THE ALKATCHO CARRIER OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 367 they were members of the sadeku, or were given permission by the sadeku headman. The sadeku trap-line was collective prop- erty to the extent that it was not further subdivided into a series of individual trap-lines. Although within the sadeku each individ- ual family head set his own traps over the sadeku trap-line, and was for the most part entitled to the full proceeds of his fur catch, his line was not permanent and was determined for him by the deisa. As a rule, a group of brothers operated a trap-line jointly, sharing in the proceeds. Ownership meant use. If for any reason a sadeku discontinued the use of a trap-line some other family by developing it—setting traps—established a sanc- tioned claim over it. In other words, land was not valued for its own sake, but for its usufruct. The distinction between hunting and trapping is certainly significant of the wealth competition between family lines. For the most part all the valuable fur-bearing animals were trapped, while the large food game were hunted. Under the rules of hos- pitality all food had to be shared within the village. Inheritance of trap-line rights was in practice patrilineal, and followed the line of primogeniture. The eldest son inherited as a rule the titles and prerogatives of his father as well as his trap-line rights. The younger siblings then centered about him as a family head. The Carrier are explicit on this point. Younger siblings worked with and were dependent upon the elder. In the absence of children, trap-line rights descended to a next brother or a nephew. The exercise and inheritance of fishing rights were similar to the trap-line forms. Streams and lakes were village property. But sadekus, by constructing weirs and fish traps, assumed exclusive rights over a particular section of the stream. Such weirs and traps were as a rule codperatively built by the entire sadeku, and each member had rights to the fish caught, the headman frequently taking the apportionment of fish upon himself. If he was preparing for a potlatch he could take a larger share of the fish for himself. When a number of members of a sadeku con- structed individual fish traps they were required to share the fish. ‘hus each morning the men inspected their traps and ap- portioned the fish. Because a number of families used the same