good will and all that good energy that goes into it.
There has to be a way o f turning that into a positive somehow and so I have tried to
do that. There's an interesting saying that a candle doesn't loose its brightness by
sharing its flame with another candle - so there's a way. My philosophy has been to
encourage food banks to work with everybody because we have much more to g ain
by working together.

78

The prmciple o f community/food citizenry states that creating commnnity around
food is an essential ingredient for community food security. Creating community involves
bringing together a group o f people so that they may articulate their food needs, develop a
vision for food security, participate in sh y in g the local food system, depend upon one
another, respect and care about each other's food needs, make decisions together, identify
themselves as something larger than the sum o f their relationships, and commit themselves
for the long term to their own and each other's nutritional well-being. According to one
leader "community" is the key word in the CFS concept. She says:
What makes me feel safe, secure, not anxious is knowing I've got good neighbors,
and hiends who'll take care o f me. In a food secure situation people are dependent
only on members o f the food community in that we all have certain gifts- we all have
certain skills and so we share them around in a community.
Com/M

a/rgrMaA'v&y.

The principle o f community-based alternatives states the creation o f community food
security programs, as alternatives to current programs that are unable to provide CFS and/or
ensure CFS over the long term, are essential steps along the way to realizing CFS. According
to one leader:
There's not one answer [to address CFS issues], there's lots of answers. The answers
are those little building blocks, which create the sustainable, equitable, just, open,
non-commodified food system .. .the community kitchens, the community gardens,
gleaning projects ...all kinds o f festivals.

79

DzverfzV)/.
The principle of diversity states differences are strengths, and that there are multiple
ways o f doing things, and that people can learn 6om the experiences o f others. Diversity was
evident in the spectrum o f actors and agendas welcomed at the food security table within all
FPOs. It was also evident in the breadth o f the issues and solutions undertaken to address the
issues. Leaders expressed concern about loss o f diversity, culture, and community characteristics o f current 'ïmjust" and '^unsustainable" systems.

Within the realm o f CFS, economic security exists when all people at all times have
the income required to access and/or supply the foods required for health. Leaders advocated
social assistance benehts that enabled recipients to cover basic food, clothing, housing,
medical, and child care needs. Further they advocated a fair living wage for all people
including in particular those working in the food system.
Ef/wcaAoM.
The education principle states that educatmg the masses - raising social consciousness
about the issues, causes, and culprits and solutions - is a critical strategy to realize CFS. In
hue with this belief is the behef that values have been manipulated by the corporate sector
through a variety o f media. Providing society with the knowledge to make educated decisions
is the key to shifting values such that people view themselves as citizens rather than
consumers.

80

The empowerment principle states fostering processes to place individuals and
communities in the driver's seat with respect to decisions about their food is a central
strategy to realize CFS. According to one leader:
I guess the primary one [CFS element] is citizen empowerment - people will have
some control and say over the decisions related to food that affect their lives. [When
empowered] individuals and as members o f communities can decide, with
knowledge, [they can] make educated decisions about how they want to feed
themselves,
fo o d democracy.
The principle o f food democracy states that systems impacting food access and food
supply must be participatory and involving; that people are entitled to have a voice in
decisions about their food and that the decisions that people make can't be overrun by other
larger entities and larger forces. Ensuring food democracy was identified to be another
critical element to any food security strategy: According to one leader:
We need voice from more people, a bit more diversity o f people. [It] can't just be
people with money running the show. We need more people informed about the
issues,
fo o d yitïAce.
The food justice principle appeared to be an over-arching principle under which all
other principles could be placed. This principle states that CFS must be equitably and fairly
assured for all. As seen in Chapter 4, if food justice is to be realized, there must be balance in
the structures governing food security. Accordingly, when there is an imbalance, an inequity.

81

unfairness, a violation o f rights and/or oppression compromising access to and/or a supply o f
the foods required for health, then a

i

s

said to exist. In the following quote one

leader speaks about the injustice o f Canada's agricultural pohcy, which has lead to the
demise o f the small family farm and has enabled the monopolization o f the food system by a
handful o f transnational food corporations:
We have a farm population under 2% and the wheat used to provide the baker with
the bread the local person would have been nourished by is now in the hands o f only
a handful [of] corporations, that are also tobacco companies, that are also
pharmaceutical companies [and] that are also genetic biotech companies. These
conglomerates, oligarchies, in many ways act as a monopoly would. There are very
little differences [and] there's no competition between them,
fo o ff TMuAerf.
The food matters principle asserts that food is to be valued, respected, and understood
as foundational to hfe and health. The food matters prmciple is very closely linked to the
principle o f health. Leaders each expressed a personal, and at times intimate, connection to
food and/or CFS extending beyond the career/economic security link,
meeds umd rzgAts.
The food needs and rights prmciple states food is a universal human need and a basic
human right. As such, food access and supply must be assured for all people today,
tomorrow, and in the future. Further, the context must be such that the right to food can be
realized. The food needs and rights principle is integral to the food justice and sustainability
principles.

82

Zoca/.
The local principle states that a decentralized, closer to home, bottom-up approach is
necessary to realize ΠS. It is also states that the wisdom o f experience is to be valued and
included in CFS building processes. The local principle is highly complementary to the
community and the sustainability principles. The following two quotes 6om two different
leaders illustrate their local stance:
And it [pohcy] should come hrom us and it should come hom top up and top down more top up -meaning hrom the grassroots and &om what we see as well as what
other partner stakeholders see.
They [communities] have to have something that's close to people, that people trust
and feel secure and so creating the farmer's market and community gardens - all o f
that is essential.

The health principle is the belief that healthy, well-nourished people supported by
just, sustainable local food systems is the goal o f CFS. Compromised nutritional health and
compromised community capacity to feed its citizens are the critical outcome when CFS is
lacking. The principle ofhealth is closely linked to the principles o f food matters, food
justice, food needs and rights and sustainability.

The holism principle states that every event or phenomenon must be seen as a whole,
and that it cannot be properly understood without reference to the smaller integral
components of the larger systems. Leaders demonstrated a remarkable capacity for holistic
thinking - linking food access to supply, local to global, past to present and future, and

83

personal food issues to political issues. In the following quote, this leader hnks the problem
of a lack o f long-term thinking or the failure to address the root causes o f problems to a
variety o f other food issues:
r il hgure the number one [CFS] issue is not looking long- term. It goes across all the
issues: genetic engineering; our feeding practices with our cows; food safety; the
kinds o f farming techniques that [are contributing to] contaminating our water. It goes
with not seeing the true cost o f food [and] the economic ramihcations. It goes with
not caring for our children and building [feeding] the children so that they can learn
m school.
farodzgTM
The paradigm shiA principle states that in order to realize CFS dominant world-views
must be shiAed to more closely resonate with the views within the CFS movement. That is,
the principles that underpin the CFS movement must be understood and embraced to a
greater degree than they currenüy embraced by the mainstream. Further, until a paradigm
shiA occurs all other measures to achieve CFS shall have limited success. One leader
suggests:
People instead o f admiring the greedy, the socio-paths, have to start seeing it [money]
for what it is, and start looking for values at community level - community and
family.

The pohcy towards systems change principle states that, while measures must be
taken to address the immediate food security issues, unless changes are made to the policies

84

that create and perpetuate dysfunctional systems any other solution to CFS problems will
have limited value.
5'oczaZ zMOvemeMt /Zwz/dmg
The social movement/building capacity principle states that mobilizing communities
towards policy change is a central CFS strategy. Leaders described community organizing
towards pohcy change in a variety o f terms —terms that varied in their degree o f pohtical
neutrahty. For example one leader stated: 'Sve need to create a social movement based on the
principles o f justice and equity", while another suggested "we need to build community
ed acity all along the [food security] continuum with a net movement towards pohcy
change".
Atyfamabzhfy.
Within the realm o f CFS the term sustainabihty extends beyond traditional ecological
concerns to encompass social and ecological concerns. In the ecological sense, food
sustainabihty means that the methods by which food is produced, processed, and distributed
must not compromise the soil, land, air, water, or food for future generations. In the
social/economic sense, food sustainabihty means assured access to food today, tomorrow,
and in the future. In order for these principles to work together the measures to ensure social
and economic sustainabihty must not compromise measures to ensure ecological
sustainabihty. Thus, if the problem is poverty, the solution is redistribution (of wealth,
resources etc.), not the creation of more wealth.

frzMcÿ»/&y.'

IFzYAtAe Domz/zaMr fzfeoZogy.

At hrst glance, these principles may seem like motherhood statements that would
resonate with practically anyone. The set o f principles, however, outlines quite clearly a

85

paradigm that is not congruent with mainstream views in BC. In fact, the leaders pointed out
that the existing dominant paradigm is based on principles counter to their own. The leaders
spoke at length about the differences suggesting specifically that within the mainstream: the
principles o f economic growth and competition take precedence over the balance principle;
reductionism and linear thioking take precedence over hohsm; globalization and food for
export take precedence over local (farms and feeding the family); specialization (and
technology) takes precedence over diversity (and nature); individuahsm and competition
takes precedence over community; food for the deserving (those who work or those deemed
eligible for welfare) takes precedence over the right to food for all; treatment o f disease
takes precedence over prevention o f disease; big box food outlets take precedence over the
local food markets; proht for a few takes precedence over economic security for all; food
valued as money takes precedence over food valued as life, health and community; and
consumerism takes precedence over citizenship.

While the previous section painted a somewhat rosy picture o f the fact that the leaders
shared a set o f common, complementary principles, this is not to say that the ideological
stance o f each leader was perfectly matched. This research revealed that ideological
differences existed, which were reflected in differing interpretations o f the principles o f
economic security, local, power/empowerment, the right to food, and policy towards systems
change. In addition, there were differences in beliefs around the role o f money and the role of
fbodbanks in the CFS situation. These differences are summarized below.

86

fcoMO/Mfc .yecwnfy.
Each leader at one point in their interview articnlated that economic security was a
thndamental prerequisite to CFS. Five o f the six exphcitly asserted economic security was
necessary for everyone. One leader explicitly advocated for economic security for a segment
o f the population -those working in the food system. Upon further conversation with this
leader, it became apparent that this position required further explanation. The leader stated
that she openly advocates for economic food security for farmers, because she is aware that
farmers are a rare group in Canada, and that they are on the verge ofbecom ing extinct.
Farmers' lives are with the land, yet they are being forced o ff their land, pushed by uigust
policies and systems. They have little voice at policy tables. This leader asserts that
advocating exphcitly for their needs does not lessen her support for economic security for the
growing number o f Canadians rehant on food banks (CAFB, 2002). Further, support o f
farmers benehts all o f the hungry, as food access is dependent on food supply. This insight is
an important consideration for the movement in order to diffuse tensions that may arise when
one leader advocates economic security for a speciGc group rather than for all.
ZrOcnZ.
The existence of tensions around the notion o f local was raised by one o f the leaders.
Specifically, the debate concerned the following two views. The hrst view held that decisions
about food must rest in communities if communities are to reahze long- term food security.
Central to this view is the belief that the current imbalance in power is perpetuated by the
fact that people are distanced from their food and decisions about their food.
The second view held that centralized power is necessary for some aspects o f CFS.
For example, history has demonstrated that the implementation of national social pohcy, the

87

CüwKfo

f/a »

reduced the situation o f hunger and food insecurity (Guest,

1985). This policy specifically stated that all recipients were entitled to adequate funding to
meet basic food needs. Prior to the CAP, the individual, charity, and community had the
responsibility to ensure the right to food. Emergency food programs existed and public
begging for food was the norm. When the CAP was originally put in place, emergency food
programs all but disappeared, as did pubhc begging for food. Since the demise o f this policy,
responsibility continues to be moved back into the hands of the charitable and community
sector. Concurrently the food banks have proliferated, as have lineups (CAFB, 2002;Riches,
1986,1997)
This debate raises the Allowing important questions: What is local? To what extent
can localized power ensure CFS? Is there a role for centralized power in ensuring CFS? To
what extent can centralized power ensure CFS? What does this mean for policy direction?
Tensions in this area w ill likely continue to mount, particularly if streams o f the movement
press for centralized policy and control, whilst other streams o f the movement press for
community policy and control over food decisions.
Money.
In the previous chapter, it was revealed that as a whole this group of leaders was
grappling with the cause and culprit component of the food security dilemma. While the links
between the global economic system and local food security issues were opaque for some,
most observed that the valuing o f money was a key CFS issue. One pressed this line o f
thinking a bit further than the rest by asserting that valuing food solely as a commodity is the

key factor perpetuating consolidation of the food system, and the plethora of food issues.

88

This leader advocated a non-commodiSed food system. This was put forth as the ideal
situation, understanding that the practicalities were huge hurdles.
The position is more idealistic and politicized than the positions o f any o f the other
leaders. On the one hand, if pressed it would most certainly cause tensions amongst the
group. On the other hand, putting forth this position may engage the leaders to examine the
cause and effect piece o f the puzzle. This can further the articulation o f a master 6ame.

While all leaders agreed that citizen empowerment was a crucial element o f CFS,
there were differences in perceptions about how to increase citizen power. All leaders
believed empowerment involved finding opportunities so that those experiencing the day-today realities o f food insecurity at the grassroots level could participate in shaping the systems
impacting their access to and supply o f food (food democracy). All leaders stated that the
ultimate goal was to change policy in order to change the systems creating CFS.
Two leaders, who were more community focused, emphasized that the grassroots
approach is foundational to achieving this aim. Two other leaders, who were more policy
focused, explicitly emphasized the need for a simultaneous two-pronged approach: creating
a grassroots social movement for policy change, and joining the ranks o f those in power and
influencing them to change policy.
During the course o f the interviews, differences between leaders around the approach
became apparent. The basis o f the disagreement, hom one leaders' point of view, was the
insistence that mobilizing the grassroots was the only way to realize CFS. This leader
asserted that influencing those in power yielded immediate returns o f human and material
resources that were desperately needed by the movement, and thus it was an empowerment

89

strategy. Moreover, speaking with policy makers on behalf o f the grassroots would ht with
the principle o f democracy, if permission from the grassroots were obtained. This leader
further asserted that a two-pronged approach fit with the principle o f diversity (as well as
holism and balance).
From another leaders' point o f view, however, the basis o f the disagreement was not
that the grassroots approach was the only approach, rather that the grassroots approach was
the foundational approach. Those emphasizing a grassroots approach assert that pohcy
makers w ill not change direction unless they are forced to do so by strong pubhc opinion. In
the context o f strong pubhc opinion, lobbyists can be elective. Further, the ehtist approach influencing others and acting on behalf o f or as the voice o f the people - can be
disempowering and undemocratic. The grassroots approach hts well with the principles o f
community and local.
If an imbalance in power is a central concern to the CFS movement, and an ehtist
approach by some leaders is seen as furthering the imbalance, then the use o f this approach
will continue to cause tensions unless this matter is addressed.
ngAr to
Ah six o f the leaders asserted food was a basic human need, fundamental to hfe and
health. Moreover, five o f the six leaders clearly stated that food was a basic human right,
something that should be assured. While the sixth agreed that food was a human right, this
leader suggested that advocating for the right to food might not be the best overaU strategy
for the movement. This leader was concerned that the use o f rights language imphed a need
to be protected. The use o f rights language moved food into a legal arena where it could be
viewed as something to be fought for, rather than a community arena where it could be

90

viewed as something to be shared. Placmg the responsibility for the right to food with
lawyers and/or government places control over this right in their hands. This leader also said
dependence on the government to ensure the right to food, mitigates against self-snfGciency,
or community self-sufficiency.
The counter argument to this was that without rights, food inequities grow. The line­
ups at food banks were evidence o f this. One leader who asserted food was a right said,
"Food is medicine and just like Medicare, it must be guaranteed to everyone." Leaders
advocating the right to food clearly saw a need for legal or policy protection. They believed
the right to food was the responsibility o f the government. Moreover, they were pressing the
government for increases in social benefits to ensure recipients had sufBcient income to
purchase basic food needs.
While tensions about this issue were not voiced by the leaders during the interviews,
(as had the tensions about perceptions o f power), it seems highly probable that tensions will
arise if this difference in ideologies is not addressed. This is particularly so, as streams o f the
movement push for the government to fulfill what they beheve is its responsibihty.

Differences arose between leaders with respect to which systems were problematic
and requiring change. As mentioned in chapter 4, the leader with the food banking
background beheved the welfare system needed to be changed to ensure recipients have
sufBcient income to cover food, rent, clothing, health care, child care and transportation and
other essential necessities o f everyday hving. In contrast, the sustainable agriculture
advocates were adamant that the industriahzed food system needed to be changed. They
beheved that resources and infrastructure are needed to support local sustainable food

91

production. These views can be complementary as previously described in the CycZe q/"f
Tbjrecwnfy. However, the food banker disagreed with the notion that the industrialized food
system was a problem. In fact, given the system provided huge amounts o f surplus food to
the food bank be saw the system as a partner in combating hunger and community food
insecurity.
This situation points to the need for a master 6ame. Clearly, there are differences in
perspectives about alhes and culprits. Differing perspectives suggest different pohcy
directions.

The perception o f the place to start in moving towards systems change varied 6om
leader to leader. While all agreed that feeding the hungry was critically important, two
asserted it was the place to start, while the others suggested that the starting place was
building capacity to create alternative food programs and/or in the pohcy arena
Although this group o f leaders saw food banks as partners, the leader with the food
banking background spoke o f the fact that this was not the case with all members o f the CFS
movement. This leader asserted that there were those who saw food banks as part of the
problem rather than part o f the solution. He asserted that those uosupportive o f food banks
point out that by feeding the hungry the food banks were letting the government off the hook.
That is, governments can claim the hungry are fed. From this viewpoint food banks mitigate
against social policy change that would ensure that social assistance rates allow recipients to
purchase basic food needs.
Of interest is the fact that this leader agreed that the government was abandoning their
responsibility: His position is made clear in the following quote:

92

And I saw that part way through m y mandate where it [social policy] shifted from
welfare people saying "once you've used your benefits on welfare there's always the
food bank" .. .and we were [food banks] sort of a safety net in effect for the welfare
system .. .and now they're saying "until you've exhausted your food bank entitlement
you're not eligible for welfare!" W e've actually had it come back to us like that. It's
sort o f taking the charity model and exploiting it.
Yet this leader remained steadfast in his belief that bottom line is ensuring people are fed. He
added:
And so I think many people realize that but they've got a tiger by the tail, working in
charity. You want to help people and you don't want the people to be the football
between government and the society as a whole.
This leader concluded his argument by posing the following question, "How can we expect
the hungry to participate in building food security if they are not fed?"
Central to the debate about the role o f food banks in the CFS movement is the extent
to which the service is believed to be empowering. The food banker rationalized his position
by suggesting that food banks were empowering. He asserted that the programs were
empowering because they provided those experiencing the day-to-day realities of food
insecurity with food - a fundamental prerequisite to engage the food insecure in further
measures to build CFS. During his interview, he also suggested that food banks were
empowering when recipients were engaged as board members in the shaping o f and the
provision of the service. This section raises again the difterences in views about power, how
to shiA power, responsibility, and implications for policy. These are critical concerns to be
addressed by the movement in order to further their pohcy aims.

93

learnzMg

fAe j'orne Zoogwoge

A differing yet intriguing conundrum, which has really only been alluded to thus far,
became apparent during the examination o f the data - the challenge o f language. Given the
breadth o f perspectives at the food security table, finding words to satisfactorily capture the
meaning o f concepts can be difGcult. Various actors in various ways interpreted words such
as "community", 'justice", "sustainability", and "health".
The process o f coming up with shared meaning requires that thoughts are put forth as
words. Actors in the movement hear, see, discuss, and digest these words. When a term fails
to resonate with the majority, often a new innovative word emerges. Words such as food
democracy and food justice have likely emerged 6om this type o f process. These terms have
excellent resonance with the group - given that food and ideology are foundational factors
engaging their interest in CFS work. Likewise, the words "community food security" zqipear
to be going through a reiteration process as the group searches for the language that resonates
with the majority. The following section illustrates the tensions that arise with language.
secwrzYy or /ooff aysfe/M?
One leader asserted the term "community food security" was problematic. The
difficulty was not with the word community - which she deSned as good neighbors who will
take care o f me. Furthermore, the difhculty was not with the word "food" - the common
denominator bringing actors of the movement together. The difSculty for this leader centered
on the word "security" and the "militaristic" notions it invoked. She asserts, "security is the
idea that you are protected, over/against others." Thus, 6om her perspective CFS may be
interpreted as protecting, stockpiling, and/or hoarding food sources. This leader goes on to
say that she is "not interested in killing people" for food. In this light, the term CFS does not

94

fit with several o f the common homing principles outlined in this previous chapter. This
leader concludes that the word "system" is preferable to the word "security", because system
makes explicit the locus o f the problem. The word system links to the notion that food issues
are the result o f a dynamic interplay o f structural factors.
Recently this matter was the topic of discussion at a food security meeting o f
community nutritionists (CNC, 2003). While the group was receptive to the sustainable food
system concept, they were reluctant to use it in place o f the CFS concept. The counter
argument for retaining the CFS concept was that it linked CFS activities to international
covenants - legitimizing and garnering support for their work in the area. Moreover, the food
system term brought to mind the food supply issues and not the food access issues. At the
end of the day, the group elected to use the terms interchangeably.
Finding the right words can be a source o f tensions within the group and it can also
impact the process o f &aming.

That tensions exist has not gone unobserved by the leaders. In fact, given the breadth
of perspectives at the table, and that perspectives evolve with experience and changing
context, leaders comment that tensions are to be expected. Further, they describe these
tensions as "dynamic" and suggest that they are vital and, when acknowledged and
addressed, build the strength o f the movement. One leader sums up the differences
eloquently:
Within our group, for whatever reason, (and some o f it is the largeness o f heart o f the
people involved), the members o f our FPO have been able to say our overriding

95

concern is sustainability and justice. We see this differently, so we'll just keep
ûghting about it.

This chapter illuminated a shared set of principles that represent ideological
underpinnings shaping the leaders' conceptualizations o f CFS. The principles represent an
alternative world-view that acts as glue holding this group together. Moreover, while the set
of principles did not constitute a map with detailed directions to CFS, it did include
prominent signposts pointing the way.
That the principles were counter to mainstream was congruent with findings in the
literature (Lang, 1999). This explains in large part the challenges the movement faces in
realizing healthy public policy. The movement needs to build public support to create a
paradigm shift. This requires a massive educational campaign. It also means the simultaneous
crafting o f policy and activities palatable to the views o f the mainstream while serving
desired policy aims o f the movement.
In this chapter, we also discovered that there were differences in the ideological
stances o f the leaders. Power is certainly an issue for this group. These leaders must come to
some agreement about their stance regarding the locus of power. That is, they need to agree
upon who should have the power and over what food decisions in order to ensure justice and
sustainability prevails. The group suggests that the balance o f power must reside with the
community, but it also seems clear they are suggesting the government must be a partner as
well as the charitable sector. How this power w ill be shared is not clear. Until power issues
are resolved policy direction emerging &om the CFS movement will continue to be
fragmented and contradictory.

96

Although the set of principles does not represent a master frame because they do not
specify the cause and culprit for CFS issues, they can serve as important guides for the
construction o f a master frame. Tension amongst the leaders around differences in
ideologically based principles, coupled with language issues, and contributes to a delay in
fum ing and strategic policy planning. Resolution o f these tensions will strengthen the
cohesiveness o f the group, and may expedite the process o f master frame construction and
the development o f a policy strategy.

97

Chapter 6
Discussion and Implications
Community food security is a persistent and seemingly insoluble public policy
problem. Whether it is described as hunger, the inability to access foods, or the dependency
on out-sourced food, CFS is the banner under which a growing number o f people &om
differing walks o f hfe are gathering to engage in a social movement directed at pohcy
change.
This movement, with its alternative vision, has emerged in response to pohcy
direction supporting a global market driven culture, which has seen the concentration o f
power and wealth into a few hands. This situation has realized a rapid widening o f the g ^
between the rich and the poor, escalating incidence and prevalence o f hunger and obesity,
and loss o f localized capacity to produce food. While the movement has had success in
drawing adherents across Canada and particularly in BC, its abihty to realize pohcy change
has been somewhat hmited.
The hterature suggests that way CFS is hamed is a critically important factor
impacting the movement's abihty to reahze pohcy aims. According to theorists and pohcy
analysts alike, the crafhng o f effective, targeted pohcy solutions minimally requires
agreement within a social movement about the issue(s), the cause o f the issue(s), and the
culpht(s) responsible for the issue(s) (Lezberg, 1999; Snow & Benfbrd 1992). These three
features comprise a master frame. In the absence o f a master 6ame, CFS pohcy endeavours
may be sporadic, contradictory, and/or serve counter purposes. Importantly, it is understood
that the master frame is a reflection o f the ideology o f the individuals crafhng the frame.
Understanding the ideology informing the views o f leaders within the movement who are

98

instrumental in the constructing and conveying o f meaning about the CFS concept can guide
the development o f a master 6ame. Little research has been conducted about the way CFS is
conceptualized, particularly in Canada.
This research set out to explore the way CFS is hamed within the CFS movement.
Specifically, it sought to understand the way leaders within EC's CFS movement
conceptualized the issues, the causes, the culprit, the solutions, and those responsible for
building CFS. It also sought to understand the extent to which the leaders' conceptualizations
were linked. Six leaders representing five FPOs within EC's CFS movement were
interviewed. Conceptualizations were drawn horn both interview and FPO document data.
The introductory chapters o f this paper offered a description o f the emergence o f
EC's CFS movement and the need to understand the way issues are conceptualized within
the movement. The current literature on this topic was also presented in further detail. In
chapter 3, the methodology for the research, descriptive interpretive analysis, was discussed.
In chapters, 4 and 5, the insights derived from the data were described and interpreted. In this
final chapter, the signihcant insights are presented and reflected upon in light o f what is
known in theory, literature, and practice. During this process the imphcations for those
involved with, and concerned about, the CFS movement are drawn out.

This research revealed that although the CFS concept ^ complex, coherency
exist. Five areas o f coherency amongst the leaders' conceptualizations CFS emerged and are
highlighted below.
First, all leaders shared a set o f complementary principles representing the ideological
underpinnings shaping the way they conceptualize CFS. These principles appeared to be the

99

glue or connective tissue holding the group together. The full set o f principles were balance,
community/food citizenry, community-hased alternatives, diversity, economic security,
education, empowerment, food democracy, food needs/rights, food justice, food matters,
health, holism, local, paradigm shift, social movement, and policy towards systems redesign.
Importantly, as noted by Lang (1999), Lappe F. and Lappe A. (2002), these principles
represent a world-view that is in many ways opposite mainstream views.
Second, the leaders made clear that their primary concern was food mjustice
evidenced by a growing imbalance in control over systems impacting the abihty of people
and communities to access and/or supply the foods required for health. This situation was
viewed as a breach o f several shared principles including a lack o f respect for food and its
role in hfe and health, a denial o f the right to food, a failure to ensure food democracy and
economic security. Further, this situation was said to be socially and ecologically
unsustainable. As leaders readily expressed a deep and profound concern about food
injustice, this issue was described as a

betweenconceptualizations. The idea that

CFS is a matter o f social and ecological justice is consistent with a number of authors
(Kneen, 2000; Lappe & Lappe, 2002; Welsh & MacRae 1998; Riches, 1997).
Third, all leaders agreed compromised health was the critical outcome when CFS
was lacking. For some, this conclusion came after a bit o f probing. That is, while "hunger"
and "unjust, unsustainable food systems" were immediate responses to the question "What is
the key food security concern?" when asked, "Why the concern about hunger and/or
sustainable food systems?" leaders were quick to make the health connection. Similarly, all
leaders concluded the ultimate goal o f CFS was health - healthy, well-nourished people
supported by healthy, sustainable food systems. As health existed as an undercurrent to

100

conversation and was not readily apparent at the surface, it was termed the

AmA:

between conceptualizations.
To my knowledge, the concept that health is an invisible link in the hraming o f CFS
has not been previously described in the hterature. However, according to pubhc health
pohcy analyst Nathason (1999), making more readily visible the fact that lack of CFS is a
health risk may further the movement's pohcy aims. Framing smoking as an in&ingement o f
rights and as a health risk contributed to the creation o f healthy pubhc pohcy around tobacco
use in the US. Importantly, hraming CFS as a pubhc health issue was instrumental in the
launch and continued support o f the TFPC (Schiller, 1993; TFPC, 2001b). Placing the CFS
concept in the health domain increased pubhc and pohcy-makers perceptions of the
legitimacy o f CFS work. Undoubtedly this has contributed to the success the TFPC has had
in achieving pohcy aims.
Fourth, all leaders beheved the imbalance in control over food decisions was
essentially an ideological, pohtical and structural matter. Thus, they offered the following
integrated set o f solutions to address CFS issues; 1) support a paradigm shift within the
mainstream such that mainstream views about food and food issues resonate more closely
with those within the movement (facihtated by a massive education and awareness raising
campaign), 2) foster community/food citizenry everywhere (encourage ordinary citizens to
become active participants in shaping their food system), and 3) mobilize communities
towards pohcy and systems change. A prognostic hraming tool, the Food

CoMAMwwTM

exists illustrating the stages communities typically move through in their endeavours to
reahze CFS over time (see Figure 2, p.66). The solutions oSered by leaders of EC's CFS

101

movement are consistent with those proposed by the Canadian and US based FPOs (Biehler
et al, 1999; Welsh & MacRae, 1998; TFPC, 2001b; Yeatman, 1994).
Fifth, acknowledging the multi-dimensional nature o f CFS, all leaders asserted a
diversity o f sectors must play a meaningful role in the process o f building CFS. Minimally,
representatives from the following sectors must be included: health, agriculture,
environment, spiritual (also described as the faith or religious sector), cultural (including
Aboriginal people), economic (particularly the food sector), educational, social, political, and
citizens experiencing the day-to-day reahties of hunger. A balance o f views was said to be
critical. Again, this is entirely consistent with strategies employed by FPOs in Canada and
the US (Biehler et al. 1999; Joseph, 1998; Welsh & MacRae, 1998; Yeatman, 1994). These
important dimensions o f the CFS concept were crafted together and illustrated in a diagram
entitled: Fbod

v i s i o n conzmwniiyjbod secwriiy (see Figure 3 p. 101). While the

diagram is not a master frame - as it does not identify the cause and the culprit for the
problem - it does represent a broad alternative vision for CFS, to inform the construction o f a
master frame and a coherent pohcy strategy.

102

Health

Paradigm Shift

Political

Economic

Education

Food Justice

Agricultural

Social

Diversity
Sustainability
Empowerment

Well-nourished
people
Sustainable food
systems

Cultural

Community
citizenry)

Food Matters
Food Democracy
Food Need/Right
Economic Security

Holism
Local
Balance

Social
Movement
Community
alternatives
Policy &

I Spiritual

systems
redesign y

Citizens

Education

Environmental

J. Food Justice: A vision for community food security.
Jkynce.- yf

CoTMmw/ziry Fbozf j'ecwyn), is a framing tool depicting the

leaders' vision for the CFS movement. At the centre of the diagram is the goal of CFS health. Health is evidenced in well-nourished people supported by snstainable food systems.
The second ring, outwards 6om the core, illustrates that food justice is a prerequisite to
health. Ten principles foundational to food justice are included in the second ring. Moving
outward again, the third ring illuminates six prognostic or solution focused principles
underpinning the food jusüce vision. Outside the rings, the key sectors that must be included

103

in processes to realize CFS are listed. A balance o f aU sectors must be involved to realize
meaningAil, effective long-term change.
AAzyter Frame.
Despite the existence o f complementary, ideologically based principles, a widely
accepted master hame remained elusive. That is, while all leaders were able to identify
important cause and effect factors (knowledge and values o f the dominant paradigm, money,
money, media, pohcy, systems, and behaviors) and culprits (the corporate sector was
implicated most often), there were diSerences in their responses, and most were unable to

articulate the linkages between these Aaming elements. Moreover, when linkages were
oSered, quite often they only illuminated a portion of the complex concept (i.e., the cause
and effect relative to hunger or the cause and effect relative to unsustainable food systems).
This finding is entirely consistent with US, UK, and Canadian hterature (Lang, 1999;
Lezberg, 1999; PFC, 1980).
Nonetheless, sufGcient cause, effect, and culprit information was provided to
construct a diagram illustrating what is known about the master frame - 7%e C^cZe q/"Food
Fiygewnty (see Figure 1, p. 63). This diagram is not a widely accepted master frame; rather, it
represents the best-f t explanation o f the information derived from the data in this research. It
may serve as a model or proto-type to inform the construction o f a widely accepted master
fame.
Fehe/&.- 7e».;zoM^ Fmerge.

While this research demonsf ated the leaders shared a long list of common
ideologically based principles, it also revealed their ideological stances were not perfectly
matched. Differences in ideological stances were evidenced in differing interpretations of

104

some o f the principles and in differing perceptions of the cause and the culprit for CFS
issues. This situation contributed to tensions amongst the leaders.
The greatest difference of views was observed between those who believed the
problem was hunger caused by poverty solely, and those who beheved the problem was poor
nutrition, caused by loss o f local sustainable food systems, the result of the industrialized
food system solely. Those who beheved the cause of the problem was poverty, beheved
welfare and economic pohcy change were principal solutions to CFS issues. Those who
beheved the cause o f the problem was the industrialized food system beheved agricultural
pohcy change was a key solution to CFS issues.
It is important to point out that these views are not necessarily incompatible -the
Q/cZe

TnsecMnYy suggests that they can ht weU together. Leaders were weU aware o f

tensions and described them as dynamic and iutegral to the strength of the movement. Once
leaders had an opportunity to review insights emerging hom this inquiry, each expressed a
readiness and willingness to address the tensions revealed.

This research has revealed that the way the CFS concept is hamed cioay impact the
abihty o f the CFS movement to reahze pohcy aims. In the absence of a master hame, a
coordinated, coherent pohcy strategy does not exist within British Columbia's CFS
movement. Pohcy recommendations emerging hom differing streams of the movement have
been hmited, sporadic, contradictory, and have had minimal impact. In BC and across
Canada current pohcy direction on many honts has contributed to escalating incidence and
prevalence of a plethora o f nutrition related concerns, as well as loss of community capacity
to feed its citizens the food required for health. Without a master hame and a coordinated.

105

coherent political strategy there is httle hope that the movement will be able to sway current
policy direction.
Consistent with the Endings o f the

Commiffion in the latel970's,

diflering beliefs are principal barriers to the construction of a master 6ame. Twenty-Eve
years later, it appears the wall o f beliefs constructed by the corporate sector still exists (PFC,
1980). Within this wall the corporate sector is believed to be the engine o f a healthy and
wealthy society or 'partners in combating hunger'. Within this wall food is valued as a
commodity rather than a fbundaEon to health, a basic human right, and an element central to
culture and community. Within this wall, hunger and food security issues are believed to
temporary problems best resolved through increased food producEon, liberalized food trade,
and targeted food relief for the most vulnerable populaEons. This waU of beliefs continues to
contribute to the reluctance in blaming the corporate sector for CFS issues.
A second contributing factor to a general reluctance in placing blame hes in the fact
that naming the culprit is risky business. If wide agreement is reached amongst the leaders
that the corporate sector is the principal culprit then, the Eedgling movement is up against a
powerful and inEuential industry. IdenEfying the target or the opposiEon also allows the
opposiEon to see their target.
An important Erst step in the construcEon o f a master fame, and the subsequent
development of a coherent food policy, is to explore differences in behefs revealed m this
inquiry as well as the raEonale for such differences. Furthering common ground amongst
leaders in their understandings o f the personal dimension o f the CFS concept can facilitate
furthering common ground m the leaders understandings of the poliEcal dimension.

106

The Vztyf

^

/hr CozM/wwMzfy Fooz/ ,5'ecwrzYy 6aming tool serves as a useful

a starting point for this process. Leaders can use the tool to explore the principles in which
there were tensions. Importantly, they can use it to arrive at a common understanding of
power as it relates to community food security. Questions to he answered include: Who has
power over the systems controlling access to and/or the supply of food? How is the power to
be shifted to arrive at balance? What is the optimal arrangement o f power over food
decisions?
The tool also has utihty in clarifying the economic dimension o f the CFS concept.
Analysis o f documental and interview data revealed that the economic dimension o f the CFS
concept was under developed, as compared to the social, health, agricultural dimensions.
There were tensions amongst the leaders with respect to the role of money in CFS building
processes. This situation is problematic given the prominence o f economics in the dominant
paradigm According to Hall, Land, Parker & Webb (1985), policy makers will respond to
issues they perceive to be legitimate, feasible, and well supported. In the current pohtical
context, a vision for community food security that lacks an economic analysis and an
economic dimension as part o f an overall strategy will undoubtedly fail to stimulate pohcy
development.
Finally, bringing the health link to the fbre&ont when hraming CFS is a critically
important strategy for the CFS movement. Making visible the health dimension will increase
perceptions about the legitimacy o f the issue and will gamer additional support to further
pohcy aims. Once again, the c/wft Food.- yf
(as well as

/o r CoMmunz/y F'ood

haming tool

Cyc/e q/'F'ood /kyecwnty haming tool) can facilitate this process. Together

these tools make explicit the fact that food security is a critical health concern, that current

107

imbalances in policies and systems have given rise to food security issues, and that building
food security falls within the mandate o f the health sector. Together these tools can be used
to raise awareness about the health link. Expanding and broadening the base o f support 6om
the health care sector - a powerful ally - can reduce the risk associated with naming the
culprit.

This research revealed that CFS is a complex multi-dimensional phenomenon that
cannot readily be wrapped into a neat package. A number of concepts and tools emerged
hom this research including a set o f shared principles and three illustrative diagrams -F lcW
.htyhce.

vision yôr coTMmwniry^bo<f security, i/ie Cycie q/^Co/mmunity Fboci fnsecwrity, and

iAe Foo(i ^Security Coniinuum. Each resource has utility in revealing differing dimensions of
the CFS concept - the issues, the cause/culprit, and the solutions. Together a fuller picture of
the concept emerges which can inform the development of theoretical hames.
Tn^iicotions ybr po/icy-maAers.
This research suggests that if British Colombians are to enjoy CFS, a coordinated
coherent food pohcy is required at all government levels. Moreover, this pohcy must have
the goal o f healthy well-nourished people and healthy food self-sufBcient communities. To
achieve this goal, key stakeholders from multiple ministries who make decisions impacting
food access and/or supply must be engaged in the process. Further, they must aspire to this
goal and commitment themselves and the material resources to achieve it. Pohcy makers
from differing ministries will need to End ways to cross-traditional departmental and
administrative barriers. Importantly processes must be in place to ensure the community has
a meaningful voice in food policy-making processes

108

This goal and these measures are what have proven to be the elements o f success at
local levels in BC. These elements are reflected in the set o f principles emerging &om this
study. Minimally, pohcy makers may choose to use the principles as a lens for future pohcy
development. Optimally they may elect (as is the case in some in some municipahties), to no
longer look in on the process, but to become active participants themselves. Working
together with a broad range o f individuals 6om throughout the local food system innovative
ideas to resolve age-old issue have emerged.
yôr

f AenZfA sector.

While food security is a growing concern impacting personal, community, and
environmental health, other than the voices of the community nutritionists, the voice o f the
health sector on this issue has remained relatively quiet. While nutrition and food safety are
readily recognized as a provincial pubhc health concerns and reflected in current pubhc
health pohcy direction, the broader CFS concept is notably absent.
Opportunity presents itself to incorporate CFS within pubhc health pohcy. Members
of EC's Community Nutrition Council are advocating a food security initiative within the
new Pubhc Health Act (Gibson, K & Kneen C, 2003). The conceptualizations revealed in
this research and the tools to articulate and illustrate those conceptualizations can further the
development o f this initiative.
The
.ygcwnty

Jwfh'ce.' yf Püz'oM/hr Com/MW/nty Foozf

and the Co/Mmw/nry Fbozi

are particularly useful tools to convey meaning about the CFS and to

gamer support 6om the health sector in general.

109

Community nutntionists in BC are seen as leaders and champions of the CFS
movement. Community food security not only 6ts well within the scope of pubhc health
nutrition practice, it also hts with their unique expertise and skill set. Those who are engaged
in CFS work employ community development, primary prevention, and population health
approaches. They also employ a wide range o f skills to facihtate processes including project
management, education, awareness, advocacy, community organizing, proposal writing, fund
raising, research, and communications.
Yet this expertise and skill set is not necessarily a requirement of the undergraduate,
internship, and/or graduate programs that the community nutritionist completes. The areas of
study and experience that are often quite difGcult to hnd are those that provide an
agricultural perspective (conventional and sustainable practices) about food security, a social
work perspective, an educational perspective (how is food taught in schools), and a cultural
perspective as weU as economic and trade perspectives. Food pohcy, including multiple
related pohcies, and globalization and free trade and their impact on food security, are
additional courses that are difficult to obtain.
This research suggests that those wishing to practice pubic health nutrition in the food
security area would benefit h"om undergraduate programs providing a holistic view of food
as well as nutrition. They would benefit hom internship experiences in the CFS area, as well
as postgraduate studies in food pohcy, globalization, and community development.

This research has perhaps the most relevance for EC's CFS movement. The research
revealed that the movement has tremendously strong food justice vision, which is anchored

110

by complimentary and shared ideological principles. Leaders not only expressed these
principles but actively sought opportunity to live them. That is, the principles were reflected
in their approach to the issues, the solutions, and even in the tools they used to convey
meaning about the concept.
Further, when awareness was heightened about the existence of tensions amongst
principles (upon their review of the Endings o f this research) several expressed an openness
and willingness to address those concerns. Most perceived the tensions in a positive hght and
all asserted that examining them together would yield a stronger movement.
This research revealed that addressing the tensions is ciihcal if the objective is the
creation o f a coordinated coherent pohtical strategy. Furthermore, given the pohtical context
in BC the need for such a strategy is greater than ever. All three framing tools presented in
this study can provide a starting point to engage in this discussion.
Importantly, the fact that differing leaders and members are at differing stages in
connecting the personal to the pohtical suggests that the resolution to the tensions may take
time. A mentoring program for leaders and members expressing a desire to further personal
and or pohtical cormections would assist the process
Finahy, this research makes clear that it is criticahy important to bring the health
dimension of the CFS phenomena to the foreground in framing processes. Such a move can
enhance the legitimacy o f the CFS movement and gamer additional support for the
movement's pohcy aims.
LzmhahoMS q/"t/u's reseurcA.
Three areas o f limitation emerged:

I ll

1. This research did not speciScally set out to examine the ideology underpinning the way
CFS is h-amed. The questions tor the leaders were not geared to extract this type of
information. Yet upon review of the data, ideology emerged a critical framing factor.
While the participants reviewed the principles and concurred that they were reflective o f
their perspectives, the fact that specihc questions about ideology were not asked during
the interviews, limited the depth o f understanding that could be derived hom the data.
2. One finding o f this research was that the ideology of the leaders was counter mainstream.
This was asserted by each o f the leaders, yet the views o f mainstream were not explored.
A comparative analysis o f principles guiding the movement and those within the
mainstream can help to create policy that has more likelihood o f being adopted by the
mainstream.
3. The research indicated that hunger and lack o f local capacity to produce the foods
required to nourish the community were the dominant food security issues, yet the
perspectives about these issues were provided by professionals and service providers,
rather than individuals living with hunger (and/or individuals unable to make a living
through local, sustainable food production practices). These professionals and service
providers are, however, the known leaders of the movement and their views have clearly
influenced haming. This raises a question for future research: To what extent do the
conceptualizations presented here represent the perspectives of those who are most food
insecure? This is a critical question to be answered for the movement and in line with
their set of principles.

/(gcom/Mgndurio/uybryh/urg raygorc/;.
Five potential areas for future research emerged:

112

1. A possible area for future research would be to explicitly explore the ideology informing
conceptualizations o f CFS - to examine more closely interrelationship and the
interactions o f the principles revealed in this study.
2. A second possible area for research would be to explore the perspectives o f those
members o f the CFS movement who are most food insecure - those hving on a fixed
income and small-scale farmers.
3. A third possible area for research would be to explore the perspectives o f the mainstream
—including policy makers —in order to compare and contrast conceptualizations.
4. A fourth area might be to explore the utihty of the tools developed during this inquiry their efhcacy in conveying conceptualizations or furthering the construction of the master
6ame.
5. A Gfth possible area for research would be to explore other factors that influence the
abihty o f the movement to achieve its aims such as the pohtical context, the ideological
context, and resource issues.

113

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120

Appendix 1

A Snapshot o f Food Policy Organizations in British Columbia*
BritisA Cblnmhin f o o d
Network
Provincial non-proGt FPO network, est. 1996
Sorrento, BC
www.bcfboddemocracy.org

FfgultAy fa tin g dctivg Living
Northern non-profit FPO network, est. 2001
Miocine, BC
www.heal.be

Bowndorp fo r m to ThA/e Bocietp

Kamloops Food Policy Council
Kamloops community, non-profit society, est. 1998
Kamloops, BC
Laura.Kalma@ interiorhealth. ca

Regional, non-profit society
Christina Lake/G rand Forks, BC
iam @ sunshinecable.com
Capital Region F ood and Agriculture Roundtable
Southern V ancouver Island, non-profit coalition.
Victoria, BC
Lorie.W ay@ Caphealth.org
Community Nutritionists Council
F ood Security Standing Committee
Sub com mittee o f a provincial non-profit council o f
com m unity nutritionists, est. 1999.
Flo.Sheppard@ nwch.hnet.bc.ca
Dawson Creek F o o d Share
Dawson Creek community, non-profit society
Dawson Creek, BC
Farm folk Cityfolk Society
Provincial, non-profit society, est. 1992
Vancouver, BC
herb@ ffcf.bc.ca
F ood F irst o f Northern British Columbia
Prince George community, non-profit organization,
est. 1996. Prince George, British Columbia
khill@ northemhealth. ca
F ood For Kidz
Southern Fraser Valley, non-profit coalition
W hite Rock, BC
Barbara.Seed@ fraserhealth.ca

Lush Valley F ood Action Society
Regional, non-profit society
lushval@ yahoo.com
M ission Community F ood Coalition
M ission Community, non-profit coalition
M ission, BC
Catherine.Atchison@ fvhr.org
Nanaimo Food Share
N anaimo community, non-profit society
Nanaimo, BC
Living well@shaw.ca
Nelson Food Coalition
N elson community, non-profit coalition
Nelson, British Columbia
brynne@ uniserve.com
North Okanogan Food Coalition
Regional, non profit coalition
Vernon, BC
dantonishiak@ interiorhealth.ca
Vancouver, Food Policy Organization
Municipal, non-profit society, est. 1998
Vancouver, British Columbia
Corinne.Eisler@ vrhb.bc.ca

A FPO is a community, city, or region-based group whose aim is to improve CFS through actions towards
policy change. All FPOs in BC are non-proBt and reliant upon volunteers. A congirehensive list o f FPOs in BC
was unavailable. This list was crafted pulling together information from two sources: 1) the British Columbia
Food System Network website www.bcfooddcmocracy.org, and 2) the Healthy Eating Active Living website
www.heal.be.

121

Appendix 2

Two directions for food security: The dominant model and the alternative model

u/terMnn've

Globalization
Urban/rural divisions
Long trade routes (food miles)
Import export model for food security
Intensiûcation
Fast speed, pace & scale o f change
Non-renewable energy
Few market players (concentration)
Costs externalized
Rural de-population
Monoculture
Science replacing labour
Agrochemicals
Biotechnology
Processed (stored) haod
Food 6om factories
Hypermarkets
De-skilling
Standardization
Niche markets on shelves
People to food
Fragmented (diverse) culture
Created wants (advertising)
Burgertisation
Microwave re-heated food
Fast food
Global decisions
Top-down controls
Dependency culture
Health inequities widening
Social polarization & exclusion
Consumers
Food control
Source: adapted fi-om Lang et al. (1999)

vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.
vs.

localization
urban-rural partnership
short trade routes
food from own resources
extensiûcation
slow pace, speed, scale o f change
re-usable energy
multiple players per sector
costs internalized
vibrant rural population
biodiversity
science supporting nature
organic/sustainable farming
indigenous knowledge
&esh (perishable) food
food 6om the land
markets
skilling
difference and diversity
real variety on field & plate
food to people
common food culture
real wants (body & culture)
local food specialties
cooked food
slow food
local decisions
bottom-up controls
self-reliance
health inequities narrowing
social inclusion
citizens
food democracy

122

Appendix 3
Letter o f Consent and Consent Foim
LeAer

Consent

October 2001
Participant:
Address:

xxxxxx
xxxxxx

Dear Cparticmantl:
I am writing to yon in my role as a graduate student in the University o f Northern
British Columbia's Community Health Program. As you are aware, I am interested in
conducting research for my Masters o f Science thesis to explore and describe the way the
community food security concept is ûamed within British Columbia's community food
security movement. Specifically I seek to understand how community food security is
deSned, as well as perceptions about the issues, the causes and solutions to food security
problems. By
I am referring to the collective activity o f Food Pohcy Organizations
across British Columbia. Additional details o f the study may be found in the attached

Given your involvement with community food security organizing, your name has
been brought forward as a candidate for this study. I am hoping that you will agree to
participate! Participation will involve a one-time interview this fall, in a place and location
that is mutually convenient. It will also entail a one-time review of an initial interpretation of
the data. Your support in furthering understandings about the way community food security
concept is burned can contribute to a more coordinated, collective, and effective ^proach
towards realizing community security.
If you are able and willing to participate, please read the attached ConscMf Form
carefully. If you agree, sign and print your name in the spaces marked '"participant". Ensure
that the form is dated and signed by a witness. Please return the completed form to me in the
enclosed self addressed envelope by fdatel
Thanks in advance for your consideration of this request
Sincerely,

Researcher:________ Joanne Houehton
Address:
UNBC Community Health Program
Phone/Email:
xxxxxx/xxxxx

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form
I have read the attached f gyearcA f^rm aho/z ;%eer and I agree to participate in this
research study. I understand that I will be interviewed and that the interview will be recorded.
I understand that I will be expected to review and provide feedback on an initial
interpretation o f the data. I also understand that I am 6ee not to answer any questions and to
with&aw at any time hum this research process without any penalty to my organization or
myself I understand that my responses will be kept confidential and that a pseudonym will
be used in the research materials (transcripts, notes and hnal document) rather than my actual
name or the name o f my organization.

Date:

Participant:
Signature

Signature
Witness:
Printed Name

Participant:
Printed Name

Date:

Researcher:
Signature
Researcher:
Printed Name

Witness:

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Appendix 4

Sample Interview Guide
1. Tell me about yourself and your interest in community food security.
2. How do you dedne community food security? What are the important elements?
3. To what extent does community food security exist in your community?
4. In your opinion, what are the key food security issues?
5. Of these issues, which three are the most important? Why?
6. What are the causes o f these problems?
7. What are the solutions?
8. Who is responsible for addressing these issues?
9. To what extent do you think your views about community food security reflect the
perspectives within your Food Policy Organization?