WILKSILAKS TRANSFER OF KNOWLEDGE: A WORKING MODEL FOR MAINTAINING TRADITION by Allison Nyce B.A., University of British Columbia, 1995 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA August 2010 ©Allison Nyce, 2010 1*1 Library and Archives Canada Bibliotheque et Archives Canada Published Heritage Branch Direction du Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street OttawaONK1A0N4 Canada 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-75129-9 Our file Notre r6f6rence ISBN: 978-0-494-75129-9 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a nonexclusive license allowing Library and Archives Canada to reproduce, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, communicate to the public by telecommunication or on the Internet, loan, distribute and sell theses worldwide, for commercial or noncommercial purposes, in microform, paper, electronic and/or any other formats. L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, preter, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou autres formats. The author retains copyright ownership and moral rights in this thesis. Neither the thesis nor substantial extracts from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced without the author's permission. L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement reproduits sans son autorisation. In compliance with the Canadian Privacy Act some supporting forms may have been removed from this thesis. Conformement a la loi canadienne sur la protection de la vie privee, quelques formulaires secondaires ont ete enleves de cette these. While these forms may be included in the document page count, their removal does not represent any loss of content from the thesis. Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu manquant. 14-1 Canada Abstract Nisga'a cultural artifact repatriation efforts began from the moment the artifacts were removed from Nisga'a communities. This qualitative study presents Nisga'a repatriation from a different perspective than in the current literature. An indigenous paradigm is developed and used to examine Nisga'a repatriation from within the Nisga'a worldview. Two interconnected groups of Nisga'a elders and wilksilaks (relatives on paternal side having specific obligations) revealed the connection of tradition to Nisga'a repatriation efforts spanning four generations of the author's family. It is revealed that the knowledge of the importance and significance of repatriation to the Nisga'a community was held in trust and transferred to each generation to its successful completion. This research is important for two reasons: (1) it adds to the current ethnography of the Northwest Coast describing the wilksilaks (relatives on paternal side having specific obligations) in a matrilineal culture; and (2) it demonstrates how traditional institutions adapted to deal with contemporary issues, like repatriation of cultural artifacts. 11 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract 11 Table of Contents iii List of Tables vii List of Figures viii Glossary ix Acknowledgements xii Preface xiv 1 Introduction Chapter One Chapter Two Statement 1 Incorporation of Ayuukhl Nisga 'a 2 Indigenous Knowledge, Indigenous Research 3 Research Question 4 Research Methodology 4 Introduction and Overview 6 My Life Leading to Repatriation 6 Outline of Thesis 9 Theoretical Positioning 12 Introduction to Chapter Two 12 Objectives of the Study 12 Field of Study 13 Indigenous Paradigm 14 Nisga'a Protocol and Ethical Considerations 18 in Chapter Three Chapter Four Chapter Five Ethics 18 Conclusion to Chapter Two 19 Methodology 21 Introduction to Chapter Three 21 Genealogy 21 Interviews 22 Interview Participants: Nisga'a Wilksilaks 23 Interview Participants: Nisga'a Repatriation 23 Participant Observation 24 Archival and Secondary Sources 25 Conclusion to Chapter Three 26 Wilksilaks in Current Literature 27 Introduction to Chapter Four 27 Wilksilaks among Nisga'a Neighbours 27 McNeary, Ayuukhl Nisga 'a and Nisga'a Studies 28 Nisga'a Wilksilaks (Father's Family) 29 Conclusion to Chapter Four 34 Cultural Artifact Repatriation in Current Literature 35 Introduction to Chapter Five 35 Indigenous Ethnological Collections 35 Removal of Artifacts 36 Nisga'a Repatriation History 39 Nisga'a Repatriation Negotiations 44 IV Chapter Six Chapter Seven Cultural Artifact Repatriation in Canada 46 Repatriation Literature 47 Conclusion to Chapter Five 51 Presentation of Wilksilaks Data 52 Introduction to Chapter Six 52 Wilksilaks Interview Findings 52 Childbirth 53 Education and Advice 58 Traditional Nisga'a Education 62 Discipline 64 Weddings 65 Gifts and Payments 66 Illness 67 Death 68 Exceptions to the Law of the Wilksilaks 71 Purpose of the Wilksilaks 72 Conclusion to Chapter Six 73 Presentation of Nisga'a Repatriation Data 74 Introduction to Chapter Seven 74 Missionaries Artifact Removal and Effect 74 Nisga'a Calder Case and Treaty Negotiations 76 Nisga'a Cultural Artifacts Committee 78 Importance of Artifacts Returning to the Nass 80 Chapter Eight Conclusion to Chapter Seven 82 Analysis of Data and Discussion 83 Introduction to Chapter Eight 83 Analysis of Wilksilaks Data 83 Wilksilaks Relationship in Ayuukhl Nisga 'a 85 Analysis of Nisga'a Repatriation Data 90 Wilksilaks Relationship in Nisga'a Repatriation 93 Discussion 97 Conclusion to Chapter Eight 101 103 Conclusion Future Considerations: Wilksilaks Research 105 Future Considerations: Indigenous Paradigm 105 107 Bibliography Appendix A Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a Research Protocol 112 Appendix B Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a Letter of Consent 113 Appendix C Participant Consent Form 114 Appendix D UNBC Ethics Board Approval 116 VI List of Tables Table 1 Exploratory Interview Guide: Roles and Responsibilities of the Wilksilaks 23 Table 2 Exploratory Interview Guide: Nisga'a Repatriation 24 Table 3 Domains, subdomains and items in the wilksilaks relationship 84 Table 4 Domains, subdomains and items of Nisga'a Repatriation 91 Table 5 Wilksilaks network for Allison Nyce in repatriation efforts 94 Table 6 Wilksilaks network for Allison Nyce in art production 97 Vll List of Figures Figure 1 Immediate family of Allison Nyce xvii Figure 2 Partial Wilp of Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce Sr. xviii Figure 3 Immediate family of Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce Sr. xix Figure 4 Immediate family of Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce XX Figure 5 Adopted Wilp ofSigidimnak'Deanna Nyce in Nisga'a Nation xxi Figure 6 Partial Wilp of the late Sim 'oogit Maurice Nyce xxi Figure 7 Sigidimnak' Gyaks Sgiihl Anluuhlkw Psday, Deanna Nyce 53 Figure 8 Nisga'a bentwood cradle, Royal BC Museum 54 Figure 9 55 Figure 10 Nisga'a woven strap and Nisga'a loom with partially woven strap, Royal BC Museum Emily Wilson, author's wilksilaks Figure 11 Nisga'a mountain goat horn spoons, Canadian Museum of Civilization 57 Figure 12 Nisga'a mountain goat horn spoon, Canadian Museum of Civilization 57 Figure 13 Virgin's Cave 60 Figure 14 The late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay 61 Figure 15 Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce 64 Figure 16 The late Sim 'oogit Maurice Nyce 69 Figure 17 Sim 'oogit Hleek Dr. Joseph Gosnell 75 Figure 18 The late Sim 'oogit Wii Gadim Xsgaak, Eli Gosnell 76 Figure 19 Sim 'oogit Sagaween, Harry Nyce Sr. 77 Figure 20 Raven/Chiefs rattle, Royal Ontario Museum 87 Figure 21 Nisga'a Nation Museum (under construction), December 2009 100 56 viii Nisga'a/Tsimshian - English Glossary1 Adaawak n. a story, legend, history intrans. to tell a story, legend Amnigwootkw Adj.a child's right of access to the land of his/her father Ango'oskw n. Matrilineal Wilp (House) grounds/ territory (for hunting, fishing, berry-picking, etc.) Aye'e n. payment for father's family at a stone moving feast for a chief or matriarch Ayuuk n. traditional law Ayuukhl Nisga'a n. cultural laws of the Nisga'a Bayt Neekhl Nisga'a Wilp: the late Dr. Jacob McKay, titleholder Digidim lax- n. oolichans sundried on elderberry branches sk'anloots' Digit n. smoked oolichans Gisbutwada n. Blackfish tribe (Tsimshian); recognized by others as Killerwhale {Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce, pers. comm.) Gisk'aast Pdeek n. Killerwhale tribe Galilgit n. feasts Ganada Pdeek n. Raven tribe (sub-crest Frog) Gwiixmaaw n. Matrilineal Wilp (House) of Sigidimnak' Alice Azak Hak'ots'geskw n. (lit. for a hair cut), money given at a feast hosted by one's wilksilaks Hagwinyuuwo' oskw Adj. a man's right of access to the land of his wife's family (lit. bringing your empty bowl with you) Hawahlkw n. something forbidden, a bad omen (commonly referred to as 'taboo') Huwilp n. houses; n. extended maternal family groups (pi. of wilp) Hleek Nisga'a Wilp: Dr. Joseph Gosnell, titleholder, and Emma Nyce, 1 Standard definitions from Haniimagoonisgum Algaxhl Nisga 'a - Nisga 'a Dictionary (Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a 2001) unless otherwise noted. IX matriarch Jiits' n. grandmother; [alternative form 'Jijii' for granny {Sigidimnak? Deanna Nyce, pers. comm.)] K'amligiihahlhaahl n. Creator Ksiiskw intrans. to make restitution Ksim Xsaan n. Adopted Matrilineal Wilp of Lori Nyce (Allison's sister-in-law) and children Laxgibuu Pdeek n. Wolf tribe Laxsgiik Pdeek n. Eagle tribe Laxts'imilx Pdeek n. Beaver tribe (sub-tribe of Eagle) Lilgit n. feast trans, to give/host a feast Naxnok n. supernatural spirit Niistaxo'ok Tsimshian Wilp of Allison Nyce, Deanna Nyce and Peter Nyce Niisyuus Nisga'a Wilp of Susan Azak (Deanna Nyce's adopted mother) Pdeek n. tribe Sagaljapkws According to Dr. Jacob McKay, this means 'building of a community building of a community spirit.' Sayt k'ilhl wo'osihl Nisga'a philosophy known as the 'common bowl.' Nisga'a Si'u trans, to string oolichans on cedar bark to hang and air dry Sigidim haanak' pi. matriarchs Sigidimnak' n. matriarch, the highest ranking woman in a wilp Simgigat pi. chiefs and matriarchs Sim'oogit n. chief, the highest ranking man in a wilp T'illuulak intrans. to be in charge of funeral arrangements, to be the undertaker [role held by the wilksilaks of the deceased] Wii Gadim Xsgaak n. Nisga'a Wilp of Eli Gosnell, Maurice Nyce and Clyde Azak Wilksiwitkw n. a relative on paternal side having specific obligations Wilksilaks n. relatives on paternal side having specific obligations; pi. of X wilksiwitkw Wilp n. house; n. extended maternal family Wilxo'oskw adj. to be wise Xk'ayhl n. gift; payment for wilksilaks service Ye'e n. grandfather XI Acknowledgements When I proposed research on the wilksiiaks (father's family), I was asked why not research my own wilp (Matrilineal house group). We are a matrilineal culture and my story should begin with my wilp according to ayuuk (traditional law). However, I am not writing about my wilksiiaks' adaawak, I am writing about my relationship to them, in essence, I am writing about the relationship my mother created and maintained on my behalf. I would not have known the importance of this relationship and its effect on my success if it were not for my parents. Therefore, I would like to acknowledge the assistance and guidance of my mother, Sigidimnak' Gyaks Sgiihl Anluuhlkw Psday, Deanna Nyce and father, Sim 'oogit Sagaween, Harry Nyce for their unending support, love and prayers. To my children, Suzzanne and Maurice, whose lives are surrounded by my research and writing, I hope one day you will love our culture. I wrote this thesis to keep you connected to our culture as it will be your strength as it has been mine. My wilksiiaks are the center of this study, and I must thank them for supporting me with words of advice, encouragement and support. In particular, I would like to thank Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce, Sim 'oogit Dr. Joseph Gosnell, and the late Sim 'oogit Dr. Jacob McKay. I would also like to thank my committee, to my supervisor, Dr. James McDonald, thanks for the consistent 'gentle prods' to get the work done. To the other members, Dr. Margaret Anderson, and Dr. Michel Bouchard, thanks for accepting my proposal offering great insights and standing by in the production of this thesis. Lastly, I would like to thank the Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a Board and staff for their assistance in granting approval of my research in the Nass, and their continued support xii throughout my studies. Thanks to the Skeena Native Development Board for a laptop computer and printer, and Nisga'a Lisims Government for permission to use their photographs. xm Preface One of my earliest memories has me sitting in my great-grandfather's longhouse on a cold wintery day. My parents brought us to New Aiyansh to visit Ye 'e (grandfather) and Granny Gosnell. The radio played in the background and the smell of cedar filled the air. My great-grandfather was carving the Nisga'a Unity Pole for the new Nisga'a Elementary Secondary School. His longhouse sat outside their home, and overlooked the Nass River Valley and lava beds. What strikes me now as I reflect on that moment in my life is that I would be guided by the three Huwilp (Houses) represented that day: Wilps Niistaxo 'ok, Wilps Hleek, and Wilps Wii Gadim Xsgaak. My name is Gpypax wil ginaa t'aahl hlguuhlkw hloks (The bright child left behind by the sun). My mother's family is from the House of Niistaxo 'ok, Gisbutwada (Tsimshian Killerwhale Tribe) of the Kitselas Tsimshian. When my mother married my father, Matriarch Susan Azak adopted her into the House of Niisyuus, Gisk'aast (Nisga'a Killerwhale Tribe). My father's family is from the House of Hleek, Laxsgiik I Ts 'imilx (Eagle / Beaver Tribe) of the Nisga'a. I am both Tsimshian and Nisga'a, and while the two nations are culturally similiar sharing the matriline tradition, good neighbours, and intermarried for generations, the Nisga'a culture influences the writing of this thesis. My parents raised me in the Nisga'a culture, where I learned about Nisga'a oral histories, songs, dances, and territories. I was raised most of my life in Gitwinksihlkw, and did not know that Granny Susan was not my biological grandmother, her sons were my uncles and their children were my cousins, a role that would become more important in light of this thesis. As my mother's daughter, I stood beside Granny Susan and her sons in weddings and funerals; for births and naming ceremonies, and she taught me alongside her many other grandchildren. In my remembrances, I have two figures that played quiet and supportive roles: my late maternal grandmother, Beatrice Vermiere (Granny Bea), and my late paternal grandfather, Maurice Nyce (Ye 'e Maurice). They were both members of the Laxgibuu (Wolf Tribe), my grandfather Laxgibuu from Gitwinksihlkw and my grandmother Laxgibuu from Kitselas. My grandmother often addressed my grandfather as her brother because they shared the same tribe. Each in their own way, they were strong in cultural traditions, lived on traditionally processed foods, and faithful in practicing our traditional spirituality. The most significant person to me is my paternal grandmother, Emma Nyce, Sigidimnak' Hlguwilksihlgum Maaksgum Hlbin, Matriarch of the House of Hleek. Jiits' (grandmother) has been my guide in all things Nisga'a. She has seen me through countless research papers and museum exhibits providing ancient Nisga'a wisdom. Raised according to ancient custom and with old traditions, Jiits' is a fountain of knowledge in Nisga'a history, culture and language. The two most influential people in my life are my parents, Deanna and Harry Nyce Sr. My mom, Sigidimnak' Gyaks Sgiihl Anluuhlkw Psday, is the leading Matriarch of our family. My great-grandmother raised my mom in Kitselas on the Skeena River. My mom has strength in traditional customs that came only by experience. My dad, Sim 'oogit Sagaween, is a leading Chief of his family. My dad offers the perfect counterpart to my mom's knowledge. He gained his knowledge and wisdom from his late uncle, James Gosnell, and his father's family Wilps Wii GadimXsgaak, Laxgibuu (Wolf Tribe), including Sim 'oogit Eli Gosnell and Sim 'oogit Maurice Nyce. xv I have written this thesis as a fulfillment of my respect, indebtedness and gratitude to my first teachers, mom and dad, Jiits' and Ye 'e Maurice, Granny and Ye 'e Gosnell, Granny Bea and Granny Susan, and a host of other grandparents, aunts and uncles, in particular my great-grandmother (Miriam Temple) and great-aunts (Priscilla Scott, Emma Bolton and Rhoda Seymour). As I raise my children, Suzzanne Emma Elizabeth, Ganoots 'in (Shadow), and Maurice James, Sagamediigim Hloks (Sharp shining grizzly), I hope to continue the traditions they have taught me. xvi Harry Nyce Sr. = •Deanna Nyce (nee Bevan) IStarnita IKaitlyn 1 I •Angeline Nyce = AAllen Benson O Harry Nyce Jr. = BLori Nyce 1 DWilson OEthan •Allison Nyce (Author) •Suzzanne 1 OMaurice Figure 1 Immediate family of author. Family Tree Legend Laxsgiik (Eagle Tribe) •woman/Oman Gisk'aast/Gisputwada (Killerwhale/Fireweed Tribe) •woman/Oman Laxgibuu (Wolf Tribe) Awoman/Aman Ganada (Raven Tribe) • woman/D man = marriage 1 ' descent underline symbol = deceased XV11 •Alice Moore = A Johnny Moore •Mary Gosnell = AEli Gosnell OJames Gosnell Sr. (^Gordon McKay (Adopted brother of Mary) •Emma Nyce •Christine Douglas (nee McKay) ODr. Jacob McKay J I OHarry Nyce Sr. ODr. Joseph Gosnell •Lena Doolan •Sarah McMillan •Peggy Nyce OBen Gosnell Sr. OGeorge Gosnell Sr. •Marge Nelson OJohn Gosnell Sr. Figure 2 Partial Wilp of Sim'oogitSagaween, Harry Nyce Sr. Family Tree Legend Laxsgiik (Eagle Tribe) •woman/Oman Gisk'aast/Gisputwada (Killerwhale/Fireweed Tribe) •woman/Oman Laxgibuu (Wolf Tribe) Awoman/Aman Ganada (Raven Tribe) •woman/Oman = marriage 1 ' descent underline symbol = deceased Mary Gosnell (EmmaNyce's mother) and Christine Douglas (Dr. Jacob McKay's mother) were first cousins, who are called 'sisters' in Nisga'a culture. xvill AMaurice Nyce = > F . m m a Nvr.e •Vesta Brown = DEd Brown I •Tina Brown O Peter Brown •Beverly Brown • S u e Brown OHarry Nyce Sr. = •Deanna Nvce OHarry Nyce Jr. •Allison Nyce • Angeline Nyce •May Nyce •Shirley Nyce O Jason Long •Julie Nyce ORon Nyce = BJackie Nyce A Dion Nyce I ITeresa ICollette •Chris OPeter Nyce = •Hazel Nyce ISamantha I •Peter Jr. •Shannon INikki •Charlene McNeil = DMax McNeil OGreg McNeil •Marissa McNeil •Evangeline Wilson I ODoug Wilson I OChris Wilson •Emily Wilson •Edna Nyce-Tait = ORobert Tait I — •Cheryl •Becky •Charlene •Nelly •Teresa Azak = AClyde Azak I— OKeith =F •Marsha OHarry OCliffordNyce OJohn Nyce ure 3 Immediate family of Sim'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce Sr. ^Beatrice Vermiere = Len Costello OAndy Bevan IPam I ILinnea DJoe I ' I OLuke O Andrew I •Jericho I O Clint OLeo •Sarah Bevan •Carolyn + OCharlie ORob •Cam •Kelsey •Deanna Nyce = OHarry Nyce Sr. =F OHarry Jr. •Angeline •Allison •Becky Costello I •Sandra I O Charles ' I I • O Cinnamon Steve • Charlene •Marlene George = Sam George •Darlene ODallas O Brandon •Jeannette Costello = AMaurice Squires •Jill + •Julie •Sara •Patricia Costello =F OJustin OJoe OJordan <>Len Costello •Leona Lawson = Gordon Lawson OAndrew OLuke •Geraldine Costello kChelsey + •Melissa <>Ryan ^ Georgia Costello = Earl Campbell OKelly OPatrick OPaul Costello Figure 4 Immediate family of Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce XX •Susan Azak = AErnest Azak ORobert Moore OEdward Azak ONelson Azak OJoshua Azak O Steve Azak OAlvin Azak OMelvin Azak •Deanna Nyce Figure 5 Adopted Wilp of Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce in Nisga'a Nation ALouisa Oyee, Wilps Baxk'ap AAgnes (nee Williams) = O Peter Nyce, Wilps Niistaxo'ok (Adoptive Parents) AMartha Azak (nee Williams) = OHenry Azak, Wilps Gwiixmaaw (Biological Parents) AMaurice Nyce = •Emma Nyce AErnest Azak = •Susan Azak Figure 6 Partial Wilp of the late Sim'oogit Maurice Nyce Family Tree Legend Laxsgiik (Eagle Tribe) • woman/O man Gisk'aast/Gispurwada (Killerwhale/Fireweed Tribe) •woman/Oman Laxgibuu (Wolf Tribe) Awoman/Aman Ganada (Raven Tribe) •woman/Oman = marriage 1 ' descent underline symbol = deceased XXI Introduction Statement The purpose of my research is two-fold (1) to add to the literature of the Northwest Coast on the wilksilaks (relatives on paternal side having specific obligations) tradition in a matrilineal culture, and (2) how tradition can be applied to deal with a contemporary issue; repatriation of cultural artifacts. This research is important for two communities: Nisga'a and higher education. For the Nisga'a community, the lives of the younger generations are far removed from the times when the Nisga'a artifacts were created. This is evident in the saddest statistic of the Nisga'a community - suicide. In the last ten years, suicide has been gaining pace among Nisga'a youth. It is devastating families and the community as we try to grasp ways to help our youth today. In my understanding, according to the ayuuk (traditional law) I was raised with, strength is found in maintaining our faith in culture, language and spirituality. I hope this research will help to reconnect strength and power to my community by showing how traditions continue to exist through my generation, and that oral histories and artifacts have a spirit waiting to return to our lives. For the academy, merging Nisga'a philosophy with social sciences was the only way I could conduct my research. Cultural artifact repatriation, until the Bell et al. studies from 2004 - 2009, was relegated to discussions of political and nationalist discourse. I could not find sources that supported my view, that cultural artifact repatriation was an endurance of tradition. As a struggling student, I was learning about theory from a non-indigenous perspective that left me feeling quite distanced from my instructors and other students. I needed to frame the study within my worldview, and drew on several indigenous scholars to 1 support not only the framework of my research but the purpose. As an educator, it was extremely important to me to find a way to encourage other First Nations students, and if I could find a way to incorporate the Nisga'a voice into my theory and methodology, then perhaps, it will set an example for them to understand as they find their own way through their studies. Incorporating Ayuukhl Nisga 'a Making my way through The Structure of Sociological Theory (Turner 2003), opened my eyes to the way theories influenced research, and while I found several theories that could be used to interpret Nisga'a repatriation, none of the perspectives supported the totality and interconnectedness found within Nisga'a philosophy. I favoured the idea of finding a mechanism within Nisga'a philosophy to support my research, like Atleo's 'Theory of TsawalK' that relates the interconnectedness of the physical and spiritual realms of Nuu-chahnulth relationships (2004). In dissecting Atleo's theory, I could visualize Ayuukhl Nisga 'a (cultural laws of the Nisga'a ) as the foundation for my theory and methodology. In Ayuukhl Nisga 'a, the Nisga'a worldview is articulated in many forms. I had to find the right ayuuk (traditional law) that could be related to Nisga'a repatriation. As Nisga'a repatriation has been a quest within my family for four generations, I found that, for me, the law of the wilksilaks (relatives on paternal side having specific obligations) was the ayuuk to interpret Nisga'a repatriation from a Nisga'a perspective. The law of the wilksilaks frames my research from the selection of interview participants (beginning with my wilksilaks), to Wilksilaks is the plural form of wilksiwitkw (relative on paternal side having specific obligations). I have used the 'law of the wilksilaks' and the term 'wilksilaks' in my research to refer to this relationship because I am speaking of more than one person. It may also be called the 'law of the wilksiwitkw..' 2 following protocol by requesting initial interviews with the Sim 'oogit (Chief) and Sigidimnak' (Matriarch) of the appropriate Wilp (extended maternal family). Indigenous Knowledge, Indigenous Research The greater purpose of this research is to give a voice to indigenous knowledge systems within the academy by supporting the idea of an 'Indigenous Paradigm' (Kuokkanen 2000). My research led me to several authors incorporating indigenous traditions and knowledge acquisition through their research and practice (Smith 1999; Kuokkanen 2000; Watkins 2000; Champagne 1998; Duran and Duran 1995; and Atleo 2004). The common gap seemed to be creating a body of knowledge within an Indigenous paradigm. To add my voice to the growing use of an Indigenous paradigm, I began with the Nisga'a worldview as found in Ayuukhl Nisga 'a (cultural laws of the Nisga'a) and paired it with a research model based on the works of Graham and Linda Tuhiwai Smith (1999) and Kuokkanen (2000). The structure I followed was to incorporate, legitimize and make use of traditional knowledge; contribute to the understanding of culture; to be holistic; to acknowledge indigenous philosophy and values; and, to make theory applicable to everyday life. I hope this study will further the development of an Indigenous paradigm. As previously stated, the purpose was not only finding a way to incorporate Nisga'a philosophy into the academy but to inspire future students towards finding their voice. I chose to look at the repatriation of Nisga'a artifacts because it has been my life's work. I could see the totality of repatriation from within the Nisga'a worldview, complete with relationships and transfer of knowledge. Researching and writing this thesis was a way to articulate my experience within academia. 3 Research Question The main research question was: How can we communicate cultural artifact repatriation from an indigenous perspective? I identified the role of wilksilaks in Nisga'a repatriation and proposed to interview my wilksilaks and Nisga'a elders on the roles and responsibilities of the wilksilaks. The second set of interviews I conducted with my wilksilaks on the history of Nisga'a repatriation. The data supports my hypothesis that the transfer of knowledge, under the law of the wilksilaks, sustained Nisga'a repatriation efforts. In addition, the wilksilaks tradition has been maintained through four generations of my family by transferring the knowledge of repatriation from one generation to the next. Research Methodology My research methodology was chosen to respect the Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a Research Protocol (See Appendix A, attached), that follows Ayuukhl Nisga 'a and academic best practices in terms of ethics and understanding. Applied ethnographic techniques of indepth, open-ended interviews were conducted with all participants. Complete participant observation was used for my experiences both with the roles of the wilksilaks and Nisga'a repatriation history. Data was supported by archival and secondary data collection. Data analysis was a continual process during the entire course of research, interviewing and writing this thesis. As themes emerged in the interviews they were placed into a matrix to support the hypothesis of this thesis. The items and sub-domains of both the wilksilaks relationship and Nisga'a repatriation were structured to show the relationships within each domain to lead to a greater understanding of how they worked within the Nisga'a culture. A limitation that emerged during this research was the narrow set of participants in the sample. The limitation is due in part to a cultural consideration of following the ayuuk as 4 it pertains to my knowledge acquisition within the Nisga'a community, which directed me to specific individuals. A secondary logistical consideration based on my current circumstances required me to interview all but two interviewees by telephone, which has its barriers to effective communication. As my research progressed there are several factors I would have liked to explore further, for example the changing dynamics of Nisga'a families today, many of which are run by single mothers, like myself, and how this affects the roles of the wilksilaks. I realize that many members of my generation are grappling with maintaining tradition as much as I am, and if we work together, we will do our part to make it happen. Therefore, an addition to this study would be to interview younger generations who are raising children within the Nisga'a community, and their understanding and practices of the wilksilaks relationship. 5 Chapter 1 - Introduction and Overview "They all have a law. When your nephew is old enough, the chief then sits him down beside him and starts to lecture him. No one else is around to hear what is being said; just the two of them. This is what the old people call Luu gip gibihl ts 'muxwthl, feeding wisdom into the nephew's ear. So he would not make any mistakes in his life or break any Nisga'a rules or laws of his tribe." Lucy Williams, Sigidimnak' Niysgankw 'ajikskw (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995a, 30). When I was ten years old, my mother loaded us up for a summer touring trip to U'mista at Alert Bay and we met Gloria Cranmer-Webster. Gloria gave us a tour of U'mista and shared her deepest desire to promote and preserve her culture, history and language. The museum was central to that preservation and ongoing development. I was in awe of Gloria, and in my mind, my fate was sealed. This Chapter provides the background story of my life, studies, and work leading to Nisga'a repatriation. My Life Leading to Repatriation My family promotes education as the key to not only surviving in this world but also thriving. My great-grandparents gave us a strong foundation in Nisga'a culture, songs and dances, while my grandparents taught us the rewards of hard work and dedication. The true teaching for university began with my parents, who decided when I was nine years old to move our family to Vancouver while pursuing their degrees in education (mom) and political science (dad). When my mom graduated with her Bachelor of Education degree, it was a family decision to return to the Nass, I was entering the eighth grade. Throughout high school, there were workshops in the community to discuss the issues on the negotiating table for the Nisga'a treaty. These workshops were pivotal in my learning about the return of Nisga'a artifacts. First hand, I heard the voices of Nisga'a simgigat (chiefs and matriarchs) on the importance of regaining our land, language, and culture, although these teachings were 6 never far from home because my dad was the Resources Negotiator and Chair of the Cultural Artifacts Committee. After graduation, I enrolled in the Bachelor of Arts program at the University of British Columbia. In my third year, I enrolled in the newly promoted Museum Studies Program. I looked forward to learning the concepts promoted for exhibitions, conservation and interpretation of cultures. I thought this would be my opportunity to gather the materials and knowledge needed for the development of the future Nisga'a Museum. I entered my first course, Museum Theory and Practice, with excitement and enthusiasm. At the end of the first class, one of the professors called me into an office along with the only other First Nations student in the course. The professor reviewed the syllabus, as if we had not been sitting in class ten minutes earlier, and proceeded to share a feeling that we would not be able to 'grasp' the concepts to be presented in class. At first I was in shock, and then I thought it was a joke because this professor was familiar with my work, I had been serving as a Museum Assistant at the Museum of Anthropology for three years so when the professor sat waiting for us to acquiesce with the summation my shock turned to anger. I thanked the professor for the assessment of our abilities and gave assurance that we would work with the utmost dedication to 'grasp' the concepts of the course. Not only did we 'grasp' the concepts of the course, but also received high marks for our efforts in producing an education kit on the Nisga'a Treaty for the Museum of Anthropology, which was still in use following our graduation. Certainly, this was not the typical reaction by the professors in the program towards First Nations students. Dr. Miriam Clavir showed a keen interest in First Nations practices for conservation which she later shared in her book Preserving What is Valued (2002). Dr. Julie Cruikshank was so taken with my writing about Nisga'a culture that she never ceased to push me towards publishing my work; she had more faith in my ability 7 than I did at the time, and although I never did publish my papers she gave me the confidence to continue my work. Throughout my studies, Nisga'a negotiations continued and from time to time, I observed the tripartite negotiations when they were in Vancouver. One chapter of the Draft Agreement in particular kept my interest - Chapter 17 Culture and Heritage, it deals specifically with the return of Nisga'a artifacts and preservation of Nisga'a culture and language. Moving from the successful negotiation of the Agreement in Principle to make the Nisga'a treaty law in Canada was another learning curve in protecting Nisga'a artifacts. I was an intern at the Canadian Museum of Civilization when the Nisga'a Final Agreement was debated in the House of Commons. I had two roles in this program, co-curator of a studentdeveloped exhibition and guest curator for a Nisga'a exhibition in the Grand Hall. At the same time, a temporary Nisga'a exhibit was developed to highlight the return of Nisga'a artifacts and their importance to our ongoing survival as a people within Canada. The purpose of the temporary exhibit was to persuade members of parliament to vote in our favour by showing them that there was more to the treaty than land and money. It was an honour to be privy to the lobbying tactics of the Nisga'a negotiators, to hear their persuasive arguments developed in meeting after meeting with various parliament members, departments and their staff. Their hard work paid off and the Nisga'a Treaty was made law on May 11,2000. The next stage in the Nisga'a repatriation was the negotiation of custodial agreements with the Canadian Museum of Civilization and the Royal British Columbia Museum. While I was not at the negotiating table for the custodial agreements, my father and the other negotiators at the table spoke about the issues on the Nisga'a side, specifically those concerning the necessary terms for the safekeeping of the Nisga'a artifacts. It was the same 8 stories I had heard in the community updates during my high school years, to protect and promote the Nisga'a story. After returning to the Nass, I became the Manager of the Nisga'a Tribal Council's Ayuukhl Nisga'a Department. The Department's role was to promote, preserve and protect Nisga'a language, culture and history. In this role, I participated in developing three Nisga'a museum exhibits and participated in two international cultural exchanges. I wrote a policy for the protection of the Department's resources and began developing policies for the physical return of the Nisga'a artifacts. It was in this role that I developed the desire to write about Nisga'a repatriation and similar success stories of other First Nations groups in developing their own museums and cultural centers. My initial research proposal was to look at First Nations repatriation success stories, create a model for other First Nations cultural artifact negotiations, and list potential rewards and pitfalls from planning their centers, exhibitions, programs, and policies. In my initial research, it became apparent that theoretical approaches of other scholars towards repatriation of artifacts did not fit my understanding and experiences of the Nisga'a repatriation process. My idea for this thesis evolved from a general survey of successful repatriation efforts to creating an understanding of repatriation from within an indigenous perspective. I drew on the teachings of my wilksilaks as they often sat with me feeding wisdom into my ears about the importance of Nisga'a artifacts and retaining our language and culture. Outline of Thesis Chapter Two describes the theoretical positioning of this thesis as a collaboration between Nisga'a philosophy and an Indigenous paradigm. This information is essential to 9 understanding the research design of this thesis in working towards an indigenous understanding of cultural artifact repatriation. Chapter Three outlines the methodology of this thesis that incorporates social science methods to conduct research within the Nisga'a community. The research methods fit within the guidelines of the Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a Institute that guides research in Nisga'a communities according to Ayuukhl Nisga 'a (cultural laws of the Nisga'a), and adheres to the indigenous paradigm set out in Chapter Two. Chapter Four places this research within the existing literatures surrounding the wilksilaks and cultural artifact repatriation. In this historical overview, we move from looking at the social systems that support the development of artifacts, wilksilaks specifically, to artifact removal by missionaries, and repatriation efforts within Canada to Nisga'a repatriation. Chapter Five presents the wilksilaks data collected in interviews according to themes that emerged. This information will give insight into the importance of the paternal role within a matrilineal culture for a greater understanding of how this practice was carried out through Nisga'a repatriation. Chapter Six presents the Nisga'a repatriation data within my wilksilaks circle. It is an attempt to see the movement of Nisga'a repatriation through three generations leading up to my role. It also encapsulates the importance of returning the collections to Nisga'a lands. Chapter Seven analyzes the data according to domains, sub-domains and items that pertain to the transfer of knowledge within a wilksilaks circle and the repatriation of artifacts in the Nisga'a community. The Nisga'a paradigm, data, and analysis are brought together to show the persistence of the wilksilaks tradition through to the fourth generation, me. 10 Chapter Eight takes the analysis from Chapter 7, and incorporates an analysis showing the relationships and flow of information and xka 'yhl (gift; payment for wilksilaks service) of my wilksilaks network. It also connects the wilksilaks to the greater body of Nisga'a laws, which are the foundation of Nisga'a society. The purpose of this chapter is to show how the wilksilaks network works spanning generations within the contemporary context of repatriation. The Conclusion brings the discussion to the wilksilaks tradition as it transferred the knowledge within the author's family for the repatriation of Nisga'a artifacts. Future considerations of further study on the wilksilaks relationship are proposed. 11 Chapter Two - Theoretical Positioning Introduction to Chapter Two "No one person in an oral culture has all the knowledge of the people, for knowledge is held by many people, in many different places...We will have to accommodate and adapt to [our] evolution as a culture, as we move forward and build into the future with the materials given to us by our ancestors. In the end, they will make us stronger as a people." (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995a, xxiii). The entire premise of this study was to add a missing piece to the existing repatriation literature that repatriation is a continuance of tradition. In order to conduct research in the Nass Valley, I proposed to follow the Nisga 'a Research Protocol (Protocol) designed by the Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a Institute (Appendix A) to adhere to Ayuukhl Nisga 'a (cultural laws of the Nisga'a). The Protocol establishes the integrity I hoped to bring to the study as representing myself as both a researcher and Nisga'a community member. To begin my research I had to determine my theoretical position, through an indigenous (Nisga'a) paradigm. Working through this paradigm, I could visualize Nisga'a repatriation drawn from the ayuuk (traditional law) and through four generations of my family. Lastly, this research takes into account the ethical considerations necessary for scholarly research according to the "Ethical Principles for the Conduct of Research in the North" written by Graham and McDonald (1998), and standards set by the University of Northern BC, and is compatible with the ayuuk. Objective of the Study The purpose of this research is threefold: 1) to explore the traditional ability to adapt by indigenous communities, 2) to look at cultural property repatriation from within an indigenous perspective, and 3) to provide a description of the Nisga'a institution of the 12 wilksilaks. The premise is that cultural property repatriation is an adaptive response by indigenous communities in the continuance of cultural traditions. Specifically, that Nisga'a cultural property repatriation has been an adaptive response by the Nisga'a to use and maintain the tradition of the wilksilaks. Field of Study My research followed the Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a Research Protocol (See Appendix A, attached) to 'combine Nisga'a and Western principles of scholarly integrity' and applied in accordance with the provisions of the Ayuukhl Nisga'a. I combined an indigenous paradigm from a Nisga'a perspective with the social network paradigm. The indigenous paradigm begins within Ayuukhl Nisga 'a. Ayuukhl Nisga 'a are the 'cultural laws of the Nisga'a', traditional laws that guide all aspects of ownership, succession, land transfers, and inheritance along the matrilineal line; and also reflect traditional Nisga'a values of respect, reciprocity, sharing, and coexistence. The research employed the ayuuk of the wilksilaks. The wilksilaks are the father's family who has moral obligations to teach and guide a child throughout the child's life. It is the law of the wilksilaks that guided this research from the selection of the study population to the dissemination of the results. This research also incorporates the Nisga'a value of 'wilxo 'oskw'' (to be wise) whereby "wisdom is knowledge and knowledge is wisdom" (Nyce 2009), in an attempt to explain what it is to be wilxo 'oskw about the wilksilaks, and to show true respect to those I have learned from, and in particular to my wilksilaks. 13 Indigenous Paradigm I turned to several indigenous scholars (Smith 1999; Kuokkanen 2000; Watkins 2000; Champagne 1998; Duran and Duran 1995; and, Atleo 2004) to frame this study within an indigenous paradigm. Indigenous scholars not only draw upon critical theorists but also each other's work. Duran and Duran (1995) discuss the possibilities of creating a 'Post-colonial paradigm' and Kuokkanen (2000) takes this concept a step further to a discussion of establishing and working within an 'Indigenous Paradigm.' Kaupapa Maori research proposed by Smith (1999) is a full representation of an indigenous paradigm, merging postcolonial theory with Maori culture. According to Duran and Duran, a postcolonial paradigm "accept[s] knowledge from differing cosmologies as valid in their own right, without their having to adhere to a separate cultural body for legitimacy" (1995, 6). Duran and Duran work from Edward Said and Frantz Fanon, where postcolonial theory is about acknowledging the legitimacy of indigenous voices. Fanon's work called for a new look at the third world redefined by and for people themselves (ibid.). In working for and with Native Americans, Duran and Duran, discuss the need to incorporate Native American teachings and processes to address Native American problems, such as alcoholism, "to make the point that Native American people have produced and continue to produce legitimate and valid knowledge" (ibid., 107). They use the term 'proper representation' for marginalized peoples to represent themselves and to identify unequal power relationships that hinder their self-representation (ibid., 136). Kuokkanen (2000) discusses the impacts and advances of critical theories that may be used towards the creation of an Indigenous Paradigm. According to Kuokkanen (ibid.), an Indigenous Paradigm "shares similar goals with poststructuralist theories: anti-universalism, 14 the decentering of the subject, the creation of alternative forms of writing and the dismantling of the Grand Narratives, hierarchies and dichotomies" (ibid., 414). The advantage of postmodernism includes recognition of differing perspectives but the disadvantage remains as "us thinking them" (ibid., 415). Kuokkanen suggests that the Indigenous Paradigm should focus on current Indigenous conditions in an attempt to be free of influences from 'Western' ideologies (ibid.). She provides an example through Sami cultural practices that hold the key for producing an indigenous paradigm. Sami epistemology is engaging and participatory, connecting the land and the people through spirituality that cannot be discounted in looking at their current situation. She encourages more Indigenous scholars to look to their cultural practices that may be added to an Indigenous Paradigm (ibid., 427). Kuokkanen asserts that the goal of the Indigenous Paradigm is for Indigenous people to become "self-sustaining subjects" (ibid., 419), and to take a critical look at their work and its impacts on their own people. Linda Tuhiwai Smith (1999) extends the discussion of constructing the Indigenous Paradigm to a discussion of practical and applicable ways of developing 'indigenous methodologies.' Developing an indigenous methodology for Maori is discussed as 'Kaupapa Maori Research' or Maori-centered research (ibid., 183). Kaupapa Maori Research is "culturally safe, involves mentorship by elders, culturally relevant, appropriate, satisfying research, stems from Maori worldview, addresses prevailing ideologies, allows for nonindigenous researchers to follow model, [and has an overall] goal of empowerment" (ibid., 184-185). Kaupapa Maori research is based on, but not limited to, the following five principles: (1) whanau, (2) self-determination initiatives, (3) localization, (4) strategy and benefits, and (5) epistemology and worldview. The 'whanau'' principle organizes researchers and their 15 research by providing a "supervisory and organizational structure" (ibid.) within a Maori family community. The principal researcher must abide by the family's protocols for ethical research procedures, reporting and giving voice to all community members, and providing a forum for discussing the research and its impacts (ibid., 187). Self-determination initiatives involve indigenous authors "rewriting and relighting our position in history" to serve our communities (ibid., 28). Localization is a way of giving voice back to the Maori and incorporating their historical, political and social context that serves Maori autonomy (ibid.). Strategy and benefits are based on strategic positioning "of being able to plan, predict and contain, across a number of sites" (ibid., 186) for long term or short-term benefits for the community (ibid., 191). Maori epistemology and metaphysical foundation "frames the way we see the world, the way we organize ourselves in it, the questions we ask and the solutions we seek" (ibid., 187-188). Drawing from each of their individual disciplines (ranging from education to psychology), and for the purposes of this research, I have designed an indigenous paradigm based on Nisga'a epistemology: 1. to incorporate, legitimize and make use of traditional knowledge; 2. to contribute to the understanding of culture; 3. to be holistic; 4. to acknowledge indigenous philosophy and values; and, 5. to make theory applicable to everyday life. It is also important to present that this knowledge is connected to the Nisga'a homeland, the Nass Valley in northern British Columbia. The land which sustains us also supported our roles and responsibilities within the culture for the preservation of the land and the resources year after year. I have selected the indigenous paradigm because it is "about understanding 16 the ways in which research can provide systematic ways of understanding our own predicaments, of answering our own questions, and of helping us as communities to solve our problems and develop ourselves" (Smith 1999, 193). This enterprise is more than supporting our own indigenous people. Dr. Watkins, an indigenous archaeologist, has sought to bridge the gap between science and indigenous beliefs and has concluded, "What archaeology needs more than ever, [is] a spirit of humanity, a driving desire to find out about the personality of the past. That is what indigenous archaeology can bring to the discipline, a viewpoint that refuses to be "objective" and embraces the emotional, one that pursues not "truth" but understanding, and one that includes all facets of what it is to be human on the brink of an exciting adventure" (Watkins 2000, 181). As discussed by Duane Champagne in American Indian Studies is for Everyone (1998), "the study of Indian peoples, like other human groups, contributes to greater understanding in human culture in general" (ibid., 183). It is about pairing both the scientific with the cultural, in becoming wilxo 'oskw (wise or knowledgeable) about the wilksilaks; I designed this research to show how the living cultural legacy of the Nisga'a continued through colonialism and repatriation to the present, and to implement that legacy to understand the process of repatriation. The Nisga'a indigenous paradigm determined the validity and reliability of this research. Within the ayuuk, it is important to acknowledge where, when and from whom information has been gained. In addition, in order to respect the individuals to be interviewed, this research will be subject to their scrutiny. In accordance with the Nisga'a Research Protocol, this research was subjected to the examination of the Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a Board of Directors proving that the research is in accordance with the ayuuk and the community's directives. 17 The Nisga'a paradigm sets up the protocol and ethical considerations; and ethnohistorical research techniques of interviews, participant observation and the use of archival and secondary data were followed for gathering data. Nisga'a Protocol and Ethical Considerations Wilson (2001) describes an indigenous methodology as having "relational accountability" (ibid., 177) within an indigenous paradigm. The indigenous methodology must take into account the relationships between the researcher and their social environment. By focussing on relationships, it directs the researcher into fulfilling their obligations to the world around them. Therefore, the methodology must address: "What is my role as a researcher, and what are my obligations? You then have to ask yourself: Does this method help to build a relationship between myself as a researcher and my research topic? Does it build respectful relationships with the other participants in the research?" (ibid., 178). Wilson states that research within an indigenous paradigm should not be used to gain abstract knowledge but to gain knowledge that fulfils cultural roles and obligations. Applying the Nisga'a paradigm enables me, as researcher, to fulfil my cultural roles and obligations within the Nisga'a community according to Nisga'a protocols of knowledge acquisition. A note must be made, that a considerable amount of knowledge has already been transferred to me from my wilksilaks throughout my life and has led me on the path towards the cultural industry. Ethics As previously mentioned, this research is subjected to the Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a Research Protocol. This Protocol addresses ethical research practices in the Nass 18 Valley with Nisga'a participants. It has been designed to ensure that the researcher follows Nisga'a protocols, for example requesting interviews with the head of the Wilp (extended maternal family) first as well as the Nisga'a communities. It is a protocol based on openness and fairness in that all research materials will be accessible to the Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a for the future reference of Nisga'a students and other researchers. The protocol also ensures that the Nisga'a story is being told in as truthful and fair manner as possible. This is determined in a review by the Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a Board. The other half of the research protocol is to ensure that the best scholarly research practices are followed. This protocol recognizes that the research may be used by future Nisga'a students and other scholars and as such must maintain high standards. As the principal researcher, I ensured that there is no harm to the participants in the study, community members or the reputation of the community. Ethical guidelines followed the Association of Canadian Universities for Northern Studies in the "Ethical Principles for the Conduct of Research in the North" (Graham and McDonald 1998), and the University of Northern BC. All ethical guidelines were based on respect for the individual, the institution, the community, and the collection. Informed consent, application of existing laws, openness and accessibility to research findings and results were shared with the participants in this study. In addition, permission was granted by the UNBC Ethics Board Review (Appendix D). Conclusion to Chapter Two In this Chapter, I have shown how the creation and use of an Indigenous Paradigm is used for research pertaining to Indigenous people. Specifically, I have shown how Nisga'a epistemology within an indigenous paradigm frames this study for following the appropriate 19 protocols and ethical considerations of research in the Nass Valley. The indigenous paradigm is a means to truly represent the voice of the people and to serve the community. Linda Tuhiwai Smith proposes Twenty-Five Indigenous Projects (1999, 142) for an indigenous research programme "that is very strategic in its purpose and activities and relentless in its pursuit of social justice." My research fits within several projects identified by Smith, but for this study, the research is about 'Envisioning' (ibid., 152). Envisioning, as identified by Smith, is to show how tradition exists in our contemporary culture, in this way I am serving my community by showing how the wilksilaks tradition is important today. Through a series of relationships found in the ayuuk and the wilksilaks transfer of knowledge, this research shows how these traditions are vital to our cultural survival. Creating the framework for this study has truly been an interdisciplinary task, as the indigenous scholars come from a range of disciplines from education (Graham Smith) to psychology (Eduardo Duran and Bonnie Duran) and archaeology (Joe Watkins) for 'knowledge is held by many people, in many different places' (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995a, xxiii). 20 Chapter Three - Methodology "The boy [Txeemsim] rapidly grew up and continued to live on with his father. The chief told many stories to his son and invited the others to do likewise. These wise elders told the boy of happenings many, many years back. This was done in order that he may gain wisdom and knowledge in the ways of his people. The boy was an intent listener. Not only that, but he tried to do some of the things he was told." (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995a, 22). Introduction to Chapter Three As identified in the previous Chapter, the foundation of this thesis falls within the indigenous (Nisga'a) paradigm. In this Chapter, the methodology is described to honour and respect the chosen paradigm for qualitative research. I used several systems of family networks found within Figures 1 to 6, at the beginning of this thesis for interview participants. Interviews were semi-structured, open-ended for both wilksilaks data and Nisga'a cultural artifact history. My participation was recorded with the data as a 'complete observer' and I drew on my recollections that supported the primary data of the interviewees. Lastly, archival and secondary sources were used to place this research within the existing literature. Genealogy Relationships exist in established networks. My networks are represented in several partial genealogical charts that have been placed at the beginning of this thesis. I did not configure this network, I am simply a part of it and, hopefully, doing my part to sustain it by passing on my teachings to my students and more importantly to my children, nieces and nephews. The wilksilaks relationship is represented particularly in Figures 2 and 3 to show how these participants had/have a cultural obligation to me. My wilksilaks are in Wilps Hleek. I 21 have served as a wilksilaks to my grandfather, who was in Wilps Wii Gadim Xsgaak, and I am currently wilksilaks to my brother's children in Wilps Ksim Xsaan. All of the relationships shown on this chart are interconnected by so many factors that it would produce a thesis in itself. All of the interviewees fit within my system of networks, either related through my father and his wilp and wilksilaks, or my mother. This process relates to Linda Tuhiwai Smith's concept of 'connecting' in an effort to establish good relationships in research that was often not respectful of indigenous communities (Smith 1999, 149). Essentially, the process of 'connecting' to the research kept me accountable and respectful of representing the voices within the interviews. Interviews The interview format followed standard ethnographic in-depth, open-ended interviews as described by Lecompte and Schensul: "In-depth interviewing refers to exploration of any and all facets of a topic in detail An open-ended question leaves the response open to the discretion of the interviewee and is not bounded by alternatives provided by the interviewer or constraints on length of response." (1999, 121). I used an exploratory interview guide for the interviews. Interviews were recorded with a digital recorder with the permission of the interviewees. All interviews were conducted over the telephone with the exception of two. The reason for conducting telephone interviews was due to my personal financial constraints and family commitments in Vancouver. 22 Interview Participants: Nisga'a Wilksilaks One of the goals for this research is to determine the role of the wilksilaks; to honour this part of the research, interviews were held with Nisga'a elders knowledgeable about Nisga'a traditional culture. The selection of these elders was predetermined by their participation in research activities with the Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a Board of Directors. The Elders Council of the Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a are all elders with whom I have had a working relationship in the past, as I have worked with all of them on the Nisga'a Lisims Government Council of Elders (previously the Ayuukhl Nisga'a Committee). It may appear that this portion of the research is outside of the wilksilaks family law, and thus may be outside of my role and responsibilities within the Nisga'a community, however three of my wilksilaks were on the Council at the time of the interviews: Sigidimnak'(ma.triarch, the highest ranking woman in a wilp) Emma Nyce, Sim 'oogit Hleek Dr. Joseph Gosnell, and the late Sim 'oogit Boyt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay. It is also important in Nisga'a society to encourage individuals who are developing specific skills. These elders have guided my career in Nisga'a repatriation and have in the past, encouraged me in all other aspects of my life. Two questions were asked of the elders about the roles and responsibilities of the wilksilaks: Table 1 Exploratory Interview Guide: Wilksilaks Roles and Responsibilities 1.1 Can you tell me who the wilksilaks are? 1.2 What roles and responsibilities do they have? Interview Participants: Nisga'a Repatriation For Nisga'a repatriation, interviews began with my wilksilaks: the Wilp of Hleek. Specifically with those who were involved in the repatriation process: my dad, Sim 'oogit 23 Sagaween Harry Nyce Sr., Sim 'oogit Hleek Dr. Joseph Gosnell, and Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce. The second Wilp was that of Niistaxo 'ok, which is my Wilp; I interviewed my mom, Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce, leading matriarch of the Wilp. The third Wilp was that of Bayt Neekhl, the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay, who is a part of my extended wilksilaks. In order to determine the history of Nisga'a repatriation efforts, all interviewees were asked the following questions: Table 2 Exploratory Guide for Nisga'a Repatriation Interviews 2.1 Can you tell me about the return of Nisga'a artifacts? 2.2 How did Nisga'a repatriation get started? 2.3 Who was involved in Nisga'a repatriation? 2.4 How did you become involved with Nisga'a repatriation? 2.5 What will it mean to have the Nisga'a artifacts returned to the Nass Valley? Participant Observation I also incorporated my recollections and participation in the Nisga'a repatriation process. This is quite different from standard participant observation, in that I have been raised within the Nisga'a community and within the Nisga'a worldview. Schensul, Schensul, and LeCompte have described participation as a "range of opportunities, from "nonparticipation to active participation to complete participation" (1999, 92). My participation will be 'complete participation' in that I am already a community and family member of my research group and have full access for the research. However, due to my status within the family as being a junior member of the family and a woman, it limited some 24 material that could be shared to a person of my standing. For example, I may not be permitted to use Wilp knowledge. Wilp knowledge is particular to that Wilp and only Wilp members have the rights to access and share their own knowledge according to the ayuuk. My observations will also be impeded by my position within the Nisga'a society. I am still a junior member, still learning about life, language, and cultural traditions. There are certain protocols of respect between junior and senior members of our society, especially if senior members are of a different Wilp than the junior member. Typically, observation follows current events that are happening, but for this research, the observation will be reflected in my own personal observations over the years of being involved with the Nisga'a community and repatriation, and witnessing the roles played out by my wilksilaks throughout my life. Archival and Secondary Sources Archival and secondary sources were used to establish the place of this study within the history of Nisga'a repatriation. Unfortunately, the literature surrounding Nisga'a social structure is very slim. Plenty of resources exist regarding Nisga'a neighbours, the Tsimshian, and an acknowledgement to these sources has been cited to fit the roles and responsibilities of the wilksilaks within the greater circle of Tsimshian wilksibaa (father's side) (McDonald 2003, 45)4 and Gitxsan wilxsitwitxkw (father's relatives) (Kasakoff 1984, 76). The archival and secondary sources achieve sharing within the indigenous paradigm, making the information available or known to Nisga'a scholars following this study. "This term is used in Kitsumkalum. Another term that is used on the coast for this relationship is wilkswaatk (M. Anderson, personal communication, November 2002)" (McDonald 2003,45). 25 Conclusion to Chapter Three In this Chapter, I presented the research methodologies for this study which are reflective of the objectives stated in the indigenous paradigm. Each method supports the indigenous community in directing and representing their voices in the research. I am privileged in having access to the elders and my wilksilaks to gain knowledge in Nisga'a history and culture. It is a responsibility that I do not take lightly, and have shared what they have given me through my studies and through my teaching. They have been supportive throughout my career, leading to my success and according to the ayuuk, I have a duty to pass this knowledge on to others. Selecting existing ethnohistorical research methods also gives credence to Nisga'a knowledge by collecting it within and according to standardized practices. This also follows the protocol of an indigenous paradigm, that research is conducted with a purpose in mind towards the indigenous community. In this case, my research will add to our understanding of the wilksilaks relationship in a rapidly changing dynamic of Nisga'a families today. I am not just listening; like Txeemsim, the boy in the excerpt at the beginning of this Chapter, I am trying to do some of the things my elders have told me as Txeemsim did. 26 Chapter Four - Wilksilaks in Current Literature "This is why I am so pleased with you for coming. You will not lose out or regret this because this is very important knowledge and wisdom I have passed on to you. This is the only way you will gain. You will know how the old laws came about and why. These laws had been given to us by our Father in Heaven since time immemorial.. .1 hope and pray that all the information you collect will give you the greatest knowledge and wisdom you need to know in order to live a clean, happy and meaningful life." (Lucy Williams, Sigidimnak' Niysgankw'ajikskw in Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995c, xxvii). Introduction to Chapter Four Within the Nisga'a matrilineal culture, the wilksilaks play a very important role in guiding and teaching their children. This study will focus on the role of the wilksilaks from four generations of three Nisga'a Huwilp (extended maternal family groups) who transferred knowledge according to tradition for the repatriation of Nisga'a cultural artifacts. To begin, it is important to make a brief discussion about the differences among the three Tsimshian speaking nations: Nisga'a, Tsimshian and Gitxsan. An in-depth review of sources that pertain to the Nisga'a specifically will follow to outline the roles and responsibilities of the wilksilaks. The literature on the repatriation of cultural artifacts will be examined from both Canadian experiences and Nisga'a specifically. A summary of the information will present the theme of identity construction, recreation or maintenance in the current literature and how they relate to this study. Wilksilaks among Nisga'a Neighbours In anthropological annals, the Nisga'a people have been forever linked to their southern neighbours, the Tsimshian (Garfield 1951; McNeary 1994; Miller and Eastman 1984; Miller 1997). The Tsimshian speaking people "lived along the banks and tributaries of the Nass and Skeena Rivers in British Columbia" (Garfield 1951, 5). Recent studies also 27 reflect those of earlier anthropologists and group Tsimshian peoples together, notably Marsden, Anderson and Nyce (1999)5. However, a person of Nisga'a ancestry does not generally speak of themselves as Tsimshian, likewise for those of Gitxsan ancestry (Tennant 1990, 6). It is important to note that in the face of language differences between the three nations, there are also cultural differences that are outside of the scope of this study. While I speak of the role of the wilksilaks in the Nisga'a Nation, others have drawn similar conclusions about the roles and obligations amongst the Tsimshian wilksibaa (father's side) (McDonald 2003, 45; Vaughan 1984, 68) and Gitxsan wilxsitxwitxw (father's relatives) (Kasakoff 1984, 76). For the purposes of this study, the examples regarding the role of the wilksilaks will be solely from the Nisga'a Nation. McNeary, Ayuukhl Nisga'a, and Nisga'a Studies Two records contain information about the Nisga'a wilksilaks, Stephen McNeary (1994), and the Ayuukhl Nisga'a Volumes produced by the Nisga'a Tribal Council (1995). The focus of both of these records describes the relationship of the Nisga'a people to their lands (McNeary 1994, v; Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995b, Appendix 1). McNeary's fieldwork in the Nass Valley was on the heels of the Calder Decision in the Supreme Court of Canada in 1971 that opened the comprehensive land claims process for the Nisga'a. Unable to pursue his initial interest in Nisga'a music, the Nisga'a community redirected McNeary's focus to the land and its political and economic importance (McNeary 1994, 1). Following McNeary's research and after a decade of unsuccessful negotiations, the Nisga'a Tribal Council initiated 5 "The encyclopedia that commissioned the article insisted that the Nisga'a, Gitxsan and Tsimshian be treated as one article, though we (Marsden, Anderson and Nyce) had asked for three separate articles; to deal with this, every mention in the text of the article referring to all the groups was phrased as 'the Gitxsan, Nisga'a and Tsimshian' or 'the Tsimshian, Nisga'a and Gitxsan' - we took considerable pains to represent them as three separate nations though the editor required that they be treated in a single article." (Margaret Anderson, email message to author, June 29, 2010). 28 a two-year research project with Aspect Consultants, located in Smithers, B. C. in 1982. The study was to support the Nisga'a land question by providing documentation from Nisga'a simgigat (chiefs and matriarchs) on Nisga'a title, ownership, society, and land use (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995b, Appendix 1). Five volumes were produced: Nisga'a Origins (Volume 1), Nisga'a Clan Histories (Volume II), Nisga'a Society (Volume III), The Land and Resources: Traditional Nisga'a Systems of Land Use and Ownership (Volume IV), and Ango'oskw (Huwilp Territories) Atlas (Volume V - currently unpublished). Despite the fact that the two studies focus on Nisga'a land use and title, there is a wealth of information about the roles and responsibilities of the wilksilaks in each volume. Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a Institute (WWNI), the Nisga'a university-college, has produced several books to support their expanding Nisga'a Studies curriculum. They have drawn upon the four published Ayuukhl Nisga'a Volumes and carried out countless workshops with Nisga'a simgigat (chiefs and matriarchs) on community issues, such as the oolichan fishery, Nisga'a language, Nisga'a culture, Nisga'a spirituality, and Nisga'a history. While not focused towards the wilksilaks the printed material from the WWNI supports the findings in McNeary and the four Ayuukhl Nisga'a Volumes. Nisga'a Wilksilaks (Father's Family) The term 'wilksilaks' means "a relative on paternal side (having specific obligations)" (Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a 2001, 183). Through out a child's life, the wilksilaks performed many services to teach and guide the child. They were called upon at the birth of a child, to name the child, conduct ear-piercing ceremonies (girls only), perform puberty ceremonies (girls only), acknowledge first kill made by a boy as he becomes a hunter, provide services during marriage ceremonies, and are undertakers upon a death. Ties to one's wilksilaks last 29 the entire life of the child, should the direct father and his family predecease the child, the descendants of the father's family, the members of the father's wilp, assume responsibility for the child and are called upon to fulfill the cultural obligations to the child. Children were born into and lived in their father's house and once they had learned the necessary skills to take care of themselves and were able to contribute to the household they were sent to the house of their maternal uncle (for a boy) or a secluded menstrual house (for a girl) (Nisga'a Tribal Council n.d., 78). As the child learned new skills and proved their abilities, the mother would pay their wilksilaks with a gift acknowledging their contribution to the child's education. As the child grows it becomes their duty to pay their wilksilaks. Gifts to one's wilksilaks are called 'xk'ayhV (a gift; payment for wilksilaks services) (Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a 1994, 192). Xk'ayhl takes the form of dried goods, food, or money. The wilksilaks relationship is one built on 'intimacy, permanence, closeness and respect' (McNeary 1994, 171). According to Sigidimnak' Mildred Stephens of Wilps Niisyuus the relationship was completely open so that a child could ask any question of his/her father (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995c, 184). Undoubtedly, this close relationship was developed during times when fathers took their children into the father's ango 'oskw (matrilineal wilp grounds/territory) for access to resources as a part of their initial training in supporting the household. Known as 'amnigwootkw,' this Nisga'a law grants access by children to their father's ango 'oskw, during his lifetime; upon his death, access is terminated (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995b, 55). There have been exceptions to this law, if a child hosts a feast to settle over his/her deceased father's estate, they can then claim the rights to the territory. They may hold these rights until the father's Wilp hosts a feast to repay the child and thus reclaim title and ownership of these territories. McNeary postulates this right as the grounds to maintain Nisga'a control over rights to resources and territories (McNeary 1994, 30 193). The wilksilaks relationship is a part of the broader set of Ayuukhl Nisga 'a (cultural laws of the Nisga'a). Ayuukhl Nisga 'a are the traditional laws and practices of the Nisga'a Nation. Taught from generation to generation, the Ayuukhl Nisga 'a are ancient laws that govern Nisga'a society. There are laws that guide social behaviour, succession of titles and property, management of resources, access to territories, and relationship to the land (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995a, xix). The law of the wilksilaks falls into the set that guides social behaviour, including "what kinds of responsibilities and obligations individuals have to their families and the larger world" (ibid.) and take effect on the birth of a child. Within the law of the wilksilaks are four traditions that foster and support the father-child relationship: xk'ayhl (payment for wilksilaks service), hak'ots 'geskw (literally for a haircut, money given at a feast hosted by one's wilksilaks), amnigwootkw (a child's right of access to the lands of his/her father), and hagwinyuuwo 'oskw (a man's right of access to the land of his wife's family, literally bringing your empty bowl with you). Xk'ayhl payments may be informal; for example, when a child learns a new skill that a wilksilaks had mastered; or formal; for example when a child supports their wilksilaks in a feast with money or goods. Hak'ots 'geskw is a monetary payment from the child to the feast of their wilksilaks, and in the case of a stone moving feast of a sim 'oogit, this same payment is called iaye'e' (Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce, pers. comm.). This monetary payment is a formal contribution of a child to the feast of their wilksilaks. Contributions are announced in the feast hall with the child's name, relationship to the deceased and amount. Recognizing and supporting one's wilksilaks honours the relationship that is being developed with the wilksilaks. Amnigwootkw is a right for a child to hunt, fish, trap, or berry pick on their 31 father's ango 'oskw. The training began with the father taking his children onto his ango 'oskw to teach them about the resources. This created a close bond between the children and their father. This right is extended for the life of the father but should he pass away, the right is terminated. Hagwinyuuwo 'oskw is a right for a husband to hunt, fish, or trap on his wife's ango 'oskw. This right is inherent in the duty of the husband to be able to support his wife and children, therefore the ango 'oskw still feeds its wilp members, the children in the marriage. This right is formally announced to a husband during the wedding feast which opens the ango 'oskw for his use by the bride's maternal uncles. Outside of the four traditions that foster a father-child relationship is a provision in the ayuuk for a father to adopt one of his children. There have been times in our history when certain families have no heirs within their own wilp. In these instances, a father may adopt one of his children as heir to his title (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995b, 42-44). The adopted child relinquishes all title to the Wilp that they were born into and accepts all rights, titles, and privileges from his/her father's Wilp. The child is familiar with his/her father's title and ango 'oskw due to amnigwootkw and his/her training as a young child following the father through his ango 'oskw. Maintaining the system of the wilp and associated pdeek (tribe), of which the wilksilaks tradition is carried out, maintained the strength of Nisga'a life as related by the late Sim 'oogit Wii Gadim Xsgaak Eli Gosnell: "These clans [or tribes] were truly the foundation of the Nisga'a.. .Through the clan system we will be recognized on our land.. .the tribe is our foundation. The tribe is the truth. The tribe was why the history of our land was made known and held by our people. Our history is the truth. The stories of the killer whale, wolf, raven and eagle, there was no lying, this is the truth. This was how our forefathers told us these stories. Stand on the truth, you my chief, you are a brother so stand on the truth. Do not leave the stand that you have taken if you are a Gisk'ahaast. Remain as one and develop the ways of your forefathers. Do not release it as long as this world remains. As soon as you relinquish the ways of your ancestors, you will be as nothing in this world.. .This 32 is what I can say of this beautiful story of ours about the clans: it is our foundation on this land" (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995b, vii-viii). The 'Chief of Heaven' is a reference to the K'amligiihahlhaahl (Creator) and it was truly believed that every aspect of a Nisga'a person's life was a gift from K'amligiihahlhaahl. Our language, land, resources, families, and crests are gifts that give us privilege and a responsibility to use them according to Ayuukhl Nisga 'a. In maintaining the 'clan system' this research will demonstrate that the law of the wilksilaks has provided one of the structures through which Nisga'a traditional knowledge and history has been retained and passed down over several generations leading to success, continuance, and maintenance of cultural traditions. In particular, the law of the wilksilaks has guided Nisga'a repatriation of cultural artifacts over several generations to see a successful conclusion. The purpose of this law, in this instance, is to provide a continuance of the father-child relationship thereby sustaining the tradition and providing persistence in the Nisga'a voice. Several scholars who have worked with the Nisga'a in documenting their history have noticed that there is a consistency in 'Nisga'a voice' (Raunet 1996; Tennant 1990; Menzies 2006; Berger 2002). I use 'Nisga'a voice' to refer to the oral history that has been handed down from generation to generation. As Daniel Raunet revealed: "I discovered later that much of what Roy Azak said to me, his vision of his people's future, kept recurring word for word, or almost, in century-old records as well as contemporary speeches and presentations to parliaments. Regardless of time, an uncanny pattern emerged from everything the Nishga [sic] had ever put on the record - a central message transmitted by those who, like the old Chief Skadeen of 1886, told the white trespassers, "Saa-yeen! Sa-yeen!" - "Get off my land!" (Raunet 1996, 14). 33 The 'Nisga'a voice' can be found in the transmission and learning of the Nisga'a language, health, politics, education, fishing, and other food gathering techniques. Huwilp have handed down specific information through the maternal line and as wilksilaks through the paternal line. As will be witnessed, the Nisga'a voice for Nisga'a repatriation may be an example of how the oral history has been handed down along the paternal line by the law of the wilksilaks. Conclusion to Chapter Four This Chapter has presented the existing literature surrounding the roles and responsibilities of the Nisga'a wilksilaks and its relationship within Ayuukhl Nisga 'a. The purpose of this Chapter is identifying the records of Stephen McNeary and the Ayuukhl Nisga'a Volumes in their relationship to knowledge about Nisga'a land, language, culture and history. While not directly related to describing how the wilksilaks tradition spans generations, which is the best reference to date. In my research, the attempt will be made to show that there is an endurance of the wilksilaks relationship within the Nisga'a community and will supplement this with my own experiences when presenting the data. This will return us to one of the objectives within the indigenous paradigm to have this research serve a purpose within the Nisga'a community. This material may return us to the significance of important institutions within our traditions that can assist us in our life today - namely, the role of the wilksilaks for understanding how families worked in the past and how they can work today. 34 Chapter Five - Cultural Artifact Repatriation in Current Literature "The pole was carved by a carver who was hired from anotherpdeek [tribe]. It usually took about a year. Some carvers were Oyee, Saamen (Johnny Moore), BaytNeekl. The paternal relative of the successor is hired to carve the pole. If that person is not a carver, he hires someone who is, and the paternal relative still receives payment. If no paternal relatives are available, then it could be someone from the same clan as the paternal relatives but the paternal relatives have priority." (Sim 'oogit Gwa 'laxsdiigaxs 'anuhlkw, Harold Wright, in Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995b, 81). Introduction to Chapter Five Repatriation of cultural artifacts begins with Indigenous ethnological collections, which are vast and varied. The first part of this discussion is to determine the importance and place of the collections within the indigenous community. The second part will review the Nisga'a repatriation history and negotiation of cultural artifacts. The final discussion will look at cultural artifact repatriation in Canada and the literature that surrounds repatriation. Indigenous Ethnological Collections The authors reviewed have a shared understanding that indigenous ethnological collections are more than mere objects (Barkan 2002; Berlo and Phillips 1995; Clavir 2002; Mauze 1997; Mihesuah 1996; Start et al 2004; Webster 1990). "Each component of an artifact was carefully chosen with regard to its inherent integrity of spirit and its symbolic meaning within the traditions of a particular tribe. From intention and conception to completion and use, every step of the creation of a ceremonial artifact has inherent meaning within a broader perspective of relationship to spiritual energy" (Cajete 2000,47). Indigenous ethnological collections are beautiful in both form and function, serving many functions in the communities from which they originate. They play an important role in political and cultural aspects of the society by reaffirming rights and responsibilities, while 35 giving evidence of cultural identity, heritage, ownership, history, and tradition in what Margaret Seguin (now Anderson) called "a magnificent manifestation of a coherent vision of the world" (Seguin 1984, xiv). The collections were used in ceremonies to reflect the connection between the spirit world and the real world, which is a very important aspect of indigenous religious beliefs. They were enhanced with aesthetic beauty to represent real life experiences, relationships and ideals. Removing the collections from the communities destroyed the functions they represented (Gloria Cranmer Webster in Laforet 2004, 45). Removal of Artifacts In 1885, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs sent the following message to Indian agencies across Canada: "Will you be good enough to acquaint the Indians of your locality that a Law was passed last year by the Dominion Parliament which came into force the 1st January, this year, enacting among other things, that any person who engages directly or indirectly in celebrating the Indian Festival known as "Potlatch" or the Indian Dance, known as "Tamawanas" is guilty of misdemeanor, and shall be liable to be imprisoned therefore, for a term of six months" (Quoted in Raunet 1996, 121). 'Potlatch,' which is called 'lilgit' (feast) in Nisga'a6, are large community events hosted by one Wilp (extended maternal family) to feed guests, distribute property, and legitimize names, titles, ango 'oskw (matrilineal wilp grounds/territory) and wilp-owned adaawak (a story, legend, history). Galilgit (feasts) commemorate important events in Nisga'a life, such as a death and transfer of title, weddings, totem pole raisings, and cleansing ceremonies. 6 Lilgit is a general term for all feasts. For a Settlement of the Estate of a Chief or Matriarch the term is 'yukw' in Nisga'a. 36 The initial Potlatch Law, as it was known, had very little effect on First Nations activities due to the hesitation of the Indian Superintendant to put force behind the law (Webster 1995, 1). Superintendant Powell continued to permit exchanges "for the time being, and to allow Natives to assemble for the purpose of returning property" (Raunet 1996, 121). Powell feared that an increase in potlatches following the legislation would create an even greater disturbance to the economies of the people as they tried to settle claims before the law came into effect. Missionaries openly criticized the lack of severity of Powell's message and took matters into their own hands by arresting those they found to have breached the law and hiring lawyers to prosecute them. They had the support of Nisga'a from the Gingolx mission and a few from Laxgalts'ap who signed their petition against the potlatch (ibid.). For ten years, the remaining Nisga'a villages ignored the Potlatch law, participating in gqlilgit (feasts), finding 'salvation' and returning to galilgit again to the dismay of the missionaries. Growing tired of the mixed messages and attempts to eradicate their customs, three Nisga'a chiefs sent a petition against the Potlatch Law: "In an interview with Mr. Powell, Indian commissioner, we were informed by an explanation of how that any person giving a potlatch would be imprisoned for six months. It is the desire of the Indian department to civilize us, which meets with our approbation; but we were born Indians, educated according to the laws of our ancestry, and, as nature dictates us, we enjoy their vested rights as an inheritance. We came to Victoria to obtain our natural rights.. .We see in your graveyards the white marble and granite monuments which cost you money in testimony of your grief for the dead. When our people die we erect a large pole, call our people together, distribute our personal property with them in payment for their sympathy and condolence; comfort to us in the sad hours of our affliction. This is what is called a potlatch - the privilege denied us. It is a chimera that under the British flag slavery does not exist, (signed) Wise-as-you, Simh-San, Naas-Quah (Amos Gosnell, William Jeffrey, and Billy Williams)" (Quoted in Raunet 1996, 122-3). For others, a new message was spreading - a message of fear that would do far more damage than Powell's letter. According to Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce, when Nisga'a heard of 37 the enforcement of the Potlatch Law, "Nisga'a men, women, and children stood frozen, not knowing what to do. Those that were strong packed up their heirlooms and headed for the mountains where they began to bury them, hide them in the dense forests, or burn them" (Nyce 2009,260). One of the final assaults was the removal of the totem poles from the Nass River, "when they really forbid the totem poles" (the late Sim 'oogit Baxk'ap Roy Azak quoted in Raunet 1996, 127). Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce recalled that her grandmother wept as if she were in grief once more for the people whom those poles represented as the poles were sent down the river (pers. comm.). A generation after the Potlatch Law, Nisga'a life and culture continued, and slowly a few Nisga'a sold or traded their artifacts to traders, anthropologists, and private collectors. Missionaries persuaded others to sell hidden family heirlooms on the advice that the heathen items brought shame and eternal damnation to anyone holding on to past traditions (Marsden, Anderson and Nyce 1999, 278). The market increased for baskets, mats, masks, and rattles during this time but the days of creating pieces for ceremonial use were long gone. The Potlatch law and the sale of artifacts left the Nisga'a people with heavy hearts (Raunet 1996, 127), and while the artifacts were now gone, the adaawak that accompanied them lived on. However, few remained to hear them. In 1894, the federal government enforced a law for compulsory attendance of Indian children in schools (frig 2000, 28) and the 'pain at being separated again was excruciating' (Haig-Brown 1988, 82). Missionaries removed children, as young as six years old, from their homes to residential schools in Edmonton, Coqualeetza, Kamloops, Lytton, and Port Alberni (McKay and McKay 1987, 67). Residential school life was extremely difficult for our children. Punished for speaking their First Nations languages, abused in body, mind and spirit, they were faced with an enforced message that First Nations life was inferior to European culture (Ing 2000). As Dr. Frank 38 Calder lamented, "Life on the reserves fell silent" (Education as We See It, First Nations: The Circle Unbroken Video Series, Video 4/1, video cassette, directed by Geraldine Bob, Gary Marcuse, Deanna Nyce and Lorna Williams (Montreal, Face to Face Media and the National Film Board, 1993). Despite the law, a handful of Nisga'a children were kept home from residential school. My great-great grandmother Alice Moore managed to keep my grandmother, Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce, home from residential school but her brothers were not so lucky, James, Joseph and George were all sent away for schooling (Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce, pers. comm.). From this setting, with indigenous communities distraught at the loss of lands, resources, artifacts, and children, one cannot deny that those selling ancient heirlooms did so under extreme duress (Webster 1995). At the time of removal, indigenous communities faced an unending barrage of government assimilation policies, economic hardships and high mortality rates by disease. They had no alternative but to sell their precious collections, often to purchase gravestones that were still in favour with local missionaries (Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce pers. comm.). It was a buyer's market of very willing traders and anthropologists (Cole 1985, 286). Removal of artifacts was a reflection of the power relationships of the time leaving the indigenous communities quite disempowered (Jacknis 1996, 7). Nisga'a Repatriation History The repatriation of Nisga'a artifacts began alongside the desire to settle the land question because "the Nisga'a have held the land of the Nass River in sacred trust from God since time immemorial. All Nisga'a culture and identity is woven inextricably into this land" (Wii Ts 'imilx, Bishop of Caledonia, Douglas Hambidge quoted in Nisga'a Tribal Council 1992,2). 39 For the Nisga'a, land and culture are inseparable, as our late President Sim 'oogit Hleek (James Gosnell) repeatedly emphasized, "It's still our land—the culture is still there." (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995b, xxiii). In 1890, the Nisga'a formed the first Nisga'a Land Committee (Raunet 1996, 132) by reenacting sayt k'ilhl wo 'osihl Nisga 'a (Nisga'a philosophy known as the common bowl). At a meeting of simgigat (chiefs) in Laxgalts'ap, every Nisga'a sim 'oogit (chief) wrote their title down on a slip of paper and entered it into the common bowl signifying that the Nisga'a would proceed together to settle the land question (Dr. Frank Calder pers. comm.). Sayt k'ilhl wo 'osihl Nisga 'a is an ancient Nisga'a philosophical concept in the ayuut, the late Sim 'oogit Graham Moore defined it as "The Naas River people all eat from the same plate" (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995b, 113). An interpretation of this would be that the Nisga'a people share in the wealth of resources in the Nass River watershed area. When the Nisga'a simgigat, decided to proceed with the land question they decided to use their common bond, the land and the river, rather than pursue individual claims.7 The efforts of the Nisga'a Land Committee centered on resources (primarily salmon) and the land question. A very active and vocal group, the Committee appealed repeatedly with petitions, letters, and lobbying of provincial, federal, and crown agencies for Nisga'a title and resource management, including the famous 1913 Petition to the Privy Council (for a full reading see Lock, Stock and Barrel: Nisga 'a Ownership Statement, Nisga'a Tribal Council n.d.). In 1923, the Nisga'a developed a proposal to the federal government that 7 The Gitxsan, neighbours of the Nisga'a on the upper Skeena River, proceeded with a land claims according to their traditional system of government whereby each titleholder (chief) has a separate claim within their land claims for each particular House family-owned territory. The Gitxsan tribal council is called the 'Office of the Hereditary Chiefs' (Marsden, Seguin Anderson and Nyce 1999, 286). For the Tsimshian, neighbours to the south of the Nisga'a along the lower Skeena River stretching to and including the coastline, the Tsimshian Tribal Council formed to handle "land claims and resource-management issues, leaving capital works, education, and social services...to each village." (ibid., 287). 40 would settle the Nisga'a land question. The proposal was an exchange of lands for aboriginal rights, monetary compensation, and access to medical services and education (Nisga'a Tribal Council n.d., 7) but "the federal government of the day rejected their proposal as an 'unrealistic' deal" (ibid.). They continued with their campaigns until 1927, when the federal government enacted legislation that prohibited any discussions or fundraising regarding the land question (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1993, 136). Not to be deterred, the Nisga'a joined other First Nations under the Native Brotherhood of BC, an organization that dealt primarily with the salmon industry but also kept the land question issue alive during the ban. In 1951, the federal government revised the Indian Act and dropped the clauses that banned potlatches and land question discussions (Raunet 1996,144). In 1955, the Nisga'a reformed the 1890 Nisga'a Land Committee into a new non-profit association called the Nishga Tribal Council (ibid., 146). The primary aim was once again a settlement to the land question with an emphasis on resources. The Nishga Tribal Council (later to be known as the Nisga'a Tribal Council) tried unsuccessfully for over ten years for a settlement with the federal government, and decided to take the aboriginal title and rights issue to court. Dismissed in the BC Supreme Court and BC Court of Appeals, the Nisga'a moved on to the Supreme Court of Canada in the Colder Case (named for the late Dr. Frank Calder). In the decision, six out of seven Supreme Court justices ruled that aboriginal title did exist, of the six three judges ruled that title was extinguished when British Columbia entered confederation with Canada, and three judges ruled that it had not been extinguished when British Columbia entered into confederation with Canada (Berger 2002,126). A seventh judge ruled against the Nisga'a on a technicality thereby forcing Parliament to deal with settling the aboriginal title issue. For the Nisga'a, this victory launched them into negotiations with the federal government under the Comprehensive Land Claims process. 41 In the early 1960s, during the same time as political developments advanced, Sim 'oogit Wii Gadim Xsgaak Eli Gosnell was beginning to recall ancient Nisga'a songs and adaawak from his Wilp. By 1970, Eli working alongside his wife, Sigidimnak? Mary Gosnell, and the simgigat of New Aiyansh, formed the Gitlaxt'aamiks Ceremonial Dancers (Sigidimnak'1 Emma Nyce, pers. comm.). Mary sewed regalia to be worn by dancers and Eli supplied drums, headdresses, and talking sticks. Eli was a strong supporter of the Nisga'a court cases, paying from his own pocket for the BC Supreme Court case, and supporting the other two. He travelled with the Nisga'a Tribal Council to Ottawa and Toronto in preparation for the Calder Case in the Supreme Court of Canada where he viewed first hand the Nisga'a artifacts at the Canadian Museum of Man (now the Canadian Museum of Civilization) and the Royal Ontario Museum. In 1976, the Nisga'a Tribal Council produced a 21-point bulletin for federal negotiators, which was to set the basis of the Nisga'a rights in treaty settlement (ibid.). Within this bulletin was a provision for the return of the artifacts the late Sim 'oogit Eli Gosnell had seen in the museums of Ottawa and Toronto. While the situation began to look promising, it was not until 1991 that the province of British Columbia joined the negotiating table and the real talks could begin (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1993, 136). The discussion for the repatriation of Nisga'a artifacts began within the land claims treaty negotiations, and the federal and provincial negotiators could only negotiate with the collections in the federal (Canadian Museum of Civilization) and provincial (Royal BC Museum) museums. The Royal BC Museum and the Canadian Museum of Civilization had representatives at the tripartite treaty table when negotiations affected their institutions. The Royal BC Museum staff supported and represented the BC provincial negotiating team; likewise, the Canadian Museum of Civilization staff supported and represented the federal 42 negotiating team. The Nisga'a negotiators remained the same, whether discussing fiduciary obligations, fisheries, or artifacts. The key negotiator on the Nisga'a team was Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce, who was the Resources Negotiator. He also became the Chair of the Nisga'a Artifacts Committee, which was a collective of Nisga'a simgigat (chiefs and matriarchs). The Committee members were brought in to view the artifacts and present histories on the sacred value of the artifacts in question. The intention of the simgigat on the Committee was to have the entire collection returned to the Nass, however negotiations did not achieve that goal, as the collections were divided according to each museum's policy. The result, Appendix L of the Nisga'a Treaty, identifies the details of artifacts to either remain under custodial agreement with the institutions or transferred by title to the Nisga'a Nation. All three parties determined the continued use, preservation, and maintenance of the Nisga'a objects to remain in the museums in separate custodial agreements. An underlying principle was that the Nisga'a are the first to be consulted when an object is to be used or deaccessioned from the museum. A separate agreement set out the transfer of Nisga'a owned artifacts to the Nass Valley, which had a delivery date of 2005. Unable to house the items in 2005, the Nisga'a requested the museums to continue to hold the artifacts until a facility was built in the Nass. In 1998, the Nisga'a reached An Agreement in Principle with the province of British Columbia and the Canadian federal government. In 2000, the Nisga'a Treaty came into effect and the Nisga'a are building a museum to house the returning collection (scheduled to open in the summer of 2010). 43 Nisga'a Repatriation Negotiations The only Nisga'a record of the repatriation is Bringing Our Ancestors Home: The repatriation of Nisga'a artifacts (Nisga'a Tribal Council, 1998)8. The publication coincided with a museum exhibit of the same name at the Canadian Museum of Civilization. Its goal was to provide members of the House of Commons with another view of the Nisga'a Treaty. It presents a brief overview within the community. While an important record, this document does not detail the process of repatriation. It does lay claim to the importance of the artifacts to the Nisga'a community: "Many of the artifacts are sacred, living objects we will be able to share with our children. Repatriation means bringing our ancestors home." (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1998, 47). There are three records from non-Nisga'a authors which present a different view of Nisga'a repatriation, two writings from a federal negotiator, Dr. Andrea Laforet (2004; 2005) and one from an anthropology graduate student, Andrea Walsh (1995). The two records of Dr. Andrea Laforet, Director, Ethnology and Cultural Studies from the Canadian Museum of Civilization (hereafter known as the 'Museum') (2004; 2005) draw upon her observations of the negotiation process as the Museum's representative for the federal negotiators with the Nisga'a Tribal Council. Dr. Laforet participated in the negotiation for the final list of artifacts to be repatriated in the Nisga'a Treaty, and subsequent custodial agreement. As a working member of the Museum, and director of research and scholarly interpretation of artifacts, Dr. Laforet shares her interpretation of the negotiations as a meeting of two very different traditions ('Western' and First Nations) for "access to and control over cultural objects" (2005, 1). She witnesses Nisga'a artifacts 8 1 served on the editorial committee for this publication; a public relations firm hired by Nisga'a Tribal Council developed the exhibit content. As a student intern, I assisted in the preparing the artifacts for exhibition. 44 undergoing a process of transformation from objects of utility from past generations who made and used the objects to objects of identity for contemporary First Nations as cultural property in treaty negotiations. Dr. Laforet views this transformation as being in opposition to traditional societal uses of the artifacts into museum-centered concepts of ownership, preservation, and use found in museums. From her position, she explores the role of repatriation within the museum community and the process of negotiating objects from museums to First Nations communities. Dr. Laforet's writings contribute to the literature surrounding the repatriation of Nisga'a artifacts, but only from the standpoint of the Museum, while this study focuses on the Nisga'a view of repatriation. Walsh employs anthropologist Richard Handler's work on Quebec nationalism as an example of constructing identity through cultural property for the development of a Quebec nationalist framework (Walsh 1995, 9). Through her theoretical development Walsh interprets Nisga'a repatriation as a symbol of self-determination and self-government (ibid., 80) whereby the Nisga'a are 'creating a distinct identity' (ibid., 51). Her case is supported by several historical events where she believes the Nisga'a lost control over their own identity, whether it is from missionaries or government agents, and recreated an identity by missionary or government standards. Following her theoretical position, Walsh's findings interpret Nisga'a repatriation as another event where the Nisga'a lost control and recreated their identity by non-Nisga'a standards, in this case by museum standards. Being unfamiliar with research protocol in the Nass, Walsh views the lack of response to her work by the Nisga'a community as a form of compliance: "I have asked the people with whom I worked to read this work and respond in the manner that they feel fit" (ibid., 166). However, Nisga'a informants were trying to communicate the meaning of repatriation as stated by the late Sim 'oogit Daaxheet Alvin McKay to Walsh in an interview: "You can't really begin the 45 process of negotiation by just simply saying 'that's ours and we want it back.' You have to begin with Nisga'a spirituality, from within that - that's how the artifacts were born and developed. That kind of background needs to be presented. And then it's much easier to talk about the cultural significance, the cultural importance of that artifact, when weighed against the proprietary ownership type of thing" (ibid., 145). The purpose of this research is to bring the discussion of repatriation back to 'Nisga'a spirituality' as the late Sim 'oogit Daaxheet Alvin McKay stated to Walsh, and to give a Nisga'a voice to the literature. The problem with Walsh's research is due to her lack of familiarity with Nisga'a research protocol, which has since been formalized and administered by the Wilp Wilxo'oskwhl Nisga'a in 1995. Researchers to indigenous communities need to be aware of the implications of their research: What are they giving back to the community with the knowledge they take away? Cultural Artifact Repatriation in Canada Walsh and Laforet's arguments are commonly held perspectives in the review of literature on cultural artifact repatriation in Canada. Repatriation of cultural artifacts in Canada did not begin with treaty negotiations; many indigenous communities have actively searched for human remains, ceremonial, and sacred cultural property, in museums around the world with successful repatriations to their home communities (Bell and Paterson 2009) outside of treaty negotiations. In Canada, repatriation has been part of a morally responsive act by museums towards First Nations collections based on the recommendations of the Task Force Report. According to the Task Force Report on Museums and First Peoples, cosponsored by the Assembly of First Nations and the Canadian Museums Association (1992), human remains and associated grave goods are considered appropriate material to be returned 46 to local communities; assuming that museum standards have been met for clear identification with that community. Each repatriation process has several factors that make the negotiation unique: Indigenous communities; museums and personnel; country of origin; laws and legislation; museum policies and procedures; available resources; and the collections themselves. Countries, governments, and museums vary in deliberating repatriation requests, and it is most difficult to repatriate across international borders. The United States government has enacted the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (1990) (NAGPRA) that repatriates human remains and associated grave goods to American Indian communities by federally operated institutions and agencies. NAGPRA has enforced a complete inventory of all human remains and grave goods in federal institutions as well as set up a limited amount of funds for the repatriation process. While there are difficulties in establishing traditional ownership and funding to carry out research and repatriation, the success of NAGPRA in reestablishing cultural continuity to American Indian communities has been positive (Pala 2008, 1). Canada has not legislated repatriation, and it was the raised awareness of repatriation issues by the American Indian community that opened doors to museums in Canada to First Nations people (Harry Nyce pers. comm.). Repatriation Literature The overarching theme in the literature surrounding repatriation of cultural artifacts centers on identity: (re-)creating a national First Nations identity (Kramer 2006; Laforet 2006); reclaiming identity (Bell and Paterson 2009; Kramer 2006; Walsh 1995); or maintaining identity (Bell, Raven, and McCuaig 2008; Bell, Start, and Mookakin Cultural Society 2008; Bell, McCuaig, and Ktunaxa/Kinbasket Tribal Council 2008). A secondary 47 argument presents the dichotomous relationship between First Nations conceptions of cultural property versus the conceptions of the museums that house them (Laforet 2005; Walsh 1995; Bell, Statt, and Mookakin Cultural Society 2008). Bell and Paterson (2009) takes this relationship further, into a discussion of proposed law reform necessary to respect First Nations proprietary rights. The first two themes, (re-)creating a national identity and reclaiming identity, are themes that spurred my need for an indigenous voice of what repatriation means from an indigenous perspective. As discussed with Nisga'a repatriation, Walsh described it as a process of self-determination that involves reclaiming a Nisga'a national identity, outside the boundaries of traditional society. Kramer (2006) proposes that the Nuxalk are in a continual process, or 'switchbacks,' of reconstructing their national identity according to non-Native audiences (Kramer 2006,4). Walsh and Kramer are reflecting on the dynamics of power relationships found in the works of Pierre Bourdieu. Bourdieu developed a theory of power that defines power as a tool of cultural domination: "those who impose their taxonomy on another person/people wield power" (Barnard 2000, 143), and that acts of repatriation are a response of indigenous communities to that cultural domination. This does not correlate to this study, which is looking primarily at the indigenous community in continuance of tradition regardless of efforts towards 'cultural domination.' The indigenous perspective is to maintain our "[cultural] legacy and we have a clear obligation to them [our forefathers] to develop our own strength and determination" (Webster 1990,4) for future generations. Repatriation did not begin nor end with colonial regimes and oppression but is a part of a much larger legacy that began with our creation from the Creator and will continue far after our present generation leaves this world. 48 The third theme, maintaining identity, has been thoroughly reviewed in a recent study by Catherine Bell and Val Napoleon (2008) with several First Nations communities across Canada. They give voice to First Nations perspectives in the repatriation literature where repatriation is about a continuity of cultural practices (Bell, Start, and Mookakin Cultural Society 2008; Bell, McCuaig, and Ktunaxa/Kinbasket Tribal Council 2008). Bell et al. draw on the works of indigenous post-colonial authors. The key task is to study the impact of colonialism and its aftermath. It refers to how cultures affected (materially, economically, politically, and culturally) by imperial authorities process colonization to the present (Sing and Schmidt 2000, 16). Two case studies by Bell et al. reflect the portrayal of the indigenous perspective that is being attempted with my research: the Kainai in Alberta and the Ktunaxa/Kinbasket in British Columbia. In the Kainai experience, the underlying assumption is that First Nations "religious ceremonies and social structures associated with those ceremonies have survived and continue to be a vital part of the contemporary Kainai (Blood Tribe) life." (Bell, Start, and Mookakin Cultural Society 2008, 203). The discussion surrounds medicine bundles that support the continuance of ceremonies and social structures for the Kainai, and their efforts of repatriation. Similar to Nisga'a repatriation, the Kainai sought a way to bridge the differences between the museum notions of ownership and care with their own traditional practices, without "undermining our own ways" (ibid., 209). Unlike the Nisga'a negotiations, the Kainai political leaders stood as support to the religious leaders in repatriation and were not a part of treaty negotiations. In looking at the Kainai repatriation experience, it is very much akin to the Nisga'a goal that repatriation is a part of a continuing, living tradition, "the protection and repatriation of cultural heritage... are essential to the sustainability of Kainai 49 culture and the health of the Kainai community as a whole." (ibid., 250). It becomes clear that repatriation maintains traditions for religious items and as we shall see in the case of Nisga'a repatriation is maintains a different sort of tradition. The second case study presented by Bell is with the Ktunaxa/Kinbasket Tribal Council, who like the Nisga'a will attempt repatriation within treaty negotiations. Although not part of current treaty negotiations, the Ktunaxa/Kinbasket are moving forward with their own cultural heritage policies before they enter negotiations for "improved communication, [and] increased awareness about Ktunaxa/Kinbasket people.. .that respect the Ktunaxa Nation's jurisdiction." (Bell, McCuaig, and Ktunaxa/Kinbasket Tribal Council 2008, 312). Believing that the customary definition of 'sacred' is too narrow in museums and like institutions, they have developed 'sacred' to include the tangible and intangible, animate and inanimate characteristic of artifacts. Margaret Teneese of the Shuswap Indian Band member and activist shares that their new definition of 'sacred', "allows them to practice as a culture" (Quoted in Bell, McCuaig, and Ktunaxa/Kinbasket Tribal Council 2008, 314). While they also connect loss of cultural knowledge due to colonial pressures, the focus is brought back to renewal based on what has survived and the need to repatriate cultural property. The success of the Ktunaxa/Kinbasket Tribal Council project in developing working policies on cultural property is seen to have a positive influence on repatriation negotiations with museums by describing their position before they enter negotiations. The Ktunaxa/Kinbasket grappled with the same issues as the Nisga'a at the negotiation table, including: 1) lack of legislation to push repatriation efforts outside of the negotiating institutions, and 2) lack of available funding for their efforts. 50 Conclusion to Chapter Five The literature surrounding the repatriation of cultural artifacts often begins with postcolonial efforts of indigenous communities to reclaim their identities in efforts of selfdetermination and self-governance. In looking at the importance and place of the collections within the indigenous community, we can see that this discussion needs to move another step before the colonial period, back to the time that the objects were created. To fully understand the issues surrounding repatriation we need to look at the context of the artifacts before contact. We need to begin with the spirituality, the indigenous worldview, in order to understand why they are important to repatriate in the first place. The repatriation of Nisga'a cultural artifacts is a continued legacy that began when the collection was removed from the Nass, and will continue to develop into the future as we bring the artifacts home and renew our culture with our own study to reclaim our lost histories contained within them. The current literature surrounding cultural artifact repatriation in Canada is becoming more in tune with the perspective of this thesis but there are differences in experience, artifacts, and situations that need to be explored and represented. The Nisga'a experience of repatriation was a part of land claims treaty negotiations but more than this, this research intends to show that Nisga'a repatriation was very much a part of the continuance of tradition for the Nisga'a. This documentation will add to the literature being developed by Bell and Napolean (2008) for First Nations repatriation efforts in Canada, while Bell focuses on the legal aspects of property rights, this study will look at the sociological side of maintaining traditions and relationships within indigenous communities. The objects were made according to the ayuuk and traditional practice, like the totem pole's construction where the wilksilaks have priority, this research will honour the ways of my ancestors and give my wilksilaks priority. 51 Chapter Six - Presentation of Wilksilaks Data "When the young lad [Txeemsim] realized that they came from a place above he was full of inquiries." (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995a, 23). Introduction to Chapter Six The purpose of conducting interviews is often to establish an emic, or insider, perspective of the targeted research community. Establishing this perspective is challenging in this study because I am part of the targeted research community. On the one hand, it is easier to gain the emic perspective, but on the other hand, it becomes difficult to remain objective of the findings. Interviews were conducted to both elicit a description based on the interviewees' recollections and to elaborate on my understanding and experience of the roles and responsibilities of the wilksilaks. My personal experiences are paired with the interview data when further clarification is required regarding the wilksilaks relationship. To create an entire memoir of my experiences would be grounds for another thesis entirely. The findings have been written according to themes that emerged. As is evident of a consistent Nisga'a voice, the data collected reflects a communal understanding of the wilksilaks relationship. I have taken the privilege to add a lengthy quote from the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay in the education he received first from his mother and then his wilksilaks. This portrayal of wilksilaks education within a life has not previously been documented in any published materials. Wilksilaks Interview Findings The interviews were conducted separately. Only half of the interviewees were asked about the history of the Nisga'a artifacts. All of the interviewees were asked about the role of the wilksilaks. 52 According to the interviewees, the wilksilaks are "where you come from" (Sim 'oogit Hleek Dr. Joseph Gosnell). All of the interviewees responded that this sentiment refers to a person's closest relatives beginning with the father and paternal grandmother, following with the father's brothers and sisters. After the immediate family of the father, the pool of available wilksilaks is extended to the paternal grandmother's sisters and their children (the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay). As relayed by Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce: "We're a matriarchal society so children follow the mother's lineage. So if the mother is Killerwhale then the children are Killerwhale; unless there's an extraordinary situation; if the father's line is Figure 7 Sigidimnak' GyaksSgiihl Anluuhlkw extinguished - he adopts his daughter - Psday, Deanna Nyce begging the family for her - so clan and stories and knowledge and land is protected. [Therefore], the wilksilaks and father's clan is a different clan; if we go back to Killerwhale young lady or child of the mother; her father's clan is always different clan or House and family."9 Childbirth All of the interviewees discussed the role of the wilksilaks at a child's birth. There are two sets of wilksilaks: the first are the wilksilaks of the mother who attend to her needs during Nisga'a society practices exogamy between the four clans. Traditionally, you did not marry within your clans, so a Killerwhale could not marry another Killerwhale, thereby making the father a member of the Wolf, Raven or Eagle clan. People who do not practice the rule of exogamy are called lk'aats' m Nisga'a, and it is known to all that they are breaking taboo. 53 childbirth; the second are the wilksilaks of the baby, who are there to feed the family and welcome the newborn child. The baby's paternal family will purchase or build a cradle (father's brothers) and provide clothing, bedding and the woven cradle straps (mother and father's sisters). Figure 8 Nisga'a bentwood cradle, Royal BC Museum (Photo courtesy of Nisga'a Lisims Government). In the past, the wilksilaks role was much more intimate. The women would serve as midwives, assisting in the birth and cutting the umbilical cord. The mother's wilksilaks provided her with new clothing and the child's wilksilaks provide his/her clothing and diapers. The most important function of the wilksilaks for both mother and child was to provide protection during childbirth (the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay). The wilksilaks brought songs, prayers, food, and medicine {Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce pers. comm.) to reassure the mother and welcome the baby. 54 Figure 9 Nisga'a woven strap and Nisga'a loom with partially woven strap, Royal BC Museum (Photos courtesy of Nisga'a Lisims Government). In my personal experience, both as a mother and paternal aunt, the time of childbirth was a very special event. Before my niece was born, my father assembled the crib, which is a service he performed because my brother has no brothers, and my father stepped up as wilksilaks to my brother in an effort to help. I was available to wash the crib and put on the bedding for when they returned from the hospital. At the hospital, my mother, sister and I brought clothing, food for the family, and new clothing for my sister-in-law. My father also provided meals for the family during this time. For the birth of my daughter, my paternal grandmother, two of my paternal aunts, and my father were on hand to welcome the baby and make sure I had food and offered prayers. Members of my own wilp were in attendance as well, including my mother, three of her 55 sisters, and several cousins. My daughter's wilksilaks, her paternal grandmother and aunts (at that time)10, brought clothing and diapers to the hospital. Her father and my aunts assisted in the birth and helped with the new baby. When we returned home, my father presented us with a bentwood cradle he made himself and it had straps made by my grandmother Emma. Four years later, when my son was born, we were living quite a distance from home, and I called on one of my paternal cousins, my wilksilaks, to stay with me and help take care of my daughter should I go into labour. The only family on hand for the birth turned out to be my maternal aunts, my parents and the father. A month before my son's due date, his father bought the crib, clothing and diapers. Two weeks before my son was born, his father put the crib together and I put on the bedding. At the hospital, my aunts and his Figure 10 Emily Wilson, author's wilksilaks (Photo taken by Suzzanne Nyce). father assisted me, while my parents and a paternal cousin took care of my daughter. Traditionally, the mother and child would be living with the extended family and so all were present for the growth and development of the child (Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce): "Everything you do its supposed to be done by your wilksilaks, right when you're born" {Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce). When the baby transitions from mother's milk to food, the paternal aunts would chew food for the baby and place it in their mouth (Sigidimnak' Alice I separated from my children's father in 2006; my children's wilksilaks are now my father's family {Wilps Hleek). 56 Azak). My mother followed this custom for my brother's children, and my parents both performed this rite for my children. Figure 11 Nisga'a mountain goat horn spoons, Canadian Museum of Civilization (Photos courtesy of Nisga'a Lisims Government). Figure 12 Nisga'a mountain goat horn spoon, Canadian Museum of Civilization (Photo courtesy of Nisga'a Lisims Government). 57 Education and Advice All of the interviewees discussed the role of the wilksilaks during the child's life for education and advice. "Education is critically important, right from when they are born to when they are buried; reinforcing education to a child is important to people as a whole." (Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). My mother takes my brother's children, as wilksilaks in their education, to help her during the year with different activities: "Even at 5-years-old, the children helped Jijii (Granny) with oolichans in March." This knowledge was an important opportunity to give instruction or tell a story "without spoiling her with that knowledge, not so she is pompous but so she has humility" {Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). Traditionally, the father's mother, brothers, and sisters played a central role in advising a child throughout their life. The first to offer advice to a child would be the older wilksilaks, the mother, senior brother and senior sister of the father. When my father was first elected to the Village Council, his father's oldest brother was the first to offer advice: "He advised me about being careful on the outside and cautioned me about different ways to speak" (Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce). On the fishing grounds, my father's wilksilaks also provided advice on when and where to fish, and "would come alongside and see how we're doing" (Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce). It was not so much his father, but his father's brothers that performed those roles. It was also important to have wilksilaks from different age groups to handle different stages of life (Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). The younger set would learn to provide you with wood or food, and as they grew, they took a more central role in your life (Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce). When advice was necessary, they would accompany a senior wilksilaks and be guided by their words to offer advice to a child. My mother had experience 58 with her adopted mother, Susan Azak, in advising her nieces during their first menstruation. Granny Susan did not know what my mom knew of the wilksilaks role during this time, so she invited herself to tea to talk to my mom: "We were having tea and she told me what she was doing and explained their part of the tradition." Granny Susan extended the invitation for my mom to "go and say hello; say a prayer; and to observe the rules" (Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). It was the same advice my mom led me through when one of my cousins was involved in a bad car accident. My Aunt called my mom (as wilksilaks) to talk to my cousin about her accident, to burn the clothes she was wearing in the accident, and to cleanse her jewelry. My mom, called me in to help and she instructed me on the type of advice to give my cousin when we met. My mom talked to my cousin first, asked her about the accident and counseled her on her importance to our life and prayed for her to be safe. My role was to talk to my cousin about the circumstances that led to the accident. I was there mostly to listen and reinforce what my mom had already said to my cousin. Education, advice and spirituality went hand in hand: "it is a very spiritual experience to participate" {Sigidimnak'Deanna Nyce). Traditionally, it was custom that the wilksilaks would be responsible for that individual for life (Sim 'oogit Hleek Dr. Joseph Gosnell; the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay). Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce explained the role of the wilksilaks surrounding spirituality: "the father's family are really gentle with the people that they take care of, they're very gentle, they are not harsh or critical with them." The child, by the gentle method is taught spirituality and gains wisdom by "repetitiveness, not by boring rote but repetitiveness - stories told in different ways" (ibid.). 59 A very special bond forms between a child and their wilksilaks based on this role to educate, offer advice and prayers for the child throughout their life. This strong relationship was necessary for the child to be comfortable to approach the wilksilaks (the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay). The wilksilaks listened and offered guidance on how to correct or deal with the consequences of an inappropriate decision as well as encourage good decisions made by a child. A mother could call on the wilksilaks if the child accomplished a task, won an award or did something extraordinarily good. The Figure 13 Virgin's Cave (Photo courtesy of Nisga'a Lisims Government). wilksilaks would respond with congratulations to the child to encourage further achievements {Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce, pers. comm.). As discussed by Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce, Sigidimnak' Alice Azak and Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce, the most important time for advice and counseling is during the "transitions of life, turn of life" {Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). All of the women discussed the role of the wilksilaks during a girl's first menstruation. There are four days during the rites of passage, when the wilksilaks provide guidance and counseling: "she's a young lady and they need to behave a certain way and have a responsible role to play" {Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). "When a girl menstruates, they look after you, talk to you." {Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce) and take the time to teach you things you need to know {Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce; Sigidimnak' Alice Azak). Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce talked about teaching them how to knit and make baskets, and how her aunt Amelia "really knew how to make dresses." Sigidimnak' Alice 60 Azak discussed the sacredness of observing the four days, during which time "in the olden days, they take you; your auntie or grandmother on your dad's side will take you into a room, like the virgin's cave. You're carrying bad luck, and on the fourth night after everyone has gone to bed your granny gets you ready, gives you a bath and makes you eat." (Sigidimnak' Alice Azak). Menstrual blood was seen to have a negative power over anything to do with men's activities, therefore it was important to keep a menstruating woman away from fishing and hunting gear during their monthly menstruation. The 'virgin's cave' is an archaeological site within the Nisga'a Memorial Lava Bed Park. Before the lava flow, girls were kept in a small house, and were secluded from the village during their first year of menstruation. When the volcano erupted, one girl and her grandmother became trapped inside. The lava "? rolled over the house and managed to hold its structure in the intense heat. When the lava cooled, it was a circular structure with handprints inside. Her reference to 'bad luck' represents the J problems of interpreting Nisga'a to English, and refers to the sacredness of the occasion and not necessarily 'bad luck' of the girl. Sigidimnak' Alice Azak also talked about the tradition of Figure 14 The late Sim'oogitBaytNeekhlDr. Jacob McKay (Photo taken by Lori Nyce). watching over a girl for an entire year following her first menstruation, which is in keeping with the Virgin's Cave tradition. 61 Traditional Nisga'a Education The traditional education system for the Nisga'a included the role the wilksilaks in teaching children different activities as they grew. Children learned by listening and doing what their wilksilaks were doing. I would like to present the full citation of the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay as he relates his life experience; it is quite lengthy but identifies the main points in the progression of educating a child: "The reason why we learn so well, in our case, those of us that were born at least 75 years ago, you know we had to learn listening to people, and we had to learn by actually doing and working with our hands. And if, you know, in my case, the first thing that I learned when I was a little boy, was the only thing I could do at that time was pack one sockeye or maybe two sockeye. Pack it up the house, you know, we were going to can, mom was going to can fish and that was before I was able to help her lay it down on -1 was able to lay it down on the table. But, I wasn't allowed to use a knife because I didn't know how to cut them either. And then, you graduate after knowing that to you know looking after the garden; picking up the weeds in the garden; and then looking after the garden is the next step, step up. And in the case of the oolichans, I actually had to go get the oolichans in Fishery Bay when I was strong enough. And the role I got to get them to Greenville - the role I got to get them back to mom's in Greenville - so mom and I could do our digit (smoked oolichans), so she could do her si 'u (sundried oolichans) in Greenville. And I did all that, and she taught me how to si 'u and that's a women's job people say - well its not. It's part of a man's job otherwise a man will starve if he didn't know what to do with that; how to make that and digidim lax sk'anloots (sundried oolichans on elderberry branches) and then making digit, smoked, putting them on sticks hey and smoking them. It's a whole process to that so I had to learn that. And the next thing I had to learn after learning that whole thing is I had to go off with my dad or my grandfather to their trap line up above Greenville there and stayed out you know you stayed out until its dark and you come home. We go up on the boat in the inlet - boat all the way around and anchor or else when the tide was right just go up with the tide and you had go up with the tide you had to row about five miles and that's where our trap lines were. 62 And when dad went fishing I had to look after all that and as I got older I took over that and same with my grandfather's area. And he was the one that taught me how to trap beavers, snare beavers and trap mink and martins and you name it you know. Wolverines, I trapped wolverines, wolves, I trapped wolves and I went and shot the wolves you know. And I had to learn all that at an early age. And how to do things in the fishing industry. And how to lead the people when you come back to Greenville. And the first thing my grandfather used to do as one of the head chiefs in Greenville is the first thing he had to - he called the chieftains together whoever could make it in Kincolith, Canyon and Aiyansh; call them down to share a meal with the community and all the people in Greenville. I remember that, standing next to him when he used to speak as a little boy and that's how come I remember a lot of these things; those were very traumatic [times] in my case you know I sometimes - all the way through I was just scared to death I would do something wrong or stupid [laughs]. But I used to sit by his chair just like this [motions to position beside him] and it worked that kind of teaching worked so I was never shy I was never shy to go up in front of people and talk to the people and explain something to the people or else talk about a new invention. I didn't get any training for that but I knew how to do that. I knew how to public speak by the time I was twelve years old and I was quite fluent in Nisga'a at that time, you know, because they taught me. Those old people taught me 'You listen what we're saying if there's any questions you ask afterwards.' And all of my uncles at that time so that's the - that is the education of our forefathers. So they really had no formal education by the facts hey not unless there's a bunch of relatives being trained by a bunch of uncles and aunts and that's what happened to a lot of us there because ours was a big family so there was a lot of us there that were trained in public speaking." As we can see from the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay's remembrances, the education of a child was a gradual process moving from one skill to another, increasing in importance and capability. It was a supportive environment, and even though he had to master each skill before moving on to the next one he was not pushed or hurried in his 'graduation'. Each skill supported the next study he was about to undertake. 63 Figure 15 Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce (Photo courtesy of Nisga'a Lisims Government). discipline to their brother's children to teach them respect and responsibility {Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce; Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce; the late Sim 'oogit BaytNeekhl Dr. Jacob McKay). At any time during a child's life, they knew that they could turn to their wilksilaks for advice, like a counselor. At an early age, a child's mother would call on the wilksilaks if they were acting inappropriately. The wilksilaks would hear the details from the mother first and then the child. The mother approached the wilksilaks first to determine what role they needed to play and to ensure a child was not being "devious and tell two stories" (the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay). Wilksilaks provided a different form of discipline than the mother, it was much more gentle, guiding so that when a child is being counseled they would not get offended {Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce; Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). The goal was to provide the necessary guidance to the child so that they would learn from their mistakes and correct any inappropriate behaviour: "The mother would tell you what's happening with the child and ask you to intervene in a very gentle way so that they would not even know it was happening. It was not to traumatize the child, discipline was done with compassion, storytelling and prayer. The only time they were aggressive with a child was if they were in danger." {Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). If all else failed and a child did not correct their behaviour an 64 intervention could be held with the parents to address the matter on a much more serious level. Another method to correct behaviour occurred between mother and child; the child would give one of their most prized possessions or buy a gift for their wilksilaks as payment for their inappropriate behaviour (Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce; Sigidimnak' Alice Azak). Granny Alice joked that her mother told her and her siblings if they were going to continue to be 'cranky' they would go broke (Sigidimnak' Alice Azak). Weddings All of the interviewees talked about the role of the wilksilaks at a wedding. There would be two wilksilaks families involved: the wilksilaks of the groom and the wilksilaks of the bride. Preparations begin several days before the actual wedding day: "When a groom gets married the wilksilaks have an important role to play, they pray, cleanse and dress him. They talk to him and advise him about the important step he has chosen to take and that life would change." (Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). More recently, a wedding shower is held for the bride by the groom's aunts (Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). The emphasis is to show the groom how important he is to the family and so that he will remember it. During the wedding day, both sets of wilksilaks are there to take care of bride and groom throughout the day. They separately offer prayers, cleanse the couple, prepare them for the wedding and feast. My mom talked about her wedding to my dad. My dad's wilksilaks, Wilps Wii Gadim Xsgaak, Laxgibuu (Wolf) tribe, served on the wedding day. My dad's paternal uncle Percy's car was used for the bride and groom the whole day. My dad's dad (Ye 'e Maurice) decorated the hall. The bride's wilksilaks is a more personal affair: "her wilksilaks also do the same thing, bathe her, do her makeup, nails, hair and prepare her clothes for after the wedding feast" (Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). She also spent a few days prior to the wedding at one of 65 her grandmother's houses so her grandmother could let her know how precious she is to the family, and counsel her and prepare her for the wedding day (Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). The late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay was the only one to talk about the roles played during the wedding feast: "When you're married you are told by your aunts and uncles not to do things because your children are growing, they are defenseless." Gifts and Payments As discussed, throughout a child's life the wilksilaks offer a range of services. In exchange for these services the mother or the child as he/she grows would provide a gift to thank their wilksilaks for their service, guidance or support: "the maternal family will pay the paternal family sometimes a token and sometimes a more significant gift" {Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). As my mother explained to me, you inherit the ability for these talents from your father's family. Likewise, the wilksilaks will provide gifts to their paternal kin's children as well: "Clyde gives me food all the time; it's their role to get fresh food and share it." (Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce). Clyde is Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce's wilksilaks from Wilps Wii Gadim Xsgaak, Laxgibuu (Wolf) Tribe, and a very good hunter and fisher. For special foods, like oolichan or moose he reciprocates with a gift for Clyde: "I'd have to give him a shirt or a coat" (Sim 'oogit Harry Nyce). Clyde is married to my dad's sister, Teresa, who is my wilksilaks. Whenever Teresa shares her smoked fish and oolichans; my mother steps in to xk'ayhl (gift; payment for wilksilaks service) Teresa for all the foods she has given for us as well. Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce and Sigidimnak' Alice Azak both talked about giving gifts based on what you had: "if you have fresh food you will break it in half and give it to them" 66 (Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce). You would give them something to eat or shoes or a sweater because "it all carries over" (Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce). Sigidimnak' Alice Azak talked about the gift as a token, something that you would have saved for such an occasion and that the gift itself was not as significant as the act of presenting the gift for their services. She also mentioned that you did not always present them with a gift for a service: "You don't pay them all the time they do this because they love you but if you feel like it you give them something" (Sigidimnak' Alice Azak). Illness Half of the interviewees talked about the role of wilksilaks when a person became ill: "If I'm there, I'll go right away and offer words of prayer if they're in the hospital, offer words of encouragement. It helps, it gives a spiritual boost: you know there's someone looking after you." (the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay). When you are ill, the wilksilaks role is more informal, if the mother is still alive, they will approach her first to find out how they can help (Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce): "They will provide tea, medicine and prayers" (Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). When I was in the hospital with pneumonia, my grandmother and my aunts came to the hospital. They sat with me for a while, offered prayers and tried to make me comfortable. One of my aunts was unable to visit me in the hospital so she put me on the prayer list at her church. Typically, the visit for one who is ill in the hospital is regulated by their wilp, the only time the wilksilaks remain at the hospital is for palliative care. When a person became gravely ill, the wilksilaks were there to provide formal assistance (Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce, the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay, Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce): "If you're called by the chief of the tribe, you should come out 67 and look after - keep watch over - then you're on duty and its up to your mother to issue the instructions" (the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay). According to Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce, it is another time of rites of passage, the passage from life to death: "It's a quiet and very spiritual, sacred time. Your role at the time of illness to death is to take care of every need. The creature comforts, to pray with them and sing songs, to reassure them that they are not the first to transition from life to death and to remind them of that." Storytelling with the family is an important role, but you are there first to keep things comfortable and clean. Wilksilaks also intervene with visitors, keeping the room quiet, "unless a grandchild comes in and then the mood changes to happy" {Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). Death All of the interviewees talked about the role of the wilksilaks at the time of death. Their role was to take care of the body, to make the casket and to handle all of the funeral arrangements with the family of the deceased (Sim 'oogit Hleek Dr. Joseph Gosnell, the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay, Sim 'oogit Harry Nyce Sr., Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce and Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). In the final rite of passage, the wilksilaks title is called 't'illulak' (undertakers) (the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay, Sim 'oogit Hleek Dr. Joseph Gosnell, Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce, Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce). The immediate family calls upon the t'illulak to "cleanse the body, talk to the spirit and reassure the spirit that they are ok to go to the afterlife" (Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). It is a very sacred time and there is a lot of spirituality that goes with the wilksilaks t'illulak responsibilities in the time of a death (Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). As witnessed during my paternal grandfather's passing, I was living with my grandparents in Prince Rupert and accompanied my grandmother (his wife) to the hospital. My grandfather Maurice's aunt and uncle, Agnes and Peter Nyce, adopted him at a young age. Agnes was Maurice's maternal aunt (See Figure 6). His biological mother, Martha, was 68 Agnes' sister. Agnes did not have any children of her own, and she adopted Maurice as her son. Martha, Agnes and Maurice were all members of Wilps Wii Gadim Xsgaak, Laxgibuu (Wolf Tribe). Agnes' husband, Peter Nyce, was a member of the Gispudwada (Killerwhale Tribe) in Wilps Niistaxho 'ok. Peter Nyce became the wilksilaks for Maurice. Since Peter Nyce was a member of my Wilp, but passed away years before, the current generation of Wilps Niistaxho 'ok served as t'illulak at the time of death. The current generation was my mother, brother, sister and me. Therefore, my grandfather Maurice had two families of wilksilaks for his t'illulak. I was a member of his adopted father's Wilp and represented Figure 16 The late Sim'oogt Maurice Nyce o u r Wil P u n t i l m y mother arrived in Prince Rupert (Photo courtesy of Nisga'a Lisims Government). from the Nass. The other wilp was from my grandfather Maurice's biological father, Sim 'oogit Gwiixmaaw (Henry Azak), Wilps Gwiixmaaw, Laxsgiik (Eagle) tribe. This wilp was represented by Sigidimnak' Alice Azak and her children, who were also in Prince Rupert at that time. I was sent to pick up Sigidimnak' Alice Azak and her daughters and bring them to the hospital. Sigidimnak' Alice Azak led the undertakers at that time, to cleanse my grandfather's space and offer prayers. In the days following the first night's vigil, we proceeded with the remaining tasks: funeral arrangements and payment for mortuary services, buying new clothes for burial, arranging for floral wreaths, memorial and church services, and writing the eulogy. 69 On a more personal task, our wilp cleaned my grandparent's house along with my father, Grandmother Emma, aunts and uncles. At this time, my maternal family is the wilksilaks and although not required to assist us in our task, my father and his siblings helped us in handling the materials coming from the house. Together we cleaned the house of my grandfather's possessions including personal items shared in the marriage, like their bed, bedding, dishes, and dining table set. We burned his personal items and clothing along with food. Each family member wrapped food in a napkin and we placed it into the fire to feed my grandfather's spirit and all the spirits he joined. My grandfather's tools, fishing gear and good articles of clothing were saved to be given at the feast. Everything and everyone was transported to the Nass for final memorial, funeral and feast. In the Nass, we were in charge of setting up my grandmother's house for the body's final visit and prayer services in their house, the memorial service and funeral, the burial and attendance at the settlement feast. In all this time, my grandfather's body was never left alone. I was the first to be at the hospital with my grandmother, and I was the last to be with him before the funeral service. In both places, I talked to my grandfather's spirit, as if he was alive, to let him know that I would be there to help my grandmother, and to guide him with the words I had heard my mother say for reassurance in his passage from life to death. At the memorial service, I remember standing at the end of the coffin during the open viewing. My role was to keep hands and tears from falling on the coffin. My mother instructed me not to look in the mourners faces, to hold their hands if they reached out, and to give a tissue for their tears. At the funeral service the next day, we stood at the coffin, placed his regalia and framed photograph on top. At the end of the church service, my mother removed these items and the family passed the regalia to my grandfather's family. At the grave, my brother and uncles had previously dug the grave, they laid out the ropes for lowering my grandfather's 70 coffin and following the prayer began filling the grave. At the settlement feast that followed, all of the ti 'llulak were seated together and during the settlement we were paid by my grandfather's wilp, Wilps Wii Gadim Xsgaak, for our services. We would not be called upon again for my grandfather until a year later at his stone-moving feast. The stone-moving feast marks the end of the year of mourning, and physically places a stone on the grave. While not as grueling a task as the funeral, our role, as ti'llulak once more, was to clean the gravesite and wash the stone before and after its move from my grandmother's house to the grave. We burned food before and during the feast as well, honoring my grandfather's spirit once more. In the stone-moving feast, my grandfather's successor takes his role and our role is no more. In the old days, the role of the t'illulak was much more intimate. You had to bathe and clothe the body for burial, other members had to build the casket as well as prepare the ground for burial. It was a very sacred time, and seen as one of the most important roles during a person's lifetime {Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce, Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce). Exceptions to the Law of the Wilksilaks There were two instances when the biological father's family did not become the wilksilaks for the children in a marriage: (1) if the father did not have any brothers or sisters, and (2) if the father did not behave responsibly or was absent in the relationship {Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce; Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce). For Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce, her father had no sisters or nieces and her maternal grandmother taught her: her grandmother said to her, "I am going to teach you to sew and knit and spin." In the second case, if the father was not responsible or absent from the children's life it fell to the responsibility of the maternal grandfather's family to support the children. In my 71 mother's experience, her grandfather's family became her wilksilaks: "I shared my mother's wilksilaks, they took that role in my life - they spoke at my wedding, they helped me when I needed help, when my sister passed away they played a pivotal role in her funeral." It was the same for my children. When my relationship with their father ended, my father's wilp, Wilps Hleek, became the wilksilaks for my children. At the settlement and stone-moving feasts for my late uncle hosted by Hleek, my children contributed money to the feast as hak'ots 'geskw (literally 'for a haircut', money given at a feast hosted by one's wilksilaks). Hak'otsgeskw refers to the custom of cutting one's hair when you are in mourning, and is a child's contribution and acknowledgement of a wilksilaks' death. My role now is to call on our wilksilaks if my children need their guidance, and to create a relationship with them. Purpose of Wilksilaks Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce and the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay both talked about the historic role of the wilksilaks. In the past, families needed each other for survival to live in our harsh environment and your wilksilaks were the ones to look after you to make sure you were well {Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). Their most important role was when a child was in a potentially dangerous situation, and they would step in to ameliorate the situation and teach the child "how to survive in that situation" {Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). The wilksilaks were the counselors, psychological counselors or marriage counselors (the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay, Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce, Sigidimnak' Alice Azak). Their role was to speak for you and offer you comfort in your decision to lead you to success. For as Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce expresses, "To bring a child to success, because success begets success." 72 Conclusion to Chapter Six To summarize all of their roles and responsibilities, the wilksilaks were there to bring your life back into balance and to continue the traditions of our people (the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay, Sigidimnak' Alice Azak, Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce, Sigidimnak' Deanna Nyce). Sigidimnak' Alice Azak talked about their role in your life: "They watch the way you walk in life and if they see something wrong or you need something, they're right there for you." In dealing with you and your situation, Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce said, "they don't allow teasing, its hawahlkw (taboo), you're supposed to treasure them [children].. .that's how much they treasure a person, that's how important you are [and they are a] very important person to you." Based on the variety of themes emerging from the wilksilaks data, like Txeemsim, I was 'full of inquiries.' The next step was determining the history of Nisga'a artifact repatriation, and to determine if the wilksilaks tradition as it emerged in the interviews could be carried over into Nisga'a artifact repatriation. 73 Chapter Seven - Presentation of Nisga'a Artifacts Data "Okay, now I'll try this bird costume on, and then I will attempt to fly." Amgat agreed excitedly. With this, Son of Luulak' [Txeemsim] jumped and was soon in flight whilst Amgat watched." (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995a, 26). Introduction to Chapter Seven Four of the interviewees were asked about the repatriation of the Nisga'a cultural artifacts. Sim 'oogit Hleek Dr. Joseph Gosnell talked about the repatriation process from the time of the missionaries and removal of artifacts from the communities. Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce Sr. gave the most information about the actual process from the Supreme Court of Canada Colder Case and Nisga'a Treaty negotiations including community conventions through to the development of the Ayuukhl Nisga'a Committee. The late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay talked about the process from the community conventions. A final question asked of all interviewees was: what would it mean to have the Nisga'a artifacts returned to the Nass? All of the interviewees agreed that the return of the artifacts would be extremely important towards the education of Nisga'a youth and their ability to move forward. Missionaries Artifact Removal and Effect Sim 'oogit Hleek Dr. Joseph Gosnell shared his recollection of the role of the missionaries in removing the artifacts from the Nisga'a community: "The missionaries mistakenly assumed our people were worshipping the totem pole the very crests our families hold today, and yet that was not the case. McCullagh and the other missionaries' opinion was that our culture had to be done away with - that they were evil - the works of the devil; and that's in McCullagh's own writing. Our culture and crests we hold today are symbols of your identity, like the Scottish, they identify who's clan they belong to - it's the way I view our culture in a similar fashion. Over the years, the missionaries' - their approval had to be granted for 74 anything that was done. They informed our most senior chiefs that if they want to enter heaven, they had to burn all their stuff. Some of the most senior chiefs in the valley did that, they cut down their totem poles and burned them, same with their regalia. Many aspects of regalia were used for performances. There's a photograph of McCullagh in a chiefs regalia from Gitlaxt'aamiks and this really fascinates me because here is a man dedicated to do away with our culture wearing it - that we held most sacred. So, over the years gifts were given to missionaries visiting the Nass. Our own people presented missionaries with gifts and objects related to family heirlooms to those missionaries." (Sim 'oogit Hleek Dr. Joseph Gosnell). Figure 17 Sim'oogit Hleek, Dr. Joseph Gosnell (Photo courtesy Nisga'a Lisims Government) The interviews all mentioned the role of the missionaries in the removal of the Nisga'a artifacts, and the continued community memories to one day have the artifacts returned to the Nass. For Sim 'oogit Hleek Dr. Gosnell, Sigidimnak' Emma, and the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay, the artifacts are very sacred because "nobody makes them anymore" (Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce). The community wanted to have the artifacts returned so that the new generation could see them and have a connection to their history and the lives of their people. A note of caution by the elders came with the desire to return the artifacts: "Our ayuuk is not to talk about people. You are not supposed to adaawak someone else's regalia. You don't talk about those things if you don't know about it - you don't gossip" (Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce). Equally important to returning the artifacts was the remembering of stories associated with the crest images: "You have to find out who it belongs to, the House." (Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce). It was the two previous generations before Joe, Emma and Jacob, that made 75 and used these artifacts. They knew the significance of the artifacts to the Nisga'a way of life along with the importance of repatriation: "They came from our old people, 'Dim lipjabit' it means 'We'll do it ourselves.' We're not going to get the experts from the outside of the Nisga'a culture or Nisga'a territory or import somebody to do it for us, and it was true they did that and they did not want to import someone from the outside [to teach about Nisga'a art and culture]. Through the leadership of Eli Gosnell, and politicians like your uncle, James Gosnell, the late James Gosnell, and there were many others (the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay). The late Sim 'oogit Eli Gosnell spoke repeatedly about the need to return the artifacts: "In one of the meetings in Aiyansh he [Ye 'e Gosnell] talked about the excitement at one point and some disappointment on the other because they [artifacts] were just there and nobody was using them and nobody knew anything about it, a lot of the items. And he was saddened I think with so much articles were there like all the bentwood boxes that were carved you know and just a host of stuff and I sort of got the feeling well describing it from a missed some opportunities that were missed by the nation from not having them around." (Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce). Figure 18 The late Sim 'oogit Eli Gosnell, Nisga'a Calder Case and Treaty Negotiations Wii Gadim Xsgaak, Laxgibuu (Photograph courtesy of Edna Nyce-Tait Personal Collection). Original photo taken by Japanese Film crew chronicling the first totem pole raising in the Nass since their removal. Sim Sim , 00 if S >oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce and Hlee k Dr - Jose . P Gosnell provided the h history of the land claims as it pertained to the cultural artifacts. It all began with the rebirth of the Nisga'a Land Committee in 1955 as the new Nisga'a Tribal Council. Under the direction of Dr. Frank Calder and his colleagues, they revived the Nisga'a land question in the courts. According to Sim 'oogit Hleek Dr. Gosnell, the goal of the Nisga'a Tribal Council was to negotiate for all of the territory and all of the artifacts: "My father [Sim 'oogit Eli 76 Gosnell] was involved in encouraging Dr. Calder to do his utmost to return all of the artifacts; all of the senior chiefs were of the same opinion." (Sim'oogit Hleek Dr. Joseph Gosnell). The late Sim 'oogit Eli Gosnell was pivotal in returning the artifacts, language and culture to the Nisga'a: "One of the court case trips they went in the early seventies, and that's where he [Sim 'oogit Eli Gosnell] was able to identify the regalia that was for ceremonial dancing. And that's when he started to pick that up, and discuss it with the elders in Aiyansh that this was something that they needed to pick back up, and so that's when they started putting the ceremonial dancing idea together" (Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce). Attending community meetings in his late teens and early twenties, Sim 'oogit Hleek Dr. Joseph Gosnell cherished the knowledge expressed by the most senior chiefs when they talked about the land, their desire to retain all of the traditional territory and if that was not possible then a large percentage of it. In his late twenties, he started getting involved with the activities of the Nisga'a Tribal Council, attending the annual conventions, and continuing the cause for the return of Nisga'a lands and artifacts for over fifty years. Sim 'oogit Sagaween, Harry Nyce talked about the dedication of the entire Nisga'a community at Figure 19 Sim'oogit Sagaween, Harry Nyce (Photo by author). 77 this time: "In the communities, everyone had the opportunity to have discussion on it, there were a lot of community meetings, people were quite diligent back then about the meetings and having their say. The Nisga'a people, and in particular, the elders, were already discussing the repatriation of Nisga'a artifacts. They had already made gestures I guess during the conventions of requirements, cultural requirements, that were absent.. .all the people knew then was tribes, the pdeeks (tribes), the simgigats and sigidimhaanaks and all that, that was it, it was basic very basic." When asked about the role of his grandfather, Eli, Sim 'oogit Sagaween, Harry Nyce described his participation along with the other elders: "They sort of watched from a distance sort of thing. In meetings they just cautioned, cautionary things about the spiritual part of that and they advised in a general fashion about the Tribal Council to make every effort not be too disruptive or too demanding if you will about these things because you need time to research and then think about them really. They played a cautionary role and gave the value of them then I think it was a cautionary thing about when the people got them back and have a resale or something, it was very much a cautious attitude, and everyone agreed that if they were ever to come back that it would be to a museum." Following the Calder Case in 1973, the federal government developed a Comprehensive Land Claims Policy that laid the groundwork for the different issues available for discussion respecting the Calder Decision. The Nisga'a Tribal Council developed a working strategy to handle of the issues on the negotiating table: "The Tribal Council had portfolios and one of the portfolios was Cultural Artifacts" (Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce). Nisga'a Cultural Artifacts Committee Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce accepted the Chair for Cultural Artifacts Committee in 1976, and developed an outline for the structure of meetings and necessary research to advance their cause with different museums. Initially, the Artifacts Committee thought of 78 going abroad to museums in Europe and sent an inquiry regarding any Nisga'a artifacts in their collections. However, it was outside of the mandate of the Artifacts Committee because the treaty only dealt with the two negotiating parties' museums (Canadian Museum of Civilization and the Royal BC Museum) and no other resources were available at that time to pursue the interest. Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce gives a full description of the Artifacts Committee and its developing conversation with the museums: "The outline included the discussion of size of artifacts. The general knowledge was that there was totem poles, bentwood boxes, household items, like spoons - metal and wood, there was general knowledge of regalia that was there, ceremonial masks in various sizes, and that was the general knowledge." The Committee decided to move forward and meet with the museums but required a list of materials before they could proceed: "I believe the first people that we met with was Victoria, the Royal BC Museum. The general discussion first we outlined from, gathered from the elders also advised us that there were sacred items amongst us, and it was imperative that they know in advance what was there by way of sacred items. And their advisement that no one was to touch the items, if they had a certain life, like it had to be elders that actually did the touching of the items, I guess it's a spiritual thing. And that was one of the things that was identified. And then when we went to the museum, the museum folks were very supportive they did separate it, it was already separated what was Nisga'a and what they thought was Tsimshian-Nisga'a or Gitksan-Nisga'a, or something like that they put it aside." Once sacred items were found among the artifacts, the Nisga'a simgigat (chiefs and matriarchs) played an integral role in identifying artifacts for the Committee: "And I think it was Ye'e Gosnell was part of the group along with some other folks earlier, and then later on they didn't want to travel they didn't want to be involved all that much. And that's when Bert McKay, Rod Robinson, and your Jiits' [Emma Nyce] and other folks, Amelia Morven, were brought in to assist in identifying and describing items whether they were spiritual, or 79 whether they were sacred, or whether they were for ceremony, whether it be ceremony for weddings, or funerals, or births. It took some time to put it all together, with the archivists in the museums did a lot of research background and the elders added on to what they managed to recover by way of their research on different items." (Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce). I participated in two of the elders' viewing of the artifacts at the Canadian Museum of Civilization. I was serving as an intern at the museum at that time and the elders brought me in as a 'secretary,' to handle the artifacts and decipher some of the crest images placed on them. The key identifying factors were crests that the elders had not encountered before, making them more sacred and thus requiring their need to be repatriated. When it was known, the wilp was identified but no adaawak were told. One of the hardest things to witness was the desire of the elders to have all the items returned and knowing that the museum's would not permit such a transaction. The Nisga'a collections were divided according to each museum's policy for repatriation. The Canadian Museum of Civilization divided the collection into sacred versus secular artifacts, all those they deemed sacred were placed on the transfer list, while those they interpreted as secular remained with the museum. The Royal BC Museum thought a 50 - 50 split of the collection was a fair division of property, the list was determined not by our elders, but by museum staff. Importance of Artifacts Returning to the Nass The return of the artifacts to the Nass Valley will revive Nisga'a spirituality and education. As in the discussion for negotiation, the return of the artifacts must be dealt with in a very cautious attitude as Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce said, "In our ayuuk we do not talk about other people. We are not supposed to adaawak someone else's regalia." It will take time to determine the Wilp that owns the artifacts and work with them in telling the Nisga'a story: 80 "Well I think initially I think it would be a somber, a somber time it will need to be very much academics like your self, like curator type people, to handle them and take care of them. And also, to put programs together for school kids who will be researching and looking at these items. And that's something very much that will be educational - for the most part, and it will be a touristy thing as well but for the most part we don't have that much traffic here it will mostly be for the Nisga'a who will have a lot of time for the museum, to have time to spend inside it." (Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce). According to the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay, the repatriation of the Nisga'a artifacts will be a cultural revival that will inspire people to work: "To do something every day of the year.. .It's all based on this saying of the old people 'sagaljapkws' that's building of a community; building of a community spirit; building of a vibrant and lively community. That's what sagaljapkws is, and each and everyone of our Nisga'as are born and when they go out travel distant places and when they come back like we still do this today we impart the knowledge like you people today. And that's the old philosophy of our forefathers and that's the way we can survive strongly is to keep on evolving." Reflecting on Nisga'a spirituality was also important to him: "It's a spiritual thing to me in my heart and in my soul.. .It's spiritual to me, it means I finally meet the efforts of those that have long gone, their spirit is still there to me and I'll finally get to meet them. I know I will see them [ancestors] some day when the time comes but this way is one of the ways of getting to know them and feel them. For the young people I guess it will give them pride - pride in the designs their forefathers developed and the ecological designs that they dreamed up. They dreamed of these mythical type of creatures and they call them naxnok the legends that they established and that was their belief, their spirituality is the stories, the stories that have been passed on the stories that have evolved as time goes on and the way we have learned right now." Sim'oogitHleekTk. Joseph Gosnell also spoke of the importance of moving the Nisga'a culture into the future: "[The repatriation] will do one thing - mainly to hang on to parts of culture today in terms ofadaawak, revive family songs; improve what we know. Nothing is stopping anyone today from making new songs that relate to the present day. Old family songs sung of how they lived. The renewal of our culture that started in the mid 1970s encouraged our younger members today to think of new songs." 81 Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce summed up the importance of the artifacts, "Nobody makes those things anymore. They are very sacred, that's why we want them back so that the new generation can see what they look like." Conclusion to Chapter Seven The history of Nisga'a artifact repatriation was a community event. From their removal, the entire Nisga'a community retained the adaawak associated with those artifacts. Community effort in the Nisga'a Tribal Council conventions gave the negotiators orders to have the artifacts returned to the Nisga'a community. Rather than see individual wilp sell returning artifacts another community decision was to develop a Nisga'a Nation museum for the return of the collection to the Nass Valley. As the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay said, "Dim lipjabif (We'll do it for ourselves). The Nisga'a community will determine the future of the repatriated materials; perhaps they will assist in maintaining traditions for a strong and successful future generation. The data supporting the roles of the wilksilaks and repatriation have now been gathered, like Txeemsim, it is time to try to test out my hypothesis. 82 Chapter Eight - Analysis of Data and Discussion "They sat and waited in vigil. An'moogam Haat [Txeemsim] and Amgat were not in a hurry. They were more intent upon making a wise move. Nothing changed the second day either. The number of openings and the interval between were exactly the same, four times each day. They did notice, however, that the last opening always stayed a little longer before it closed. They watched the third day, too, and it was identical to the previous two days. Then, on the fourth day, An'moogam Haat said, "Today we will make the attempt. We will wait for the last opening." (Nisga'a Tribal Council 1995a, 44). Introduction to Chapter Eight I designed the research to incorporate an indigenous paradigm from a Nisga'a worldview by using the ayuuk. I structured my research for data collection and interviews to give a Nisga'a voice to the preexisting literature and to expand this to a contemporary context. This Chapter will establish the argument that was proposed in the original research model, to describe how the law of the wilksilaks worked to repatriate Nisga'a artifacts by looking first at an analysis of the wilksilaks data, incorporating that into my particular wilksilaks network, and finally its incorporation into a contemporary issue (repatriation). Analysis of Wilksilaks Data I began my research by defining the wilksilaks relationship: who the wilksilaks are and what their roles and responsibilities are to a child. From the literature review and interviews, four domains of the wilksilaks relationship were known: (1) services, (2) payments, (3) education, and (4) access to land. The interview with the late Sim 'oogitBayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay (Uncle Jake) revealed a fifth domain: (5) the mother's role. At first, I had thought that, as my wilksilaks, Uncle Jake was encouraging me as a mother but in a 83 review of his entire interview, I came to understand the vital connection of the mother to the wilksilaks relationship. Table 3 Domains, subdomains and items in the wilksilaks relationship. Domain 1 Subdomain Items Domain 2 Subdomain Items Domain 3 Subdomain Items Domain 4 Subdomain Items Domain 5 Subdomain Items Rites Clothe Food Name Counseling Prayers Cleansing Birth Midwife Clothe Cradle Food Prayers Cleansing Services Marriage Clothe Food Counseling Prayers Cleansing Illness Clothe Food Prayers Cleansing Death Clothe Food Prayers Casket Cleansing Payments Xk'ayhl Clothe Food Container Blanket _^ Monetary Hak'ots'geskw Aye 'e (for Simgigat only at a Stone Moving Feast) Food Gathering Processing Cooking Resources Gathering Lands Laws Mother Ango 'oskw Adaawak Father Amnigwootkw Preparation Calling Education Advice Resources Cooking Land Discipline Spirituality Naming Illness Death Education Materials Gathering Processing Using Maintenance Access to Land Marriage Ango 'oskw Amnigwootkw Hagwinyuuwo 'oskw Mother's Role Sendoff Resources Education Land Advice Spiritual Practical Discipline Compassion Information Sharing Stages Preparedness Illness Achievement There is constant communication in the wilksilaks relationship. The conversation begins with the mother when the child is an infant and as they grow, the mother speaks for the child to express the child's needs and accomplishments of the child to their wilksilaks. The mother is the key to all of the factors in the wilksilaks relationship. She engages the 84 wilksilaks to respond to a child when they are ill or are in need of discipline, or assail at something their wilksilaks did in their life reciprocating with xk'ayhl for a gift received. She prepares the child before they are sent to their wilksilaks for further training, and in this preparation, she teaches the child to love their wilksilaks. It is really her intimate knowledge of the way the child thinks, learns, and behaves, that is the foundation for the wilksilaks relationship. As she watches and guides her child, a mother knows when to call the wilksilaks for added support and guidance. When looking at how the mother initiated and fostered the wilksilaks relationship, we see that she did have tools within the ayuuk that she could invoke to support her in raising her child. Within the theme of the ayuuk we are obligated in the wilksilaks relationship for the services provided. When a child is in need of support or guidance, a mother knows she can call the wilksilaks to handle it in a timely manner and according to ayuuk. We xk'ayhl and make monetary payments for the services they offer. We are granted access to lands owned by our wilkislaks through the ayuuk because of the wilksilaks relationship, and having first learned about our own ango 'oskw we have a reverence and respect for lands that do not belong to us. According to the ayuuk, we also publicly acknowledge our wilksilaks in the lilgit by xk'ayhl, hak'otsgeskw, and aye'e. The final service and final public acknowledgement with payment is during the yukw (funeral settlement feast) and following mak'a 'am lo 'op (stone-moving feast). Wilksilaks Relationship in AyuukhlNisga'a The wilksilaks relationship is tied into all ten ayuuk identified by the late Sim 'oogit Axdii Wi ILuu Gpoda Dr. Bert McKay (1996): (1) respect, (2) education, (3) governance of chieftainship and matriarchs, (4 and 5) title and land transfer in the settlement of the estate, 85 (6) marriage, (7) divorce, (8) war and peace, (9) trading, and (10) restitution. A family core group consisting of the child's parents, immediate grandparents and wilksilaks are responsible for the child through out their life: (1) Respect Under the core family group's attention, the child learns respect in all aspects of their life. They teach respect but more importantly, they show respect to the child so that they may learn its true meaning. (2) Education The education of a child is also under the direction of the same family core group, and it begins at their birth. Every person born into our society has a gift that they can contribute to the Nisga'a Nation and it was the family core group's responsibility to learn what that gift was for this child, and to foster their gift when raising the child. (3) Governance of Chieftainship and Matriarch Governance of the chieftainship and matriarch is a more formal education process. Groomed from birth, those rising to the title of chief or matriarch are taught more closely the adaawak and ango 'oskw of their wilp by the family core group. They would also support them as they moved through the different stages of life. This became more important as they enter adulthood and began hosting and supporting galilgit for their wilp. (4 and 5) Title and Land Transfer in Settlement of the Estate There are two ayuuk within the settlement of the estate, one for title and one for ango 'oskw. This is where we have access rights granted according to the wilksilaks relationship (amnigwootkw, hagwinyuuwo 'oskw and ango 'oskw) and make public payments (xk 'ayhl, hak 'ots 'geskw and aye 'e). 86 (6) Marriage and (7) Divorce Wilksilaks play an important role in marriage and divorce. Marriages were once arranged between huwilp, my grandmother's being one of the last arrangements. The core family group would decide the arrangement and carry out the duties for engagement and feast. Today, the wilksilaks are there for the algax (engagement ceremony), wedding ceremony, and feast. For a divorce, a father assumes the wilksilaks responsibilities of his daughter's children as previously mentioned in my children's circumstance. Figure 20 Raven/Chiefs rattle, Royal Ontario Museum (Photo courtesy of Nisga'a Lisims Government). (7 and 8) War and Peace with (9) Trade War, peace and trading11 fall to the jurisdiction of each huwilp, but if we look at the adaawak we can see that at times the wilksilaks of those huwilp aided their children if they were engaged in any of these acts. For example, in the Sgawo Adaawak from my own family, 11 Photo of Raven/Chief s rattle which was a Nisga'a trade item during the oolichan season. 87 Sgawo married the Son of the Sun and he gave their children supernatural gifts to aid them in avenging the deaths of Sgawo's wilp. (10) Ksiiskw (Restitution) Ksiiskw (Restitution) is the ultimate role when it comes to discipline on behalf of the wilksilaks. Ksiiskw is practiced in a breach of ayuuk for an accidental or attributed loss of life or for an act of abusive behaviour. The wilksilaks are called in to carry out a public cleansing of the accused and ensure compensation is made to the grieving parties. While the ayuuk obligates us to provide and make payment in the wilksilaks relationship, it does not confine us or discipline us for times that we cannot respond. However, I have not encountered a time when the wilksilaks did not respond to a mother's call. It is a moral obligation, and in the case where a child does not have wilksilaks more emphasis of their training is placed on the mother. My great-great-grandmother lamented the fact that my grandmother was 'poor' because she did not have wilksilaks but had to draw upon a wider circle (Sigidimnak' Emma Nyce pers. comm.). As a result, my great-greatgrandmother took great care to provide some of the wilksilaks services for my grandmother, and an even greater responsibility was placed on my great-grandfather since he had no siblings, to carry out his duties for his children. My grandmother was not without wilksilaks, she had extended family, but the missing link was a close tie to her father through an immediate uncle, aunt or grandmother. Today, as an elder, my grandmother's wilksilaks are descendants of her father's wilp. As we have seen, the ayuuk governing the wilksilaks relationship fits in with a multitude of other Nisga'a laws for titles, resource use, lands, language, culture, and spirituality. The ayuuk began with our creation story: 88 "K'amligihahlhaahl [Creator] placed four lodges in this place [Gwinsk'eexkw] and in each lodge he placed a chieftain and an older sister, a matriarch, and then a wife. And K'amligihahlhaahl identified each of these lodges: you will be known as the Eagle tribe; you will be known as the Wolf tribe; you will be known as the Killerwhale tribe; and you will be known as the Raven tribe. He did this for a reason. He taught our people through his messengers that in order to remain strong and be identified with God's creation we have to hold our family units together" (McKay 1993, 126). The key is to 'remain strong and be identified with God's creation.' The wilksilaks relationship within the ayuuk is a part of Nisga'a spirituality to maintain our strength and connection to K'amligihahlhaahl. This is a reciprocal relationship: what is achieved in the physical world is reciprocated in the spiritual world. Like karma of Eastern religions, if a person did not act in accordance with our ayuuk and abide by hawahlkw (taboos or cautions) there were spiritually charged physical responses to their inappropriate actions. For example, in the Adaawak of the Nass Lava Flow, the spirits take action against the people for the mischievous behaviour of young boys who were tormenting the salmon as they swam upstream. The law instructs us to respect the salmon and place their remains back into the river to repopulate the stock so that our people would not go hungry. Breaching the law has a consequence: the volcano erupted killing thousands of our people because nobody stopped the boys from their inappropriate actions. The wilksilaks relationship is also reciprocal, for services and attributes gained by a child xk'ayhl is made to the wilksilaks. The child supports the wilksilaks when they are ill with food, gifts, and prayers to help them heal, and when there is a death or at a feast hosted by the wilp of their wilksilaks the child supports them with hak'ots 'geskw or aye 'e. At each stage in a child's life, the wilksilaks not only offer guidance, support, clothes or food, they do so with prayer. Wilksilaks are brought in when there is an imbalance to the life of a child, and their role is to return balance back into the child's life. The wilksilaks offer 89 prayers and often the use of wa 'urns (devil's club) in washing, bathing or cleansing a child or their possessions, to remove the bad spirit and restore balance. Part of maintaining our spirituality is based on a fundamental belief that K'amligihahlhaahl has bestowed a number of gifts onto us, the Nisga'a. Gifts like language, culture, and lands as well as our abilities as artists, writers, carvers, teachers and other professions. Like raising a child, these gifts are respected, we take great care of them, we pray for their continued good use, and we give thanks to have them. The wilksilctks relationship is also a gift from K'amligihahlhaahl. As such, it is not a role to take lightly and all duties must be fulfilled for a good life of the child and for a good life of the wilksilaks. The wilksilaks relationship is not only a spiritual obligation it is a part of our continual life cycle. We are born with wilksilaks, and through our life, we become wilksilaks ourselves. Like returning the bones of the salmon to streams and rivers for rebirth and our continued sustenance, the wilksilaks relationship is respected from when we are a child and learn to honour our wilksilaks for all that they do, we learn about their roles and responsibilities because one day we become wilksilaks ourselves. Analysis of Nisga'a Repatriation Data The literature surrounding repatriation was an historical overview of repatriation both within and outside the treaty process. The only discussion about repatriation in Nisga'a culture came from the public relations department of Nisga'a Tribal Council in Bringing Our Ancestors Home (1998). The data brings the discussion back to the role of the Nisga'a Nation and its importance in Nisga'a culture. Nisga'a repatriation is about reviving our history and supporting future generations. The Nisga'a repatriation data reveals three domains: spirituality, community, and adaawak. 90 Table 4 Domains, subdomains and items of Nisga'a repatriation Domain 1 Subdomain Item Domain 2 Subdomain Item Domain 3 Subdomain Item Spirituality Artifacts Sacred Appropriateness Missionaries Removal Nation Collective history Museum Nisga'a Tribal Council Elders Spiritual Guidance Caution Artifacts Artifacts Huwilp owned Sacred Identity Ancestors Life Connection Community Youth Educate Spirituality Connect Future Adaawak Future Evolve The repatriation of Nisga'a artifacts begins with Nisga'a spirituality. All of the interviewees stressed the sacredness of the artifacts for two reasons: (1) they contained the spirits of the ancestors, and (2) Nisga'a artisans were not making these types of materials today. The belief was that the spirit of the ancestors is still in the artifacts because they were manifestations of the adaawak, which essentially were their spirituality. Adaawak are the cornerstone of Nisga'a identity. They present the history, genealogy, and crests of the different clans or tribes within the Nisga'a Nation. The artifacts contain a spiritual charge that came from the adaawak that they represented, and from their construction by Nisga'a artisans. Each artifact was made for a purpose that would be prayed for and given a spirit for its function. The spiritual element of the artifacts was evident in rules governing their handling by the elders, who cautioned the Nisga'a negotiating team not to touch the artifacts unless you lived a 'certain life.' The late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay also stressed this element by saying, "It's spiritual to me.. .their [ancestors] spirit is still there." The role of the elders in determining the sacredness of the collection was central to not only 91 the museum's understandings of what the collection was but to Nisga'a understanding and knowledge. The second aspect that makes the artifacts sacred is the fact that no one makes those types of materials today. This makes the artifacts a rare find and very important to Nisga'a memory not only in their construction and in materials used, but the crests represented on many of the objects no longer in use. This was one of the key identification factors for the elders. There is an entire history waiting to be revived amongst the Nisga'a through these artifacts. The Nisga'a community is at the heart of Nisga'a repatriation efforts. As the late Sim 'oogit Bayt Neekhl Dr. Jacob McKay said, "Dim lipjabif (We'll do it ourselves). Like the efforts to settle the land question for ownership of the land, Nisga'a repatriation was ownership of history. Common knowledge in the Nisga'a community told of the removal of the artifacts by missionaries, and the role played by simgigat in adherence to missionary rules. At this time, the Nisga'a community faced a true test to maintain the adaawak without their physical representations, the artifacts. However, the collective memory of the Nisga'a did maintain the adaawak. For the elders raised with portions of the collections in use, the artifacts were a connection to history and ancestors. For negotiators, like Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce and Sim 'oogit Hleek Dr. Joseph Gosnell, viewing the collections in the museums, also meant renewal of traditions. For the entire community, the repatriation of the artifacts was most important for future generations. Together, the Nisga'a community under the annual Nisga'a Tribal Conventions let the negotiators know that repatriation was a paramount interest to the community and that it would be a community initiative to have them returned and housed in a Nisga'a museum. The elders played a critical role in keeping artifacts a part of the negotiations. Cautioning the negotiators and directing the Cultural 92 Artifacts Committee to properly identify and provide adaawak when it was known. It was important to have this information recorded with the artifacts to ensure that Nisga'a youth could be properly educated in their history. It was believed that the future development of a museum would connect Nisga'a youth to their ancestry and give them pride in their ancestors' accomplishments. The key element that holds the Nisga'a community to the artifacts are the adaawak. The adaawak are huwilp owned oral histories of their families' lives. The elders were brought to museums to identify these artifacts and their adaawak to try to determine their ownership amongst the Nisga'a huwilp. The elders were representatives of the four tribes (Laxsgiik, Laxgibuu, Ganada, and Gisk'aasi) and four villages because the ayuuk states one must not speak about another wilp 's adaawak. This brings us back to the sacred nature and spirituality that the artifacts represent. Taken with spirituality and the community, the adaawak of past artifacts was seen as a means to foster new adaawak, as discussed by Sim 'oogit Hleek Dr. Joseph Gosnell. Wilps Hleek issued a memorandum to all Nisga'a dance groups to stop using their family songs in their performances. The Hleek family encouraged the dance troupes to create new songs, stories and crests based on their personal experience and life. In the same method that the adaawak were created thousands of years ago, contemporary dance groups were to draw upon their own special events or sacred encounters. Wilksilaks Relationship in Nisga'a Repatriation The wilksilaks relationship is a social structure within the Nisga'a community and patterns are constantly created, adapted, and carried through several generations. The units of my wilksilaks relationship that were a part of this research include my father, paternal grandmother and great uncle, and uncle (Figure 5 in bold type). 93 Table 5 Wilksilaks network for Allison Nyce in repatriation efforts. Black arrows indicate wilksilaks knowledge transfer to succeeding generation. Grey arrows indicate xk'ayhl to wilksilaks as knowledge transfer occurred. Laxsgiik/Laxts'imilx Huwilp Wilps Hleek and Bayt Neekhl Eli Gosnell Maurice Nyce Mary Gosnell Emma Nyce Harry Nyce Dr. Joseph Dr. Jacob Gosnell McKay Deanna Nyce Allison Nyce My wilksilaks are tied to me within Ayuukhl Nisgq 'a for a variety of potential and actual services as identified in the preceding Chapter. Before I had the capability of approaching my wilksilaks directly, my mother was the tie between my life and my wilksilaks. As seen in the data analysis, the mother's role in a wilksilaks network is crucial to establishing and maintaining open communication between my wilksilaks and me. Her tie, and then my tie, to my wilksilaks builds over time. The more services, advice and counseling offered by my wilksilaks, the stronger the tie. In the past when children accompanied their father on their trap lines, the tie between father and child was extremely strong. It was a bond formed by intense training, physical exertion and closeness. For me, that bond was built upon experience in school, work and feasting. As a child finds their gift, the mother will call upon the wilksilaks with demonstrated ability to fulfill their obligations and educate the child (Table 5). I have a connection to each of my wilksilaks within my father's immediate family, but only those with demonstrated 94 ability and experience aided me in my studies and work. My father, Sim 'oogit Sagaween Harry Nyce Sr., educated me about the history and importance of Nisga'a repatriation. As my experience and participation grew, I drew upon the knowledge of my Ye'e Joe, Grandmother Emma and uncle Jacob. Within each of these specialized networks, the wilksilaks relationship becomes structurally equivalent to one another. My father inherited the task of repatriating Nisga'a artifacts from his father in their role as Chief Councillor of Gitwinksihlkw. If we branch out his wilksilaks network, we would find it similar to my wilksilaks network, reaching towards paternal kin that shared similar tasks. We can see that the child's role is central to the wilksilaks network, their gift ties them to their wilksilaks with similar gifts, and often we can see that the cluster of relationships with a similar gift spans generations. The relationships between my wilksilaks networks are transitive. This means I have a positive relationship with my father for knowledge transmission. Following Ayuukhl Nisga 'a can transfer that positive relationship to my paternal grandmother, great uncle, or uncle. This is a very critical element because it shows that the wilksilaks tradition can be adapted to suit a variety of units within the network. This enables the tradition to persist through several generations. My wilksilaks relationship network for repatriation is represented as a low-density network because it follows only one aspect of my work - the repatriation of cultural artifacts. Knowledge flows directly to a succeeding generation (black arrows) and xk'ayhl are reciprocated back through the same network (grey arrows). This is my particular wilksilaks network for the repatriation of cultural artifacts. To create a full representation of all my experiences with my wilksilaks would expand this thesis four-fold and a graph of relationships across many pages. 95 The analysis of Nisga'a cultural artifact repatriation shows that through the wilksilaks tradition, the task of repatriating the artifacts spanned four generations in my family. The key units in each generation are my great-grandfather Eli Gosnell, to my Jiits' Emma and Ye 'e Maurice, through to my father and finally to me. With each generation, the task of repatriating artifacts was guided by the wilksilaks of my father, Jiits' Emma, and me. From my position in the network, my mother and I reached out to my wilksilaks that could nurture the gift I had for retaining Nisga'a language and culture which is a necessary ability to work with the artifacts. If I had taken this study and applied it to my father, as Chair of the Cultural Artifacts Committee, we would find a similar network of wilksilaks that offered him support and guidance in the task. The analysis stops with my great-grandfather because I do not have the data with respect to his wilksilaks relationship. This wilksilaks network only works for the repatriation of artifacts, should I expand my network to other skills it would branch out much differently. For example, if I had focused on my artwork, guidance would flow from a different set of wilksilaks (Figure 6). In this example (Figure 6) my father, paternal grandmother, paternal uncle (Peter), and paternal aunts (Shirley and Teresa), all assisted in my creation of button blankets and developed my skills over time. With each of their services to me, I reciprocated with xk'ayhl. With this wilksilaks network, the child is at the center and ties are first made through my mother and then later with my wilksilaks directly. 96 Table 6 Wilksilaks network for Allison Nyce in art production. Black arrows indicate knowledge transfer to succeeding generation. Grey arrows indicate xk'ayhl back to wilksilaks for that knowledge. Wilps Hleek Ye'e Gosnell Mary Gosnell Emma Nyce Harry Nyce Peter Nyce 4, DeannaNyce \£ Shirley Nyce Teresa Azak UL < - < - < VL - vp vp 4/ \|z Allison Nyce