CHILDHOOD EXPERIENCE OF RESILIENCE by Nannette Hill B.A. University of British Columbia, 1987 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF EDUCATION in EDUCATIONAL COUNSELLING INannette HilL 2003 THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA April 2003 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. 1 * 1 National Library of Canada Bibliothèque nationale du Canada Acquisitions and Bibliographic Services Acquisitions et services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Your me Voire référence Ourffe Uotr&ré^enc3 The author has granted a non­ exclusive licence allowing the National library of Canada to reproduce, loan, distribute or seU copies of this thesis in microArmi, paper or electronic formats. L’auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive permettant à la Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou vendre des copies de cette thèse sous la hmne de microfrche/Ghn, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the copyright in this thesis. Neidter the thesis nor substantial extracts from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced without the author’s permission. L’auteur conserve la propriété du droit d’auteur qui protège cette thèse. Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement reproduits sans son autorisation. 0-612-80657-X CanadS APPROVAL Name: Nannette Hill Degree: Master of Education Thesis Title: CHILDHOOD EXPERIENCE OF RESILIENCE Examining Committee: Chair; Dr. Robert W. Tait Dean of Graduate Studies UNBC Supervisor: Dr. Glen Schmidt Associate Professor & Chair, Social Work Program UNBC Committee Member: Dr. Paul Madak Acting Dean of the College of Arts, Social & Health Sciences Professor & Chair, Education Program UNBC Committee Member: Dr. Dennis Procter Assistant Professor, Education Program UNBC Extem^l^E^aminer: Dr. Suzanne LeBlanc Adjunct Professor, Women's Studies Program UNBC Date Approved: The experiences of resilient children were explored in order to understand how they successfully manage adversity. Semi-structured interviews were used to gather the data, and content analysis was applied to identify factors that supported a resilient response. These factors were organized under three thematic areas. The first theme explained how the children moved &om initial kelings of devastation to create new meaning that helped put the events in a manageable perspective. The second theme concerned what children learned &om going through (heir traumatic situation. The third theme examined the types of meanings and activities that continue to work for the three children over time. This thesis examines resihency in childhood through a social constructionist perspective. The study provides insight into how resilient children talk about their traumatic experiences in positive terms. Il TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract........................................................................................................................ i Table of Contents........................................................................................................ ii Acknowledgements................................................................................................... vii CHAPTER ONE-INTRODUCTION.........................................................................1 The Research Problem.................................................................................... 3 Research Question.......................................................................................... 3 Impetus for the Study...................................................................................... 3 Personal Stance............................................................................................... 4 Personal Experiences-Career.......................................................................... 5 Significance of the Study.................................................................................5 Context of Study............................................................................................. 6 Participants ..............................................................................6 Community......................................................................................... 7 Socioeconomic Environment...............................................................9 School Environment and School performance..................................II Family structure................................................................................. 14 Organization of Chapters................................................................... 18 CHAPTER TWO-LITERATURE REVIEW........................................................... 19 Social Constructionist Inquiry....................................................................... 19 Focus of Research.......................................................................................... 19 Social Construction........................................................................................20 Construction of Childhood and Abuse...........................................................21 Early Civilization...............................................................................23 Egyptians. .24 Greek civilization.............................................................................. 26 Spartans............................................................................................. 26 Athenian and Hebrew societies......................................................... 27 Rome civilization.............................................................................. 28 Early Christian Europe...................................................................... 30 Changes &om the Seventeenth Century to Modem Times............... 31 The Effect of the Development of Philosophical and Psychological Theory on Childhood........................................................................ 33 Construction of Child Abuse.........................................................................35 Infanticide and Abandonment........................................................... 35 Child Labour......................................................................................36 Sexual Abuse.....................................................................................37 Incest..................................................................................................38 Summary............................................................................................39 Incidence of Child Abuse...............................................................................39 The ESects of Abuse on the Child.............................................................................41 Developmental Stages....................................................................................41 Severity of the Abuse.....................................................................................41 Family Relationships.....................................................................................42 Responses to Sexual Abuse, Physical Abuse and Neglect........................... 43 Emotional Effects..............................................................................44 Guilt...................................................................................................44 Anxiety............................................................................................... 44 Fear.................................................................................................... 45 Depression.......................................................................................... 45 Anger and Hostility........................................................................... 45 Inappropriate Sexual Behaviour....................................................... 45 Other Symptoms............................................................................... 46 Reactions to Long Term Incestual Situations................................... 46 Posttraumatic Stress Disorder........................................................... 47 Cognitive Distortions........................................................................ 48 Effects of Abuse on Adolescents and Adults.................................................49 Effects on Self Esteem...................................................................... 51 Constructing the Term Resilience..................................................................51 Personal Attributes of Resilient Children......................................................53 Internal Locus of Control...................................................................56 Internal Components of a Resilient Child.........................................57 The Meanings Given to the Event.....................................................57 Hardiness............................................................................................58 Three Models.....................................................................................58 Resistance Resources.........................................................................59 Developmental Perspective................................................................60 Personality Traits...............................................................................61 Resiliency Gained Through Experience............................................62 Ego Resilience...................................................................................63 Gender differences in resilience........................................................65 Environmental Influences.............................................................................. 68 Protective Factors Provided by the Family....................................................69 International Resilience Project- Families Promoting Resilience 70 Protective Factors Provided bv the Schools................................................... 75 Protective Factors Provided by the Community........................................... 75 Summary....................................................................................................... 78 CHAPTER THREE -METHODOLOGY................................................................ 81 Introduction................................................................................................... 81 Sampling....................................................................................................... 81 First Contact with Potential Participants...................................................... 82 Initial Interview................................................................................. 84 Second Interview.............................................................................. 87 Data Analysis................................................................................................ 87 Trustworthiness..............................................................................................88 Creation of Themes........................................................................................89 Ethical Considerations.................................................................................. 89 Ethical Considerations for Power Différence............................................... 90 CHAPTER FOUR-RESULTS................................................................................. 93 Introduction....................................................................................................93 Hare Self Esteem Scale..................................................................................93 Characteristics of Participants' Experience of Abuse.................................. 94 Context of the Interview................................................................................96 Themes...........................................................................................................97 Reconstruction of the Traumatic Experience-Resiliency in Action............. 98 Reconstruction of the Traumatic Experience in Positive Terms.................. 99 Self Talk that Leads to Acceptance.................................................. 99 Looking for the Positive within the Traumatic Experience.............100 Perceiving the Traumatic Experience in more Manageable Way.... 102 Reconstructing the Traumatic Experience into a Learning Experience 103 New Skills and Knowledge Learned from the Traumatic Experience......................................................................................105 Learned Coping Skills......................................................................108 Feelings of Inner Strength Learned FromTheir Experience............109 Making Sense of Trauma- Meanings that Continue to Work Over Time... 112 Effects on Self Esteem.....................................................................113 Coping Strategies that Continue toWork Over Time.......................114 Looking Towards the Future ...................................................... 115 The Effects of Trauma on Relationship With Peers........................118 Hope for the Future.......................................................................... 119 CHAPTER 5—DISCUSSION.................................................................................121 Conclusions of the Study............................................................................. 127 Limitations of the Study............................................................................... 129 Implications for Further Research...............................................................130 Implications for Fhactice.............................................................................. 132 Implications for Education.......................................................................... 137 Implications for Parents............................................................................... 138 Conclusion................................................................................................... 139 REFERENCES............................................................................................ 140 APPENDICES............................................................................................. 161 Appendix A.................................................................................................. 161 Appendix B.................................................................................................. 166 Appendix C.................................................................................................. 169 Appendix D...................................................................................................172 Childhood Resiliency 1 Chapter 1 Few among us have been spared the trauma of difficult circumstances that require use of all our resources and personal fortitude. Children too, are exposed to tragic situations that we would not expect them to have the experience or maturity to overcome. Circumstances such as the death of a parent, sexual abuse, physical abuse, witness to violence, and poverty are only a few of the stresses that children face. Despite such devastating circumstances, a large proportion of those who experience them not only cope, but continue to develop in a positive manner. Many researchers have studied these "good copers" (Garmezy, 1971; Luthar & Zigler, 1991; Masten & Coatsworth, 1998; Rutter, 1991; Vaillant, 1993; Werner & Smith, 1982, 1992) and have constructed the term 'resiliency' to describe their exceptional coping abilities. The meaning of resiliency has undergone many changes. Various domains of study have approached the topic of resilience from different perspectives. The result has been a broader understanding and definition of resilience. Early research focused on risk factors, deficits, and pathology that contributed to later mental illness. Subsequent studies focused on the complex factors involved in the development of health, competence, and resilience. Early research included such terms as "invincible" and "invulnerable" which implied that resilient children were completely resistant to damage from their circumstances. Later studies proved this to be false. Rutter (1983) determined that people have different capacities for resiliency at different developmental points in their lives. It was also concluded that such factors as multiple stressors, developmental changes, and the availability of supports in the environment have an impact on resiliency. Childhood Resiliency Resiliency research began in earnest as the results of a number of longitudinal studies came to light beginning with an important study in the 1950s. Social and behavioural science researchers Emma Werner and Ruth Smith (1992) in 1955 began a longitudinal study in the Hawaiian Islands. This was a research project that changed its focus 6om looking for what caused mental illness to searching for what prevented it They identiGed the factors that promoted health and healing and called them a person's innate 'self righting capacitates'. Similarly, Rutter (1991) determined from his 1970s study that it is not only intrinsic factors that make a person resilient, but also that resilience may reside in a social context. Environments can be created that have helping qualities imbedded in them. From a medical perspective Dr. Norman Garmezy also conducted a longitudinal study in the 1970s looking at children of adults with schizophrenia in order to determine if they were at increased risk of developing the disorder. Garmezy likewise felt the more interesting question was what prevented these children from developing mental health problems despite early experiences of harmful parenting styles. Educational researchers have taken the perspective of prevention and have attempted to create supportive environments in schools. Bonnie Benard (1996) has condensed resilience research to focus on how educators can help promote resilience in children throughout their developmental stages. She also explored ways of developing resiliency skills in children who are not resilient. Looking at research studies, it becomes apparent that the construct of resihence has varied meanings. From a constructionist point of view there is no need for a Gxed deGnition of resiliency, since concepts such as these continually evolve and change as people parGcipate in the conhnuous process of creahng and transforming meaning. However, professionals need a collection of agreed upon meanings in order to know what they are observing is resilience. This thesis uses a definition of resilience to assist parents in identifying resilience in their children and to describe what is currently know about resilience. It is important that professionals working with children in mental health or school settings keep in mind the meaning of resiliency in a child’s life is created through a process of co-constructing in relationship and in dialogue with others. Similarly, when reconstructing narratives with the resilient or nonresilient child there are opportunities to introduce the child to new meanings that lead to new more productive courses of action. These meanings offer new views of the problem situation and are appropriately based on the child’s discourse style. The Research Problem The purpose of this inquiry is to explore the experiences of resilient children in overcoming adversity in their lives and to add to the evolving understanding of how resiliency develops in childhood. Additionally, it is an exploration of constructionist focused questions and their impact on how the adverse situation is viewed. Research Questions What is the experience of resilient children who have successfully overcome traumatic events? Have resilient children created positive meanings for their traumatic experiences? Impetus fo r Study The impetus for this study originates fi-om my belief that thinking and feeling are discursive in nature and are culturally constructed. People create their own meanings and reality and there is no authentic reality or truth to be discovered. As a counsellor, I feel that it is possible in relationships to mutually negotiate Childhood Resiliency 4 meanings and replace unworkable narratives with more serviceable ones. One of the underlying premises of constructionism is a need for power balance in relationships. One voice should not dominate another. Consequently, within the counselling relationship I feel a collaborative approach is necessary. The client's voice should take precedence above all others in this relationship. Counselling should reflect an understanding of the client's hrame of reference and the communication should take place from within this frame. Questions should be asked about the client's reality in a "not knowing" manner and then a process of collaboratively deconstructing and constructing meanings begins. Solutions should be tailored together with clients' opinions and solutions taking preference (Strong, 2002a). This is how I approach counselling, not as an expert with the correct answer instead, my aim is to discover the person's perception of reality and look for spaces within their narratives for alternate realities and narratives about the problem situation. My personal experiences and career have led me to have an intense interest in what helps people overcome devastating circumstances. I have chosen to take a social constructionist perspective. Inquiry of a social constructionist nature is useful to me because it emphasizes collaboration. Reality is socially constructed and confirmed through social interactions. Gergen (1994) and Shotter (1999), are considered by many (Attwood, 1999; Deissler, 2001; Hale-Haniff, 1999; O'Hanlon, 1994; Roth & Chasin, 1994; Shotter, 1997; Strong, 2000) to be the leading contemporary proponents of social constructionism. They suggest that meaning does not originate in the mind of the individual but rather out of social interaction. In other words, when people talk, reality and knowledge of the world are Childhood Resihency 5 constnicted. Constructionism replaces the individual with the society as the locus of knowledge. Harlene Anderson (1997) writes, "everything is multiauthored in a community of persons and relationships" (p.4). Further, Gergen (1995) states that language derives its significance in human affairs from the way in which it functions within patterns of relationships (p. 52). He feels that people work towards mutually agreed upon meanings for what is authentic, reasonable, and fair. People share these understandings tb ro u ^ narratives. The rhetoric constructed around resihency has changed its focus &om looking for deficits that lead tovyards pathology to a more recent focus on protective factors that support children acquiring resihency. My interest in doing this study originates from my work as a teacher and a new counsellor working with children who are deahng with traumatic situations. Gottlieb (1991) states, the power of the human spirit to sustain grief and loss and to renew itself with hope and courage defies all description. As a counsellor, it is this hope and courage that is of interest when woddng with children not functioning in resilient ways in response to their personal traumas. Co-constructing narratives with children offers a chance to create more hopeful and positive narratives with alternative ways of viewing the situation and new opportunities not previously seen. This study may also offer new ways of viewing resihence from the perspective of resilient children. Children have suffered a long history of abuse and neglect through antiquated socially constructed child rearing practices, which involved actively devaluing children and childhood It could be argued that children have had to be resilient throughout time; however, not all children have successfully negotiated the Childhood Resiliency 6 trials and tribulations of childhood to emerge unscathed as successfully functioning adults. In the present day childhood is viewed as a time of innocence. In Western society children are valued, nurtured, and protected. With these values in mind the violence gainst youth is of much concern to those who live and work with children. Much research (Bernard, 1995; Werner & Smith 1992; Garmezy, Masten, & Tellegen, 1984) has been done in the area of 'at risk' youth which has documented 'protective factors' that support children during times of trauma however, little has been recorded 6om the perspective of resilient children. The importance of this study is that it documents the experiences of children who have endured difficult circumstances and continue to function resiliently. This study offers a description of children's understandings and perceptions of their traumatic situation. 1 would like to increase the knowledge of resiliency in childhood through inquiry into stories of children's experiences and the impact this has had on their coping abilities. 1 wish to investigate ways of counselling children that allow a healing story to come forth from their experiences. Using collaborative conversations counsellors can negotiate new meanings with children who have narratives that do not appear to have resilient qualities. This type of counselling conversation offers children new ways of viewing their adverse situations resulting in new behaviours and ways of responding. Co/ztgrf CyTTz/j' After putting out my request for volunteers in thirty-seven of Prince George Elementary School's newsletters 1 had three parents volunteer their children for this study. The participants included one male and two female children. Sam and Laura were nine years old and Sue was ten years old. Originally 1 wanted to inteiview ten Childhood Resiliency 7 and eleven year olds due to their developmental level. At this age children are better able to understand social situations and talk about them in meaningful ways. Additionally, children in this age group are not yet involved in the turmoil of the teen years. After a month of attempts to obtain participants in the originally identified age group, I decided to include the three children that had volunteered even though two were not in the correct age group. After the initial interviews with these children I felt that this was a good decision as all three were able to express themselves well and spoke about their situations with insight and understanding. Co/Mmwziry All of the children live in a large city in northern British Columbia with a population of approximately 75,000. This city acts as the commercial, Gnancial, supply service, educational, entertainment, social, and cultural center for the northern half of the Province of British Columbia. The community has quite a few metropolitan facilities including a university, college, museum, art gallery, performing arts building, civic, and aquatic centers. All three participant families describe being drawn to dûs city for reasons of education, employment opportunities, and life style. Individual communities within this city have their own qualities and each participant comes from a different subdivision within this city. One participant Sam comes Gom a subdivision where the average price for a home is $165,000. This subdivision, like many in this city, has a mixture of single family homes, multi­ family dwellings, and trailer courts. The subdivision is still in development with new houses being built year round. The properties associated with the houses are standard city lots. The participant has only been living in this community for a year. Childhood Resiliency 8 Involvement in the community for this participant includes playing organized soccer, baseball, and participating in Scouts. Another participant Sue lives in a subdivision that is located on the outskirts of the city. It is a rural area with a combination of single family dwellings and trailer courts. The average house price is approximately $87,000. The lots are bigger and the houses older and further apart in the segment of the subdivision where the participant lives. However, newer homes are also found in this area This respondent does not participate in organized community activities. Friends around the child's age within the neighbourhood provide entertainment outside the home. If the participant were to partake in activities such as soccer the drive to town would be about 15 minutes. The last participant, Laura, also lives in a community on the outskirts of the city. The average house price in this community is $175,000. All of the homes are single family dwellings on acreage. The land is used for a combination of farming and recreation. This participant's parents in this micro-community live here for the more rural lifestyle away from the city. The participant has been living in this community for 6ve years. She reports being involved with soccer, gymnastics and Brownie and Guide organizations. All of these activities involve a 15-minute drive into town. Most of the comments the participants made about their communities were directed towards entertainment. They commented on the number of parks in the city, where their school playgrounds were, and where the closest video stores were located. They spoke of meeting their friends and playing at parks and school grounds. All participants also mentioned the proximity of grocery stores and the names of the ones where they shopped. This was probably due to them having to go Childhood Resiliency 9 shopping for groceries with their parent. It probably was a regular occurrence and they considered it a part of their life routine. One participant mentioned the library, the Aquatic Center, and another the main soccer field in the city as being places of importance to them in their community. When describing how they felt about their communities the answers varied: I like my home I could never leave here and if I did I would be very sad. r ve been here most of my life and I would miss my friends and my bedroom. *** I would sort of miss this place but mostly my Dad. But I would be seeing new places and maybe have a swimming pool at my new house. 1 would like a new city it could be closer to my grandparents. I have lived here a long time th o u ^ and might miss this place. I wouldn^t want to move again You see, I have moved almost every year of my life. I would like to live in a nicer house though that is bigger than mine. But I don^t like lots of changing things that much. But it might be fun Most of these children have a limited concept of their community, which includes home, friends, and recreational opportunities. They do not speak of their communities in terms of feeling they are members of a larger group. Due to their developmental age they are still centered on their family and friends and are only beginning to look outside of this realm. From the resiliency literature it is known that children receive support and encouragement through difRcult times from their community. The children who are involved in activities such as sports and Guides and Brownies are in better positions to find support outside their immediate family. All of the children interviewed would be considered to be in a middle class socioeconomic level. Two of these children are from single parent families and one participant has just recently had a stepparent move in. Laura is located in an outlying area where the houses are in the upper price Childhood Resiliency 10 range for this city. They live in a large home with about 2300 square feet. Although this family lives in a large home, the mother reports that they are barely making it. The father left two years ago and has not been making child support payments. Laura's mother stated: I have been living on nothing so long that I don't even know how I make it each month Something always seems to hzq^pen that puUs me through I get the occasional auctioning job or I sell some of my antiques. But we are still all healthy and we have each other. I would sell the house but where would we go then. I want my children to go to a good school with children raised with the same values as 1 have. This parent also reported that she receives some Snancial support from her parents. Laura appears to know that the family is struggling and is aware that she can't have all of the things she wants due to money issues. Some subdivisions on the edge of this city can be exclusive (like the one just described) while other subdivisions are desired for their more rustic life style. The subdivision Sue lives in is the more rustic type. Their 800 square foot home was built in the 1970s. A single mother who works full time and is a student at the university is raising this child. They both report that they like where they live and are satisfied with their level of income. Moving closer to family was seen as a desirable option to Sue's mother. The child remained ambivalent about moving to a new city and indicated they would be happy either way. Six months ago Sam moved into a condominium in an affluent neighbourhood. The child's mother and stepfather support the family. Things have improved for this participant as his comment suggests: 1liked moving from the apartment we lived in. It's nice that mom has more money now because we were sort of were poor then. Sort of really poor so, we have more money now that [stepparent] is around and he has lots of monev. Childhood Resiliency 11 This child has learned the connection between life style and money. There appeared to be a certain amount of anxiety present when this child talked about where they were living and the desire not to loose this new living arrangement unless it involved moving into a bigger house. Sam is educated in a fairly typical subdivision school. The expectation for student academic performance is high with a certain amount of competition between parents regarding their children's performances. The Parent Advisory Council is very active in raising money and providing input to the staff. There is a high ratio of parent volunteering and involvement in class and school projects. This school, with a school population of approximately 340 students, reports no serious incidents of behaviour problems; however, there have been some incidents of bullying. There are four students on behaviour plans due to noncompliance behaviours. The school was recently renovated in response to the increase in population in this area. The building is used in the evenings for a small number of adult recreational activities and Brownies, Guides, Cubs, and Scouts. Teachers in this school are interested in new curriculum changes and attend workshops and inservices to keep current. Sam reports not liking school. Teacher reports indicate the participant gets average grades but has some gaps in his learning. The participant's comments confirm this assessment: 1 kind of find [my teacher] hard. It's like I have gone into grade four instead of three. Even my mom thinks the work is too hard.... [School] has always been hard I used to be in French immersion and then got moved out of that. This is a student who has been having ongoing difficulties in school. Although the learning difficulties are not serious they appear to have had an impact on the Childhood Resiliency 12 enjoyment of his school experience. In conversations with the teacher it was determined that the participant is not a behaviour problem and is cooperative in the classroom. A lthon^ this child has a limited number of friends in the class, the teacher states the student always has at least one friend to play with at recess. The participant has the perception that he has a lot of friends: Well, I like my friends and stuff I have lots of friends at this school and lots in my last school too. [The participant then lists the names of six friends at this school and six at his previous school.] Friendships at school are critical for developing feelings of belonging. Resiliency research also points out fiendships provide support and encouragement during the hard times in our lives. Rural schools have an atmosphere of their own, with a combination of farm children and ones who hve on acreage that were purchased for hobby farms or the luxury of privacy. Laura lives in this bedroom community of the larger city and attends an older school. There are ten classrooms, three portables, a full size gym, a recently renovated library, learning assistance room and a computer lab with iMac computers. It currently has a school population of about 280 kindergarten to grade seven students. The teachers keep current with curriculum changes. The school focuses on cooperation amongst students. The schoolyard has a soccer Geld, baseball diamond, basketball court, tarmac, hockey rink and a community-built adventure playground. The school is surrounded by a greenbelt with cross-country trails where moose, bear, bobcat, lynx, fox and rabbits have been seen. The schoofs philosophy states, "the staffs parents and students are committed to developing a secure environment in which respect, responsibility and teamwork will form the foundations for life long leaming"(www. schdist57.bc.ca). Childhood Resiliency 13 The parent advisory council is actively involved in school fund raising. They also actively participate in school activities. Money raised is used for activities like swimming lessons, community dances and baseball tournaments. The school is also used for after school functions such as Cubs, ladies keep fit, adult volleyball, karate classes, pottery classes, jazz dancing, after school care, three-days-a-week preschool and t-ball and baseball clubs. Laura comments that she is having a positive school experience: I love school. My teachers are all so nice and we do neat things. I like to leam about animals and write stories. School is where I can do lots of sports and visit with all my friends. I really liked skiing this year it was so fim. Laura's mother states: [My child] does very well in school getting all As and Bs. She has won an award every year for her story writing skills. The teachers love her and she has lots of Aiends at school. She is so kind hearted that she is Mends with all of the students even the ones that appear to have no long-term friends. The teacher says she is very polite and he keeps apologizing for having such a bad class which might be holding [my daughter] back. He might have been able to cover more stuff in class if he didn't have to discipline so much. From these statements it can be deduced that the parent and child are satisAed with the school and appear to be successful within this environment Another semi-rural community on the fringes of the city is where Sue attends school. This school is located beside a busy highway and has a population of approximately three hundred students. Built in the late sixties it is a school in need of renovations and updating. The air quality is poor and the interior is showing wear. The students walk to school A"om both sides of the highway some students use an underpass to get across the highway. AAer the interview took place the school was closed due to reduced provincial government educational funding. Childhood Resiliency 14 The participant made the following comments: I like my school. The teachers are cool. I especially like my teacher, better than last year anyway. I don't have lots and lots of friends but I have three very good hiends. I do very well in school both my mom and my teacher think I am smart. I am really good at writing and I keep ajournai at home too. The parent felt the school environment could be better but she was pleased with the education they provided. Families can be a child's strongest support This is documented in the resiliency research (Werner 1987; Rutter, 1991). They can provide caring relationships, high expectations, support, and opportunities to contribute to the family creating a sense of belonging. Families have the same "self rioting" capacities as die individual, given a sufficiently favorable environment. Unfortunately, parents end up having to work and have little time or energy to attend to dunily li&. Such chronic stresses as limited access to education, cultural, and economic resources wear people down over time. However, despite severe poverty, many families do manage to function well and to raise healthy, resilient children. All three of the children that Tinterviewed have gone through more than one family break up. Some of the family discord involved violence and all had a high degree of turmoil before the break ups. All three participants reported arguing, yelling, and things being broken before the relationships ended. Two of the participants reported their mothers being physically beaten by their fathers. In addition, there was destruction to the home taking such forms as a fist being repeatedly put through a wall, doors broken, and household furniture damaged or destroyed. Laura lives with her mother and her younger sister. She describes her family Childhood Resiliency 15 as close and loving but she worries about the family not having enough money. Her mother is not working but is attending school full time. She is home at approximately 4 p.m. and stays with the children all evening. Laura's mom states the family has a routine of homework right after supper each night She reports that she used to volunteer three times a week at the school and attended field trips and fund raising activities and misses these activities. Now she is only able to attend the occasional fundraiser and some field trips. Discipline within this family ranges from talks, to timeouts, to consequences involving loss of privileges. The mother reports the children have never been expelled or suspended &om school. She doesn't remember them ever getting a detention or a note home. This mother's main concerns are Gnancial. She worries about not being able to give her children enough and worries that they will loose their family home. The children in this family have been e:q)ected to contribute to the household in age appropriate ways, fo r example, when the mother works on weekends the children come with her and are expected to stay in a particular area and play without Aghting The children are aware this is how they are helping their family get the things they need. Laura states: My Mom takes us to work with her on the weekends. Sometimes 1 hate it but I know that everyone has to work to keep the family going. We want things like clothes and to go to gymnastics so we go with her even though it is a long time and it is boring. We usually do somednng we want to do the next day to make up for it. This comment suggests that there has been good communication and problem solving conversations with this child. Comments of this nature represent the close relationship that exists between child and mother. Childhood Resiliency 16 Sam lives with his mother, stepfather, and stepbrother. He has two half brothers away at school and a half sister that is living in a diSerent city. Sam values contact with extended family and he discusses uncles, grandparents and his biological dad frequently. He enjoys talking to all of these people on the phone and visiting them when he can. Sam states that he misses his brothers the most. Sam states both his mother and stepfather work but they are home in the evenings to help with homework. Sam reports doing homework almost every night. Sam's mother is minimally involved with the school as she works full time but is willing to make herself available if she is really needed at the school. Sam is the youngest in the family with a ten-year gap between himself and the next oldest sibling. Recently a stepbrother has moved in, and Sam is nervous about this but feels that it will be okay. The stepbrother is a teenager who used to hve 6ve houses away 6om v\here Sam is currently living. The stepbrother visited frequently before he moved in. Sam states that his stepbrodier is out with his friends a lot so he never really sees him that much. Sam feels that he is loved a lot by his mother and describes a close relationship with lots of conversations. Sam describes discipline as consisting of being sent to his room or taking away Nintendo or T.V. Sam's mother picked him up after school and brought him to the interview with snacks. She waited for Sam outside the room reassuring him that she would be right there if Sam needed her. There appeared to be a nurturing mother-child relationship. Sam's mother appeared to know her son well and was well aware of the issues that were of concern to him. Sue's family is made up of herself and her mother. She has a biological father living in another province and a recently divorced step-dad living in the same city as herself. Sue describes a close and warm relationship with her mother. She Childhood Resiliency 17 receives a lot of encouragement &om her mother which is reflected in her strong self esteem. Sue is very introspective, which she feels she gets from the many conversations she has had with her mother. Sue reports that she has some homework but not every night. She does her homework on her own. Her mother is not able to go to the school for any events as she works and is a part time student. Sue's comments about school reflect a feeling of competence within this environment. She describes her abilities at school using terms like: "it's easy, people like me, I am a strong and capable kid. I'm good at most things." Sue shares her life with her family in Ontario and her family in British Columbia She alternates visits at Christmas and spends half of the summer with her biological father. She reports missing her ex-step-dad a lot. They spent a lot of time together before the divorce. Sue's bedroom has a combination of grown up objects and children's toys. This truly reflects Sue's personality, as she is a very mature and insightful ten-yearold. The style of her bedroom and the objects in it demonstrate her mother's understanding of her daughter's personality and needs. There is a sense of awareness of spirituality in the house both with conventional religious articles and new age objects like crystals and fortune cards. These were objects that Sue wanted to share with me. Discipline was described as involving timeout, conversations, and removal of privileges. Sue's mother states she rarely has to discipline Sue. Sue usually chooses to time herself out if she is ùustrated. Sue reports that when she is with either of her fathers she can pretty much do what she wants, as they are so happy to see her. Childhood Resiliency 18 OrgaMfza/fOM q/^C/zqpfgra' This study is arranged in five chapters: Chapter 1, introduces the research problem and question, the impetus for and significance of the study. In Chapter 2 1 review the literature. In Chapter 3 I present the framework for my research methodology, describe my approach, and consider ethical issues. In Chapter 4 1 analyze my findings and in Chapter 5 I summarize the study, my conclusions, limitations of the study, and implications for further research, practice, and education. Childhood Resiliency 19 Chapter 2 Literature Review The Merriam-Webster Dictionary (1974) deSnes resiliency as "The ability to recover from or ac^ust easily to change or misfortune". The term resilience has been studied from a variety of different perspectives and has come to be understood as a multifaceted phenomenon. Over time the focus of resilience research has changed 6om one of looking for pathology, vulnerability, and deficits to one of concentrating on successful coping and hopefulness. Many of the researchers Wio have completed longitudinal studies searched for personal qualities or characteristics that enhanced coping abilities. They also looked at the environment and identified sources of support which improved or buffered the person's response to stressful life events (Anthony & Cohler, 1987; Benard, 1997,1998; Elder, Liker, & Jaworski, 1984; Farrington, 1983,1989; Felsman & Vaillant, 1987; Glueck & Glueck, 1968; Garmezy, 1971; Snarey & Vaillant, 1985; Vaillant & Vaillant, 1981; Rutter & Quinton, 1984). Each researcher is examining resiliency from a different perspective. For example, Rutter and Garmezy take a psychiatric perspective and Bernard tbcuses on the school environment. Each researcher constructs a very different understanding of resiliency that fits with their particular domain's unique language and interest. Childhood Resiliency 20 A good example of changes in the understanding of resiliency can be found in early research where the terms "invulnerable" and "invincible" were used to describe children who were resilient. What was implied by these terms was that resilient children were unable to be damaged and could endure extreme and continuous amounts of stress without deleterious effects (Rutter, 1991). Kauffman, Grunebaum, Cohler, and Gamer (1979) provided a similar understanding of resilience when they used terms such as "stress resistant" or "invulnerable" children. These researchers stated resilient children displayed competent and capable behaviours and seemed to thrive in spite of being in difficult situations. Later studies indicated that these children were not somehow invincible to stress but rather they possessed a set of characteristics or attributes that buffered them from stressful situations (Garmezy, 1983; Rutter, 1987; Werner, 1987). Contrary to these studies Rutter (1991) stated that no one is completely resistant to stress but that there are degrees in coping abilities and that everyone has limits. In this study, I am adopting a social constructionist perspective and want to add the experiences of childhood resilience to the dominant, cultural discourse on resilience in childhood. As previously stated there is no agreed upon definition of resiliency, from a social constructionist point of view there is no need for one fixed, true meaning for the term resilience, as it is co-constructed within the social context in which the discourse about resilience is taking place. The term will be Childhood Resiliency 21 negotiated and renegotiated within micro cultures. As Garfinkel (1967) and later Heritage (1984) suggest, discourses do not hold the rigid, unchangeable meanings we draw &om to make ourselves understood. Instead they are composed of cultural ways of speaking and contain rules that hold speakers accountable to each other. Micro cultures contain dialogical relationships that establish shared meanings that are useful to all those in dialogue. As a constructionist I believe that the descriptions we use to understand the world and ourselves are social artifacts that are created in conversations between people (Gergen, 1994). From a constructionist therapist approach participants' perceptions are best obtained from a position of "not knowing": The not knowing position entails a general attitude or stance in which the Therapist's actions communicate an abundant, genuine curiosity. That is the therapist's actions and attitudes express a need to know more about what has been said, rather than convey preconceived opinions and expectations about the client, the problem, or what must be changed. The therapist, therefore positions himself or herself in such a way as always to be in a state of "being informed" by the client (Anderson & Goolishian, 1992, p. 29). This stance will be taken in this study in order to maintain a balance in the power between researcher and participant. The dominant and widespread Western depiction of childhood is a perfect world of innocence and happiness. Further, childhood is conceptualized as a period of freedom, imagination, and opportunity. The adult-child relationship is one that provides protection and serves the best interests of and meets the needs of the child. Childhood Resiliency 22 This general understanding and cultural representation of childhood is formed by a discourse that is influenced by emotions, values, and moralism. It is based on social, educational, and political doctrines that are directed at how best to deal with children (Shamgar-Handelman, 1994). The conceptualization of childhood as a social, cultural, and historical construction comes from the work of French historian Philippe Aries who suggested that in medieval society the idea of childhood did not exist. He stated that once the children moved h"om the biological dependence of infancy they belonged to the adult society. Although Aries added extensively to the understanding of medieval society, Lawrence Stone (1977), Edward Shorter (1975), and Linda Pollock (1983) argued that Aries' analysis did not include sufficient emphasis on economic change and the context of class. James and Ftout (1990) perhaps suggest the best understanding of the social construction of childhood: Childhood, as distinct from biological immaturity, is neither a natural nor universal feature of human groups but appears as a specific structural and cultural component of many societies. Childhood is a variable of social analysis. It can never be entirely divorced from other variables such as class, gender or ethnicity. Comparative and cross-cultural analysis reveals a variety of childhoods rather than a single and universal phenomenon (p. 8). It is important to note that observers within any historical period will construct childhood according to an elaborate interaction of competing social, economic, and political priorities. The construction and reconstruction of childhood will be examined historically with this in mind in this section (Scraton, 1997). Childhood Resiliency 23 Historians have their own biases that may be rooted in gender, social class, values and ideology. Interpretation of historical material may be based on the researcher's political, social, religious, or gender prejudices. Value judgements placed on the events of the past may present skewed interpretations. Further, the historical researcher's understanding of the past is contingent on the social and cultural context in which they are currently imbedded. Through history, children have had to consistently demonstrate resilience. Without resilience, children would not have survived the harsh child rearing techniques developed by societies with the goal of creating productive members. Children have served as representatives of the continued wealth and power of an individual &mily and society. They have been recognized as a depiction of the family's hope for a better future. Carrying the weight of a society's hopes and dreams has not been an easy task for children. This is reflected in the variations in value placed on children and in the care they have received in childhood throughout the ages. Early c/vz/caffOM The early civilizations of Egypt and Sparta used a combination of positive and negative child rearing practices. Historians such as Sommerville (1990) argued that children within these early civilizations carried the burden of family ambitions. Children were raised to be at least as successful as their parents and to occupy the Childhood Resiliency 24 same social position as their parents. A look at social life in Egypt and Sparta helps set the stage for understanding the treatment of children in this era. The Nile valley provided the Egyptians with rich black soil that produced a variety of agricultural crops that created most of Egypt's wealth. Egyptians were tied to the land and family life was based on a reciprocal relationship where everyone contributed to sustaining the family and provided for all of its members' needs. Erman (1984) remarks, that over this great expanse of time the social classes, religious rituals, politics, and artistic style of Egypt remained fairly stable (p. 20). Hart, (1990), and Brewer and Teeter (1999) stated the nuclear 6mily was the basic social unit of ancient Egypt. The men and women in this society depended on each other. Harris (1990) reports, Egyptian marriages were held as sacred as much of the artwork and writings depicts men and women in relationships where one depends on the other (p.49). Although Egyptian societies were male dominated, females could own land, bequeath property and had the right to divorce (Brewer & Teeter, 1999). The lives of children consisted mostly of preparation for adulthood. There are conflicting arguments about whether Egyptian males had one wife or many. Some Egyptian kings took more than one wife in order to produce an heir to the throne however, the common man usually did not take a second wife unless the wife was unable to have children. Silverman ( 1997) reported there are Egyptian Childhood Resiliency 25 historical documents that show records of adoptions and this may have been an alternative to a second wife (p. 45). Rural children worked in the fields with their parents. There was a sense of dependency upon each other as everyone contributed to the survival of the family (Hart, 1990). In general, girls did not attend school, although there is some evidence that wealthy families did provide their girls with instruction in reading and writing. At the age of four, Janssen (1990) reports, boys began training in their father's craft. Royal children were taught reading, writing, and mathematics in the palace (p. 47). Wealthier parents could join temple schools and become scribes or army officers. Rosalie (1994) stated, childhood was over by the time they reached puberty. By age twelve to fourteen, children usually became married and begin to have children of their own (p. 38). Egypt was not known to be infanticidal as there was enough fertile land to support a growing population (Sommerville, 1990). Swaddling prevented babies from wandering off and getting huit Concern for the infant was also noted in the fact that many Egyptians gave opiates to their children to ease discomfort. Egyptian paintings depicted scenes of family activities where children were actively involved. Toys were buried with children, which indicates that thought was given to what children eiyoyed and there was hope for their existence in the afterlife (Sommerville, 1990). Childhood Resiliency 26 GreeA c/vf/ca/ion The Spartan people of the 16th century BC were a good example of how childhood is constructed by the needs and concerns of a community. The Spartans were a military society. As a growing empire there was need for military preparedness and complete obedience to the state. The state needed strong and dedicated soldiers to defend the empire. This strong military emphasis had unfortunate results for children. Each newborn was examined by their grandmother for deficits. If found to be imperfect the unfortunate child was left on the garbage heap to die. Babies were not swaddled in this society as it was thought that swaddling interfered with the proper growth of limbs (Sommerville, 1990). At the age of seven to twenty years of age girls and boys were sent away to boarding schools for training. Parents were not permitted to intervene in their child's training, as the state did not want strong family ties. The government wanted soldiers that had their loyalties completely focused on the state. It was believed that beatings {xomoted obedience and also hardened the body and soul for better service to the state. Female and male children were trained in similar ways. They both participated in all physical activities including gymnastics and javelin throwing. For females the physical training was seen as excellent for later childbearing (Sommerville, 1990). Childhood Resiliency 27 It was clear the interests of the society influenced the views and importance placed on childhood during this time period. Children were seen as valuable if they were strong and capable of being trained to defend the empire. Anyone who might be a detriment to the strength of the state was expendable. Individualism was not valued within this society. A clear reflection of how a society can impact child rearing practices and constructions of childhood can be seen in early Athenian and Hebrew societies. Athens and Jerusalem developed education to such a depth that it became a way of life. Education was not dictated by military or by economic considerations. "Liberal education" was viewed as an end in itself The goal of education was to understand the universe and an individual's place in it. The male in Athenian society was considered the leader of the family. The future of all members of the family depended on the decisions made by the father. Whether a baby was able to live or die depended on the decision of the father. Some babies were saved from abandonment by other families and were raised as slaves. If the child was accepted and named by the family it was treated compassionately. The end of childhood was designated to be at age twelve and thirteen. Childhood toys were given up at this time and were usually sacrificed to the Gods (Pearson, 1992). Childhood Resiliency 28 At age seven boys were considered ready for formal education. Most girls were never educated except in the chores of daily life. During this era there was a strong emphasis on education for male children given the patriarchal nature of Athenian society. Early childhood games were seen in a favorable light as they promoted following rules. Rules were seen as important in a democratic society such as Athens. Childhood was short, and compliance with rules was expected (Sommerville, 1990). Hebrew society also set up education as a lifelong pursuit. Hebrew people were afraid of vanishing from history therefore the children of this society carried the burden of ensuring the Hebrews were remembered in history. Early education was the responsibility of the father and mother and was usually oral in nature and involved recitation National festivals and their significance to historical and agricultural events were explained to children repeatedly. It is hard to determine when schools were created separate from the family however at the time of Jesus there were schools connected with synagogues in every large town Summerville (1990) suggested, the goal of Hebrew education was obedience (p. 34). Roman civilization existed over a period of a thousand years and it evolved and changed during this millenium. Organization based on patriarchy was fairly consistent throughout the Roman era even as beliefs and cultural preferences changed. Families were centered around the oldest living male. The family Childhood Resiliency 29 included a wife (unless she was in an arranged marriage where she remained a warden of her father) children, and slaves. Once mature the sons were usually granted independence by their fathers In the early days of the Roman republic, education of children was in the hands of the parents. The mother instructed the girls and the hither the boys. With the growth of the Roman Empire during the third century BC the wealthier families began to send their children to school with Greek slaves as their teachers. Both boys and girls received basic education of reading, writing, and mathematics. Education began at the age of seven and ended around the age of twelve. Those boys who showed promise and whose parents had money could continue to be educated until they reached manhood. The training of young girls was usually directed towards being good wives and mothers. The upper class Romans would tutor their children at home. They were instructed in both Latin and Greek as these languages were used in art and literature. Boys were taught the language of leadership for use in the forum, military, and law, as their role in society required them to give orders and speak publicly. In contrast, girls learned the skill of running a home including such activities as weaving, cleanliness, tidiness, obedience, and politeness. They would also learn how to give orders so they could command their slaves (Boyles, 1998). As Roman society became increasingly urbanized laws were introduced that supported the rights of the male over the rights of the family. As a result, divorces Childhood Resiliency 30 increased and males experienced more sexual ireedom. Family breakdown increased and Sommerville (1990) stated that this resulted in more abandonment of children. Those children that were rescued were abused in unimaginable ways. Many were sold as slaves, concubines, or prostitutes. Some were raised as gladiators or deliberately disfigured to draw sympathy for begging purposes (Sommerville, 1990). Children during this period were treated as property and had rights similar to those of slaves or animals (Cohen, 1990). Ew/y C/irMfmn fw cp e Sommerville (1990) suggested that attitudes towards children changed as Christianity spread throughout Europe. The opinions and words spoken by Jesus provided novel ways of looking at children. Jesus held up the child as the model of a perfect example of faith. Children were seen as having a slight advantage in religious status to adults through their innocence. It cannot be concluded that the lives of children improved drastically but it seemed that new ways of thinking about children developed As an example, infanticide was made illegal by the Erst Christian emperor Constantine (318 AD). Later it was made punishable by death (374 AD). This did not mean that it stopped completely, but it was outlawed through the legal authority of the state. Despite these relatively enlightened changes, poorer families could not afford to feed large numbers of children and some resorted to abandonment. Churches played an important role in the delivery of basic services to orphaned or Childhood Resiliency 31 abandoned children. The churches established foundling homes that provided primitive child welfare services. This may have demonstrated a concern for the welfare of children, but the actual eSect on the quality of the lives of children is unknown (Sommerville, 1990). In seventeenth century Europe children were regarded as innocent but weak and in need of care and reform. The most important social changes occurring during this time period resulted 6om religious reformation. In Western Europe there was growing unrest with the extravagance of the Catholic Church. There were clashes between the Kings and the churches. Additionally, the so-called Renaissance promoted new beliefs about humans. Previously, people were thought to be sinful and unworthy and God was perceived to be vengeful. The lives of most people revolved around God, however, the church was the mediator between God and humankind. Martin Luther, John Calvin, and King Henry Vm presented new ideas about the relationship between people and God. All three created new churches, the Lutherans, Calvinists, and Anglicans. This was a time of great umest as nobles tried to control religious beliefs that might affect political allegiance (Greengrass, 1987). A main theme of the new Protestantism was a return to the Bible as the one unquestionable authority. Organized schools were under the control of the churches that believed children's souls were to be saved at any cost. Beating children was seen as the way to make them obedient. Punishment was used liberally in the Childhood Resiliency 32 schools of the time as many educators followed a literal interpretation of the Old Testament commandments. The seventeenth century in Western Europe was an era when children took a more central place within the family. Plumb (1975) suggested that parents, although aSectionate with their children, were also concerned with breaking their wills and it was not until the late 17th century that a new social attitude toward children began to develop wtereby they were no longer looked upon as evil and in need of breaking. Cleverly and Philips (1986), Newson and Newson (1974), and Wishy (1968), have researched the main theories of child rearing in the 18th to the 20th century in Western Europe and suggested there was a substantial change in attitude towards children and treatment of them. The primary concern on physical well being and moral development, began to include interest in children's mental health as well as social and economic ac^ustment. This shift was not immediate and universal as it was influenced by economic and class status. During the 1920s a "medical morality" became prevalent. During this movement routines in infancy were stressed in order for children to leam self-control. Attitudes continued to evolve through the 20th century where an interest in the child's innate intelligence and social development suggested more permissive child rearing techniques were needed. Childhood Resiliency 33 q/V/ze (feWoq/Me»/ q/"/7/z//oa:qq/zfca/ aWp.syc/zo/ogfcaZ /Aeo/y on Cleverley and Philips (1986) suggested, "[t]heorists such as Locke, Rousseau and Freud focused attention on facets of children that previously have been relatively neglected, children were seen in new ways, and as a result, new models of treatment evolved" (p. 11-12). According to Cleverly and Philips (1986) "Locke believed a child's mind was a blank slate needing to be filled by experience; Rousseau portrayed the child as an amoral being coming to know good and evil with the late development of reason" (p. 15). And Freud challenged the notion of the innocence of childhood. According to Moussaieff Masson (1992), Freud in the late 1800s began to discover that many girls were victims of sexual violence and abuse within their own families. During observations of autopsies in the Paris Morgue, Freud noted that many child deaths resulted Irom abuse. Subsequently, Freud wrote the p^ier "The Etiology of Hysteria" in which he suggested the origins of neurosis were to be found in early sexual traumas. Freud stated that early "infantile sexual scenes" in therapy were real, not fantasies, and had a damaging and long term effect on the lives of the children who experienced them. When his work "The Etiology of Hysteria" was published and presented in lecture form, it was not well received. Freud published his paper in June 1896 in spite of the rift he was feeling between himself and his colleagues. A few years Childhood Resiliency 34 later Freud regretted his hasty decision to publish and began to retract his statements about childhood abuse believing instead that his patients primarily made up of women had imagined these stories. He instead began to suggest that patients had fantasies that dominated their entire lives. Moussaieff Masson (1992) believed that Freud gave up his view on the seduction theory in order to participate again in the community of psychologists that had abandoned him due to his controversial views. In 1905, Freud retracted his seduction theory formally. By 1908, many highly regarded physicians, such as, Paul Fedem, Isidor Sadger, Sandor Ferenczi, Maz Eitingon, Karl Jung, Ludwig Binswanger, Karl Abraham, Abraham Brill and Ernest Jones, joined Freud to form the psychoanalytical movement. Freud's theory on child sexual abuse was not included in this movement (p. 12). There is no doubt that Freud's retraction of his "seduction theory" reflected society's unwillingness to deal with child abuse. It was still considered a private family matter. The beginnings of modem child protection happened only after the development of organizations that protected animals 6om cruelty were established. In 1866, Henry Bergh, a philanthropist and diplomat founded the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals. Eight years later, a young girl was found tied to a bed, neglected and brutally treated by her foster parents. In 1875, a small group of concerned citizens helped by Henry Bergh, created the first organized group in the world to protect children. It was known as the New York Society for the Prevention of Cmelty to Children. Reporting abuse, however, was not required Childhood Resiliency 35 by law and was usually only discovered when the death of a child occurred. Things remained this way until the 1960s when Dr. Kempe described the "Battered Child Syndrome" and urged physicians to report child abuse. Unfortunately, law did not require reporting child abuse until 1974 in the United States. /n/ü/zr/cfije awf aAanJbwMeMr Violence against children has taken many forms beginning with their basic right to life. There are many reasons why infanticide occurred, including the need for population control, maintenance of the desired ratio between the sexes in a society, famine, scarcity of resources, attitudes towards illegitimacy and ridding the society of genetic abnormalities thereby perserving the purity and strength of the people. Evolving societies around the world began to respect the sanctity of life. This was reflected slowly in the decrease in acceptance of infanticide. Despite this, exposure and infanticide continued to be used as a lethal form of child abuse at difkrent historical periods of time. Children unlucky enough to have birth de&cts or who were weak or premature were put to death. Girls were especially vulnerable to the risk of being killed, sold or exposed. The mentally challenged child had a particularly hard life as it was seen as being possessed by Satan and subjected to many cruelties. Other forms of child abuse including burning, scalding, starvation, and drowning were all noted in the medical records kept in early European society (Heifer and Kempe, 1987). Childhood Resiliency 36 Many aspects of family life were kept within the domain of the family. Until relatively recently what happened in the family remained a private affair. This may be why it took as long to make the death of child due to these causes illegal. DifGculties proving what happened must have also played a part Additionally, the death of a child in the past might have been very much a part of'everyday life' as it was more common to lose a child due to disease before medical advances. CA/M /aAowr The development of capitalism required cheap labour. Morris and Mclsaac (1978) noted that "statesmen, administrators, and employers alike all turned to the child as a source of industrial wealth" (p.2). Advances in public health in Europe and North America resulted in increased life expectancy. The rise in population coupled with increased industrialization and urban expansion gave rise to child labour. Children were cheap and abundant sources of labour. As late as 1866, the International Alliance of Workers promoted child labour as a "legitimate and logical step forward... In a rational society, every child over the age of nine years should be a productive worker" (Muller, 1973, p.6). European and North American apprenticeship systems in workhouses, orphanages, as well as in industry were places where children might be brutalized. The harsh working conditions of children were legitimized by the general belief that hard work was good for children and it kept them out of trouble, strengthened their character, and prepared them for adult jobs and life. Child labour kept the child and Childhood Resiliency 37 family alive because much of the population was living in poverty during industrialization (Flekkoy & Kaufman, 1997). It wasn't until reformers like Johann Peter Frank (1745-1821) founded the science of public health that things began to change. In Europe and North America laws were gradually introduced to protect children 6om the abuses of industrial labour (Heifer & Kempe, 1987). According to Heifer and Kempe (1987) sexual offenses against children were common throughout history. Rites of defloration at puberty and in preparation for marriage were often painful and abusive. Child marriage especially for girls, was a very common form of sexual abuse th o u ^ not all child marriages resulted in immediate consummation. In Irish, French, and Inuit cultures another form of sexual abuse was present in the form of sharing wives and daughters with guests as an hospitable act. Children were seen as a marketable commodity. Physically developed attractive girls of ten and twelve often became prostitutes. Unemployment usually exposed the female child to the pressure of submitting to sexual acts for money; sometimes this occurred because of parental pressure. Houses of prostitution recruited young girls under eleven and kept them in the trade until they were indoctrinated into this life style (Heifer & Kempe, 1987, p. 9-10). Historical reports in the Child Abuse and Neglect International Journal, state that children as young as six and more commonly under ten were becoming pregnant (Haditono, 1981). Documented cases of sexually transmitted diseases Childhood Resiliency 38 among both male and female children are the most telling information on child sexual abuse occurrences. Other forms of sexual abuse included masturbation that was thought to sooth an irritable child. Rape, flagellation, and child battering often occurred to satis^ the lust of sadists (Heifer and Kempe, 1987, p. 10). Incest often happens in secret so it is difficult to determine its incidence through history. The knowledge of incest usually became known through physical abuse, pregnancy, or venereal disease. Foucault postulated incest taboos are a society's attempt to impose a general rule that would apply to everyone; "the West has displayed such a strong interest in the prohibition of incest.. .[incest] has been seen as a social universal and one of the points through which every society is obliged to pass on the way to becoming a culture..." (Foucault, 1978). Sexual deviance is defined by a society and comes out of the human need to restrict and repress. Foucault also posited the avoidance of incest acts to keep the family together. However, Madiiz (2002) suggested that some groups of people practice incest and feel it assists in maintaining family groupings. Lloyd deMause (1991) commenting from a European perspective, asserts "that it is incest itself - not the absence of incest - that has been universal for most people in most places at most times" (p. 2). In incest cases deMause states, the child is used as the poison container. The child is hurt and made to suffer for the bad feelings the parent has so they are not overwhelmed by their anxieties (deMause, 1998). He has given Childhood Resiliency 39 countless cases and examples throughout history and in a variety of cultures to support his theory (deMause, 1998). .S'i/TM/na/y Historically childhood and child abuse have been socially constructed using the beliefs and values of the larger culture of the day. Changes in beliefs and acquisition of new knowledge and ideas had an impact on how childhood was viewed and in turn impacted on what was considered good child rearing practice. The very survival of children depended on their hardiness in the physical, intellectual, and emotional realms. Statistics are important in understanding the extent of the problem of sexual abuse in Canada. However, there are a variety of issues interfering with the accuracy of the numbers presented. Child abuse is a sutÿect that elicits strong emotions and therefore, the tendency is to ignore or discredit evidence. Additionally, it is generally accepted that the statistics regarding abuse and pedophilia are underrepresented as adults and children fail to report for a number of reasons (Statistics, 2002). In 1992 child protection authorities placed approximately 40,000 Canadian children into foster care or other settings away from their homes. In 1993 in Ontario alone there were nearly 12, 000 investigations of child sexual abuse (Trocme, McPhee, Tam, & Hay, 1994). Sexual abuse was substantiated in 29 percent of these Childhood Resiliency 40 cases and suspected in another 27 percent. In British Columbia there were more than 500 complaints of sexual abuse made in March 1992 (Federal-Provincial Working Group on Child and Family Services Information, 1994). Clearly the problem is substantial. Johnson (1996) conducted a comprehensive survey regarding violence against women that included the number of children who witnessed violence at home. It was reported that 29 percent of Canadian women experienced physical assault within their married lives (common-1 aw unions included). Nearly four in ten women (39%) reported that their children witnessed the violence. Johnson stated that more than 1.2 million children witnessed extreme forms of violence, including physical injury to the extent of causing the woman to fear for her life. Jafk, Wolfe and Wilson (1990) deemed this to be an underestimate of the real prevalence as they felt that mothers tend to underestimate what children have been exposed to in their homes. The Department of Justice Canada in 1998 reported 135,573 child maltreatment investigations. This represented a rate of approximately 22 investigations for every 1000 children in Canada. Child welfare workers were able to confirm that abuse occurred in almost half (45%) of all cases. The total maltreatment cases broke down into subcategories of 31% of investigations being for physical abuse, 10% for sexual abuse, 40% for neglect, and 19% for emotional maltreatment. Childhood Resiliency 41 o/i fAg CAiZt/ There are a number of conditions that contribute to the seriousness of the child's response to abuse. Such conditions include the severity of the abuse, the strengths and weakness of the child's innate character, family relationships and the developmental stage the child is working through at the time of the abuse. Devg/opmenfa/ .sfoggj Abuse impacts the child diSerently depending on the developmental stage. It may interfere with the resolution of aspects of personality developing at the time of the abuse. For example, if abuse occurs while a young child is in the stage of developing trust, the impact may be that the child does not develop trust in close relationships. An older child may be more concerned with the moral meaning of the abuse (he's bad. I'm bad) or the eSect of the abuse on their identity and self-concept (Straus, 1988, p. 93). The research indicates that as the severity of the abuse increases so does the impact on the victims (Hartman & Burgess, 1989). At the most severe level, the experience is so negative, stressful, and anxiety producing that the child's coping skills are not sufficient to withstand the psychological impact. The experience is viewed by the child as unpredictable, dangerous, and terrifying. The event may be seen as so threatening as to cause persistent or phobic responses throughout later developmental stages and into adulthood. Severe sexual abuse impairs the Childhood Resiliency 42 development of effective coping strategies and causes symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder. Children disassociate from their feelings and may forget or disassociate from the situation or later on the memories of the situation. These coping strategies may be effective in the short term. Overtime the ability to adapt during stressful events later in life diminishes (Straus, M. B. 1988). When the abuse occurs within the family the destruction of a primary relationship that is safe and predictable can have devastating effects on the child. The child's feelings of betrayal can be pervasive over time and may destroy the parent child relationship and have a negative impact on other relationships. Grief over the loss of a caring nurturing relationship is a common experience of sexually abused children. Studies of resilience and coping in childhood (Garmezy, 1983; Murphy & Moriah ty, 1976) emphasize the role of family in buffehng the impact of trauma and stress in a child's life. If parents intervene during stressful times to protect the child from the full impact of the trauma the harmful consequences are reduced. A parent, who gives help to the children by offehng comfort and reassurance duhng a time of stress, provides a buffer from that stress. If a parent acts as a teacher and explains the circumstances around the trauma they provide perspective and hope for the child who may not have the matuhty to understand the event, they too are acting as Childhood Resiliency 43 buffers. Therefore, if the non-offending parent is able to provide buffering for the child then the effects of the trauma may be reduced substantially. Unfortunately, after the disclosure of abuse the family is usually thrown into chaos and becomes unstable (Mann, 1981). The non-offending parent is usually dealing with powerful emotions of their own and is not always emotionally available to be sensitive to their child's needs. Russell (1983) reports those children who are victims of incest are unfortunately the ones to receive the least support. One type of abuse usually does not occur in isolation from other types of abuse. There are often combinations of abuse. Additionally, sexual abuse may also be considered to be a form of physical abuse. Neglect may correspondingly be considered physical abuse. Therefore, the responses to sexual abuse, physical abuse and neglect are often similar and overlapping. The child may experience any one or a combination of the reactions described below. Each response will be unique to the victim. The responses to sexual abuse are complex and vary greatly. The child abuse researchers mentioned above have generated a compilation of the considerable negative consequences child abuse can create in adult survivors. These effects generally fall into six categories: 1) emotional, 2) interpersonal, 3) behavioural, 4) cognitive/' perceptual, 5) physical, and 6) sexual functioning. These categories will be explored in the following section. Childhood Resiliency 44 Emotions that are commonly experienced by survivors of child sexual abuse are depression, guilt, low self-esteem, anxiety, and anger. These feelings often last into adulthood and can take a lifetime to resolve. Guilt results &om children blaming themselves for the abuse especially if they have enjoyed or benefited 6om some aspect of the incest act. If a child's disclosure is precipitated by the break up of die family the guilt may be intensified. Guilt can surûice immediately or at a later developmental stage (Meiselman, 1990). Anxiety is prevalent in abused children and can be displayed in a variety of ways. Examples of displays of anxiety are: the fear of being with persons of the opposite sex, somatic and behaviour symptoms such as tics, enuresis, and separation anxiety (Lewis & Sarrel, 1969). Changes in sleeping and eating, and an increase in complaints of headaches and stomachaches have also been noted. Displays of hyper-vigilance to danger in the environment may also occur. Preoccupation with control across many situations is common. A perceived loss of self