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Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement reproduits sans son autorisation. 0-612-62483-8 CanadS APPROVAL Name: Deneka MacDonald Degree: Master of Arts Thesis Title: CONSTRUCTING NEW CAMELOTS: REPRESENTATIONS OF SEXUALITY, GENDER AND RELIGION IN ARTHURIAN LEGEND AND THEIR MANIFESTATIONS IN CONTEMPORARY WRITING AND CULTURE. Examining Committee: Chair: Max Blouw Dean of Graduate Studies Supervisor: Karin Beeler Assistant Professor^^glish Program Stan Beeler Chair, English Pronam William Morrison Professor, History Program Extemal^ga%n»eP'tlônPrecosky Coordinator, English Program College of New Caledonia Date Approved: 11 Abstract The Arthurian Legends have a long history of close association with Christianity and Paganism. As such, the doctrines associated with these religions have become embedded in the Legends themselves. Consequently, early medieval stories of Arthur depict Christianity as a positive force while condemning Pagan religions. Moreover, contemporary Arthurian Legends which rely heavily on medieval sources, such as Thomas Malory, illustrate similar views. In contrast, feminist texts which give little or no credit to medieval sources, speculate about the earlier religions of the Celts and criticize Christianity for its vicious suppression of Pagan Goddess worship. This study explores religion, sexuality and gender in the Middle Ages and the twentieth century while examining selected contemporary Arthurian works. The Mists o f Avalon, by Marion Zimmer Bradley is a feminist Arthurian text which examines issues of religion, sexuality and gender through its fiction. Further, the text supports a strong opposition to social and political hierarchies. Bradley creates a fictional world in which she challenges negative sexual stereotypes and offers a matriarchal arena where "the Goddess” is worshiped as a powerful deity in the world of Camelot. Similarly, Daughter ofTintagel, by Fay Sampson celebrates a return to Paganism and the worship of the Goddess. Both Bradley and Sampson resurrect the powerful female character of Morgan le Fey and recreate her relationship with the Goddess. Filmic adtqrtations such as John Boorman’s Excalibur, Jerry Zucker’s First Knight, and NBC’s miniseries Merlin, fiirther illustrate western society’s fascination with Arthurian Legends. These films do not have a feminist focus; however they give substantial consideration to female characters. Moreover, films like Excalibur, First Knight and Merlin incorporate motifs of religion, sexuality and gender into their visual representations. The texts and films in Ill this study do not address these motifs with the same goal; however, the differences in the treatment of sexuality, religion and gender within the various worics are significant because they reflect cultural attitudes and social value systems. Thus, this thesis examines aspects of social and cultural history in relation to the reshaping of contemporary Arthuriana. IV TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT 11 TABLE OF CONTENTS IV ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vi DEDICATION vii INTRODUCTION 1 The Skeleton 2 The Historical Arthur 3 A Brief History of Arthurian Authors 11 Contemporary Arthurian Authors 17 Contemporary Film Versions of Arthuriana 20 The Focus of this Study 22. CHAPTER ONE MOTHER EARTH OR THE VHIGIN MARY?RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS IN ARTHURIAN LEGEND 25 Christianity in the Middle Ages 27 Paganism: Contemporary and Medieval 30 Feminism and Religion 34 De-centering Christianity 35 Recreating the Image of Woman 38 Religious Dichotomies 45 Temptations and the Goddess 51 CHAPTER TWO CAMELOT REBORN: REVISING THE FEMALE TRADITION 59 SexualiQr 60 SexualiQr and the Political 64 Woman as Object 66 Sexuality and Lust 70 Sexuality and Power 73 Female Centered Spirituality 82 CHAPTER THREE ARTHURIAN LEGEND AND THE IMPORTANCE OF MAGIC 86 A Brief Overview of Magic 87 Visual Transgressions and Power 89 Sexual Transgressions 94 Conceptions of Evil 102 Divine Interventions 109 CONCLUSION 111 NOTES 114 WORKS CITED 123 VI Acknowledgments I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to Karin Beeler, Stan Beeler, Bill Morrison, and Don Precosky, for all of their help, encouragement, and confidence throughout the process of this thesis. vu For Kfy Da, Stephen Allen MacDonald. Because o f his unifying support, encouragement, and sincere interest throughout the years— especially during this process. Andfor his never-failing words o f wisdom that have always given me strength. Thankyou V Introduction The story o f King Arthur and his legendary kingdom of Camelot continues to fascinate the western world. The concept of Camelot, perceived for generations as the perfect social and political utopia, is an intriguing one. Consequently, the Arthurian Legends' have endured throughout the centuries in many forms— as novels, poems, songs, and historical accounts, which have in turn attracted the attention of both scholars and non-specialists. What is it about this particular story which continues to attract such a vast audience? Perhaps it is the historical mystery which surrounds the legend— the search for the truth about this superhuman Arthur. Several people are lured to Arthuriana because of the adventure, magic and sorcery embedded in the stories. Others find comfort in the utopia o f Camelotas structure. Unfortunately, there is no single reason for the continued interest in the subject. Yet the fact remains: the world will Amd archeological expeditions, listen to stories and songs, view films, and read the vast wealth o f literature produced on Arthur of Camelot. This thesis examines the contemporary fascination with Arthurian figures in fiction and film, including feminist representations of the subject which validate the experiences o f women. Arthurian Legends are versatile and diverse; Throughout the centuries they have embraced a varied of social, political, and cultural values within their plots. As authors retell the story of Camelot, they embellish events which have already been told, and often expand upon characters who have previously been one dimensional. In 2 contemporary literary and film versions o f the legend, this phenomenon is particularly noticeable in the treatment of characters such as Morgan le Fay, Gwenivere and Igraine. While contemporary worics vary as much as earlier re-tellings, most complete versions retain the skeleton of Arthurian Legend; it is firom this starting point that authors embark on their own unique retelling o f events and characterization. As Christopher Dean notes, this “fundamental outline has hardened into an accepted medieval canon”(l 1). An overview of this outline is provided below. The Skeleton The complete story of Arthur can begin in a variety of places, but for the purposes o f this study we shall begin with the lady Igraine. Igraine is married to Gorlois, Duke o f Cornwall. They have one daughter together, Morgaine (later known as Morgaine le Fay). At some point (versions vary), Uther Pendragon, High King of Britain, falls in love with Igraine and decides he must have her. Uther kills Gorlois. With the assistance of Merlin the magician, Uther is w r^ped in a cloak of magic, which disguises him as the Duke of Cornwall. He is then able to pass safely through the gates ofTintagel. Uther has sex with Igraine, claims her as his own, and makes her his wife. Arthur is conceived from their first sexual encounter. Since Arthur’s conception is so close to the death of Gorlois, questions arise over his legitimacy. Merlin takes Arthur from his parents at an early age and fosters him with a poor family. Morgaine is left to be raised at court for a time. 3 When Uther dies, Arthur steps in as High King o f Britain at a very young age. Early on he proves himself as a remarkable warlord. He moves his court firom Carleon to Camelot, and establishes the knights o f the Round Table. He marries Gwenivere, whose biggest tragedy is her love for Lancelot, Arthur’s Champion Knight. Gwenivere and Arthur never have a child. Morgaine leaves court long before Arthur becomes king. Morgaine and Arthur conceive a child— Mordred. For a variety of reasons, Camelot ultimately falls in the end. The.Historical Arthur The historical Arthur lived in fifth century Britannia. Although he was a great warlord, he was never a true king. From all the past heroes that it might have chosen, western Europe selected the short reign o f Arthur as pattern of a golden age of good government (Morris 118). However, it was not until long after the historical Arthur’s death that his story took root in history and in literature. Why then has his story endured and become embellished for centuries? There is much scholarly skepticism surrounding the true identity of Arthur. In the past, historians have disregarded evidence of his existence in history, claiming that he is an entirely fictitious creation. Further, the convoluted account of post-Roman times in the medieval chronicles has caused many historians to dismiss the reality of Arthur altogether. However, recent archeological finds in Britain have spariced new interest in the historical Arthur, which has led many historians to reconsider their earlier 4 findings. Joseph Campbell, an extremely popular critic o f world mythology and Arthurian Legend, who has published extensively in the field o f myth, studies how these myths take shape within particular cultures^. With respect to Arthur’s lineage he argues that the history of Arthur goes back much farther than claims made by most scholars on the subject. Campbell asserts that Arthur was revered as a Celtic God as early as first century A.D. He bases his argument on an archeological find made in 1979 by Charles Muses. Muses found a stone tablet in the Pyrenees, west of Lourde, in a small town called St. Pè. According to Campbell, the tablet reads “Lexiia Odannii has gained merritt through her vows to Arthehe” {The World o f Joseph Campbell). Campbell equates the deity Arthehe with the legendary King Arthur. He further argues that the historical Arthur was "a fourth and fifth century warrior who fought for the Celts against the invading Saxons. He was not a king, he was a Dux Bellorum— a leader in war, trained by the Romans and a native to Rome by the family name Artorii” {The World o f Joseph Campbell). Campbell maintains that the historical Arthur was confused with the deity Arthur over the centuries so that by 1ISO he was revered as a wondrous king. Some scholars and popular historians speculate that Arthur was a direct descendant o f Lucius Artorius Castus, who served as Praefectus Castrorum (Prefect of Camps), for the Roman Legion, in A.D. 180. P.F.J. Turner, whose work on Arthurian 5 Legend reflects the popular critic’s interest in the story of Arthur, argues for the validity of this kinship: We may think it improbable that Artorius Castus of Second Century Birtannia could have any connection to his namesake Arthur some three hundred years later, but time and change moved much more slowly in the ancient p ast. . . custom dictated that a son should follow the same profession as his father, and this custom was particularly strong during the long stability of the Roman Empire— It is not only possible, but indeed virtually certain, that for generation after generation the Artorii remained in Britannia, serving in the army and maintaining strong ties to the Sarmatian cavalry forces (162). According to Turner, under Artorius Castus’ extraordinary military leadership, the Romans conquered the barbarian Sarmatian tribe in A.D. 175 and dispatched several thousand captive Sarmatians to Brittania. Turner maintains that the Sarmatians contributed significantly to the Imperial Army; they established a heavy cavalry tradition and introduced the dragon as a martial emblem. Both the symbol o f the dragon and heavy mounted cavalry remained in use in Britannia through the postRoman period. Reports from a variety of sources, including Geoffirey of Monmouth, associate the Red Dragon or the Pendragon with King Arthur. In addition, Arthur’s army was famous for its mounted horsemen who defeated several enemies of Britannia in the Fifth Century.^ John Morris, a prominent medieval historian, acknowledges Arthur’s Roman parentage, but does not go into the speculative detail that Turner does in his theory of the historical Arthur. Morris claims that: “The central feature o f the legend, the portrait of the strong just ruler whose good government was overthrown by jealous ambition of lesser lords, is fully historical. It is the contemporary picture painted by Gildas, who was probably over twenQr years old when Arthur fell. But all the rest is painted fancy of later centuries” (119). Indeed, there is no question that Arthur’s story as we know it today has been largely embellished. An example of such embellishment can be seen in Turner’s work: The evidence connecting Arthur to Comovian Dummonia is overwhelming. Geoffrey [of Monmouth], o f course, associates Arthur’s origin with Dummonia, or more specifically “Cornwall, ”where “King Utherpendragon” kept his illicit tryst with Ygema, wife o f Comovian Dux Gorlois. Various Saints’ Lives [medieval religious biographies] also place Arthur in the region, and in A.D. 1113, more than two decades before Geoffirey wrote the Historia Regum Britanniaey the medieval traveller Herman of Tournai reports being told in Devon and Cornwall that he was in “Arthur’s Country”(165). Although Turner notes both historical and archeological evidence for Arthur’s existence in the statement above, he does not directly cite other scholarly studies in reference to his own findings. Instead, he refers to several medieval biographies of the religious leaders of post-Roman Britannia (166). He notes that Castellum Cataviae, the Hillfort of Cadbury Castle, which was well suited to give ready access to the entire southwest region o f Britannia, was “reconstructed and re-occupied around A.D. 470 a n d . . . it remained in use until about A.D. 550 " (171). This hillfort has been called Arthur’s palace in literary sources. Moreover, according to Turner, Arthur is said to have become the commander o f the key cavalry base at Cadbury Castle in A.D. 475. Apparently, this base became Arthur’s military headquarters. After a series o f military successes, Aurelius designated Arthur as his choice for succession to the high office of Regissimus Britanniarum. Turner contends that the designation was made in the Roman tradition by legally adopting the adult general: Hence Arthur, son of the Comovian warrior Artorius Castus, also became the son and heir ^parent o f the Regissimus from Armorica. This dual heritage of Arthur confused medieval historians and gave rise to the fabulous legend of Arthur's conception during Aurelius’s campaign against Dux Gorlois When Geoffrey of Monmouth tells us that Arthur became “king” of Britannia at fifteen years o f age, what he really means is that Arthur became Regissimus q>proximately sixteen years after Aurelius’s campaign against Dux Gorlois. Because Geoffrey thought that Arthur was conceived during this campaign he concluded that Arthur was a mere fifteen years old when he became Regissimus some sixteen years later (177). In fairness, some recent archeological findings^ do lend some support to Turner’s claims. Moreover, the search for the historical Arthur is one which remains extraordinarily appealing for modem academic historians such as Christopher Dean and John Morris. As Morris correctly notes. Even today it is possible to raise large sums o f money for the excavation o f archaeological sites that later tradition associates with Arthur, though no such sums are offered by the public for the exploration of sites connected with Julius Caesar, or Claudius, or Henry VUI. The response is not simply due to the mystery that surrounds Arthur — Arthur remains popular because of the mystery that surrounds his story (Morris 118). Morris raises an interesting point in his acknowledgment o f archaeological funding. Although we seem to crave archeological evidence which will explain the story and lend credence to particular theories, we nonetheless reject or, at the least, remain skeptical of such finds because the truth, if it exists, destroys the mystery we have embraced for so long. Still questing for truth about the historical Arthur, Baram Blackett and Alan Wilson, in their recent publication The Holv Kingdom, delve into the subject. The text in part supports past lineage theories, stating that there “were two Arthurs. The first was from Warwickshire; he was a fourth century son of Emporor Magnus Maximus. The second was the sixth descendant and King of Glamorgan”(23). The authors contend that the two “Arthurs” were blended together over the years to create the single powerful Arthur we know today. Moreover, the November 14*, 1998 edition o f The Vancouver S m published a full page editorial forum exclusively on Blackett and Wilson’s findings. Basing their argument on an archeological dig, the authors of Ih g Holv Kingdom claim that they have found the true burial place of the second King Arthur. Stating that no reputable historian disputes their claim, Blackett and Wilson argue that their findings clarify the world o f Arthurian scholarship. If not for the skepticism surrounding this “legitimate find,” this discovery would destroy much o f the magic and fame surrounding Glastonbury and Tintagel Castle. But, as Jamie Portman, 10 I author o f “Two men who would be king” in The Vancouver Sun, states clearly: i I “Mythology dies hard”. Thus, although several scholars and popular interest groups are I intrigued by Blackett and Wilson’s findings, they have by no means satisfied the world’s curious search for truth in the Arthur story. Although one must qiproach all o f the above theories with care due to the lack of historical evidence and documentation, they nonetheless raise interesting points. Moreover, they seem to be satisfying, in part, a hunger for historical fiction on Arthur’s lineage that has risen to extraordinary levels in popular culture; the shelves in local bookstores are filled with popular Arthurian interest authors. Periiaps our fascination with Arthurian Legend is due to the mystery surrounding King Arthur, as Morris claims. Or, conceivably, we are still lured toward the legend because o f our continual search for a utopie state o f government such as Camelot claims to have been. However, because early medieval methods of documentation were insufficient, and hardly any records exist for the period, it is difficult to be entirely certain of Arthur’s parentage, or his true place in history. As Morris states, “anything that may ever be learnt o f the historical Arthur must always be overshadowed by the power of the legend” (117). Conceivably we will never know who the real Arthur of Britain was; however, what we can be certain o f is that his name has survived for centuries and has prompted a wealth o f literature that still fascinates many people today. Il A Brief History of Arthurian Authors The literaiy history of Arthur is a complicated one. The English tradition begins with Geoffirey of Monmouth’s The History o f the Kings o f Britain (1136).^ Monmouth’s sources are obscure: “in places he used scraps o f Welsh history and legend, but much of his work was pure imagination, romance in the guise o f history, and nowhere more so than in his portrait o f Arthur” (Barber 2). Arthur becomes ruler of the western world in Monmouth’s text, a hero among the men and women o f Britain at a time when they needed one. Monmouth made Arthur, a conqueror who subdued not only the Saxons, but most of Europe as well; Geof&ey’s Arthur served the ambition of Plantagenet kings, but their subjects welcomed and perpetuated a different Arthur, the hero of the Norman poets, gentle, wise and courteous, whose chivalrous knights, just champions of the afflicted, were all that medieval lords should be, but were not (Morris 118). Although his work was met with some skepticism at the time o f its publication, in general it was believed to be true and scholars used it as their basis for an account of the early history o f Britain (Barber 10). In the twelfth century, military success went hand in hand with secular glory; thus, military battles mattered above all else for Monmouth. Dean notes that Geoffrey saw military conquest as an admirable activity of a warrior 12 king: “Arthur is depicted as a conqueror of foreign territories in order to give the highest stature to the British — Geoffrey deliberately equates him with Alexander the Great, so that his career must necessarily be one of foreign conquest” (4). In I I 55, Wace, a Norman cleric who followed Monmouth’s woric closely, produced Roman de Brut. In this book, Wace adds a detail familiar to modem readers of Arthurian Legend— the Round Table. His work was translated into English by a Worchestershire priest, Laymon. Laymon was pro-British and anti-Saxon. As a result of his Christian faith he identified strongly with the British who represented Christianity in their fight to suppress the heathen Saxons. Arthur reached his greatest fame when early twelfth and thirteenth century French writers began to show an interest in his story. Crétien de Troyes wrote Lancelot, or The Knight o f the Cart and Yvain, or The Knight with the Lion (c. 1179), both of which “set certain patterns which were to endure throughout medieval Arthurian romance” (Barber 54). It is in The Knight o f the Cart that Crétien introduces, for the first time, the idea o f courtly love.^ In this tale, Lancelot is rebuked by Gwenivere when he hesitates to ride in an executioner’s cart in order to rescue her from the evil Malagant. According to the rules o f courtly love, the lover must be completely submissive to the lady and equally obedient. Although Lancelot rides in the cart to complete the rescue, he is nonetheless rebuked for shaming himself by arriving in a cart. Full o f adventures, marvels, and magic, the story centers on the important motif of 13 Lancelot as lover and rescuer which has marked and followed his character to the present day. As well, Crétien’s woric set a tradition for Gwenivere's character as central female figure in Arthurian Legend.^ However, his stories are male centered, as are Malory's and other early worics discussed later in this introduction; they revolve around the activities of men. Between 1370 and 1390, an unknown English poet produced Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. ^ The story hinges on two motifs: the beheading game, and temptation, both Celtic in origin. Dean notes that, ^Sir Gawain and the Green Knight is not the usual romance poem in which a knight follows a quest in alien lands but rather is a testpoem designed to teach us something about chivalry and human nature through the trials that the hero experiences” (85). In addition to the fact that this poem is brilliant in poetic form and content. Sir Gawain and the Green Knight contributed two important things to the legend as it is known today: first, Gawain, who was introduced as a character in Monmouth’s History o f the Kings o f Britain., became an important figure in Arthurian Legend; he became known for his honor and strength;’ second, the “Gawain poet” reinforced the notion of temptation which permeates the tradition of Arthuriana; temptation firom sin o f all sorts (mainly Christian) has become a motif strongly linked with almost every version of the Arthur story. Most complete contemporary versions o f Arthuriana have their roots in the collection of stories or "novel" written by Thomas Malory in 1460.*° While different 14 versions foreground distinct issues and place emphasis on varying aspects of the legend, they also rely heavily on Malory and the earlier works by Crétien de Troyes, Wace, Laymon, Geof&ey of Monmouth and others, for "historical" background and events within the story. Malory’s version o f the legend focuses heavily on male activity with a marked Christian subplot. His story is primarily concerned with Arthur and the knights of the Round Table. Thus, the plots in each "tale" throughout the "novel" center around the men. Among this male activity, camaraderie, loyalty among knights, kinship, honor, battle, and a strong Christian motif can be found in Malory's work. He also changes Lancelot’s character, previously known primarily for his role as Gwenivere’s lover, to a military master and first knight of the Round Table. Malory's priority is clearly to tell a story about what he deems the most important aspect of Arthur and his court— the men. Thus, the most detailed accounts found throughout the text focus on battles, pre and post- war activity, and quests. For a time after Malory, interest in Arthur’s story fades. In fact, with the exception o f Edmund Spencer’s The Faerie Queene, there is no major Renaissance work produced on Arthurian material. Christopher Dean attributes this lapse in interest to a renewed concern for Arthur as a historical figure; . . . concern for him as a historic figure actually made him less suitable as a character in works of fiction, since all 15 authors, not just those interested in establishing his place in British history, tended to avoid the romantic and supernatural elements of his story. Arthur’s mysterious birth and final passing, the achievements of his knights, his betrayal by his wife and nephew, and the quest for the grail were all discarded as superstitious or fantastical. . . stripped o f his mysterious origins, of his fellowship o f knights, and o f his fatally attractive queen, Arthur emerged from the heated controversies of the historians lacking much of his poetic appeal and significance (108). Joseph Campbell, however, attributes the decline in interest o f the Arthur story to something more substantial— the Inquisition. He states: “Why stop? You have all heard of the Inquisition! A college of Cardinals all telling you what to think, what God thinks, and how you are to relate to it, rather than the previous experience of God in your own heart” (7%e World o f Joseph Campbell). This “previous experience of God in your own heart,” that Campbell notes here refers to the older Pagan religions of the Celts. Campbell blames Christianity and the papacy directly for the decline in Arthur stories in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries because people were forced to accept something in which they may or may not have believed. Further, he claims that since 16 the stories o f Arthur were fantastical and marvelous in nature, the church deemed them heretical. Although the story o f Arthur loses q>peal for almost four hundred years, it was revived in the Victorian period when Alfred Lord Tennyson produced Idylls o f the King. Barber describes Tennyson’s work as “complex, subtle and very rich poems, mirroring not only the Victorians’ immense self-confidence, but also the darker side o f doubt and despair” (Barber 166). Michael Mason, a Victorian scholar who is particularly interested in the sexual moralism of the period argues that “Victorian middle-class w ives. . . suffered an actual deprivation o f sexual pleasure because of the moralistic ignorance about women’s sexual responses”(38). While Mason questions the moralism o f the period, he maintains that behavior is closely tied with belief systems, and further that although the “professed moralism o f the period was actually only uttered by a minority o f people,” it was these people who “commanded the organs o f opinion” (40). Consequently, there is a strong Christian thread that follows all twelve of Tennyson’s poems, and a clear lack of sympathy for the female characters within Itfylls o f the King. Arthur is the absolute utopian hero who does constant battle with sin, including temptations o f the flesh. Unlike earlier authors, Tennyson had no sympathy for Lancelot and Gwenivere, and so he casts them as weak characters. Sin and temptation are major motifs o i Idylls o f the King; Arthur misjudges both Lancelot and Gwenivere whose adultery eventually brings down Camelot. Tennyson uses the legend as a 17 vehicle to reflect the values and concerns of the period; in the Idylls o f the King, “[Tennyson]. . . addresses questions of religious faith, and presents various sexual and moral codes, especially on the part of his female characters. . . the king’s success or failure to rule depends upon the moral fabric created by the women who dwell in this decidedly Victorian Camelot"” (Umland 8). Thus, like other versions of the Arthur story, Tennyson’s women of Camelot are morally responsible for the fall of the kingdom. Barber’s analysis o f the poems as a reflection of Victorian doubt and despair is clearly accurate; throughout The Itfylls o f the King we are presented with the notion that sin and corruption will lead to the ultimate demise of even the most cherished of Kings. Contemporary Arthurian Authors The twentieth century has seen another resurgence o f interest in the story of Camelot. Scholars such as Merlin Stone, who reflect the popular critic’s interest in the legends, speculates that this is due in part to the fact that we live in a culture of diverse religious expression. She claims lack o f a cohesive cultural religion has spariced a new wave o f interest in the legend: “To many of us today religion sp e a rs to be an archaic relic of the past” ( When God Was a Woman xv). Stone argues that because we are no longer united under a blanket o f Christianity, people have a renewed interest in the feminine aspects o f Paganism (such as those included in Arthurian legends). Other 18 explanations include the search for a nirvana of government such as that found in the Kennedy administration, which is affectionately remembered as the Camelot years. Nevertheless, for whatever reason, this renewed interest is both genuine and strong. Remarkably, the variations in Arthuriana continue to be unique; each retelling is anxious to portray characters from a fresh perspective, embellishing this fictional legend with new details. The legend is ‘‘remaricably responsive to changes in symbolic content . . . it possesses a “flexibility” that allows for the idiosyncrasies o f individual artists and for each generation to respond to it by virtue of a new idiom furnished for it” (Umland 4). Although motifs of Christianity are still embedded in contemporary works, predictably, the modem reader will notice that central medieval motifs which Malory emphasized (honor, camaraderie, and quests) have been minimized in many contemporary feminist and non-feminist works; those motifs which may have greatly concerned and interested earlier audiences do not necessarily affect contemporary ones. Therefore, we see exciting and radical departures from earlier worics, particularly in the re-presentation of female characters such as Mo%an le Fay or Gwenivere. Although a large number of contemporary Arthurian narratives exist, the limitations of a Master’s thesis permit me to only mention a fraction of them. Since my interest lies in issues of gender, sexuality and religion, I examine texts which are concerned with such motifs or with specific feminist values. I have chosen to look specifically at contemporary 19 Arthurian texts because, unlike their predecessors, they tend to give more detailed accounts and substantial consideration to female characters. In 1973 Mary Stewart published Tfæ Crystal Cave, the first in a trilogy of the Arthur story. To follow were The Last Enchantment (1979) and The Hallowed Hills (1982). Stewart’s woric primarily focuses on Merlin, following his character through the various st%es o f Arthur’s life. It does not, however, reshtqie the lives o f the female characters in the text, or give substantial consideration to female figures. It is therefore not given considerable attention in this thesis. Unlike Stewart, Marion Zimmer Bradley attempts to recreate Camelot in the twentieth century in her feminist publication The Mists o f Avalon (1985) by recreating female characters. In so doing, Bradley moves radically away from traditional male centered plots (she de-emphasizes Malory’s numerous battle scenes), and instead puts at the forefront the women o f Camelot. Bradley addresses some o f the same motifs as her predecessors such as religion, temptation, adventure, loyalty, and kinship; however, it is clear from both the perspective o f the narrator and the treatment o f these themes that contemporary attitudes toward these issues have radically changed. Although Bradley's story takes place during the medieval period and her characters are part of a medieval society, she consistently invokes modem attitudes and concerns (specifically regarding religion, sexuality, and gender). She introduces a new voice and a new experience which has not been heard— that o f woman. Bradley’s text supports a strong opposition 20 to social and political hierarchy and patriarchy; she con&onts issues of power and sexuality; she challenges negative female sexual stereotypes and offers a matriarchal arena for the women in the text; she examines sexual taboos such as incest and homosexuality.'^ Perhtq)s the most striking aspect of Bradley’s text is the notion of Goddess worship, which she highlights as part of her construction o f Pagan religions. In 1989 Fay Sampson published Daughter ofTintagel, a feminist focused novel about the life of Morgan Le Fay. Told in five parts, the story follows Morgan’s life from childhood to adulthood. The text examines Morgan from the perspective of the people who knew her best: Gwennol, Morgan’s childhood nurse and Pagan priestess; Luned, a young nun instructed to watch over Morgan for a time; Teilo, a Smith of Pagan magic; Merlin, master o f magic; and finally Morgan herself. Like Bradley’s work, Sampson’s addresses several motifs important to contemporary female audiences. She examines issues o f homosexuality, power, and religion as she reshapes Morgan le Fay and gives us unique insight into her character. Contemporary Film Versions of Aithuriaaa It addition to new literary versions o f the Arthur story, several modem cinematic representations of Arthurian Legend exist. It would be remiss in our media-oriented world to ignore this wealth of literature which, in part, reflects social and cultural attitudes toward gender and sexuali^. Several o f the films to be discussed in this study address issues of sexuality. Unfortunately, while they portray stronger female characters 21 than their medieval sources, these films also depict beliefs in the danger of sexuality and temptation which is rooted in the strong Christian tradition of the west. As E.D. Hirsch notes, “Traditional knowledge tends to be transmitted [in film] by stereotypes and cliches. . . Hollywood is an expert on cultural literacy in that it researches the values and lifestyles o f consumers” (Preface). As we have seen, the story of Arthur is an adaptable one, thus allowing for an easy transition into the filmic genre. Although the prevailing medieval antecedent for Hollywood films is Maloiy, directors and producers adhere to him only as closely as literary authors of the past and present. Therefore, as the genre of Melodrama demands, the focus of the Hollywood Arthurian film must be on the love triangle, its betrayal/adultery, and its consequences (Umland 76).'^ Thus, films like John Boorman’s Excalibur and Jerry Zucker’s First Knight have such a focus; they “feature prominently the love triangle while ignoring other elements associated with the story. Moreover, [they] freely conflate or alter characters and events in order to adapt the legend to the tight constraints dictated by the filmic medium” (Umland 77). In 1998, NBC produced the miniseries Merlin, which focuses not on the love triangle, but rather on the battle between good and evil, or the battle between rising Christianity and older Celtic religions. While this film portrays strong female characters, it also adheres to the backlash against feminism which we see in Excalibur and First Knight where strong female characters are either morally weak or dangerously evil. 22 The Focus o f this Study This thesis has an interdisciplinary focus which seeks to examine the possibility o f reading and interpreting specific aspects of cultural history such as religion, sexuality, and power issues from the fiction that is produced within a period. Marion Zimmer Bradley’s text is given substantial consideration throughout the thesis for two important reasons: through the text’s claim that Avalon is a powerful matriarchal hierarchy within the legend. The Mists of Avalon intersects with the growing interest in the cultural phenomenon of Goddess worship in contemporary society. In depicting the influence and power o f pagan women, the text attempts to reconstruct medieval pagan religious practices through its fiction. This study does not seek to prove or disprove the existence of the Goddess within any historical period. Nor does it provide a detailed analysis of Arthurian figures in traditional worics of literature by authors such as Thomas Malory or Alfred Tennyson. Rather, it examines contemporary literature and makes reference to specific motifs which are clearly remnants o f past worics. Thus, I contend that what contemporary authors or directors choose to alter within their fictional worlds is equally as important as what they choose to keep. Consequently, examining why motifs such as religious struggle, camaraderie, kinship, and sorcery have been emphasized or de­ emphasized is also crucial. Most contemporary Arthurian worics fall into the genre of fantasy. Because it is beyond the scope o f this thesis to do a su rv ^ of Arthurian fiction, a narrow focus is in 23 order. I have offered a selected study o f contemporary Arthuriana, which includes both fiction and film. Although Marion Zimmer Bradley’s work is my primary focus, I give substantial consideration to another contemporary female author. Fay Sampson (The Daughter ofTintagel). Finally, in a society emphatically geared to visual stimulation, I feel it would be remiss to discuss the challenges and developments made through contemporary Arthurian Legends without examining creative film versions. Therefore, I analyze films such as Excalibur, First Knight, and Merlin (NBC) in sufficient detail throughout the chapters of the thesis. Specifically, this thesis examines contemporary Arthurian works in terms of cultural, social, and political agendas. It also looks at aspects o f social and cultural history such as the women’s movement and feminism in relation to the reshaping of contemporary Arthuriana. C huter one discusses important issues o f religion within the fiction (such as the dichotomies between Christianity and Paganism, and good versus evil), as they affect individual male and female characters in Arthurian Legends. Chapter two focuses on sexuality and gender as it is depicted in Bradley and Sampson’s feminist literary work. As well, the ch u te r outlines anti-feminist contemporary films (Excalibur, First Knight and Merlin) which have a similar thematic focus, but which make no attempt to bring feminism or female concerns into their stories. Finally, Chapter three examines the fantastical qualities o f the Arthur story, dealing specifically with magic, divine intervention, and sexual transgressions. As this thesis has a female 24 focus, issues o f the Grail quests will not be examined in any detail; Grail stories are primarily male centered fictions which exclude the women of Camelot. It is my hope that this thesis will aid in the understanding o f gender bias, sexual representation, and religious strongholds within contemporary Arthurian stories. 25 Chapter 1 Mother Earth or the Virgin M ary?~ Religious Conflicts in Arthurian Legend "And the thyrd syster, Morgan le Fey, was put to a scoie in a nonnery, and ther she iem ed so moche that she was a grete clerke o f nygromancye " (Thomas Malory 5). The legend o f King Arthur is one rich with elements o f early Christianity— priests advised and dictated the political and social power systems; the King was second only to the Christian God; and the legend itself centers around the Grail Quests involving Arthur’s knights who search for the cup which held the blood of Christ. As such, both traditional and contemporary texts include religious motifs which are central to the overall plot. As we have seen, contemporary narratives o f Arthurian Legend address several new concepts rich with social and political implications. Moreover, gender issues within religion have become a focal point for several artistic representations o f the Arthur story. In recent feminist narratives,'^ Morgan, characterized as an evil sorceress by Malory and most other male authors within the tradition, can be seen as a self-affirming powerful woman who refuses to be confined within the boundaries o f a patriarchal existence. Similarly, Gwenivere, loudly criticized by early authors'^ for her infidelity, barrenness, and various deceptions, is portrayed as a woman who struggles to find her place in an oppressive, male dominated world. Marion Zimmer Bradley’s The Mists o f Avalon, Fay Sampson's Daughter ofTintagel, 26 and NBC's Merlin address and confront issues of religion among fictional medieval women and men. Both Sampson’s and Bradley’s texts use religion to explore female sexuality, power, and conformity in order to de-center Christianity within the Arthurian tradition, while Merlin, although it focuses substantially on the wizard himself, sets up a dichotomy of good versus evil that is played out between Christian and Pagan religions. Integral to the religious plot in Arthurian Legends is the magic/witchcraft that is practiced traditionally by the characters o f Morgan le Fey and Merlin. Shoshana Felman has argued a definition of female madness which comes close to the manner in which medieval society received and perceived “witchcraft” and/or “outspoken” (intelligent) women during the Middle Ages. Felman suggests that this kind of “madness” can be seen as a construct o f society. It is indeed a label applied to those who do not respond to the norms defined by the majority. She argues that [f]rom her initial family upbringing throughout her subsequent development, the social role assigned to the woman is that o f serving an image, authoritative and central, of man: a woman is first and foremost a daughter/a mother/a wife. What we consider “madness,” whether it sp e a rs in women or men i s . . . a rejection of [the] sex role stereotype (134). 27 As such, I will discuss the issue o f religion in terms o f social perceptions within the literature outlined in this thesis. Christianily in the Middle Ages By the fourth and fifth centuries the British Isles had been invaded by IndoEuropeans who came into Britain as warrior people. A mixture o f Greek, Roman, Celtic and Germanic peoples struggled together in an overlay o f cultures. When Christianity began to make its way to Britain, there was an enormous emphasis on ritual, rules, and laws brought over and q)plied by military force {The World o f Joseph Campbell). The church was eager to convert the Pagan British to ChristianiQf, and it accomplished this through intense mission work. As well, the church made alliances with kings, queens and nobles who saw advantages in allying with the existing authority in the new territories o f Britain. Christian beliefs, in particular those including ideas about women, marriage, family and sex, had mingled with Roman tradition and were then adopted by the Germanic settlers. Medieval Europe was a highly religious civilization. The church itself was a central part o f the power structure. It controlled wealth and wielded judicial and political power. In addition, religious vows played a large part in shaping social norms, sex roles, gender construction, and secular laws (Amt 8). With the introduction of Canon Law, the church was further able to dictate to the individual lives o f the lay people. Enforced by local priests, Canon Law gave the pq>acy the power it needed to 28 impose its standards of behavior on secular society. Emilie Amt, a medieval historian who studies the lives of women in the Middle Ages, notes that the 'Christian writings were the ones that continued to exert the most direct and vital influence on the atmosphere in which Europeans lived and worked throughout the Middle A ges. . . the Bible and the Church Fathers were regarded as having spiritual and practical authority” (12). Consequently, many scholars agree that the writings of certain Saints during the period held remarkable consequences for the average person in Medieval Europe (Hollister 53). Amt notes in particular the ideas o f St. Paul and St. Augustine o f Hippo, as their teachings on women became important church doctrines. In the King James Bible, St. Paul commands: Let your women keep silence in the churches: for it is not permitted unto them to speak; but they are commanded to be under obedience as also saith the law. And if they will learn any thing, let them ask their husbands at home: for it is a shame for women to speak in the church (I Corinthians 14:34-35). Periiaps even more influential were the writings o f St. Augustine o f Hippo (354-430) who wrote “voluminously against various pagan and heretical doctrines that threatened the Christian orthodoxy in his lifetime”(Hollister 21). Augustine was deeply alarmed by 29 the danger of Pagan thought to the Christian soul. Thus, he claims to have been inspired by God when he wrote the following alarming doctrine on sex and marriage: The union, then, of male and female for the purpose of procreation is the natural good of marriage. But he makes a bad use of this good who uses it bestially, so that his intention is on the gratification o f lust, instead of the desire o f offspring____It is, however, one thing for married persons to have intercourse only for the wish to beget children, which is not sinful: it is another thing for them to desire carnal pleasure. . . (qtd. In Amt 27). Still even more disturbing is a treatise on virginity written by St. Jerome (c. 340-420) which illustrates attitudes toward sex and sexualiQr which were directed particularly toward the physical and spiritual welfare of women: But observe more exactly, as we before told thee, what the wedded suffer Now thou art wedded, and from so high estate alighted so low :. . . into the filth of the flesh, into the manner of a beast, into the thraldom o f man and into the sorrows o f the world. See now, what finit it has, be now well assured, to cool thy lust with filth of the body, to have delight of thy fleshly will from man’s intercourse: before 30 God, it is a nauseous think to think thereon, and to speak thereof is yet more nauseous. . . (qtd. In Amt 91). Christianity in its substance and in its agents thus retained an aggressive and ferocious authority which was not to be ignored. According to Ramsay MacMullen, the enthusiasm with which the church went about ridding Britain of Paganism made it impossible to ignore; “the impression of power it conveyed through its beneficence was enhanced by the report o f what happened to its enemies; and their error was not hidden from them” (11). Thus, the church called for annihilation of all that was Pagan. These gods were considered to be devils, and in the name of the true God, Jesus Christ, they must be eradicated. This was the mindset that dictated the missionary work of the monks and Catholic church. It was this mode of thought which controlled the flow of religious doctrine and history from the fourth century (MacMullen 13). Paganism; Contanporag and Medieval An alternative to patriarchal religions may be found in the concept of Goddess worship. Several popular scholars such as Merlin Stone, Elinor Gadon, Caitlin Mathews, Margot Adler, and Carl Olsen among others,'^ have made the claim that the worship o f the Goddess or a multitude of Goddesses is historical. Claims such as this are not only uncommon, but they fill the pages o f a flood o f texts found in local bookstores. Popular critics who make such claims often provide little, if any, documentation for their findings in any area o f study, and their theories are often 31 published by non-academic presses. Consequently, serious scholars pay little attention to such unfounded affirmations. Yet, the subject of Goddess worship has been addressed more seriously by academics who seek to provide reasons for this resurgence. As Prudence Jones and Nigel Pennick explain: Paganism'^ [has] arisen again in modem Europe and America... [because] the search for a religion which venerated the Goddess. . . gave women as well as men the dignity o f beings who bear the ‘lineaments of divinity’. This has been thought necessary by women whose political emancipation has not been paralleled by an equivalent development in their religious status... Secondly, in Europe and America a greater respect for the Earth has come into prominence. The ecological ‘green’ movement has gone hand in hand with a willingness to pay attention to the intrinsic pattern of the physical world, its riiythm and its ‘spirit o f place’. This has led to a renewed recognition of the value o f understanding traditional skills and beliefs and their underlying philosophy, which is generally Pagan (3). Although there is no concrete validiQr to the claim that Goddess worship is an ancient religion. Paganism, Neo-Paganism, Wicca and Goddess worship has become a popular 32 trend in contemporary society which has come to be known as the Goddess phenomenon." Clearly the term Goddess is an umbrella expression used to encompass all goddesses under Nature; those goddesses who serve individual purposes all come together to be known as the Great Goddess, whose womb is all the natural world. Contemporary writers and critics can be rather creative in their construction of pagan religions because very little of whatever once existed from early Celtic authors in Europe has survived. Christianity, in its triumph, managed to circulate what was written within the Christian community, thus preserving its truth and only its truth. Margot Adler, a contemporary historian who has spent years researching pre-Christian religions argues that witchcraft is a religion which dates back to the Paleolithic times. She insists that the worship of the god of the hunt and the goddess o f fertility was an early religion which was universal: The Old Religion was forced underground, its only records set forth, in distorted form, by its enemies. Small families kept the religion alive and, in 1951, after the Witchcraft Laws in England were repealed, it began to surface again (46). Adler admits that scholars have met her theories with several criticisms, yet she makes no attempt to satisfy or refute their complaints. Moreover, her sources are obscure, relying largely on oral histories. 33 According to Adler, the basic notions o f these early religions was a worship of nature. This worship, traditionally associated with the female, becomes the worship of the Goddess of fertility and rebirth. The Goddess is symbolic o f the strength of nature, earth and slqr. In both Witchcraft and other Pagan religions of the past, the female is the primitive principle, the superior sex, the one regarded as worthy o f worship. Francis King, who provides another popular study of the Goddess phenomenon, estimates that between one and two thousand people in Britain were members of covens that practiced traditional witchcraft and Goddess worship, at the time o f his publication in 1970 (34). However, his stucfy is questionable since he does not provide a bibliography in his text to document his findings. This brief history o f early Paganism and Christianity in the Middle Ages is the thought and inspiration behind many of the Arthurian Legends. As noted in the introduction, Christian doctrine and Pagan ideals permeate traditional legends in a variety o f interpretations. In the twentieth century this phenomenon is no different. Dichotomies between P%anism and Christianity still exist in modem versions of Arthuriana and are, in fact, central motifs for many o f the stories. Although it is difficult to distinguish fact from fiction in studies of Goddess worship in pre-Christian European societies, clearly Bradley and others have foregrounded their fiction in the notions and speculations surrounding the worship of a female deity. Interest in Goddess worship has become a twentieth century phenomenon influenced by feminism. Further, 34 it is a powerful concept which serves as an alternative to patriarchal male centered religions. The implications of this surge o f interest for Arthuriana are twofold: first, feminist authors are able to give a valid voice to female characters in their fiction thereby transferring power from the male to the female; second, in presenting a world where the worshiping of female deities is possible, authors provide an alternative to patriarchal Christian practices; this reflects a current cultural trend which allows for diverse forms o f religious expression. Feminism and Religion In The Mists o f Avalon the social perception o f the court and life in Camelot is juxt^osed with sexuality, evil, and religious freedom. The lack of choices given to women within the period and the legend itself may be attributed to the code of gender roles during the Middle Ages. In her book Feminism and Religion, Rita Gross argues that labels such as witch, sorceress, seductress, and whore are directly connected with inequaliQf, cultural politics, and religious patriarchal power. The Mists o f Avalon and Daughter ofTintagel challenge these labels as they give voice to the women who have previously been unheard or misunderstood in Arthurian legend. Bradley does this by providing the option of a matriarchal society within the text. Avalon is juxttqposed with Camelot just as Christianity is juxtaposed with Paganism;'^ Christianity is equated with patriarchy as Paganism is equated with matriarchy. In providing this option of a matriarchal society within the fiction, Bradley creates a vehicle by which the silence of 35 women ends. While Merlin sets up a similar dichotomy of Christianity versus Paganism and Patriarchy versus Matriarchy, it does not create female characters who are as sympathetic as the women found in Bradley’s text. On the contrary, Merlin (like Excalibur), portrays powerful women in the Arthur story in the traditional Malorean context. Although Merlin is not a Hollywood production, we can nonetheless see similarities within the filmic tradition which Hollywood has established and assume that its production was motivated by a similar social agenda. DgzsentsrinfcChristiaoity Social perceptions o f behavior s h ^ our need to define and to label otherness. If we do not accept the norm— in fact, if we reject the norm— a social label will be enforced upon us: “It is clear that for a woman to be healthy she must “adjust” to and accept the behavioral norms for her sex even though these kinds of behaviors are generally regarded as less socially desind>le. . . The ethic o f mental health is masculine in our culture”(qtd. in Felman 134). Building upon the ideas o f feminism and speculating about early Celtic and Pagan religions, Bradley uses The Mists o f Avalon and the Legend of King Arthur, to bring feminist ideals to the forefront. She advocates anti-Christian religions, arguing for P%anism, female spirituality and sexual freedom. The text sees Christianity itself as the oppressor of women— it is the source of patriarchy in Britain and is thus used to impose oppressive social structures. 36 One o f Bradley’s most important steps in de-centering Christianity throughout the text occurs just before the knights of Camelot embark on the infamous Grail Quests. Foreshadowing the events long before the quest occurs, The Mists o f Avalon attributes the Cup, The Sword, and The Dish to the Goddess. They are the Holy Regalia of Avalon. As Baring and Cashford note in a popular, mass market study of the legend, “The chalice, vessel, cup, dish and stone that are the primary images o f the Grail evoke the archetype of the Feminine, which becomes the inspiration, guide and goal o f the knight’s inner quest” (652). The notion that the regalia of Christ originated with the Goddess is not original to Bradley’s feminist vision. In fact, it is one which is maintained by several critics. Among them is Caitin Mathews who contends that early images o f cauldrons were forerunners for the Christian grail (Sophia Goddess o f Wisdom 11). In an interview for the Arts and Entertainment networic, Mathews contends: “They played a ritual purpose in the life of the Celts— those that belonged to the Goddess offered enlightenment” (Ancient Mysteries). In an attempt to restore the Grail legend to its pre-Christian origins,^" Bradley invokes the notion o f the Goddess in her fiction; she alters the grail legend and its association with Christian tradition which effectively diverts the origins 6om Christ to the Goddess. In The Mists o f Avalon the grail originates in Avalon and is therefore associated with the matriarchal power of the Goddess. The Christians obtain the regalia only by thievery. Using her power from the 37 Goddess, Morgaine reclaims the stolen regalia from the priests and returns it to Avalon where it remains. When speaking o f the Grail, Morgaine tells Lancelot, No man can hold and confine it. Those who seek it in faith .. .will always find it— here, beyond the mortal lands___ In the day which is coming, the priests will tell mankind what is good and what is evil, what to think, what to pray, what to believe. I cannot see to the end— perii^s mankind must have a time o f darkness so that we will one day again know what blessing is the light. But in that darkness, Lancelet, let there be a glimmer of hope. The Grail came once to Camelot. Let the memory of that passing never be sullied by seeing it captive on some wordly altar (813-814). In addition to the Grail, The Mists o f Avalon claims that the sword Excalibur originates in Avalon— but it is the magical scabbard woven by Morgan herself and induced with all the power and magic o f the Mother Goddess which prevents Arthur from ever losing enough blood to be seriously hurt. This is an important challenge to the legend. Traditionally it is the powerful, masculine, and phallic sword Excalibur which is responsible for Arthur’s safety. However, in Bradley’s text she diverts the attention from the sword and ascribes the feminine image of the scabbard with the powerful abiliQr to heal all wounds. 38 Recreating the Image o f Woman As we have seen, Christianity in the Middle Ages had strict rules for the conduct of women. Woman as a sexual being was viewed as sinful and filthy, while the image o f a non-sexual woman was revered.^' Medieval attitudes toward sex were colored by feelings of guilt and anxiety as Original Sin permeated a woman’s existence. These views are clearly seen in the teachings of St. Augustine and St. Paul.^ Consequently, women who rejected this Christian attitude toward sex were viewed as evil. Quite simply, according to scholars like Augustine, no self respecting medieval Christian woman should be interested in sex beyond the purpose of procreation.^^ Arthurian Legend, perhtqxs more so than any other long lasting myth spawned in the medieval era, has adopted this attitude toward sexuality and religion to the point of it being an integral part o f the stories themselves. After all. Camelot falls in the end due to Arthur’s participation in what Christians would call the most diabolic sin— incest.^'* Mordred, conceived incestuously by Morgan and Arthur must come back to destroy the golden city— a land ruled by a King with such a grave sin on his conscience can not possibly survive;^ Camelot can not survive because the sins of its king have become the sins o f the land. Further, early romances by Crétien de Troyes and the troubadours sparked the “forlorn lover” syndrome that permeates much of the Lancelot and Gwenivere, as well as the Tristan and Isolde stories. Romantic love became fashionable onlv if lovers did not cross the literal line o f consummation. This notion o f true 39 romantic love is indicative of the Christian hold over the period and over the legend itself; it was sinful for romantic lovers to engage in sexual intercourse, but heroic and even admirable to simply yearn for another while adhering to a strict code of rules. Marion Zimmer Bradley and other contemporary female writers of Arthuriana, such as Fay Sampson, Sharon Newman, and Persia Wooley challenge the views that female sexuality is something to be ashamed of, and that aggressive or non-Christian women are socially mad. The Mists o f Avalon is unique, and periiaps revolutionary in its treatment o f Arthurian legend because it presents a dynamic reconfiguration of matriarchal versus patriarchal agis in the two religions; the notion of Goddess worship is central to the plot o f The Mists o f Avalon. We are presented with a story told from the perspective o f woman, and even more unusual, narrated by Morgan le Fay herself. Yet all of the main female characters in the text who reject their expected female roles are rejected by the world o f Camelot: Viviane, Lady o f the Lake, and later Morgan, are seen by society as devil worshiping sinners for their refusal to be silent in social and political arenas; Morgause, sister to Morgan and Queen of Oricney, is similarly shunned by society for expressing her sexual freedom, speaking out against patriarchal reign, and ruling the kingdom o f Orkney equally by her husband’s side. Significantly, all of these women also reject Christianity and God in favor o f Paganism and the Mother Goddess. P erh ^s more than anything, the textjuxtzqmses Morgan and Gwenivere, thereby setting up a powerful dichotomy between religion, sexual freedom, lifestyle, and choice. 40 While Gwenivere is a queen, tnq)ped without choice in a patriarchal kingdom, Morgan is a free spirited priestess who works against the laws of her growing Christian world. However, Bradley does incorporate aspects of medieval history. For example, in the Middle Ages women were ofren forced to enter into marriage against their will (Amt 34). Thus, while Morgan is able to live freely in Avalon, she is exposed to the laws of man outside in the patriarchal world of Camelot. She is manipulated by both the men and women around her for social and political gain. For example, Morgan leaves Avalon and gives up her station as priestess when she discovers that Viviane sent her to her brother’s bed (181). As well, she idly stands by when she is manipulated by Gwenivere into marrying Uriens, who is old enough to be her father, instead of Accalon, the man she truly loves. The Mists o f Avalon begins dramatically with a note from Morgan in the prologue o f the text: In my time / have been called many things: sister, lover, priestess, wise-woman, queen. Now in truth I have come to be a wise-woman, and a time may come when these things may need to be known. But in sober truth, I think it is the Christians who will tell the last tale. For ever the world o f Fairy drifts ftartherfrom the world in which the Christ holds sway. I have no quarrel with Christ, only with his priests. 41 who call the Great Goddess a demon and deny that she ever held power in this world. A t best they say that her power was ofSatan. Or else they clothe her in the blue robe o f the Lady o f Nazareth— who indeed had power in her way too— and say that she was ever virgin. But what can a virgin know o f the sorrows and travail o f mankind? Clearly the argument put forth in this text is not that the worshiping o f Jesus Christ is oppressive. Rather, Morgan questions the male priests who reshape and deliver the message of Christ and who consequently create onerous social structures.^^ Morgan, like all priestesses in The Mists o f Avalon, is a sexually free woman. She has the freedom of choice made possible by her sincere devotion to the Mother Goddess. She participates in the rites of Beltaine where she chooses her lovers; in the outdoors, before Mother Nature, she lets herself go freely to Lancelot; and she chooses to lie with Kevin, Merlin’s successor. This freedom has a price to it, however. The Christians within the text consider Morgan to be a seductress witch working under the guise o f Satan. Felman cites Freud’s description of female sexuality as “an absence (of the masculine presence), as lack, incompleteness, deficiency, envy with respect to the only sexuality in which value resides”(136). She finds that this conception of otherness coincides with madness as a social perception o f “rebellious” women who embrace their sexuality as Morgan does. In the character o f Morgan we find madness to be equated 42 with witchcraft and evil. Camelot’s social perception of Morgan is not unlike medieval notions of madness— who else but a mad woman would worship a Heathen? Her rebellious nature and devotion to the Goddess alienate Morgan from society. In The Mists o f Avalon, Morgan’s Paganism is a means of freedom and choice, whereas Gwenivere’s devotion to Christianity and consequently her perceptions about sexuality in the text are compared with imprisonment. For the most part, Morgan’s world revolves around Avalon. Bradley portrays Avalon as a matriarchal island ruled by woman. Further, the politics and social history of Avalon are dominated by a long heritage o f powerful and aggressive women. Gwenivere is jealous o f both Morgan’s freedom o f speech and her sexual indiscretion. Trapped between her deep feelings of unity with Morgan, and her proper Christian/social upbringing, Gwenivere can not help but be resentful of Morgan. It is only when she finally realizes that her love for Lancelot is the first thing in life she has chosen that Gwenivere can allow herself to go freely to him. For a time, Gwenivere abandons her religious piety and questions whether God exists. After she is sav%ely raped by Malséant, she feels ashamed and used. Since God could not save her from such a fate, she finds comfort in Lancelot’s arms. Even then, however, she is haunted by heavy Christian feelings o f guilt and eternal damnation. When Morgan visits Arthur’s court as one of Gwenivere’s ladies in waiting, she is confronted with a very different life style than she has known. While she was viewed 43 by the women o f Avalon as a wise-woman and holy priestess, she is perceived as a rebellious, erratic, sorceress by the court of Camelot. Her powers o f healing, insight and communication with unknown forces, make Morgan a woman to be greatly feared. As always, the unknown is frightening. Bradley uses the traditional metaphor of a woman weaving busily with her hands to represent Morgan's transcendental experiences. While weaving, Morgan becomes entranced and has visions brought to her by the sight o f her priestess trained mind: . . . even in Avalon she had hated to spin. . . if she were a man and could ride out with the Caerleon legion, at least she need not sit and spin, spin, spin, round and round. . . but even the Caerleon legion went round the Saxons, and Saxons went round them, round and round, as the blood went round in their veins, red blood flooding, flooding. . . spilling over the hearthMorgaine heard her own shriek only after it had shattered the silence in the room. She dropped the spindle, which rolled away into the blood which flooded crimson, spilling, spurting over the hearth— “Morgaine! Sister, did you prick your hand on the reel? What ails you?” 44 “Blood on the hearth— ” Morgaine stammered. “See, there, there, just before the King’s high seat, slain there like a slaughtered sheep before the K ing. . ( 3 0 6 ) . Gwenivere’s ladies in waiting are awestruck by this unexpected religious sending.^^ They are afraid of Morgan. Her (^parent connection with the spirit world which is not located in the Kingdom of Jesus Christ is a frightening concept for them. First, they believe she must be ill (mentally), and then they conclude that she is evil— a witch. Morgan’s “sending” is unreal because it is from the unknown. Felman argues that the supernatural cannot be rationally explained and hence should not detain us and does not call for thought... Realism postulates a conception o f “nature” and of “reality” which seeks to establish itself, tautologically, as “natural and as “real”. Nothing, indeed is less neutral than this apparent neutrality; nothing is less “natural” than this frontier which is supposed to separate “the real” from the “unreal” and which in fact delimits only the inside from the outside of an ideological circle: an inside which is inclusive o f “reason” and men, i.e., “re a li^ ’ and “nature”; and an outside which is exclusive o f madness and women, i.e., “supernatural” and the “unreal” (143). 45 This image— a woman entranced by weaving— is not the only time Morgan is visited by a supernatural vision. Several times throughout the text the sight is purposely invoked with mixtures of herbs which make Morgan and the other priestesses lose their senses. This loss o f sense can be viewed as an alternate state of mind. When Morgan is under the influence o f these drugs, she has a unique spiritual connection with the Goddess. The transcendental qualities of Morgan’s relationship with the Goddess make her more unreal, further feared, and adversely judged. Religious Dichotomies The juxtîqmsition o f Christianity with Paganism is one found in several versions of the Arthur story. Although it is not always the prevailing motif, religious struggle is nevertheless always present. In 1998, NBC produced a miniseries. Merlin, which outlines the story of the wizard from his birth until his old age. Taking many more liberties (with both characterization and plot) than preceding versions o f the Arthur story. Merlin unequivocally sets up Paganism and Christianity in a good versus evil dichotomy that is sustained throughout the film. Strangely, Merlin, traditionally associated with Paganism, fights for the Christian faith in the name of all that is good. Paganism therefore, becomes associated with evil and is embedded in a split characterization of Morgan le Fay represented by Mab, queen o f darkness, and Morgan. As already noted, Morgan le Fay’s character has undergone substantial sh^ieshifting in 46 this century; NBC Merlin shifts it once more by integrating an entirely non-Arthurian character (Mab) into Morgan’s traditional position of power and hatred.^' In Merlin, Mab is an evil woman who, in her failing power, invokes all her magic to create a successor who will bring the people back to her and the old faith. Merlin is both her creation and her intended successor. Although the film does not explicitly state that the old faith constitutes Goddess worship, it is sufficiently implied. Mab’s plan goes awry when Merlin, raised by a good Christian woman for most o f his life, discovers the evil of Mab’s ways and renounces all magic and power. Consequently, it is magic which becomes the mettqihorical evil throughout the film. Through a series of manipulated events, Mab brings Merlin back to magic, forcing him to perform miraculous feats to save innocent lives. Her hope is to bring Merlin back to her; ultimately she fails. However, before the final ruin o f her plan to rule (religiously) over Britain, Mab and Merlin engage in a series of magical stand-offs. Mab’s portrayal as a powerful but evil woman is not unlike the treatment of Morgan Le Fay found in Excalibur where her character is Malorean in tradition. We can see that Merlin, although it does not adhere to any specific source on the whole, is in keeping with a patriarchal image o f woman; whereas feminist versions o f the Arthur story make Morgan heroic and sympathetic. Merlin and Excalibur undermine her importance and denigrate her power. 47 The religious struggle presented in The Mists o f Avalon is similar in structure to that found in Merlin', that is, both stories depict a metaphorical tug o f war. Throughout The Mists o f Avalon, it is the relationship between Morgan and Gwenivere which experiences such an exchange— while the two women grow to have an unexpected and perhqis strange love for each other, both are jealous, fearful, and resentful of the other. From the very beginning of the text, Christianity and Paganism are diametrically opposed. Bradley makes it quite clear that Gwenivere is oppressed by the Christian church; she becomes jealous of the 6eedom Morgan experiences as a result of her Goddess worship. Gwenivere believes that [i]t was a woman’s proper business to be married and bear children... Women had to be especially careful to do the will of God because it was through a woman that mankind had fallen into Original Sin, and every woman must be aware that it was her woric to atone for that Original Sin in Eden. No woman could ever be really good except for Mary the Mother o f Christ; all other woman were evil, they had never had any chance to be anything but evil. This was [their] punishment for being like Eve, sinfiil, filled with rage and rebellion. . . (268). 48 The ridiculous nature o f Gwenivere's thoughts depicts the narrator’s outrage against the institution of Christianity; just as a great variety of feminist voices have spoken out on religion in the past two centuries, Bradley uses her fiction to unsilence the women of Camelot. In her analysis o f The Mists o f Avalon^ Lee Ann Tobin finds the use of Gwenivere’s character to show how women lost their power in western civilization to be one of Bradley’s more important contributions: In Gwenhwyfar, Bradley describes a woman whose upbringing has been traditional in that she is trained to be submissive by her family and her Christian church. Because it comes after the description of Morgaine’s priestess upbringing, however, what is in fact traditional seems strikingly odd. Bradley in effect teaches her reader to see the female goddess religion— and its training o f women for power— as natural. Gwenhwyfar’s “ordinary” training seems anything but ordinary by contrast (72). To this end then. The Mists o f Avalon exposes the patriarchy of Christianity in favor of the Goddess. We are told by the narrator that the Christians believe that “there is no Goddess; for the principle o f woman is the principle of all Evil” (11); and that women should not presume to read the divine scriptures for they will not know how to understand them properly and should thus “listen to their priests for the true 49 interpretations (260). In contrast, Viviane La(fy o f the Lake, looks upon men with scorn as "the natural prey of the Goddess in the form of her priestesses to be taken or denied as seemed right at the moment” (142). Although not as central to the plot as it is in The Mist o f Avalon, Christianity versus Paganism is also a primary motif in Fay Sampson’s Daughter ofTintagel The text is divided into five distinct parts, each narrated by someone who had close ties with Morgan throughout her life time. The first section told by Gwennol, Morgan’s childhood nurse, emphasizes the strong hold the Goddess had over Britain in the fourth and fifth centuries. Gwennol is a wise woman, of the old folk, and her mistress Igraine dabbles heavily in the magic o f the Goddess. We find a distaste for Christianity as it is ' compared to and juxtaposed with Paganism. The second section of the text, "White Nun’s Telling” is told from the perspective of Luned, a young nun at the convent to which Morgan is sent. We learn that although Luned is a devoted Christian nun, she is seduced by Morgan’s powers and worship of the Goddess and thus fails in her attempt to convert Morgan to Christ: "You know little o f the courage o f loving, Luned. It is my fault. I saw coldness and called it strength. I saw discipline and took it for faith. I trusted you... And then she beat me. I doubt if she had ever given such a beating in her life” (243). Brivyth, the Mother Superior o f the convent is portrayed as a wicked woman who beats the nuns into submission. Furthermore, we can see that “faith” in the Christian sense is equated with brute force. There is no mistaking the feminist message 50 that patriarchal Christian rule and worship in any society, medieval or contemporary, is tyrannical in Daughter ofTintagel It is worth mentioning Merlin’s role in both Bradley's and Sampson’s texts. Traditionally a much more powerful magician/wizard than Morgan le Fay, Merlin is secondary in his magic in both texts. In The Mists o f Avalon, Merlin takes orders from the Lady o f the Lake and can not make decisions without consulting her. When Kevin (Merlin o f Britain after Taleisin), steals the holy regalia and acts without the permission o f Avalon, he is punished— Nimue imprisons him in the Oak. Similarly in Daughter ofTintagel Merlin works behind the scenes through mortal men and women in order to fight Morgan’s magic. Thus, while Merlin is traditionally the male figure of magic who is accepted by society and Morgan is the female embodiment o f evil witchcraft, in both Sampson and Bradley’s texts these gender demarcations are overturned. As evident in the literature examined in the introduction to this thesis, the Christian tradition embedded in the legend throughout history ensured that all powerful women were portrayed as evil. Thus, stories by early authors often portray Morgan Le Fey and Gwenivere as evil whenever they assert political or social power. Additionally, the concept o f Original Sin enhanced this subversion o f women with a holy and legitimate basis which people were too frightened to challenge in the early stages of Christianity. In Mists o f Avalon, however, the main theme is to challenge this primary stage o f the religion. The text presents powerful women who confront and oppose the 51 mindless Christian priests. Therefore, the story o f Arthur (his birth, his reign, his relationship with Morgan and with Camelot), becomes one which revolves around the power of Avalon and its attempt to save the worship of the Goddess in Britain. Temptations and the Goddess Not surprisingly, Gwen is tempted by the notion of Goddess worship throughout The Mists o f Avalon. She is presented as a woman who struggles to find a place for herself in the male dominated world o f Camelot. From the beginning of her relationship with Arthur, Gwenivere recognizes her secondary status in the world and reflects that she is only Arthur’s “prize o f war” and a “broodmare for the High King’s stud service” (267-268). When she begins to fear that she is barren, she goes to Morgan for a “charm” to help her conceive: “I think perhiqps God cares nothing for women— all his priests are men, and again and again the Scriptures tell us that women are the temptress and evil— it may be that is why he does not hear me. And for this I would go to the Goddess— God does not care” (442). In addition when she fears for her life at the hands of Malagant, it is Morgan and the Goddess to whom Gwenivere appeals: “God did not reward me for virtue. What makes me think he could punish me ? . . . perhaps there was no God at all . . . P erh^s it was all a great lie of the priests so that they may tell mankind what to do, what not to do, what to believe, give orders” (519). However, as Sabine Volke-Birke notes, Gwenivere’s temptation to practice Goddess worship is 52 fleeting and short lived; as tempted as she is at times, Gwenivere is not strong enough to oppose those around her: Gwenhwyfar shows in an exemplary manner that a one­ sided decision which denies the opposite pole creates more problems than it solves. Under the influence of a very strict and limiting Christian education, Gwenhwyfar denies, loses, and renounces her inborn faculties... Originally, she was a child who would have loved to play music, but was beaten for touching a harp. She had no fear o f open spaces to begin with, but this too, was somehow instilled into her as a result o f norms and prohibitions. Moreover, she found her way into the mists of Avalon which shows at her first ^pearance in the novel that she has the rare sensitivity which is necessary to enable an ordinary person to penetrate the boundaries o f Avalon. But Gwenhwyfar could not hold out against her education, so she tried to find consolation in a total surrender to the precepts o f Christianity (413). For the most part, while Gwenivere tries to destroy the rule o f the Goddess, Morgan does her best to disable the Christian hold over the land. Over and over, the two women 53 accuse each other of being unintelligent fools, obsessive without reason, and evil because o f their individual faiths. Morgan bears the brunt o f the criticism from the world outside o f Avalon. It is she who worships a female figure, has connections with this unknown and unfamiliar entity, and speaks and acts freely in Camelot. Such nonconformity in a society which embraces the patriarchy o f the Christian priests is frowned upon greatly. Consequently, she is perceived as an evil woman who is feared. Perhaps Morgan’s biggest problem is Gwenivere herself, who is convinced that Morgan is a witch. The label of witch is one which carried with it several negative elements in the Middle Ages. However, recently, WITCH, a feminist neo-Pagan group that has reclaimed the term witch, sees the struggle o f women to retain their freedom of this organization as an important one in history: Witchcraft was the pagan religion o f all Europe for centuries prior to the rise o f ChristianiQr, and the religion of the peasantry for hundreds o f years after Catholicism prevailed among the ruling classes of Western socieQr. The witchcraft purges were the political suppression of an alternative culture, and o f a social and economic structure Even as the religion o f witchcraft became suppressed, women fought hard to retain their former fieedom Thus, the witch was chosen as a revolutionary image for women because they did 54 fight hard and in their fight they refused to accept the level o f struggle which society deemed acceptable for their sex (Adler 206). Although WITCH makes a debatable claim that witchcraft was once a universal religion, the arguments o f this organization are nevertheless similar to those presented in Bradley’s fictional world; Bradley portrays a comparable struggle for fi*eedom in the character o f Morgan Le Fay. Moreover, in juxtqmsing Gwenivere and her Christian belief system with Morgan’s character, Bradley emphasizes the social ramifications which women like Morgan faced. Gwenivere is so jealous of Morgan’s ability to choose freely without male influence dictating her life, that she sabotages her at every chance. She has internalized the Christian views of women, and she shares them to the point that she cannot articulate her own anger (Tobin 153). She therefore speaks out against women who seem to have more freedom, and when she does exercise agency, it is in support of the patriarchy which oppresses her in the first place: “And finally, ironically, it is this righteous, self-hating (woman hating) anger that makes Gwenivere become active and aggressive” (Tobin 153). She embarks on a mission to save Camelot from all Pagan evil. But in so doing, she forces Arthur to betray his vow to Avalon and indirectly causes the fall o f Camelot. 55 Gwenivere, while a practicing Christian, faces problems with her reputation. She is traditionally known as an erratic and irrational Queen. She throws tantrums on several occasions, lashing out at powerful males or females around her. In The Mists o f Avalon, Bradley takes this irrational reputation one step further and depicts Gwenivere as agonq)hobic. She is a woman who is deathly frightened of wide open spaces. This fear can be seen as a symbol o f her fear o f freedom and self rule. When she leaves the confinement o f her father's home and land, she is free until she arrives at Camelot where she then becomes Arthur's property. Never knowing real freedom of any kind, Gwenivere hides in her carriage and has a mild anxiety attack as she waits for the journey to be over. However, Gwenivere was not always desperately frightened of the outdoors: How strange, Gwenhwyfar thought, to remember that there had been a time when she had like to go abroad under the wide, high sky, not even caring whether there was a wall or the safety of an enclosure; and now she grew sick and dizzy if she went out from the walls; where she could not see or touch them. Sometimes now she felt the lump o f fear in her belly even when she walked across the courtyard, and had to hurry to touch the safety o f the wall again (Bradley 314). 56 Tobin argues that this condition o f Gwenivere’s character is one which is a direct function of her female training. She finds that the text implies that her Christian upbringing and the time spent within convent walls served to magnify her fears” . “Additionally, the nuns at her convent have told her frightening stories Raised hearing such stories, it is no wonder that a timid child would become more timid” (151). In addition to the proper Christian training Gwenivere received from the convent, she has also been highly influenced by her father who raised her alone. She intentionally speaks in a shy timid voice so that she will not upset her father (254) and knows better than to speak out o f turn even when the business being discussed is her own marriage (260). Tobin notes that “none of this treatment is unusual for the Middle Ages, nor particularly cruel; it is only the contrast Bradley has created that makes it apparent why Gwenivere turns out differently— weaker, shyer, and more at the mercy of men and priests— than Morgaine or other women raised on images of female strength” (151). These explanations give necessary reasons for Gwenivere’s behavior. Traditionally we are not given any kind of an explanation for Gwenivere’s character in Arthurian legend. For the most part, Gwenivere’s behavior is attributed to her biological ineptness— she is a barren woman. If only she were able to conceive a child as she is supposed to, she could be a rational and a whole woman. Her character has a long tradition of incompleteness. Tennyson, perht^s more so than anyone, solidified her biological deficiency with his harsh treatment of her in Idylls o f the King, 57 in which Gwenivere’s barrenness is attributed solely to her sinful infidelity with Lancelot. According to Tennyson, Camelot falls in the end because Gwenivere is unable to give Arthur an heir; God has punished her for her sins by making her barren. Without a legitimate heir, Camelot falls to Mordred who was bom out of incest (Barber 166). Ironically, Gwenivere herself believes this fallacy. Her acceptance o f this condemnation indicates how deeply imbedded the notions of patriarchy are in the women themselves: ‘‘What is most painfiil about Gwenhwyfar’s upbringing is the way she has internalized the Christian church’s anti-feminism so that she despises herself and feels guilty, especially about not being able to have children” (Tobin 152). Consequently, The Mists o f Avaion leaves the reader with a commentary on religious practices. It tells us that this is the goal of the medieval and contemporary Christian priests (as well as the moral in the text): If women can be both oppressed by patriarchy and dedicated to their own oppression, then they will willingly remain under a blanket of tyranny. The feminist visions found in Bradley and Sampson’s text are meant to illustrate how patriarchy oppresses and silences women. Although the plots of their fiction revolves around the legend o f King Arthur, their message is one that reaches any contemporary female audience. The patriarchy which is embedded within religious organizations has been magnified over the years and has continued to be negative for 58 women; the vision o f these feminist authors is to remove such patriarchy. In this attempt, Bradley and Sampson turn to the concept o f the Goddess. 59 Chapter 2 Camelot Reborn: Revising the Female Tradition 'Re-vision— the act o f looking back, o f seeing with fresh eyes, o f entering an old textfrom a new critical direction— is fo r women more than a chapter in cultural history: it is an act o f survived" (Adrienne Rich 329). Without question, the story o f Arthur is one which is traditionally centered on the men of Camelot; as the title Arthuriana suggests, the focal point for traditional authors is quite obviously “Arthur.” However, in the twentieth century, influenced by the women’s movement and feminism as a discipline in academia, studies of Arthurian legend have moved beyond the male sphere to further examine and explore issues of women; this century has given rise to scholars of Arthurian Legend such as Maureen Fries, Debra Benko, and Elizabeth Sklar, who have made great strides in reaffirming the importance o f the women of Camelot. In addition, feminist theorists such as Katherine Rogers and Laura Mulvey have spoken out against “woman as visual object” in both contemporary film and texts. As such, popular female authors such as Marion Zimmer Bradley and Fay Sampson have rewritten the Arthur story to include the perceptions and experiences o f women in the fictional world o f Camelot. Moreover, film versions of Arthuriana have become increasingly popular and have thus played a major role in the revitalization o f the legend in this century. Although most film ad^tations do not have a feminist focus, several reveal similar themes to those found in the texts concerned in 60 this study; both texts and film adt^tations tend to explore dichotomies between sex/politics, sex/power, and sex/status. Just as we can understand the social and political structures of the Middle Ages through the fiction written in the period (i.e. Christian attitudes toward women and sexuality, lower social position for women, and a sincere devotion to the King), these contemporary stories (both literature and media) are indicative of valuable and current belief systems o f the twentieth century (i.e. renewed interest in sexual motifs, continued adherence to Christian attitudes toward women, and feminist approaches to issues of gender). Ssxualiiy Sexuality in the medieval period was defined by the religious feelings of the time. As we have seen, Christianity played a major role in the average person’s life; thus the concept of sexuality and proper sexual conduct was predominantly a Christian one. However, pluralism and relativism have become a large part o f our contemporary western culture and have facilitated a broader range of sexual and religious experiences. Although Christian notions toward aspects of sexuality such as pre-marital sex, abortion, and promiscuity still permeate much of our society, pluralism and relativism have divided western societies so that there is no longer one acceptable religion. Homoeroticism and sexuality are motifs that have become more prominent in recent worics o f fiction, including the texts and films studied in this thesis. However, Marion Zimmer Bradley’s work concerning homoeroticism is undoubtedly the most 61 contentious. Narrated by Morgan Le Fay, Arthur’s half sister. The Mists o f Avalon has a unique feminist^' focus which develops sexual motifs on several levels. Bradley amplifies the friendship between Arthur and Lancelot early on in the text, making their connection to each other both physical and emotional. This is an unusual^^ expansion upon traditional sources on Bradley’s part; the emotions involved in their friendship are much more intense than in previous works o f literature and are sexual in nature. The homosexual relationship serves two purposes in the development of this subplot: first, the intensity and depth o f Arthur and Lancelot’s love for each other makes the infidelity between Lancelot and Gwenivere much more tragic. Because Lancelot and Arthur have this special connection that is deeper than friendship, Arthur is much less willing to accuse Lancelot of adultery and treason, which consequently shames Arthur in public and causes an irreconcilable rift in their relationship;^^ second, the physical relationship serves to draw curious attention to issues of sexuality in Camelot. The love relationship between Arthur and Lancelot is revealed in subtle ways throughout the course o f the text. Bradley makes it clear that Gwenivere and other women at court are suspicious of this unspoken love between the two men, and Gwenivere becomes jealous and resentful. At one point, Lancelot is persuaded to sing a song for the court: old bitterness stabbed at Gwenivere's heart. He sang o f his King not o f his Queen. His love fo r me was never more than a part o f his love fo r Arthur. She closed her eyes, unwilling to see them embrace” (688). These and other 62 homosexual overtones within the text create a tension between Lancelot, Gwenivere and Arthur, which adds a whole new dimension to the famous love triangle— in Bradley’s text the sexual relationship between Arthur and Lancelot is partially consununated. At Arthur’s suggestion, Lancelot, Arthur and Gwenivere engage in a ménage à trois under the guise o f the love between Lancelot and Gwenivere. Although she is momentarily engulfed in lust, Gwenivere later regrets the encounter and realizes that Arthur did not suggest it as a gift to her, but rather as one for himself: 'I t has seemed to me that you loved Lancelot more than me. Can you say in truth that it was to give me pleasure, or was it for the pleasure of him that you loved best of all-?”(547) Later on, this suspicion is confirmed by Lancelot’s own guilt when he confesses to Morgan: . . . yet it is Arthur I can not leave. I know not but that I love her only because I come close, thus, to him— I - I touched Arthur-1 touched him. I love her, oh, God, I love her, mistake me not, but had she not been Arthur’s wife, had it not been for-1 doubt even she-... (482). Lancelot is engulfed with guilt that he took pleasure in Arthur’s touch and acknowledges that even Gwenivere could not forgive him if she knew the truth. This confession reveals Lancelot’s devotion to Gwenivere as nothing more than an extension of his love for Arthur whom he can not wholly have. It is inferred that Lancelot has accepted the fact that he and Arthur can never be lovers, so he has unconsciously 63 transferred his lust to Gwenivere. Moreover, we learn that the sexual chemistry between Lancelot and Arthur is mutual. By the end o f Bradley’s text, and indeed most versions o f Arthuriana, Gwenivere repents her lust for Lancelot. Consequently she is finally able to reject Lancelot, which casts her into a heroic mold; “but it is a maleinspired one: that of the repentant worldly woman, on the model of Mary Magdalene, Mary o f Egypt and other formerly sexual females” (Fries 11). Not surprisingly, the image of a homosexual relationship between Arthur and Lancelot is not one that appears in literary works. For example, other texts and films (Excalibur, First Knight, Merlin, and Daughter ofTintagel), discussed in this chapter do not ^proach the subject o f homosexuality. It would seem that transforming a figure as crucial as Arthur with such a relationship is too rislqr for artists. As Marian Lowe points out, “the stereoQ ^s we accept about sex roles have far-reaching effects. Ideas about appropriate behavior for women and men act as powerful constraints on behavior.. (91). Lowe further argues that the cultural boundaries we impose on acceptable sexual activity are ultimately restrictive for males and females (98). A cautionary tresUment of sexualiQr can also be seen in the context o f the incest encounter between Morgan and Arthur as represented in various versions of the Arthur stoiy. Unwilling to taint Arthur’s reputation, medieval and contemporary authors of the legend rarely make him a willing participant in the act. One might then ask why Marion Zimmer Bradley sought to aggressively tqpproach such taboo subjects as homosexuality and incest in The Mists 64 o f Avalon. The answer to such a question lies in Bradley’s willingness to introduce aspects o f feminism and alternate views o f proper sexual behavior in the text. Bradley writes a feminist account of the legend of King Arthur which celebrates a return to Pagan notions of sexuality.^ She explores different views of sex which are antiChristian but perfectly acceptable within the context of the narrative. Sgmalityjnd.the Political Feminists have long claimed that sex and politics are invariably joined together in the twentieth century. This was particularly true o f the Middle Ages. Government bodies and Church heads dictated political sanctions that dealt specifically with issues of sexuality. Sexuality is consistently used as a political tool by both men and women throughout Arthurian Legend. P erii^s one of the more striking examples of this, found in many artistic representations, can be seen in the relationship between Igraine and Uther.^^ In The Mists o f Avalon^ Viviane, sister to Igraine and Lady of Avalon,^^ contrives with Merlin to bring about the conception of Arthur, strictly for political gain. Through a vision only possible by the power o f Avalon, Viviane has seen that Arthur shall be bom to Igraine and Uther Pendragon. Both Merlin and Viviane approach Igraine and reveal their future plans for Britain. We discover that the birth o f Arthur is doubly important because Igraine is of the Royal line of Avalon. Viviane and Merlin are devoted to raising a king to the throne who will have blood loyalties to the older 65 tribes o f Britain. Thus, Ae ultimate plan is to resurrect the Goddess in Britain and extirpate the growing Christian hold over the land. Although reluctant to be used as a political pawn in the beginning, Igraine eventually participates freely in the orchestration; she screes to use her sexuality to cs^ture Uther’s love. Moreover, she is strong willed and intelligent; she exercises agency, power, and thought relatively freely throughout the text. Merlin gives Igraine a charm to entice Uther, and we are thus told that the two have an intense attraction which draws them to each other. Nowhere else in literature is the interaction between Igraine and Uther as powerfril as it is depicted in The Mists o f Avalon^ except pertiaps in John Boorman’s film adaptation of the legend, Excalibur. Excalibur (1981), although it has been met with substantial criticism by scholars, has found its place in the canon o f Arthurian Legend. It opens with a credit to Malory’s Le Morte d'Arthur. However, like all versions, Boorman’s story is mythical: “I think of the story, the history, as a myth. The film has to do with mythical truth, not historical truth”(Umland 129). Employing a primarily unknown cast, Excalibur attempts to recreate the frill story of Arthur^^ beginning with the rule o f Uther. Excalibur illustrates the relationship between Uther and Igraine in a highly sexual manner. It is important here to digress for a moment and note two dramatic contrasts between the film and Bradlqr’s text. First, the sexual union in Excalibur is not politically motivated. That is, Uther simply sees Igraine and lusts afrer her. Merlin 66 discourages Uther from any contact with Igraine because they have wodced hard to establish an alliance between the King and the men from the north. However, what begins strictly as sexual lust in Excalibur deviates to become a political event; Uther must make war with Cornwall and eventually kill Gorlois before taking Igraine for himself by force. Second, Igraine’s character in Excalibur is entirely passive. She is unaware of Uther’s intentions toward her, and she is nothing more than a piece of property to be passed to Uther when Gorlois dies. Woman as Object Unfortunately, film ad^tations of the legend bombard audiences with dramatic visual im%es of women. Most film versions are almost exclusively patriarchal in content, focusing on the men o f Arthur’s world and their subsequent power over the women in Camelot. Whether it is because the film genre itself is so emphatically visual, or because directors o f these films are almost exclusively male, women in film are objectified in ways which are more prominent than in written narratives. In Excalibur, Uther first sees Igraine in his hall at a feast which has been prepared to celebrate an alliance he has just made with the “men from the north”. Among them is Gorlois, Duke o f Cornwall and his wife Igraine. Gorlois calls to Igraine, who is dutifully waiting with the women, and commands her to dance. In a powerfiil visual scene Igraine begins to dance. She is dressed in a revealing ensemble complete with a sheer piece o f material, which she begins flaring about her as she 67 dances. The men become excited as she sways back and forth to a Celtic song played on the flute. After several moments the tempo increases, and she begins to thrust her pelvis toward the crowd of men as she is arched backward on one arm. The men simultaneously pound their flsts into the table in time with each o f her pelvic thrusts, and Uther declares “who is this woman? I must have her!” {Excalibur) Merlin replies “Are you mad man? THE ALLIANCE!!” The music plays on, louder and much more intense, until finally Gorlois jumps to his feet and commands “ENOUGH!” Dutifully, Igraine stops immediately. Clearly, while she dances Igraine becomes an object; the viewer is dominated by her intense oppressed image.^' This kind of highly dis-empowered image coincides with Laura Mulvey’s concept of fetishism in film. Undoubtedly the intended audience for this scene (if not the entire film),^’ is male. Mulvey argues that in film, “women are displayed for men as figures in an amazing masquerade, which expresses a strange male underworld o f fear and desire” (8). Indeed this image o f Igraine, dancing, thrusting, and swaying is a male fantasy. For Mulvey, this becomes the starting point for her film theory of the male spectator or the male gaze which she equates with voyeurism: In a world ordered by sexual imbalance, pleasure in looking has been split between active/male and passive/female. The determining male gaze projects its fantasy onto the female figure, which is styled accordingly. In their traditional 68 exhibitionist role women are simultaneously looked at and displayed, with their q>pearance coded for strong visual and erotic impact so that they can be said to connote to-be~ looked-at-ness. Woman displayed as sexual object is the leitm otif of erotic spectacle: from pin-ups to strip-tease, from Ziegfeld to Busby Berkel^, she holds the look, and plays to and signifies male desire (19). This is precisely what Igraine signifies for both the male audience watching Excalibur and the characters within the film. For it is at exactly this point that Uther becomes entranced by her image and decides that he must take ownership of her. As previously noted, the character o f Igraine in Excalibur is a meek woman who does only as her husband (and later as Uther), commands. In contrast, her character in TTie Mists o f Avalon is strong willed: Bom of Avalon blood, she partakes in the seduction o f Uther willingly. In addition, her role in Excalibur is short lived (she disappears from the film after Arthur is bom), whereas in The Mists o f Avalon she takes on an active and cmcial role throughout the text. Excalibur illustrates a lustful Uther; after seeing Igraine dance, he is hopelessly in love and decides that he must have her at all costs. He persuades Merlin to assist him, and goes to war with the Duke of Comwall for ownership/possession o f Igraine. When Uther finally comes to Igraine, it is in the image of her husband (Merlin’s magic), 69 and she is unaware that she is being unfaithful to Gorlois. He grabs her roughly, conunanding her to his bed. She lets out a muffled scream of surprise, but lets him do as he pleases. He undresses her hurriedly, throws her naked body onto the bed, and begins thrusting himself into her even though he is still fully dressed in his armor. The scene lasts several seconds and focuses on the image of Uther pumping fiercely into her. Igraine is a passive woman who eng%es in sex with her husband only because she has been commanded that she do so. We are to believe that this woman has no sexual îq)petite o f her own— she is merely an (the) object for male sexual release. From this union we are to assume that Arthur is conceived. The initial sex scene in The Mists o f Avalon is quite different. To begin with, Igraine is aware o f the disguise Uther wears and willingly partakes in the deception. She willingly goes to his bed as well, and the two participate in passionate love making. We learn that Igraine has a healthy sexual tq)petite for Uther, whom she loves completely, and they consummate their love for hours. Although the treatment o f the Uther/Igraine sexual relationship is strikingly different in The Mists o f Avalon and Excalibur^ it is nonetheless important to note that both worics devote considerable attention to it, thereby making sexuality an important motif. This negative portrayal o f an otherwise powerful female figure in Excalibur is unfortunate. While Bradley makes Igraine an ambitious and sexually alive character, Boorman makes her an object to be exchanged among men. When Igraine's purpose is 70 served (i.e. Arthur is bom), she is discarded from the film. She is merely a “trophy to be possessed by the dominant male in a deadly power struggle between Uther and the Duke” (Umland 134). Consequently, Umland and Umland ascertain that the negative anti-feminist portrayal of Igraine early on in the film (as well as the portrayal of Morgana ), can be explained by Boorman’s adherence to Malory’s text; Excalibur’s devotion to Morte d'Arthur makes it necessary for Igraine’s character to be weak and oppressed; because Excalibur begins with a source note to Malory’s Morte d'Arthur, we are expected to both excuse and accept the Medieval depiction of sex for “as was consistent with medieval religious, political and moral theories, men are the agents of the action and women... the instruments” (Fries 8). In keeping with this logic, one can . then argue that authors such as Bradley and Sampson, who deviate greatly from Malory, are expected to illustrate stronger female characters. Sexuality/Lust Belief systems and attitudes toward sexual activiQr can vary as much in the film adaptations o f the legend as the stories of Arthur themselves. Depending upon the intended audience and the aspects o f the story the film wishes to highlight, each version is strikingly different. For example, whereas Excalibur attempts to recreate the entire Arthur story, Hollywood’s 1995 melodrama o f the Arthur narrative. First Knight, chooses to offer “a pristine version of the legend’s central conflict— the illicit desire 71 between the two characters whom Arthur loves most— and the ensuing destruction that results from their passion” (Umland 94). First Knight begins with an already established and older^ King Arthur who has reigned for several years over Britain and is now ready to settle down and enjoy life as a married man. He seeks an alliance with Gwenivere (the Lady of Leonesse), played by Julia Ormond, who interestingly owns her own property. Gwenivere agrees to the marriage, but as she is traveling to Camelot to many Arthur (played by Sean Connery), her carriage and entourage are abducted by the evil Malagant.^' Lancelot rescues her from the clutches of Malagant’s knights, but not before she uses her own initiative and kills a knight with a cross bow. Lancelot attempts to force a kiss upon her and receives a slap in return (Apparently this Gwenivere is a much stronger character than other Gweniveres).^^ After a verbal exchange, Lancelot promises her that he will never kiss her again unless she asks him to. She replies **that I shall never do” {First Knight). Strangely, in First K tight Lancelot is not initially part o f the Round Table and has furthermore never met either Gwenivere or Arthur. Instead, the film takes several liberties with his character and depicts him as a soldier of fortune who makes his way in the world fighting unsuspecting opponents for food and shelter. After a series of events, Lancelot finds himself at Camelot where he discovers Gwenivere is to be married to Arthur. Again, in a strikingly odd portrayal of Lancelot’s character, he decides to stay at court for a time in an attempt to win Gwenivere despite the fact that 72 she is now another man’s wife. This Lancelot knows nothing o f honor or chivairic codes o f conduct. Throughout the film there is an obvious attraction between Gwenivere and Lancelot, which she continually resists. The relationship is never consummated: it finds its release only in a single kiss, witnessed by Arthur, when Lancelot has decided to leave the court. Although this single kiss is their only instance of adultery, Arthur is outraged. His reaction to the kiss is noteworthy, and one that scholars have discussed: Arthur wimesses the moment of intimacy and recognizes the restrained passion in it, and his ensuing jealousy prompts a vendetta against his wife and his “first knight” This bowdlerized treatment of the adulterous relationship is perplexing unless one considers it as Hollywood’s conservative response to sexual license after the advent of AIDS: There has been a noticeable shift toward depictions of monogamous characters or else portrayals of the dangers of extramarital dalliances. This serves as an example o f the film industry’s internal censorship, which can be seen in earlier films such as Fatal Attraction (Umland 97). It is important to note that the love triangle in this film is dramatically less horrific than in previous films and texts. Because the relationship between Arthur and Lancelot has 73 barely developed into friendship at the time o f the kiss, it is much less tragic. As well, the kiss signifies nothing more than a sexual lust between Lancelot and Gwenivere— it is not love. Interestingly, attitudes here correspond with contemporary attitudes concerning sexual activity, as Umland points out effectively; First Knight purposely omits the incest scene and is furthermore littered with Christian conventions. The fact that it omits the characters of Morgan and Mordred is therefore hardly surprising. Conveniently, it offers up Malagant as the villain instead. By starting the story late (when Camelot is already established). First Knight is able to pass over the objectionable motif of incest and thus spare its contemporary audience: “We must never forget Hollywood’s self-appointed role as defender of American values” (Umland 106). Something that First Knight does offer, however, is a sympathetic depiction of Gwenivere as her own person. Although she does require rescuing, as do all other Gwenivere characters, she is a powerful woman in some ways: she owns her own kingdom, plays sports, and has her own financial stability.^^ Sexuality and Power: Sex is used as a tool at a variety of levels in Arthurian legend. The most profound example o f this can be seen in the characters of Morgause (sister to Igraine), and Morgaine (half sister to Arthur). In First Knight Morgause and Morgaine are completely denied characterization. However, Excalibur portrays Morgaine as an active character who uses her sexuality to gain power throughout the film. 74 Excalibur follows Malory closely in its portrayal of Morgan le Fay.^ She is depicted in her traditional evil role as manipulator and destroyer “which coincided with the growth of women-hatred in the latter Middle Ages” (Fries 13). Played by Helen Mirren, Morgana is a sexually charged character who slinks around in a sexy S&M iron bikini, purses her lips constantly and reveals cleavage throughout the film. Sklar notes that this is in sharp contrast to most filmic traditions: While her aggression is muted in most cinematic and comic­ book treatments of Morgan, in that she tends to inspire rather than enact desire, her sexualiQr is given ample play in all three genres... big breasted, wasp-waisted, long-legged, she is an adolescent wet dream gone awry (30). Not quite the comic-book version of Morgan that Sklar describes above, but still entirely overdone. Morgana o f Excalibur is incredibly intelligent in a sexually charged fashion; we are to believe that her evil but brilliant mind makes her even sexier. Finally, in a carefully contrived plan, she seduces Arthur purposely so that she can conceive a child that can threaten her brother’s hold over Britain. The mens rea % f the incestuous encounter is an important aspect in the story, and often a difficult decision for authors to make. For example, because Morgaine is the heroine of The M ists o f Avalon^ and an entirely sympathetic character, Bradlqr cushions the incest act by first destroying our notions of sin through Christian belief systems, and further portraying the scene as 75 innocent because neither Morgan or Arthur is aware of one another’s identity. Therefore, making Morgana purposely seduce Arthur in Excalibur further adds to the sense o f evil her character exudes. Although it is Morgause who fathers Mordred in M orte d ’A rthur, both the concept o f purposeful deceit and powerful/intelligent woman as evil come straight from Malory’s text where we can see the medieval notions of gender; powerful women, indeed educated women, were viewed as dangerous individuals who threatened the patriarchal hold. Thus, women such as Morgan could only retain their status of power if characterized as evil. Morgan is a character who has always been associated with sexual prowess. She can be seen in several versions of Arthuriana, particularly for our purposes in Boorman’s Excalibur, Bradley’s The M ists o f Avalon, and Sampson’s Daughter o f Tintagel Morgan Le Fay has enjoyed a wide variety of portrayals over the years with the resurgence o f the Arthur story. Sometimes a Celtic goddess, other times an evil sorceress, Morgan has undoubtedly received much negative attention. Maureen Fries, in her discussion of Morgan, attributes her negative portrayals to patriarchy: Her gradual change (one can hardly call it growth) from a connector of life with healing, as mistress of Avalon, into a connector o f death with illicit sex indicates the inability of male Arthurian authors to cope with the image of a woman o f power in positive terms (14). 76 Feminist versions o f the legend, however, have made great strides in defending the character of Morgan Le Fay. Both Sampson’s and Bradley’s texts focus primarily on Morgan, giving us new insight into this otherwise established character who has been passed down to us from Thomas Malory. In her research on the “Modem Morgan” Elizabeth S. Sklar finds that In relation to the Morgan o f popular culture Arthuriana, one feature o f Malory’s Morgan is worth separate mention here, and that is her sexual appetite, which underscores the fundamental gynophobia that maries both the Malorean and the modem Arthurian tradition. In Malory’s book, female sexuality- active or passive- is by its very nature structurally threatening; by invoking desire and engendering masculine sexual competition, thereby deflecting loyalty from its proper channels and dislocating culturally-endorsed priorities, it subverts the male-male bonding and the allegiance to ethical imperatives upon which the survival of the realm depends (27). Sklar makes a valid and important observation here. Traditional texts and modem texts or films which follow traditional sources portray Morgan as an evil sorceresses or devilish seductress. This is necessary by the very nature o f the work’s structure. Male 77 centered woiks o f fiction which concentrate on the camaraderie, loyalQr, and battles among men are threatened by any power found within women. Morgan Le Fay is a woman o f power, especially if we attribute Celtic ancestry to her. The only recourse authors o f the tradition have had in the past is to portray her as a wicked witch— to do anything different would have been to admit her inherent power and consequently disrupt the patriarchal structure of the work. Following the Malorean tradition o f the Arthur story, Excalibur thus depicts a highly motivated and equally devious Morgana.^ As already mentioned. Morgana seduces Arthur and bears him a child— Mordred. In addition, she works against Arthur from the time she arrives at Camelot. Her power increases when she convinces Merlin to reveal to her ''the sacred charm of making," which finally entraps him and dismantles his own magical powers. Finally, Morgana is the indirect source of political power behind Mordred; Mordred answers to and is completely loyal to his mother. Thus, she becomes the source of power behind Camelot s fall. Elizabeth S. Sklar sees this as the most important feature of Morgan’s contemporary status in Arthuriana, as she notes, that in Maloiy Morgan le Fay plays no role whatsoever in the final demise of Camelot: In her modem manifestations, however, Morgan Le Fey, like Merlin, is granted non-canonical longevity and is usually portrayed as the orchestrator o f Camelot’s collapse. . . the 78 more ambitious and highly motivated Morgana o f Excalibur deals the kingdom a double whammy, getting Lancelot banished through her manipulation of Sir Gawain, and seducing Arthur to engender Mordred, whom she grooms as Arthur’s nemesis With her meager fictive history and her lack o f literary lineage, Morgan le Fey has served as a kind of tabula rasa upon which we have been able to inscribe our peculiarly modem cultural aspirations and anxieties (32). Clearly, the characterization o f Morgan has enjoyed a much more active and crucial role in contemporary versions o f the Arthur story. Sklar in part attributes this to modem attitudes toward gender and feminism. In addition, scholars such as Charlotte Spivack argue that contemporary portrayals of Morgan which are positive can be attributed to “increasingly popular neo-Pagan movements which have helped to revamp our notions of witches and witchcraft” (19). Indeed, according to Margot Adler, Neo-Paganism, from its inception, has been less authoritarian, less dogmatic, less institutionalized, less filled with father figures, and less tied to institutions and ideas dominated by males. The religious concepts and historical 79 premises behind Neo-Paganism and Witchcraft give women a role equal or superior to that of men (208). Moreover, Adler argues that a return to this female oriented religion has sparked attention in both religious and literary circles. Although Morgana is a compelling and crucial character in Boorman’s filmic adaptation of the story, her new identity is nowhere as vivid as in 77>e M ists o f Avalon*'^ and Daughters o f Tintagel. Both B radl^ and Sampson give Morgan substantial consideration in their texts. As The M ists o f Avalon is narrated by Morgan, it makes her the central figure of the text. Similarly, Sampson’s Daughter o f Tintagel is divided into five parts, each of which is narrated by a character close to Morgan, telling the story of Morgan’s life at various stages o f development. Both texts grant Morgan much more status than she has previously experienced. Thus, the Morgan le Fay who was "put to scole in a nonnery, and ther... lemed so moche that she was a grete clerke o f nygromancye. And after... was wedded to kynge Uryens o f the lond of G ore... ”( Malory S), becomes a great priestess who resides in Avalon. In addition, Morgan receives education in herb lore, letter and magic as befits a priestess of the Goddess. And Morgan le Fey's irrational and seemingly unmotivated hatred and opposition to Arthur in l e M orte d'Arthur emerge as Morgaine's championing of Goddess worship against an increasingly Christian realm 80 that denies all gods but its own. The form of speaking a new truth is not only a form o f feminist assertion but also a matter of historical accuracy, since Morgan Le Fey is generally agreed to derive from a Celtic Goddess transformed into a female villain by later medieval tradition. Implicitly, The M ists o f Avalon interrogates Le Morte d'Arthur as a form of lie, a text that has actively suppressed an alternative truth. . . (Hughes 106). The changes that Bradley makes in The M ist o f Avalon are important ones to Arthuriana. As Hughes argues, Morgan only became a fiend because o f male tradition and scholarship. In The M ists o f Avalon, Morgan's character therefore shifts once more: from evil villain to avenging priestess; from witch to goddess; from devil to savior. Sklar argues that this is due in part to contemporary attitudes toward gender: One senses that the cultural encoding lies in Morgan’s gender. I would suggest that our rendering of Morgan Le Fey, in both her positive and her negative incarnations, may be read as a response to the increased empowerment of women in the course o f this century, that the feminist ideology that informs the rehabilitative treatments of 81 Morgan in fantasy fiction, generally produced by and for women, has reciprocally engendered the gynophobic response of those mass-cultural texts whose primaiy target audience is adolescent and post-adolescent males. One unifying feature of the new history o f Morgan le Fey that differentiates her from the Morgan o f historical tradition is her greatly increased empowerment. Although the structure still dictates that she operate covertly, we have given her a far more powerful ally in Mordred, whose fictive history is inextricably bound to the destruction of Camelot, than Malory allowed his Morgan Thus through Mordred, a male whose malice matches her own, Morgan has been able to transcend the structurally-imposed limitations of her gender, and achieve, as her medieval prototype could not, full realization of her anarchic agenda (33). Sklar’s arguments here hold true for both Sampson and Bradley’s texts, which have been characterized as feminist by scholars of Arthuriana. Certainly, The M ists o f Avalon and Daughter o f Tintagel make Morgan le Fay a central character. As a character Morgause has also enjoyed renewed interest, particularly in The M ists o f Avalon. In Malory’s Morte d ’A rthur, Morgause is the mother of Mordred and 82 sister to Arthur. She is married to King Lot of Oricney. Between them they have four sons, one of whom is Gawain. Morgause is a sexually aggressive woman in Morte d'Arthur, not unlike her portrayal in Bradley’s text. She embraces her femininity and is quite the opposite of the meek and well mannered medieval woman. Further, she does not try to hide her sexual exploits. In The M ists o f Avalon, Morgause is a powerful character who rules Orkney equally by her husband’s side. Bradley makes it clear that even as a child Morgause was aggressive. Later, as an adult, she openly admits to having extramarital sex: .. which doesn’t mean I slept alone all time when he was away on his wars. Well, why should I? I don’t suppose he always lay down alone!” (221). Morgauses aggressive sexual behavior is yet another example o f Bradley’s female leadership; she empowers the women in the text with sexual authority and %ency. Female Centered Spiritualitv Female sexuality in both The M ists o f Avalon and Daughter o f Tintagel is most profoundly emotional and spiritual in contrast to the physical relationships found in Excalibur and F irst Knight. Specifically in Bradley’s work, the women o f Avalon form strong sexual bonds with each other that go well beyond physical gratification: “As she lay quiet, listening to the other woman’s breathing, she remembered the night she had brought Nimue here, and how Raven had come to her then, welcoming her to Avalon... why does it seem to me now that of all the love I have known, that is the truest”(760). 83 Bradley introduces this female bonding early in the text when Morgan and Viviane first meet, and she maintains the motif consistently throughout the stoiy as a tool which speaks specifically to her female readership: Uncovering legend within legend, ancient myth within cultural myth, Bradlqr retells the Arthurian story to let the face o f the Goddess be seen again and to return women to their equally important role in human life despite the denigration o f that role historically and spiritually in the centuries since Arthur (Shinn 37). Clearly, this is a story concerning the women o f Camelot and its surrounding areas— thus Bradley creates relationships between the women that go far b^ond physical or emotional ties. The M ists o f Avalon incorporates a phenomenon not unlike that found in Adrienne Rich’s concept of the lesbian existence and the lesbian continuum. Rich explains that, [IJesbian existence suggests both the fact of the historical presence o f lesbians and our continuing creation of the meaning of that existence. . . lesbian continuum [means] to include a range— through each woman’s life and throughout history— of woman-identified experience, not simply the fact that a woman has had or consciously desired 84 genital sexual experience with another woman. If we expand it to embrace many more forms of a rich inner life, the bonding against male tyranny, the giving and receiving o f practical and political support. . . we begin to grasp breadths o f female history and psychology which have lain out o f reach as a consequence o f limited, mostly clinical, definitions o f ( R i c h 217). Bradley creates this experience within the plot in order to strengthen both the bonds between female characters and the reader/text relationship: “Morgaine clasped her close and kissed her, rocking her like a child. Then, as if they entered together into a great silence, she held Raven against her, touching her, caressing her, their bodies clinging together in something like a frenzy— woman to woman, affirming life .. .’’(Bradley 765). She does not describe a specific “genital sexual experience” as Rich notes, but rather a coming together o f femininity that e s c s ^ physical interaction and instead focuses on a deep emotional and spiritual connection that only women can experience. Bradley purposely endears her readers to the Celtic mother of the novel, which Morgan and the women o f Avalon represent. From the very beginning of the text, and central to the narration itself, B rad l^’s notions o f Paganism dominate over Christianity; the reader can not help but feel emotionally attached to Morgan and her search for 85 camaraderie among woman. The notion o f Goddess worship is essential to this camaraderie. Similarly, Fay Sampson develops striking emotional bonds between Morgan and several o f the female characters throughout Daughter o f Tintagel. These bonds can be construed as spiritually, if not physically sexual: “Yet that night, I cannot say how it was, my hands reached for her clothes and drew them over her head. Her hair smelt like violets. Her flesh was warm from the day’s sun. My hands lingered.. .’’(Sampson 186). Luned, the narrator o f the above citation, is both spiritually and physically compelled by her love for Morgan in a way that only women can experience. Luned is a Christian nun, told to watch over Morgan and guide her to Christianity and Jesus Christ. However, her desire to connect with Morgan overcomes her duty to Christ, and instead she finds herself compulsively drawn toward Morgan’s inner power and spirit. Sexuality isjuxttqwsed with power, lust, deviation, and politics throughout Arthurian Legends. Figures such as Igraine, Morgause and Morgan le Fay, who have a long history of eroticism and power, have been cast negatively in the past. Although the image o f woman in contemporary literature has changed, there still remains (particularly in film) a striking gender bias in the portrayals throughout the different media. However, feminist texts such as The M ists o f Avalon and Daughter o f Tintagel work to present positive and empowering female figures who challenge earlier representations o f Arthurian Legend. 86 Chapter 3 Arthurian Legend and the Importance o f Magic "Asfo r sorcery— w ell there are ignorant priests and ignorant people, who are a ll too ready to cry sorcery i f a woman is only a little wiser than they are " (Bradley, M ists 7). Arthurian Legend is part o f the genre of the fantastic; in all o f its various forms the Arthur story includes marvelous elements which ultimately assist in its categorization. These fantastical events are most profound in the practice of magic which is attributed to Morgan le Fay and Merlin, and in the magical phenomena embedded within the plot: dragons lurk in forests, hands emerge from lakes bearing swords, magical islands suspend time, and people are granted eternal life. In fact, one could say that the legend itself could not exist without presenting these grand episodes. After all, where would Camelot be without the magician Merlin? Whom would authors blame for all the evil doings without the sorceress Morgan le Fay? What search could be more fantastic than that for the magical all-curing cup o f Christ? All of these fantastic elements are at the base of Arthuriana, no matter which author writes or rewrites the myth o f Arthur. What does differ, however, is the treatment o f magic within distinct texts and films; although it is always a primary motif, the notion of magic takes on different meanings within individual artistic representations. Moreover, these meanings are central to the issues discussed throughout this study as magic often plays a central role in visual representations of women, sexual transgression such as incest, and in gender stereotypes. 87 A Brief Overview of Magic Magic is a suspension of the normal rules o f the universe. It is a phenomenon which occurs without explanation, or if explained, offers only a supernatural explanation. Adler observes that “as intellectuals, we have been raised to have a kneejerk reaction to such terms as ‘magic,’ ‘occult,’‘ritualism,’‘the supernatural,’ etc., so that we can only think about these subjects in ways we are supposed to”(153). The w ^ we are supposed to view magic, as Adler maintains, is in association with the supernatural and the unknown. Tzvetan Todorov describes magic as the fantasticmarvelous, noting that in these “are the narratives closest to the pure fantastic, f o r ... by the very fact that it remains unexplained, unrationalized, suggests the existence of the supernatural” (52). In John Boorman’s Excalibur, magic plays an integral role in all o f the marvelous episodes that occur. Some of the more obvious events include Merlin’s embedding of the sword in the stone, the Lady o f the Lake’s gift of the second Excalibur to Arthur, the Grail Quests, and Morgan le Fay’s various sorcerous episodes. Here, magic is viewed both as a means o f explaining events which have no other explanation, and as a Christian explanation o f the divine. Characters within the text rarely question its validity, nor does the contemporary audience. In addition. Merlin is awarded almost all o f the power o f magic throughout the film. When magic is associated with Merlin and his power, it connotes good and helpful deeds for humankind. However, when it is 88 associated with Morgana, who steals his magical power from him, magic connotes evil and destructive deeds for humankind/* In NBC’s M erlin, magic is the dominant feature of the miniseries and the pivotal motif on which all plots rest. Mab and Merlin use magic to battle throughout the film as Mab fights to reclaim her hold over Merlin. In Merlin, magic is portrayed as a negative force throughout the film. However, characters tolerate and even welcome magic when it is used with good intentions.** When Mab uses her m%ic, there is a negative backlash which occurs, whereas in all cases of Merlin’s invocation o f the power, there is a positive result.^ Ironically, the female figure of Mab is associated with Pagan worship, while the male character o f Merlin is associated with Christianity.^' In contrast, the rules of magic and the social implications o f magic are quite different in Marion Zimmer Bradley’s The M ists o f Avalon. Here m%ic is specifically associated with the Goddess and those who dedicate their life to her worship. Only female priestesses and the Merlin, under the command of the Lady o f the Lake, can perform magical spells and events. Magic is introduced at the very beginning o f the text and plays an integral role throughout. It represents a vision that is unavailable to narrow minded Christians, but it is all powerful for the women of Avalon who work behind the scenes to bring about change. 89 Visual Transgressions and Power As noted, magic in The M ists o f Avalon is represented by the notion of vision associated with the women o f text. This concept is one which worics particularly well with Rosemary Jackson’s theory of the fantastic text. Jackson’s chief concern lies with the social and political implications of fantastic literature through visual metaphors: . . . many o f the strange worlds o f modem fantasy are located in, or through, or beyond, the mirror. They are spaces behind the invisible, behind the image, introducing dark areas from which anything can emerge... topography o f the modem fantastic suggests a preoccupation with problems of vision and visibility, for it is structured around spectral imagery: it is remarkable how many fantasies introduce mirrors, glasses, reflections, portraits, eye— which see things myopically or distortedly as out o f focusto effect a transformation of the familiar into the unfamiliar (43). Jackson’s point is to draw attention not only to the importance and the abundance of optics in fantasy, but also to what is unseen and unheard in social and political contexts. Her notion o f “vision” within society and politics works particularly well with Bradley’s concept of magic in 7%e M ists o f Avalon. Bradley’s text emphasizes the concept o f the 90 “sight” awarded to Morgan and to the other trained women o f Avalon. This sight is derived from the Goddess and allows the women to see past and future events and receive warnings o f danger and ill will. More importantly, as the notion of the sight is associated only with the women o f Avalon or those with a dedicated faith in the Goddess, Bradley demonstrates a view o f seeing that is similar to Jackson’s: the women of Avalon are open minded and see in multiple ways— they only object to Christianity because it refuses to see other points o f view and other religious deities. They believe that all Gods are one, and no one should be refused the right to individual beliefs. In contrast, the Christians in the text only see one way— a way which is demeaning to both women and humanity. Magic and its close association with the visual serves a further purpose in The M ists o f Avalon. The “sight,” as it is called throughout the text, is a vision which comes to those schooled in the Pagan ways o f looking into glasses and ponds for visions, or receiving sendings.^^ It is a second way o f seeing that brings new layers of meaning to the social and political events which occur within the novel. Jackson argues that these metaphors of vision serve a dual purpose: first, they function as an element of the supernatural, the unexplained, the marvelous. Second, they serve as a social statement, a call for recognition and a suggestion for reform. The magical visions that the women have within Bradley’s story serve as multi-faceted ways of seeing— they are there to show that one single view point is a dangerous notion. Bradley’s text attempts to turn 91 over gender stereotypes and the demarcations of gender by awarding the power of vision to women. She promotes a new way of “seeing” the culture of Camelot in a much more realistic fashion. The fantastic elements in The M ists o f Avalon do not just lie in the conventions o f the genre— strange and supernatural events embedded within the text which can not occur in our natural world— Bradley’s strangest event is that the Goddess and the women are socially and politically powerful. Jackson argues that [a]n emphasis on visibility points to one of the central thematic concerns of the fantastic: problems o f vision... equates the “real” with the “visible” and gives the eye dominance over the other sense organs, the un-real is that which is invisible. . . That which is not seen, or which threatens to be un-seeable, can only have a subversive function. . . Knowledge, comprehension, reason, are established through the power of the look, through the eye, and o f the I o f the human subject whose relation to objects is structured through this field of vision (45). Although Jackson is concerned here primarily with optics and visionary m et^hors within the fantastic text, we can îq)ply her notion o f visibility in another way. Bradlqr gives us the voices of the women of Camelot. She makes visible what has previously been invisible in many medieval and contemporary versions o f the 92 Arthur story. Women are both "seen" and "heard” in The M ists o f Avalon. By extension, the power of these women and the results of their collective voice in Bradley’s patriarchal medieval world is fantastic. Moreover, the notion of vision within the text serves to make our contemporary patriarchal world look odd through the alienating device of fantasy. Jackson’s work deliberately focuses upon the social and political implications of the fantastic text,^^ and it is thus not surprising that she criticizes Todorov for ignoring it (6). She sees fantastic texts as a means of promoting social transformation. She argues that demystifying how we read the fantastic text is crucial, as it may lead to undoing how these texts unconsciously woric upon us (10). Jackson goes on to suggest that in fantastic literature we find a challenge to those social and political boundaries in which we are confined. This is precisely one o f the things The M ists o f Avalon accomplishes; Bradley’s text uses the fantastic genre to challenge political and social boundaries within the sociefy of Camelot. Thus, in the text, all of the magic (even Merlin’s) comes from the Goddess. Merlin’s power comes through the Goddess, but he can not directly invoke her— he must do his woric through the priestesses. Although Merlin t^pears to be the acceptable magician, while the female magicians are evil witches in polite Christian sociefy, Bradley makes it clear that this is only a facade. Merlin has no real power; he is simply a vessel for them to perform their woric in the Christian world. It is . 93 the women who obey, worship, and interpret the Goddess and her magic in The M ists o f Avalon. Thus Bradley’s text coincides well with Jackson’s definition of the fantastic: Fantasy points to or suggests the basis upon which cultural order rests, for it opens up, for a brief moment, on to disorder, on to illegality, on to that which lies outside the law, that which is outside the dominant value systems. The fantastic traces the unsaid and the unseen of culture: that which has been silenced, made invisible, covered over and made “absent” Fantasy is not to do with inventing another non-human world: it is not transcendental. It has to do with inventing elements of this world, recombining its constitutive features in new relations to produce something strange, unfamiliar and ^parently “new,” absolutely “other” and different (6-8). The language o f Jackson’s text illustrates her sensitivity to social and political implications of the fantastic. These implications are precisely what she considers to be the most important elements o f fantasy. Similarly, it is also what Bradley considers to be a crucial aspect of her fiction. 94 Sexuai-Transgiessions Although treated quite differently in various media, the infamous “incest scene” is present in many versions of Arthurian Legend. Incest is an important transgression which is often treated with caution. As discussed earlier, the concept of incest is an important component o f the Arthur story which frequently occurs without Arthur’s knowledge. In NBC’s M erlin, the incestuous encounter takes place in a traditional portrayal; Arthur is unaware o f Morgan’s identity when they have sex, and Morgan herself purposely goes to his bed with the intention of getting pregnant. With the aid of Mab’s magic she conceives Mordred. As always, the birth of Mordred has disastrous consequences for Camelot. The sin o f incest permeates the court, and its fall becomes . inevitable. Furthermore, the innocence of Arthur’s involvement is one which is significant. In all representations o f the Arthur story, Arthur is the hero— the protagonist. Rebecca and Samuel Umland find that “the law-bringer, is a natural bom leader, dynamic and charismatic. He not only commands the love and loyalty of other men but is also attractive to women, and he is able to rely upon supernatural assistance as well”(133). They argue that this is always the case in the Arthur story and find that the incestuous element o f the legend, although important, does not dominate the plot. Furthermore, Umland and Umland state that it is not an element that is exclusive to the Arthurian tradition. For example, incestuous elements are also present in the film The 95 Ten Commandments, Morever, Umland and Umland find that the concept o f incestuous relations in Egyptian history was not uncommon. Rather it was entirely acceptable because it assured that the royal blood line would not be diluted: The next pharaoh will be named by the current pharaoh... who plans to choose either his own son, Rameses, or his adopted nephew, Moses. Egyptian custom dictated that the daughter o f Pharaoh was to mate with the heir %q?parent, even when it involved incest The incest m otif. . . has interesting connections with the Arthurian legend, however, even though the plot is worked out differently___ Family upheavals and jealousies, it would seem, make for dramatic possibilities, and love triangles seem most interesting when they are tied to a power base as well (134). Strangely, the concept of incestuous relations practiced by the ancient Egyptians and depicted in films like The Ten Commandments has not been met with the same negativiQr as it has in artistic representations o f the Arthur story. One could speculate that this is a result o f social expectation. In The Ten Commandments, the Egyptian society is not one to be defended: the Egyptians enslaved the Jewish peoples in the story and thus the focus o f the film is their jo u m ^ toward freedom. In contrast, Arthurian Legends focus on Arthur as a hero who is responsible for reflecting the morals and 96 values o f a Christian society. Interestingly, the acceptance o f incest as it is portrayed in The Ten Commandments is similar to the way it is viewed in The M ists o f Avalon. The incest scene, although not the only one in which magic, hesitation, and the supernatural occur, is a representative one in The M ists o f Avalon. The fantastic elements present in Bradley’s incest scene are similar to those found throughout the narrative. The most defining feature of this scene is the striking dichotomy which exists between Paganism and Christianity. Through the ju x t^ s itio n o f these religions, the reader is forced to hesitate between condemning the act o f incest or accepting it. This necessary moment o f hesitation found in The M ists o f Avalon is a defining feature of the fantastic genre for several theorists, one of whom is Tzvetan Todorov. One o f the most respected theories of the fantastic belongs to Tzvetan Todorov, who outlines rigid definitions and categories of the fantastic. ^ He takes a strict structural q>proach to the fantastic, comparing his theory to a scientific methodology (4). Todorov proceeds by deduction, selecting a few representative texts from the genre and producing a hypothesis. He notes that it is not the quantity, but the “logical coherence o f a theory that finally matters’’ (2). Todorov defines what he considers the “heart” o f the fantastic as the moment of hesitation found within the structure of the text: In a world which is indeed our world, the one we know, a world without devils, sylphides, or vampires, there occurs an 97 event which cannot be explained by the laws of this same familiar world. The person who experiences the events must opt for one of two possible solutions: either he [or she] is the victim of an illusion of the senses, o f a product of the imagination - and laws of the world then remain what they are; or else reality - but then this reality is controlled by laws unknown to us. Either the devil is an illusion, an imaginary being; or else he really exists, precisely like other living beings - with this reservation, that we encounter him frequently. The fantastic occupies the duration of this uncertainty (25). For Todorov, hesitation experienced by the reader and embedded within the text by an ambiguous narrative, is the absolute defining feature of the fantastic text; the entire concept of the fantastic is outlined by what is real and what is imaginary (25). From that moment on we either enter into the realm o f the marvelous or the uncanny, the two neighboring genres on which Todorov bases his theory. He sees the fantastic text as one caught between the marvelous and the uncanny, and in fact places them as transitory sub-genres within the fantastic (44). Ultimately we always find ourselves within the uncanny, the fantastic-uncanny, the fantastic-marvelous, or the marvelous. The key to the fantastic, according to Todorov, is the questioning of the implicit 98 reader. We are then obliged to meet three conditions: 1.) hesitation on the part of the reader between the natural and the supernatural; 2.) the ability of the reader to identify with a main character o f the text; 3.) a rejection of allegorical and poetic interpretations within the text (33). Todorov insists that it is the first and third of these conditions which constitute the actual genre of the fantastic. In considering Todorov’s argument surrounding the fantastic, the incest scene in 7%e M ists o f Avalon is of great importance. Told in elaborate detail, the incest scene in Bradley’s text is the consummation of a Pagan ritual whereby the King Stag is bound to the land. Arthur is transformed into the Stag. He must run through the forest with the deer and challenge the real stag to a fight. Morgaine becomes the maiden huntress working her magic to assist Arthur in his battle and in his deception. He is the Homed one, the God and the consort of the Virgin Huntress (175). We are reminded over and over that Morgaine has been metamorphosed— she is the Goddess. And it is as Goddess and God that the incest scene is consununated: She lay there, feeling the life of the earth around her; she seemed to expand, to fill the cave, the little scribbled drawings were painted on her breasts and belly and above her the great chalk figure of a man or deer, strode with an erect phallus. . . the invisible moon inside the cave flooding her body with light as the Goddess surged inside her, body 99 and soul — I am the Great Mother who knows all things, who is maiden and mother and all-wise, guiding the virgin and her consort (178). The entire scene is rich with elements o f the marvelous and as such it calls for a decision on the part of reader and characters: how will we determine the events which have just occurred? As we have established earlier, Bradley has deliberately set up a powerful dichotomy between Christianity and Paganism within the text. This dichotomy serves here, as it does elsewhere, as the catalyst for our questions— has the Goddess in fact intervened (supernatural)? Or is this all evil trickery brought about by Viviane without the aid of anything divine (natural)? We must decide with whom we will sympathize, and whether we condemn this sexual encounter. Eric Rabkin criticizes Todorov’s strict call for hesitation on the part of the reader saying that ' this hesitation should be seen not in relation to external norms, but rather in relation to microcontextual variations. . . ”(qtd. in Beeler 62). Rabkin believes the determining factor should not be based on what the reader accepts as real or unreal, but on the perspective imposed by the characters and narrator within the story: “Otherwise, we must accept the fact that the genre o f the fantastic is totally dependent upon the level of sophistication o f the reader and his world view” (Beeler 62). In all Arthur stories we do not question if the incest scene has occurred— authors simply state that it has, and we accept it. However, in The M ists o f Avalon we do question w /^ the 100 incest scene has occurred. Similarly, this is also the case for most of the magical events that occur in Bradley’s text because they are presented alongside the continued struggle between Paganism and Christianity, which demands that we hesitate. In contrast to Bradley’s text which coincides with Todorov’s call for hesitation, Excalibur does not work for Todorov because we do not identify with the characters in the story. Unlike M ists o f Avalon, where Bradley has created characters rich with substance, provided plenty of dialogue and a continuous linear narrative, Boorman’s characters are one dimensional; he does not provide sufficient dialogue for us to really know how or what a character is feeling or thinking. We are constantly reminded that this is a story he has stolen from Malory; we are presented with one fact after another. Furthermore, we do not hesitate throughout Excalibur because it is directed toward a contemporary audience with a certain predisposition toward Malory. As noted, the film credits Malory as the source during its opening. Thus, there is an assumption that we will believe in Christian miracles and divine intervention. Just as the medieval audience would not have questioned the divinity of the Grail Quests, the miraculous reception of Excalibur, or the sorcery of Morgan le Fay, the audience of Excalibur does not question these events within the frameworic of the story; unlike Bradley’s text which purposely gives the reader choices to make, the audience of Excalibur is given no reason to hesitate or question the validiQr of the magic. Jackson argues that non-secularized societies hold different beliefs from secular 101 cultures in terms o f what constitutes reality (23). Secularization of modem society therefore makes us less willing to believe in the divine. Consequently, when we are presented with the incest scene described in Bradley’s text, we question the metamorphosis that has taken place. Similarly, when we are told that the sword was pulled from the stone, that Merlin cloaked Uther in magic to bring him to Igraine’s bed, or that Morgaine spent four months in the land o f Faery, we assess these marvelous elements and question if we will accept them. Incest is a sexual transgression that has not been accepted in either medieval or contemporary western societies. Thus, there are several social ramifications for the encounter. In almost every version o f the Arthur story which chooses to include the incestuous dalliance between Morgan and Arthur, Arthur is criticized for this behavior and must repent his sin, while Morgaine is harshly judged as evil. As a high member of Britain’s political system, Arthur must conceal this sin and protect his position as king. But he is unsuccessful, and Camelot eventually begins to fall ^ a r t because it has been stained with the sin of incest. Traditionally Mordred usurps Arthur’s throne and kills him in a bloody battle. For the medieval audience, once Mordred returns to the story a full grown man. Camelot must ultimately fall; the horrendous sin that has permeated the court can no longer be ignored. As well, most artistic representations make a point of covering up the encounter— the people will not follow a king with such corrupt morals. Interestingly, however, Bradley makes a serious attempt to turn over the social 102 taboo of incest and give the reader a different perspective/^ Therefore, Bradley’s ^parent defense o f incest is radically different from the social structure subscribed to in both a medieval context and a contemporary one. The reactions by other characters within any given Arthur story to the incest scenario are also worth mentioning. Someone is always to blame, and it is usually Morgan le Fay. This blame always serves to alienate Morgan further from Camelot. Because the characters are shocked, and the general assumption is that an evil and sinful event has occurred, someone must be blamed and punished. Like most acts of evil found in the Arthur story, this act is attached to the Goddess, or to those who practice sorcery and Goddess worship (Morgan le Fay). Although the Goddess in Mists o f Avalon is defended by the narrator, she is harshly condemned by the Christians within the text. Pagan worship is also condemned in several versions of the Arthur story such as Excalibur and Merlin. Consequently, those who actively practice Goddess or Pagan worship are rejected by characters within the text. Conceptions o f Evil Jackson argues that the relationship of otherness to evil is an important one. She finds that the elements found in the category of other, do not mean “^ a r t from oneself’ as Todorov would have it; like Jackson, Todorov also recognizes the importance of the other in the fantastic text— he lists a networic of uncanny and marvelous elements that are adopted by fantastic works and divided into two categories which co-exist: themes 103 o f the self and themes o f the other. In the former, almost all of the themes Todorov outlines can fall under the category o f metamorphosis in one form or another; while the latter can be categorized as transgressions in and around sexuality and desire. Jackson, however sees the concept of other as more important than Todorov. She sees the other as the social other, and the political other, and thus she takes the implications much more seriously: The concept o f evil, which is usually attached to the other, is relative, transforming with shifts in cultural fears and values. Any social structure tends to exclude as evil anything radically different from itself or which threatens it with destruction, and this conceptualization, this naming of difference as evil, is a significant ideological gesture. It is a concept at one with the category o f otherness itself___ Strangeness precedes the naming o f it as evil: the other is defined as evil precisely because his/her difference and a possible power to disturb the familiar and known (S3). Bradley worics hard to reverse gender roles and power relations within the text, just as feminists have worked hard to reverse them in modem society. She creates a world where things are "turned over” in historical fiction. Where Bradley directly confronts the social and political constraints of Camelotas culture, Excalibur embraces it. The 104 other in Excalibur is dictated by Christian doctrine so that is becomes that which is threatening— female sexuality and female sorcery that invite sexuality and mischief. Similarly, The Mists o f Avalon provides the reader with the single viewpoint of the Christians; they reject that which is strange and ultimately conclude that strangeness is evil. The difference between Excalibur and The Mists o f Avalon is that for Bradley, this single minded viewpoint of the Christians is presented after she has already endeared the reader to the social structures o f Avalon. Therefore, because this sympathy has been firmly established in The Mists o f Avalon^ the Christian notions of evil, and consequently those who are othered from society, become not only less acceptable, but abnormal and ridiculous. Another common scene found in the Arthur story occurs when Igraine and Uther first have sex. Like the incest scene, this experience holds significance for Arthurian Legend in terms o f magic and hesitation. In Excalibur, Uther has spent several months besieging Tintagel where Gorlois and his men are protecting Igraine. It is clear that there is no way that Uther can take Tintagel. Finally, Merlin arrives and Uther begs him for help. It is only with Merlin’s aid— with his magic— that Uther is finally able to penetrate the walls of Tintagel and take his prize. With the aid o f Merlin, Uther becomes cloaked in magic and appears to become Gorlois. He can thereby be freely admitted into the Duke’s home and takes Igraine to bed. Similarly, in The Mists o f Avalon Merlin assists Uther in passing through the 105 gates o f Tintagel, but there is a pre-sexual encounter that occurs first. When Uther is battling Gorlois for Igraine, they set up a camp and plan an attack in the morning. Igraine leaves her body and travels as a spirit to where Uther and Gorlois are awaiting their future fight. She transcends space and time, departed from her physical body to warn Uther that Gorlois will attack during the night. Armed with this warning, Uther is able to counterattack, and he wins the battle. It is this mystical act o f foreplay which brings about Uther’s victory and allows him to return to Igraine and take her to bed: Body and soul, she had been taught, were not firmly bonded; in sleep the soul left the body and went to the country of dreams, where all was illusion and folly, and sometimes, in the Druid-trained, to the country of truth (91). She had done it. She seemed to stand before herself, her whole awareness sharply focused She did not look back You must never look back for the body will draw back the soul- but somehow she could see without eyes, all around her and knew that her body was still sitting motionless before the dying fire (100). Again, vision takes on a significant role in the text as Igraine finds Uther without seeing with her “eyes”. After Uther kills Gorlois, he goes to Tintagel where Igraine waits for him: blessed with the dark and fog of the night, Uther wears the ring of the Duke, and it 106 is only because Igraine herself rushes out to greet and welcome Uther as Gorlois, that he is allowed to pass freely through the gates and escape suspicion. Igraine is the source of power in this scene, just as women are the dominant sources of power in several scenes throughout the text. One o f the goals of The Mists o f Avalon is therefore to erase or blur the lines o f power associated with gender. Jackson argues that Several themes... derive from thematic concerns, all o f them concerned with erasing rigid demarcations of gender and genre. Gender differences o f male and female are subverted... in fantasy’s attempt to “turn over” “normal” perceptions and undermine “realistic” ways o f seeing (49). These “unrealistic” ways o f seeing are synonymous with what she calls monological realities and can here be equated with a patriarchal system of categorization. Whereas traditional stories o f Arthur such as Excalibur praise Uther for his valiant battle and his strength, and further credit Merlin with the power o f magic to transform Uther into the image of the Duke, The Mists o f Avalon makes it clear that Igraine is the heroine of this scene; Igraine is credited with saving Uther’s life, with making it possible through her magic for Uther to win the battle, and with performing the crucial role of admitting Uther into Tintagel. As Stan Beeler notes, “the incorporation o f sexuali^ into a work o f literature is considered by some to be consistent with the standards o f fantastic literature” (69). 107 Beeler quotes Donald Palumbo’s notion of fantasy which states: Its treatment o f sexuality- whether sublimated, overt or even pomogrtqihic- is a distinctive characteristic of “fantastic literature”— The erotic has always been an important aspect of the fantastic. Although there are surely many ways to account for this confluence of sexuality and fantasy, one basic connection worth investigating is the relationship that exists between sexuality and a primary source o f fantasy’s psychological tq)peal- its symbolic easing of humanities’ fears o f the unknown, particularly of its fear of death- in most seminal, long enduring, and artistically satisfying fantasy worics (69). Unlike Palumbo, Jackson see “transgressions within fantastic [as] products of unconscious desires”(63). Not surprising, again her main argument revolves around the visual and optic illusions within the fantastic. Jackson argues that the mirror is nothing more than a m et^hor for other selves: “The mirror provides versions of self transformed into another, becoming something or someone else. It employs distance and difference to suggest the instability of the “real” on this side o f the looking glass and it offers unpredictable (^patently impossible) metamorphoses o f self into other” (88). 108 Sexuality in Excalibur is radically different from the presentation of sexuality in The Mists o f Avalon. Boorman’s film assumes a Christian perspective; it suggests that sexuality is threatening and sinful. This is another example o f Excalibur‘s direct adherence to Thomas Malory since an individual’s first love must be to his God, and his second love to a woman, but only if that love is pure. Thus in Morte d'Arthur, Lancelot continually refuses to give a maiden a kiss {Sir Lancelot du Lake 160) because it would be dishonorable. He refuses to give himself sexually to one o f the Queens who holds his life in his hands {Sir Lancelot du Lake 152), and he is always true to his chivalric ideal. Like Malory’s version of the Arthur story, Excalibur illustrates that Lancelot’s love for Gwenivere is only forgiven when it is not a sexual love, but rather an honorable one.^ Once Gwenivere and Lancelot consummate their love, t h ^ commit a most grievous sin, one punishable by the full force o f both church and state which serves as a warning to others who presume to take such a path. Gwenivere is a barren queen because of her sinful lust for another man. Since sexual sin is at the very heart of Camelot, the Arthurian government can not survive. In The Mists o f Avalon sex is treated much differently. Although Bradley still presents the Christian views o f the period, she does so only in such a way as to demean it. The sexual transgressions which occur in Bradley’s text are presented in a sympathetic marmer. The Mists o f Avalon is also much more aggressive in its descriptions of sexual activity. As discussed throughout this thesis, we are presented 109 with homosexual and lesbian scenes, o^ies, incest, sex with Gods and Goddesses, sex and magic, and the suspension o f time. Divine Interventions Divine intervention is a theme that runs consistently throughout most versions of the Arthur story, and which is juxtfqwsed with the concept o f magic. Typically we are faced with the notion o f good versus evil and with the question o f responsibility for evil acts. In describing Jackson’s principles o f fantastic literature, Stan Beeler notes her emphasis on responsibility: In religious fantasies, and in pagan ones, this context of supematuralism/magic locates good and evil outside the merely human, in a different dimension. It is a displacement o f human responsibility on to the level o f destiny: human action is seen as operating under the controlling influence of Providence, whether for good or for evil (65). In The Mists o f Avalon and Excalibur, Merlin and the Pagan priestess (lady of the lake) assist the humans in events throughout the story. Sorcery in particular is viewed as an evil intervention in Boorman’s film, and from the perspective of the Christian characters it is similarly evil in Bradley. Jackson’s notion o f destiny within the religious fantasy can be identified in these artistic representations as several events are attributed to the gods, to sorcery, or to magic. Further, there is significant displacement o f responsibility 110 between human and God/Goddess. Whether for good or for evil, the responsibility for events that occur within both works is transferred to the supernatural. Humans are not held responsible for their actions when divinities have intervened. Magic and the supernatural in Arthurian Legend have serious consequences for the social and political structures o f its world. They play an integral role in the plot structure o f each artistic representation and further offer interesting consequences for religion and power issues within Arthurian texts and films. Although magic most notably plays upon the good versus evil dichotomy in the stories, it more importantly serves as a catalyst for events and characters. I ll Conclusion Religion, sexuality and magic are important components in Arthurian Legends. Closely connected, all three o f these motifs reflect cultural attitudes and social value systems being experienced during the period when these individual stories about Arthur were written. As we have seen, Christianity plays a central role in Aithuriana throughout the centuries; consequently the church’s views on women, sexuality and religious doctrine became an integral part of the Arthur story. For contemporary literature, as well as for contemporary culture, the notion o f a Goddess figure has once again become important. Neo-Pagan movements have been introduced into a large portion o f western secular society in the twentieth century, and thus attitudes toward witchcraft and sorcery have become more positive. Further, the concept of woman as deity is becoming a more acceptable one as popular interest in Goddess worship, Wicca, Paganism and Neo-Paganism continues to grow. Whether the literature of the period dictates cultural attitude and change, or whether cultural attitude and change affect literature, is less important than the fact that these changes have occurred. Aided by feminist thought, progressive cultural perceptions now exist concerning sexuality, gender, and religion. More specifically, contemporary belief systems associated with female deities, magic, and sorcery have been reaffirmed in literary texts such as Mists o f Avalon and Daughter o f Tintagel. Medieval views on Paganism and Christianity are certainly not the same as those 112 held by contemporaiy western society. Although much early Christian doctrine remains embedded in both our culture and our politics,” the union o f church and state has weakened in contemporary culture. Therefore, fears that were valid and prominent for the medieval woman such as punishment for adultery, promiscuity, heresy etc., are no longer as threatening for modem western women. That is not to say that the vestiges of medieval attitudes toward women have completely dis^peared from our culture; indeed women are continually faced with patriarchal stmctures in the twentieth century. However, Christian influence is not as prominent as it was in the Middle Ages. Consequently, feminist historians can ask questions about alternative belief systems without feeling threatened. Moreover, Pagan groups are no longer intolerable and the worship o f female deities is a religion on the rise once more. What does all of this mean for the Arthurian Legends? To begin with, the treatment o f female characters such as Gwenivere and Morgan Le Fay has changed a great deal. Although filmic traditions of Arthuriana have maintained patriarchal conceptions more than feminist literary texts o f the twentieth century, they nonetheless give substantial consideration to female characters. Thus, although viewed by some as a backlash against feminism, films such as Excalibur, First Knight, and Merlin succeed not only in highlighting female characters but in empowering them. Moreover, feminist texts such as The Mists o f Avalon and Daughter o f Tintagel re-conceptualize female characters. Both Marion Zimmer Bradley and Fay Sampson illustrate a return to 113 Goddess worship that gives credibility and indisputable power to Morgan Le Fay in a positive manner. Thus, contemporary novels and films do not necessarily reform the skeleton of Arthurian Legend, but they give new expression to the voices o f women. 114 NOTES 1. For the purposes of this study the term Arthurian Legend refers to complete stories— those which begin before Arthur’s birth and end with the fall o f Camelot. 2. Joseph Campbell is an accomplished popular critic o f world mythology. The Mask o f the God: Creative Anthology, and The Hero with a Thousand Faces are two of his published works on myth. 3. Among other famous battles attributed to Arthur, Turner cites Arthur’s victory over the Saxons at Mount Badon (178). 4. The Holy Kingdom (1998), by Baram Beckett and Alan Wilson claims that the true King Arthur descended from Emperor Magnus Maximus. 5. Before Monmouth, the Bretons had many songs and stories passed on by minstrels, which were loosely Arthurian in content. Known to us now as Breton Lays, periu^s the most noteworthy lay is Hk Lay o f Sir Launfal by Marie de France. The story follows one o f Arthur’s knights, Launfal, through a contest between the supernatural and the natural world. It is not discussed thoroughly in this thesis because it is merely a poem which uses Arthur as a backdrop and does not have any specific Arthurian content. 6. Barber describes the courtly love tradition as derived from the literature o f southern France. It was the troubadours who exaggerated the superiority of the lady, and consequently the worshiping lover’s moral worth (54). 7. Although Gwenivere becomes central to the plot in Cretien's stories, she is still 115 largely marginalized. She exists only for the purposes o f being married, rescued, or seduced. 8. The identity of the author of Sir Gawain and Green Knight has long been a matter of debate among scholars. 9. Although Gawain’s characterization is not crucial in any way to this thesis, it is nonetheless worth mentioning in this brief overview of the legend’s history that Sir Gawain and the Green Knight spiraled his character to fame. 10. 'The most controversial issue o f Malory studies (with the possible exception o f his actual identity) has centered on whether his work can and should be viewed as a complete and coherent narrative. This debate was sparked by Vinaver— after William Caxton, Malory’s editor— who argued that Malory composed eight separate tales instead o f a unified narrative. . . Vinaver chose as the title for his 1947 edition. . . Works''' (Umland 2). 11. Umland and Umland are referring here to the Victorian period and their negative social and cultural attitudes toward sex. 12. Since Mists o f Avalon, Bradley has gone on to publish The Forest House (1992) and Lady o f Avalon (1997). They precede the events of Arthur and focus on the Pagan women who later contribute to Camelot. However, neither work has any specific Arthurian content. 13. C. Hugh Holman and William Harmon define melodrama as “based on a romantic plot and developed sensationally with little regard for convincing motivation and with 116 an excessive ^ p e a l to the emotions of the audience” (295). 14. Most notably in Marion Zimmer Bradley’s The Mists o f Avalon. 15. Malory and Tennyson are primarily responsible for Gwenivere’s negative portrayal throughout the tradition of Arthurian Legend. 16. In addition to the authors mentioned, the following texts were available at two local bookstores: Courtney Milne’s Visions o f the Goddess, Amy Zemer and Monte Farber’s The Oracle o f the Goddess, Lexa Rosèan’s The Supermarket Sorceress’s Enchanted Evenings, Patricia Telesco’s 365 Goddess and Goddess in my Pocket, Teresa Mooney and Jane Brideson’s Wheel o f the Year: \fyth and Magic Throughout the Seasons, Maria May Simms The Witches Circle, Nicola Pulford’s The Book o f Spells, Teresa Moorey’s Witchrafi: A Beginner’s Guide, and Sarah Lyddon Morrison’s The Modem Witches ' Book o f Symbols. 17. Jones and Pennick define Pagan as a term “employed once more in its root meaning to describe a nature-venerating religion which endeavors to set human life in harmony with the great cycles embodied in the rhythms o f the seasons” (2). 18. On the verge o f a millennium change, many psychics and prophets o f contemporary culture have predicted an even greater surge in the worship of female deities, due largely in part to a conceptual change in the way we will view Mother Nature in the years to follow 2000. In addition, several popular contemporary films which specifically t^proach the idea o f Goddess worship and witchcraft have been produced. 117 Examples o f such films include: Witches o f Eastwick (1988 ), The Craft (1996), Ihs_ Crucible (1996), Practical Magic (1998), and Simply Irresistible (1999). 19. For the purposes o f this study Paganism can be equated with Goddess worship. 20. The fact that the Grail Legend originated long before Christianity has been traced by many scholars, most notably by Jessie Weston (1957) in her text From Ritual to Romance. 21. Periiaps the most influential non-sexual woman was the Virgin Mary who was revered in both medieval and contemporary times. In addition, the idealization of women in Troubadour poetry was also common. 22.The teachings of St. Augustine and St. Paul and discussed earlier in the chapter under the subheading Christianity in the Middle Ages. 23. See St. Augustine’s doctrine on women and sex earlier in this chapter. 24. I am not making a claim that incestuous sexual encounters were equated with nonincestuous encounters in the middle ages. However, as stated, medieval attitudes toward sex were such that any woman who would seduce a man was viewed as evil and sinftil. Consequently, Morgan’s seduction o f any man in the Arthurian Legends is seen in this light. 25. The notion of the land carrying the sins o f its king is also profoundly seen in Tennyson’s Idylls o f the King and the Fisher King stories of this century. 26. It is important to note that by the end of the novel, Morgan discovers that not all 118 elements o f Christianity are oppressive: “She [Morgan] had thought nuns in Christian convents would be sad and doleful, ever conscious o f what the priests said about the sinhilness of being bom women, but these were innocent and merry robins talking gaily to Morgaine of their new c h t ^ l . . ( 8 7 3 ) . 27. A sending in The Mists o f Avalon is a religious vision sent by the Goddess. 28. Merlin Stone maintains: “The image of Maeve [Mab] is a somewhat unusual combination of a Faerie Queen and a martial leader of troops... [she] was portrayed as a judge o f protocol and status among the Celtic peoples... Later images of M aeve.. include the Shakespearian Mab” (67). 29. Tobin cites stories told to Gwenivere such as “the women of Avalon were evil witches and served the devils” {Mists 255); “evil folk who mocked the Christ were turned into crows {Mists 292); and o f “a saint who transformed a circle o f sorceresses at their evil rites, into a circle of stones” {Mists 282). 30. Refer back to Chtqiter One for the theology behind Christian attitudes concerning women and sexuality. 31. The text has an obvious feminine approach to issues o f sexualiQr such as freedom and liberation. The notions o f sexuality explored in The Mists o f Avalon are not unlike those found in Adrienne Rich’s concept of the Lesbian Continuum which is discussed later in the chapter. 119 32. The portrayal o f Arthur and Lancelot as secret lovers is unusual because Bradley takes a step toward tainting the otherwise traditional character of Arthur with a homosexual relationship. 33. In Malory’s woric the tact that Arthur hesitates to expose the affair is made clear. 34. See Chapter One o f this thesis. 35. Traditionally Uther Pendragon sees and falls in love with Igraine, wife of the Duke o f Cornwall. Typically he resolves to have her and w%es war with Cornwall. 36. Both Lady of Avalon and Merlin are political Pagan job titles. 37. Excalibur attempts a complete version of the Arthur story. It begins before Arthur’s birth and follows his life until he pulls the sword from the Stone. He then meets and marries Gwenivere, embarks on the Grail Quest, and falls with Camelot, at the hand o f Mordred. 38. Igraine’s dancing can not be seen as liberating in this scene because she is commanded by Gorlois to both begin and to end her dance. Gorlois controls her movements and is only compelled to have her stop dancing when he sees the excitement it has caused for Arthur. 39. Excalibur concentrates highly on male centered activity, beginning with its credit to Malory at the start o f the film. As noted previously, Malory’s text is extremely patriarchal. Boorman’s credit to Malory at the beginning of the film makes it ^parent that Excalibur will be similar in content. 120 40. Sean Connery, cast as Arthur, was 64 at the time of the film’s release and Richard Gere (as Lancelot), was 45. 41. Malagant is traditionally a figure who claims to be the bastard child of Gwenivere’s father. In most versions o f the story he captures Gwenivere and rapes her before Lancelot rescues her and kills him. 42. Umland and Umland also credit the Sword o f Lancelot as portraying Gwenivere as a powerful character. 43. Umland and Umland argue that the portrayal o f Gwenivere in First Knight can be equated with her character played by Jean Wallace in Sword o f Lancelot, who is both strong and independent. 44. Critics have offered several reasons for Malory’s portrayal o f Morgan as evil. Katharine Rogers calls his characterization “misogynistic” (59), and Myra Olstead claims that since “Malory’s chief emphasis is upon heroic life and the affairs o f men” (133), the evil portrayal is only natural. 45. Mens rea: The mental act of a crime. 46. Excalibur refers to Morgan le Fay’s character as Morgana. 47. Charlotte Spivack calls Bradley’s portrayal: “the most compelling and satisfying revisioning of this tantalizingly paradoxical fay” (21). 48. Refer back to C h u ter One, page 26-28 for more information on witchcraft and practices o f magic by women. 121 49. In Merlin, Merlin welcomes his magical powers when he can use it for positive events such as helping Nimue, Arthur or himself. 50. This phenomenon is also illustrated in Excalibur. 51. This is ironic in view of the fact that Merlin is traditionally a Pagan Druid. In almost all instances o f his character throughout the Arthurian Legends, Merlin is depicted in his traditional role as Druid magician. In NBC’s Merlin however, Merlin is associated with all that is good in socie^ and is therefore depicted as a Christian. 52. A sending in The Mists o f Avalon is a vision sent to someone who has the sight. 53. The fantastic text is one which employs fantasy and thus fantastic concepts throughout the work. 54. Although Tzvetan Todorov’s theory of the fantastic is somewhat dated (1975), it is still widely respected by academics and scholars of fantastic literature. In addition, it is often used as the starting point for more recent theories of the fantastic. 55. In The Mists o f Avalon, incest is seen as a valid form of uniting the royal bloodlines. As far as the Lady of the Lake is concerned, there is no sin present, because the bond o f brother and sister is an earthly one. 56. Honorable chivalrous love originates with the Troubadours and is essentially the unconsummated love between a knight and a lady. 57. 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