NARRATIVES OF NEGOTIATION:
TRANSNATIONAL MARRIAGE MIGRATION IN NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

by

Courtney LeBourdais
B.A., University o f Northern British Columbia 2008

THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
IN
NATURAL RESOURCES AND ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES (GEOGRAPHY)

UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
September 2013

© Courtney LeBourdais, 2013

UMI Number: 1525696

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Abstract
In this thesis, I examine the everyday and particular experiences of seven foreign brides
residing in three resource-based communities in northern British Columbia (Prince George,
Fort St. John and Dawson Creek), during 2009 and 2010. The intent o f my research is to
understand how foreign brides’ experiences o f marriage, migration, settlement and
integration influence their reestablishment of sense of self, belonging, place and identity in
new and complex environments. Globalization and advancements in communication
technologies have shifted the scope and scale of marriage migration to include new players
and encompass new landscapes; however, the frequency of this practice and the experiences
of foreign brides are often unknown or misunderstood given that no formal monitoring
system exists. As such, it is necessary to examine this “hidden avenue” (Nolin 2011) of
migration to rural and remote communities within northern British Columbia (BC), as this
setting poses limited access to services and cultural networks which can exacerbate foreign
bride’s already vulnerable sponsorship status and expose increased opportunities for
mistreatment and abuse. Thus, to explore foreign brides’ experiences in this landscape, I
utilize Abu-Lughod’s “ethnographies of the particular” (1991) and Nolin’s “transnational
ethnographies” (2006) as methodological approaches to inform the use o f in-depth
interviews, Photovoice, and photo elicitation techniques. Findings presented include the
identification of four central points o f negotiation: i) Marital Relationships; ii.) Family
Dynamics; iii) Reestablishment o f Independence and Agency; and iv) Cultural Refueling
Opportunities and Transnational Connections. By identifying how public and private
negotiations shape individual motivations, agency, self-determination, and reinvention, I
illustrate how multi-sited and multi-scaled power dynamics influence the reestablishment of
foreign brides’ sense of place and identity.

Table of Contents
Abstract...................................................................................................................................................ii
Table of Contents..................................................................................................................................iii
List of Figures........................................................................................................................................ v
Abbreviations / Acronyms................................................................................................................... vi
Acknowledgements............................................................................................................................. vii
Chapter 1 : Introduction......................................................................................................................... 1
1.1 Introduction.................................................................................................................................. 1
1.2 Rethinking “Marriage” and “Migration”....................................................................................2
1.3 Situating Marriage Migration in Northern B C .......................................................................... 3
1.4 Narratives of Negotiation: Transnational Marriage Migration in Northern B C .................... 5
1.5 Chapter Overview........................................................................................................................8
1.6 Conclusion.................................................................................................................................. 10
Part 1: Research Context......................................................................................................................11
Chapter 2 : Transnationalism, Feminism, Place & Identity: A Literature Review......................... 11
2.1 Introduction................................................................................................................................ 11
2.2 Theoretical Framework: Transnationalism..............................................................................11
2.3 Theoretical Framework: Feminist Geography........................................................................ 15
2.4 Conceptual Approach: Corporeality......................................................................................... 18
2.5 Conceptual Approach: Identity................................................................................................ 23
2.6 Conceptual Approach: Place.....................................................................................................28
2.7 Conclusion..................................................................................................................................33
Chapter 3 : Methodological Approaches & M ethods.......................................................................34
3.1 Introduction................................................................................................................................34
3.2 Positioning the Research(er).....................................................................................................34
3.3 Methodological Approaches.....................................................................................................36
3.3 Methods...................................................................................................................................... 38
3.4 Conclusion.................................................................................................................................. 54
Chapter 4 : Global-Local Dynamics and the Business o f TransnationalMarriage M igration

55

4.1 Introduction................................................................................................................................55
4.2 Historical Context: Immigration, Personal Desire, and Cultural Values.............................. 56
4.3 Contemporary Process: Love, Sex(ism), and Globalization..................................................57
4.4 Marriage Migration in Canada: Sponsorship, Dependency, and Vulnerability................... 73
4.5 Conclusion..................................................................................................................................75
Chapter 5 : Contextualizing Arrival, Settlement, and Integrationin NorthernBC: An Exploration
of Social, Cultural, and Political Landscapes............................................................................... 77
iii

5.1 Introduction................................................................................................................................ 77
5.2 BC’s Physical Geography......................................................................................................... 78
5.3 Introduction to Historical Context............................................................................................ 79
5.4. Introduction to Contemporary Landscapes............................................................................ 85
5.5 Community Profiles...................................................................................................................88
5.6 Situating Contemporary Immigration Policy in Canada........................................................ 94
5.7 Conclusion.................................................................................................................................. 97
Part 2: Research Findings, Analysis & Discussion........................................................................... 98
Chapter 6 : Transnational Ethnographies of the Particular: Narratives o f Negotiation................101
6.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................. 101
6.2 Marital Relationships...............................................................................................................101
6.3 Family Dynamics.....................................................................................................................118
6.4 Conclusion................................................................................................................................ 127
Chapter 7 : Public Negotiations: Exploration o f Local and Transnational Landscapes...............129
7.1 Introduction: Situating the Importance o f “Weak Ties” .......................................................129
7.2 Reestablishing Independency & A gency...............................................................................130
7.3 Transnational Connections & Cultural Refueling Opportunities.........................................144
7.4 Conclusion................................................................................................................................ 157
Chapter 8: Conclusion.......................................................................................................................158
8.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................. 158
8.2 Research Questions & Discussion of Approach to Analysis............................................... 159
8.3 Research Contributions........................................................................................................... 161
8.4Recommendations & Future Research Directions................................................................. 164
8.5 Conclusion................................................................................................................................ 165
Work Cited......................................................................................................................................166
Appendix 1: UNBC Research Ethics Approval Letter................................................................185
Appendix 2: Information Sheet for Interviews............................................................................187
Appendix 3: Information Sheet for Photovoice...........................................................................189
Appendix 4: Consent Form for Interviews................................................................................... 192
Appendix 5: Consent Form for Photovoice Interview................................................................193
Appendix 6: Consent Form for Participant Photography............................................................194
Appendix 7: Consent Form for Creative Materials Release...................................................... 195
Appendix 8: Interview Conversation Guide.................................................................................197
Appendix 9: Photovoice Interview Conversation Guide............................................................ 201

List of Figures
Figure 3.1: Hierarchy of Place Negotiation....................................................................................... 52
Figure 5.1: Map o f Northern British Columbia.................................................................................79
Figure 5.2: CIC Advertisement Profiling Efforts to Combat Marriage Fraud................................ 96
Figure 6.1: S1TSIT "New Beginnings".............................................................................................103
Figure 6.2: KITTY "Son"..................................................................................................................104
Figure 6.3: SVITLANA "Hope"......................................................................................................114
Figure 6.4: ANNA "Motherhood".................................................................................................... 119
Figure 6.5: MONA "Multicultural Family"..................................................................................... 122
Figure 6.6: MONA "M OM "..............................................................................................................124
Figure 7.1: ELENA "Independence"................................................................................................132
Figure 7.2: SITSIT "Employment"................................................................................................... 137
Figure 7.3: SVITLANA "Classes at IM SS".................................................................................... 139
Figure 7.4: ELENA "Accounting".................................................................................................... 142
Figure 7.5: KITTY "Lunch with Friends"....................................................................................... 145
Figure 7.6: TAMARA "Full Fridge"................................................................................................148
Figure 7.7: ANNA "Welcome Home"..............................................................................................153
Figure 7.8: TAMARA "Ukrainian Flag"......................................................................................... 156

v

Abbreviations / Acronyms
BC

British Columbia

CDI

Community Development Institute

CIC

Citizenship & Immigration Canada

IMSS

Immigrant and Multicultural Services Society

IRPA

Immigration and Refugee Protection Act

PAR

Participatory Action Research

REB

Research Ethics Board

SSHRC

Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada

UNBC

University o f Northern British Columbia

Acknowledgements
Throughout the duration of my graduate studies and the development of this thesis there have
been many people and organizations that have provided unwavering guidance and support,
without whom, this research would not be possible.
Firstly, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to the seven courageous women who
generously shared with me their narratives of marriage and migration. Your willingness to speak
about, and share images of, times of great hardship and happiness has affected me in ways that I
was unable to imagine when we began this journey. To you, I will forever be thankful.
To Dr. Catherine Nolin, my academic Supervisor, for whom I hold immeasurable admiration and
gratitude: I am so very thankful to have had your steady hand to guide me through the
completion of this work. I have learned so much from you and am better for it.
To Dr. Greg Halseth and Dr. Angele Smith, my Committee Members: your generous advice and
encouragement was greatly appreciated. It was a pleasure to work with you. Thank you also to
my external examiner, Dr. Si Transkin, for your insightful comments during my thesis defense.
To the Immigrant & Multicultural Services Society in Prince George, S.U.C.C.E.S.S. Northern
BC Newcomers Integration Service Centre (NISC), Dawson Creek Literacy Society, and the
Community Development Institute (CDI) at the University of Northern British Columbia
(UNBC): thank you for your support Catherine’s “Women, Migration, Marriage” project and my
thesis research.
To the graduate students I had the pleasure of working with or near over the last five years
(Joanna, Lindsey, Brooke, Kelly, Chelan, Eric, Jamie, Leanna, Alexandra, Erika, Kirk, Caroline,
Lorraine, Kathy, Cristian, Claudette, Marc, Christine, Giuilliana, Lynn): thank you for the
laughter and the memories.
To Dr. Margot Parkes, Dr. Ronald Chapman, Dr. Johanne St. Charles, Dr. Paul Winwood, Dr.
Dan Horvat, Dr. Marcel Groot, and Dr. William Kingston, as well as all other researchers and
practitioners involved in the Canadian Community o f Practice in Ecosystem Approaches to
Health (CoPEH-Canada), “Ecohealth & Watersheds in Northern BC”: Knowledge to Action
Project, and Northern Partners in Care (NPIC): thank you for allowing me the pleasure to work
for you in various capacities over the last five years. While the majority o f a graduate student’s
education is attained during coursework, fieldwork, and writing up, I have gained a fuller
education by having worked with you and having the opportunity to translate what I have learned
into my practice. Thank you also to my colleagues at Formula Contractors BC LTD., I have
greatly appreciated your support during the early mornings and long evenings during the
completion o f this thesis.
To Jim Windsor, Dr. Neil Hanlon, Dr. Zoe Meletis, Dr. Kevin Hutchings, Dr. Kristen Guest and
other faculty within the Geography, English, and Psychology Departments at UNBC: thank you
for inspiring my love for learning and interest in landscape, space, place, gender, culture, and
situated knowledge.

To the Kursteiner families in Fort St. John (Koyne & Anna, Clayton & Kira, Ron & Allision):
thank you for the unparalleled hospitality you showed to Joe and I during our numerous
fieldwork visits. We could not have done it without you.
I also would like to acknowledge the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of
Canada (SSHRC) and the graduate office at UNBC for providing financial support throughout
my graduate studies.
To my family and friends: although it has been a difficult road, you have stood behind me, wiped
my tears, and encouraged me to do my best no matter what the result. Thank you for being there.
And finally, to my husband Joe: there is no one that I would have rather shared this experience
with than you. When I think about how far we have come in the last ten years, there is much to
be proud of. While the last five years have certainly been the most challenging, they have also
been the most rewarding. I look forward to a lifetime o f adventures with you. Thank you for all
of your love, you have all o f mine.

Chapter 1 : Introduction
1.1 Introduction
Marriage migration is a complex social practice that is deeply embedded within global,
local, and individual landscapes of negotiation (Constable 2003b, 163; Lauser 2008, 85). In
problematizing hegemonic discourses associated with the ‘mail order bride’ industry and
marriage migration processes (Piper & Roces 2003, 8-9; Constable 2007, 253), this research
seeks to recognize the individual and particular experiences o f foreign brides currently residing
in resourced based communities within northern British Columbia (BC).
To reach this objective, I utilize a transnational and feminist lens to examine foreign
brides’ settlement and integration, in both familial and community contexts, in efforts to
understand the effects that migration, marriage, settlement, and integration have on an
individual’s sense o f self, belonging, place and identity. Utilizing Anthropologist Abu-Lughod’s
“ethnography o f the particular” (1991) and Geographer Nolin’s “transnational ethnographies”
(2006) to frame my methodological approach, I employ in-depth, semi-structured interviews,
Photovoice, and photo elicitation techniques with the aim o f bringing the voices, reflections, and
particular experiences of foreign brides to the fore. To demonstrate the rigor of this research and
support the primary evidence provided, I also utilize literature review to contextualize the
contemporary cultural landscape of northern BC.
In combining

the abovementioned theoretical

frameworks

and

methodological

approaches, I am able to analyze how global, local, and gendered experiences shape the impetus
for, and process of, marriage migration, as well as highlight four central points o f negotiation
encountered during foreign brides’ transition into new and complex environments. Building from
1

the most intimate relationships to broader interactions and experiences, I analyze marital
relationships, family dynamics, perceptions of independence and agency, as well as cultural
refueling opportunities. In exploring these four points o f negotiation, I am able to identify how
public and private negotiations in new environments and across transnational social space
(Goldring & Krishnamurti 2007, 1), shape individual motivations, agency, self-determination,
and renegotiation o f sense of place and identity.
1.2 Rethinking “Marriage” and “Migration”
When hearing the word ‘'marriage', minds are instantly flooded with normative images of
romantic ceremonies and traditional celebrations; yet, the term ‘marriage migration ’ does not
evoke the same imagery. Instead this term is met with confusion, ambiguity, and
misunderstanding. Often, the term is not recognized until it is paired with descriptive phrasing
such as the ‘mail order bride’ (MOB) industry, which by association serves to stigmatize the
neutrality of the term (Piper & Roces 2003, 8-9; Constable 2007, 253) and connote marriage
migration as an undesirable, untraditional practice.
Even though the term marriage migration not part of the common vernacular, this practice
is very much a part of contemporary lifestyles, marital practices, and immigration patterns.
While no singular definition exists, marriage migration is understood as the process wherein
intercultural relationships are established, often through the assistance of matchmaking agencies,
introduction services, and/or marriage brokers (Constable 2003b, 13; Belleau 2003a, 94), with
the intent of facilitating a person to internationally migrate for the purpose o f marriage (Angeles
& Sunanta 2007, 25). Although seemingly ‘untraditional’, in contrast to conventionally
recognized archetypes o f marriage, marriage migration is historically rooted in the same social,
political, and economic contexts of traditional marital practices (Coontz 2005, 4-16), as well as
2

entrenched within modem communication and courtship mechanisms available online (Belleau
2003b, 595; Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 3; Constable 2007, 254; Cabrera 2007, 52; Faier 2007,
149).
Historically and contemporarily, Coontz (2005, 4-16) explains the marital union to be
used by individuals, families, and societies as a political and economic institution to protect
and/or exploit their needs and desires, acquire status, accumulate resources, consolidate wealth,
forge alliances, and secure peaceful interactions among various groups. Moreover, some cultures
have used marriage as a method to organize cultural and social ways o f life, and as such,
marriage is associated with satisfying familial duties, belief systems, and procreation
responsibilities. Marriages can be arranged, pluralistic, include partners of the same or opposite
sex, and/or occur between partners of different age groups. By the same token, marriages can be
empowering and/or oppressive, beneficial and/or destructive, balanced and/or unequal, or a
mixture o f all possibilities mentioned above. Therefore, given that there are limitless roles and
functions o f marriage, it is necessary to recognize individual impetuses for entering into marital
relationships in order to understand how such relationships shape individual perceptions of
belonging, agency, mobility, and overall, sense of place and identity.
1.3 Situating Marriage Migration in Northern BC
BC is understood to have the most varied geography of any province in Canada (Barman
1991, 4) and as such, is faced with unparalleled opportunities and unique challenges. The
northern region of the province contextualizes this dynamic, given that the same geography
which enables rich natural endowments also poses barriers to the successful settlement and
development o f the rural, remote, and isolated area of the province. As such, studies focused on
northern BC identify how the region’s core-periphery relationship with the lower mainland

3

facilitates locational characteristics often associated with rural and small town Canada, such as
marginal populations, service and mobility limitations (Hanlon et al., 2007; Hanlon & Halseth
2005, 3; Markey et al., 2006, 21), and reduced availability of social networks and cultural
opportunities (Nolin & McCallum 2007, 145; Rose & Desmarais 2007, 56; Walton-Roberts
2004, 26). In contrast, the lower mainland is one of the largest receiving regions in the country,
and as a result, has experienced rapid population growth, significant economic benefits, and
extensive urbanization through the expansion of residential and commercial infrastructure
(Walton-Roberts 2004, 3; Nolin et al., 2009, 5).
This heartland-hinterland dynamic is not unique to BC; rather, disproportionate growth
patterns are straining Canada’s largest cities and marginalizing small and medium sized cities
(Sherrell et al., 2005; Walton-Roberts 2004; Nolin et al., 2009, 44-45). Recognizing the
unsustainable nature of this growth pattern in the early 2000’s, Citizenship and Immigration
Canada (CIC) began the promotion of dispersed settlement as a method o f “Sharing the Wealth
[and] Spreading the Burden” (Sherrell et al., 2005):
To date, efforts to encourage immigrants to settle in smaller urban centres have met with
limited success. It will be important to further explore how to attract immigrants to
smaller centres and persuade them to stay there in order to reduce the pressures on
Canada’s largest centre (CIC 2001b, 10, as quoted by Sherrell et al., 2004, 3).
While this objective was well intentioned, many recognized how ‘attracting’ immigrants to
smaller centres would pose significant challenges, given the provincial and federal governments’
pairing back o f the welfare state through the regionalization of services (Sherrell et al., 2005, 4;
Walton-Roberts 2004, 3).
Recognizing that there were new questions to be explored regarding CIC’s
regionalization initiative, Geographer Catherine Nolin, in collaboration with the Community
Development Institute (CDI), established the Northern BC Immigration Network in 2007. The
4

first phase of qualitative research spearheaded by the network was aimed at understanding how
to “Enhanc[e] the Warmth of Welcome in the Communities in British Columbia’s Northern
Region” (Northern BC Immigration Network, 2013). In exploring the settlement, integration, and
retention experiences of immigrants and refugees in northern BC, this project identified barriers
and opportunities for attracting and retaining newcomers, as well as identified how service
providers could increase their capacity to work with diverse immigrant populations (Northern
BC Immigration Network, 2013).
During preliminary fieldwork within the ‘Warmth of Welcome’ project, Nolin and her
research team recognized that many women were arriving in northern BC via new and
nonconventional forms of immigration, such as marriage migration (Nolin et al., 2011, 119).
Congruently, a publication released by the Immigrant and Multicultural Services Society
(IMSS), also recognized an increase o f nontraditional female immigrants arriving in northern BC
and argued that the northern region had: “not yet developed a coordinated strategy to assist their
settlement into the community” (Aldaba-Ferguson et al., 2006, 1). Acknowledging the gap in
information and infrastructure, Nolin and the Northern BC Immigration Network structured their
second phase o f research to explore “Women, Marriage, and Migration” in northern BC (Nolin et
al., 2011, 120).
1.4 Narratives of Negotiation: Transnational Marriage Migration in Northern BC
As discussed in depth within Chapter Two, the development of this thesis occurred as a
thematic extension o f the “Women, Marriage and Migration” project. As a new graduate student,
I was interested in pursuing studies which would challenge me to think and work in new ways,
collaborate with established research teams, and contribute to the development o f important field
of knowledge; I was fortunate to experience all o f these things in working with Dr. Nolin and the
5

Northern BC Immigration Network. In building from an established research framework, I was
able to explore my interests in landscape, corporeality, identity and place, while simultaneously
delving into a relevant social issue.
1.4.1 Situating the Study Context: Identifying ‘Knowledge Gaps’
While the arrival of a new immigrant population to any particular region would merit an
in-depth exploration, the particular context o f foreign brides’ settlement and integration within
northern BC, poses a set o f new and challenging questions. For instance, only three in-depth
studies have examined marriage migration in Canada; all three were conducted more than ten
years ago and all highlighted the prevalence o f inequitable relationships, dependency, and abuse
within the marriage migration practice (Philippine Women’s Centre of BC, 2000; Langevin &
Belleau, 2000; Cote et al., 2001). Moreover, because no formal measures are in place to track the
marriage migration process (Brinig 2001, 321; Del Vecchio 2007, 179), these studies identify
that the frequency o f this practice and the experiences o f foreign brides are often unknown. Since
these studies championed the development o f this field o f research, globalization and the
advancement of communication technologies have shifted the scope and scale o f marriage
migration to include new players and encompass new landscapes (Chun 1996, 1159; Constable
2005, 12; Del Vecchio 2007, 184). Therefore, it is apparent that there is much to be learned
about the contemporary process of marriage migration and the experiences of foreign brides.
While the change in the scope and scale o f marriage migration presents a significant
knowledge gap, the regionalization of marriage migration to rural and isolated communities,
such as those in northern BC, raises important questions regarding integration and settlement
experiences. For instance, metropolitan centers, such as Vancouver, Montreal, and Toronto, are
the largest receiving areas of immigrant peoples in Canada and accordingly have large service

6

infrastructures to accommodate their immense populations (Walton-Roberts, 2004; Hyndman et
al., 2006, 3). In contrast, northern BC is recognized to have a limited service capacity due to
economic restructuring, downsizing, and regionalization of services (Hanlon & Halseth 2005, 7;
Halseth & Ryser 2007, 241; Markey et al., 2008, 409), which is further compounded by
“problem[s] of geography” (Halseth & Ryser 2006, 70), given the remote and isolated nature of
this area from core metropolitan areas. Subsequently, when rural settings are juxtaposed with
metropolitan landscapes, such as those explored in the three foundational studies in Canada,
distinct locational characteristics can be observed, which would offer a much different settlement
and integration experience.
Noting these challenges, the intent o f this thesis is to develop a greater understanding of
the lived experiences of foreign brides in rural, non-metropolitan settings in order to highlight
power relations and other characteristics of the social, cultural, and political landscapes, such as
limited service networks and multicultural opportunities (Nolin & McCallum 2007, 146), that
shape foreign brides’ transnational experiences, place making strategies, and renegotiation of
identity. As such, this area of study is significant in that it addresses a pertinent social issue
within a rural, non-metropolitan context, in addition to providing information for an area of
inquiry that is arguably understudied (Belleau 2003b, 596; Constable 2005, 3).
1.4.2 Research Questions
To explore how foreign brides’ experiences of marriage, migration, settlement and
integration influence their reestablishment o f sense o f self, belonging, place and identity in new
and complex environments, my research is framed by two primary and two secondary research
questions:

7

1. How do the physical, social, and cultural landscapes o f a northern community affect
the settlement and integration experiences o f foreign brides?
1.1 How have foreign brides’ perceptions o f social inclusion/ social exclusion
shaped their mobility, renegotiation o f identity, and place making strategies?
2. Are transnational linkages present and how does that effect place making skills and
(re)construction of identity in a new environment?
2.1 What types of services (i.e. education, employment, and wellness) are
available to foreign brides to aid in settlement and integration to northern
communities?
Aiming for depth rather than generalizability, I chose to implement theoretical and
methodological frameworks which examine the individual and particular experiences of a small
study population within the three purposefully selected study communities: Prince George,
Dawson Creek, and Fort St. John.
In bringing the voices of seven foreign brides to the fore, I aim to validate their individual
and particular experiences, while also advancing the depth of understanding o f the marriage
migration processes. Moreover, in acquiring a breadth of knowledge regarding particular
experiences o f marriage, migration, settlement, and integration in northern BC, this research
holds the potential to be useful for governmental policy makers and community organizations to
recommend strategies and initiatives that could provide enhanced wellness for foreign brides and
other non-traditional immigrant groups.
1.5 Chapter Overview
Given the range of material covered within this research, I chose to separate this thesis
into two parts: Part One focuses on establishing context and Part Two explores my research
8

findings. To begin Part One, I utilize the second chapter to position myself as a researcher and
my interest in pursuing this research, as well as discuss the methodological approaches that
informed the methods I employed during fieldwork, analysis, and the writing up o f research
findings. Chapter Three provides an in depth literature review o f my thematic lenses and
conceptual approaches: transnationalism, feminism, corporeality, identity, and place. Moving
forward from structural discussions, Chapter Four seeks to contextualize the marriage migration
practice by providing the historical and contemporary context o f the process, by discussing
motivations, rationales, stereotypes and generalizations, as well as experiences o f marriage
migration in Canada. Moreover, Chapter Five establishes the context for foreign brides’
settlement and integration experiences within northern BC by providing an overview o f the
physical, social, cultural, economic and political landscapes.
In Part Two, I offer my research findings in two separate chapters. While the foundation
o f my thesis was built on strong research questions and I collected interesting responses during
the fieldwork phase, the participant responses did not directly answer the questions posed.
Rather, these questions served as a departure point for an in-depth exploration o f four central
points o f negotiation within the women’s narratives: (1) marital relationships; (2) family
dynamics; (3) perceptions of independence and agency; as well as (4) transnational connections
and cultural refueling opportunities. As such, these findings warranted a refocus of how I
approached my research questions and the thesis.
Rather than objectify the perspectives shared to conform to the structure of my research
questions, I acknowledge the importance o f allowing the women’s perspectives and
understanding to unfold organically within their narratives. In making this choice, I recognize the
boundaries inherent within the construction o f social knowledge which limit my ability to speak
9

for the women; therefore, during my analysis I aimed to write from the margins so that I could
provide space for situated knowledges to be explored and allow individual voices, reflections,
and particular experiences to come to the fore.
As such, Chapter Six focuses on exploring foreign brides’ private negotiations within
marital relationships and their families. Building from this discussion, Chapter Seven works
through public negotiations, both within the northern BC and across transnational social space, in
order to highlight the importance of independence, mobility, and cultural refueling opportunities
to the reestablishment of place and identity. To conclude, Chapter Eight provides summative
discussion, recommendations concerning policy and service restructuring, and identifies
additional research opportunities as extensions of this research.
1.6 Conclusion
By examining foreign brides’ settlement and integration experiences, in both familial and
community contexts through transnational and feminist lenses, this research seeks to gain greater
insight into the practice of marriage migration in northern BC. Moreover, in exploring marital
relationships, family dynamics, perceptions of independence and agency, as well as cultural
refueling opportunities and transnational connections, this research identifies how marriage,
migration, settlement, and integration influence foreign brides’ reestablishment of sense o f self,
belonging, place and identity in new and complex environments. In doing so, this research
contributes to the development of a greater understanding of the marriage migration process,
acknowledges how northern, rural, non-metropolitan landscapes shape settlement and
integration, and illustrates how foreign brides negotiate their sense o f self, place, and identity in
new environments and across transnational space.

10

Part 1: Research Context
Chapter 2 : Transnationalism, Feminism, Place & Identity: A Literature Review
By moving along familiar paths, winding memories around places, people create a
sense of self and belonging. Sight, sound, smell, and touch are all involved, mind
and body inseparable... People’s sense o f place and landscape thus extends out
from the locale and from the present encounter and is contingent upon a larger
temporal and spatial field o f relationships. The explanation of what is happening
moves backwards and forwards between details o f everyday existence and these
larger forces (Bender 2001, 5-6).
2.1 Introduction
Given that this study encompasses a wide variety o f issues surrounding the marriage
migration process, I draw upon multidisciplinary resources in order to address the multi-sited and
multi-scaled aspects o f this inquiry. In the following sections I provide a literature review for the
theoretical approaches and conceptual approaches which inform my research design and
analysis: transnationalism, feminism, corporeality, place, and identity. When combined, these
lenses allow for the critical examination o f foreign brides’ particular experiences, and as such,
provide insight into the complex ways in which marriage, migration, settlement, and integration
affect the reestablishment of sense o f self, place and identity.
2.2 Theoretical Framework: Transnationalism
2.2.1 Origin of Theory
Transnationalism is a theory used to describe the positioning of people whose sense o f
belonging, experiences, and daily life span more than one nation (Kearney 1995, 548; Bailey
2001, 413; Goldring & Krishnamurti 2007, 5). This positioning occurs as a result o f migration,
wherein immigrants produce and maintain social linkages that are simultaneously located within
their societies of origin and settlement (Goldring & Krishnamurti 2007, 5). The field of
transnational studies emerged in the early 1990’s in response to a reconceptualization of
11

international migration as a global process, rather than static, autonomous, and/or discrete
movements (Glick Schiller et al., 1992, 5-6; Levitt 2001, 7; Mitchell 2003, 74; Morokvasic 2003,
114).
2.2.2 Advancement of Migration Theory
Traditionally, linear and circular migration patterns described isolated flows of peoples
and rarely incorporated connections to ‘home’ within the scope of analysis other than describing
it as the site of origin, culture or nostalgia (Mitchell 2003, 80; Goldring & Krishnamurti 2007, 3).
Yet,

qualitative

and

quantitative

changes

in

migrant practices

exposed

how

past

conceptualizations had ignored human agency (Ley 2004, 151) and had minimized the
importance of political and historical push/pull forces (Goldring & Krishnamurti 2007, 6-9;
Bailey 2001, 416). In resisting these simplifications, transnationalism works to delineate the
many ways in which the local and the global are interconnected through the movement of
peoples, goods, and communications to construct complex social spaces informed by the context
of departure and arrival, and within the everyday experiences o f transmigrants (Levitt & Glick
Schiller 2004, 1003; Nolin 2001, 59; Mahler 1998, 66-67; Mitchell 2003, 74; Nolin 2006, 148;
Levitt & Jaworsky 2007, 130).
Thus, from a transnational perspective, migration is “not a single event but [is to embark]
upon a new way o f life that places and re-places, individuals and families within a new spatiality,
stretching human relations across great distances” (Preston et al., 2006, 1633; Nolin 2006, 148).
In providing a way to assess the social and political linkages between sending and receiving
countries (Nolin 2001, 59) transnationalism has enabled a multi focal lens (Yeoh et al., 2003,
208) to reexamine how scholars understand migration and mobility (Mitchell 2003, 74; Levitt &
Glick Schiller 2004, 1008; Levitt & Jaworsky 2007, 129) and has created an advanced

12

understanding of how migration influences conceptualizations o f space, place, and scale
(Featherstone et al., 2007, 384).
2.2.3 Manifestations of Transnationalism
Transnationalism is explained by Smith and Guamizo (1998, 1) to be manifested “from
above” or “from below” through global-local forces which influence cultural processes and
national systems. For instance, transnationalism “from above” occurs through the permeation of
the nation state by macro-scaled, homogenizing forces such as global capital, media, and
political institutions. In contrast, transnationalism “from below” is apparent at the micro-scale by
way of informal economies, remittances, nationalism, grassroots activism, and resistance in local
spaces (Mahler 1998, 67). Examination of transnational actions and activities from these
standpoints enable a comprehensive analysis o f the cultural, political, economic, and
demographic processes that sustain connections between transnational social fields and across
space and time (Faist 1999, 8; Goldring & Krishnamurti 2007, 1).
Given that transnational practices function from ‘above’ and ‘below’, transnationalism
permeates national boundaries and is “embodied in specific social relations established between
specific people, situated in unequivocal localities, at historically determined times” (Smith &
Guamizo 1998, 11). Lauser (2008, 89) corroborates this idea when she describes that migration
forces the expansion o f an individual’s understanding and social connections:
Living between the “old” and the “new”, the “here” and “there”, between homes and
between languages, (trans)migrants do not merely insert, incorporate or assimilate
themselves into existing places, they transform these spaces and create new ones.
These new spaces or “translocalities” (Smith & Guamizo 1998, 13) are thus recognized as social
fields moored within and between the geographical and historical contexts o f the immigrants’
place of origin and settlement (Mahler & Pessar 2001, 441; Levitt & Glick Schiller 2004, 1006;

13

Featherstone et al., 2007, 384), given transmigrants’ simultaneous embeddedness within more
one nation, society, culture, and/or home (Levitt & Jaworsky 2007, 131; Portes et al., 1999, 217).
2.2.4 The Effect of Transnationalism on Individuals
The establishment and maintenance o f transnational connections requires transmigrants
to negotiate multiple social, cultural, familial, political and economic positions (Glick Schiller et
al., 1992, 4-11; Pratt & Yeoh 2003, 163; Levitt & Glick Schiller 2004, 1006), which require new
‘ways of being’ and ‘new ways o f belonging’ (Goldring & Krishnamurti 2007, 5). As a result of
this multi-sited positioning, transmigrants may experience feelings o f fragmentation or
‘inbetweenness’ (Ley 2004, 169-70); alternatively, engagement in new activities and the
construction o f new relationships may result in the reshaping, hybridization, or multiplication of
transmigrants’ understanding of self, identity, and culture. Undoubtedly, these multi-local
interactions and experiences provide transmigrants with opportunities to negotiate place making
strategies and/or identities which either resist or accommodate new constructions o f self, “race”,
ethnicity, gender and nationality within their social fields (Glick Schiller et al., 1992, 12-14;
Smith 2009).
2.2.5 Use of a Transnational Lens
Although transnationalism offers an extensive and intensive lens of examination, the
scope and scale of this thesis does not permit for all aspects o f this theory to be explored. Rather,
transnationalism informs my theoretical approach, and as such, my analysis will highlight
specific behaviors to explore how foreign brides’ transnational experiences affect the
renegotiation of sense o f self, place and identity. As such, the value in using transnationalism is
threefold: 1) a transnational lens allows me to conceptualize the world as a dynamic system,
rather than categorizing my analysis within fragmented understandings o f specific locations and

14

networks of influence (Goldring & Krishnamurti 2007); 2) transnational theory will enable me to
understand, define and describe how my participants’ experiences are situated in, and
transformed by, social, cultural, political, and economic conditions of their home and host
countries (Nolin 2001, 61; Smith 2009); and 3) awareness o f transnationalism ‘from above’ and
‘from below’ (Smith & Guamizo 1998) will allow me to evaluate how power and mobility is
manifested within the process of marriage and migration, as well as assess how transnational
factors will affect the development and maintenance o f social, cultural, political, and financial
relationships during settlement and integration (Levitt & Glick Schiller 2004, 1013).
2.3 Theoretical Framework: Feminist Geography
2.3.1 Origin of Theory
Feminist theory originated in the late 1960’s and early 1970’s, as a part o f the women’s
movement and other social developments aimed challenging the ways in which knowledge is
constructed, inequalities are reproduced, and to give voice to those who were/are traditionally
ignored, negated or marginalized (Bondi 1990, 161; Bordo 1992, 15; Gorelick 1996, 385-387;
Bondi & Davidson 2005, 15). Prompted by the feminist movement, geographers began to
critically reflect on fundamental conceptions of space and place to explore how gender informs
the ways in which social and spatial environments are experienced and understood (Pratt &
Hanson 1995, 1; Johnston et al., 2000, 259). Up until the early 1970’s, geographical examination
focused primarily on quantitative, empirical and ‘objective’ analysis of local, regional, national,
and global scales with a masculine focus (Johnston et al., 2000, 259; Bondi & Davidson 2005,
15). However, in developing critical discourse which identified how women’s spatiality and
experiences were taken for granted, devalued, and/or excluded within these scales and analysis,
feminist geographers dismantled classical assumptions of gender and lived geographies (Lawson
1995, 451; Bondi & Davidson 2005, 15). As such, this work contributed to the qualitative
15

revolution in geography, the reworking o f geographic scales o f analysis, and influenced the
development of other branches o f critical geography, as well as inspired new agendas for social
justice and activist research which privileges voice and experience (Lawson 1995, 451; Johnston
et al., 2000,259; Kobayashi 2005, 38).
2.3.2 Advancement of Feminist Perspectives within Geography and Migration Theory
One of the key foci o f feminist geography is to recognize the effect o f gendered dynamics
of daily life, and in doing so, promote the understanding that all knowledge is situated and
positioned simultaneously in social, cultural, economic and political landscapes, as well as
within and between various geographic scales (Haraway 1988, 587; Lawson 1995, 450). From
this perspective, feminist geographers argue that classifications o f scale should not be considered
merely as “empirically identifiable categories through which push and pull factors” can be
analyzed; but rather, that scale functions best as a framing device for examining “the power
laden, socially constructed, and gender-and-difference-inflected nature of spatial scales” (Silvey
2006, 74). Additionally, feminist geographers contend that human understanding is centered on
an a social constructions o f knowledge, which is positioned by individual attributes and
experiences of gender, sexuality, age, class, “race”, ethnicity and nationality (Lawson 1995,
449; Bondi & Davidson 2003, 325). Given this understanding, feminist geographers assert that
gender and other social differences cannot be isolated during analysis, but rather should be
conceptualized as a fluid process in order to “deconstruct the myth of gender as a product o f
nature while underscoring its power dimension” (Mahler & Pessar 2001, 442). Beyond lived
geographies, feminist geographers also recognize the importance of understanding emotional and
imaginative geographies and the way that spatial awareness, subjectivity, embodiment, identity
and behavior are informed by gender at a subconscious level (Bondi & Davidson 2003, 325;

16

Bondi & Davidson 2005, 21; Bondi et al., 2005, 1). Thus, in unsettling gender binaries and
shifting examination to include the multi-sited and multi-scaled experience o f individuals,
feminist geographers have developed a nuanced understanding o f how gender identities are fluid,
social constructions created through gendered practices and discourses which reproduce
constructed hierarchies of power and privilege (Silvey 2006, 75; Pessar & Mahler 2003, 813).
The incorporation of feminist geography within migration research significantly
influenced the understanding o f gendered migration patterns and flows, as well as experiences of
settlement and integration (Pratt & Yeoh 2003, 160-61). Through critical examination of
traditional assumptions and contemporary patterns, feminist geographers identified a dramatic
shift in women’s purpose and/or motivation for migration, the roles female migrants occupy
countries of origin and settlement, and the significant effect of gendered migration on local and
global economies (Silvey 2004, 491). Mahler and Pessar (2001, 445) discuss the ‘feminization of
migration’, and argue that this movement requires new understandings o f spatial mobility,
agency, and power, given that:
Gender operates simultaneously on multiple spatial and social scales (e.g. the body, the
family, the state) across transnational terrains. It is both within the context o f particular
scales as well as between and among them that gender ideologies and relations are
reaffirmed, reconfigured or both.
In understanding how gender organizes actions, agency, and imagination across social space, as
well as recognizing the complex ways in which global processes are utilized and/or exploited by
individuals, feminist geographers are able to analyze “gendered geographies o f power” within
certain “power geomet[ries]” (Mahler & Pessar 2001, 446-47). Moreover, by privileging
theoretical analysis which explores the social and spatial politics of populations, through a
critical focus on gender, citizenship, “race”, class, nation, sexuality, religion and disability
(Mahler & Pessar 2001, 445; Bondi & Davidson 2005, 15), feminist geographers are able to
17

highlight how gender and other social differences function to shape “unequal geographies of
mobility, belonging, exclusion, and displacement” (Silvey 2006, 65).
2.3.3 Use of a Feminist Lens
Similar to transnationalism, the scale and scope of feminist theory is too large to be to be
fully explored within this research. Instead, I utilize feminist theory in order to: 1) focus on
understanding the gendered experiences, politics, and relations which influence how and why
foreign brides choose to migrate (Silvey 2004, 491; Mahler & Pessar 2006, 29); 2) engage in the
inclusive examination o f how gender informs place, identity, and knowledge production
throughout process o f marriage migration, settlement, and integration (Silvey 2006, 65; Mahler
& Pessar 2001, 5); and 3) be aware o f the how gendered experiences shape foreign brides’
power, agency, mobility, and voice (Pratt & Yeoh 2003, 164; Mahler & Pessar 2001, 441).
2.4 Conceptual Approach: Corporeality
2.4.1 Origin of Theory
The scale of the body is acknowledged as the frontier of experience, as it is the space
wherein an individual’s physiological, social, and symbolic understanding of the world is
mediated and where the boundaries between self and other are created and/or negotiated (Smith
1993, 102; Synnott 1993, 1; Valentine 2001, 15). Contemporary feminist and poststructuralist
conceptions regarding the body originated in response to essentialist and constructivist
perspectives, which predominated the natural and social sciences until the mid-1960’s (Synnott
1993, 23; Longhurst 1997, 489; Valentine 2001, 19). The critical ‘turn’ towards the current
theorization occurred due to the inability o f either perspective to adequately address the
complexities of both an individual’s physiological and social understanding (Synnott 1993, 1;
Longhurst 1997, 489; Nettleson & Watson 1998, 8; Moss & Dyck 2003, 62-63). In attempts to
move beyond these simplistic classifications and acknowledge the body as both a site and space,
18

feminist and poststructuralist theories employ essentialist and constructivist perspectives as
points o f departure within the creation of new theoretical frameworks and analysis (Synnott
1993, 1; Longhurst 1997, 489; Moss & Dyck 2003, 62-63).

As such, it is important to

understand traditional perspectives in order to effectively explore current viewpoints.
2.4.2 Traditional Perspectives in Corporeal Theory
From an essentialist perspective, the body is the site in which an individual’s
characteristics are categorized based upon biological differences, such as sex, “race”, and
ethnicity (Nettleton & Watson 1998, 8; Little & Leyshon 2003, 259; Valentine 2001, 19).
Essentialists consider the body to have stable or fixed properties (Valentine 2001, 19) which can
be used to differentiate between the physical (body) and the abstract (mind), such as:
nature/culture, passion/reason, public/private, white/black, good/bad (Synnott 1993, 25;
Longhurst 1997, 490). Moreover, essentialist dichotomies carry sexual connotations, given that
positive attributes, such as “reason, subject, consciousness, interiority, activity and, o f course,
masculinity” are often ascribed to the mind; whereas in contrast, the body is often described
subversively as “passion, object, non-consciousness, exteriority, passivity, and o f course
femininity” (Longhurst 1994, 99; Smith 1993, 102).
The division of the body and mind into binary categories is highly criticized by feminist
and poststructuralist scholars, as this type o f analysis promotes the disconnect between an
individual’s experience of physical and imagined self through the creation o f “non-reversible,
non-reciprocal hierarchies, [that] describe systems of domination” (Longhurst 1997, 490).
Essentialist constructions of difference have thus been termed “brute fashionings” (Soja &
Hooper 1993, 85) which homogenize individual experiences by refusing the possibility of
anything but reductionist dualities (Longhurst 1997, 489; Valentine 2001, 190).

19

In contrast to essentialism, constructivist theory considers the body to be a surface “for
the inscription of society’s values, morals, and laws”, which is created through the process of
being “written on, marked, scarred, transformed or constructed” through social experiences
(Little & Leyshon 2003, 259; Nettleson & Watson 1998, 8). Constructivists further argue that the
body is materialized within social contexts through the performance of social discourses and the
expression of power held by social institutions (Smith 1993, 102; Little & Leyshon 2003, 259;
Moss & Dyck 2003, 64).
Like essentialism, constructivist theory has received theoretical scrutiny from feminist
and poststructuralist scholars given that the subjective basis of the approach can “render the body
incorporeal, fleshless, fluidless, [and] little more than linguistic territory” (Bell & Valentine
1995, 23). Pile and Keith (1995, 4) affirm this notion by commenting that the body should not be
perceived as a “passive medium in which cultural meanings are merely inscribed”, but rather
understood as an active instrument able to resist, adapt, and/or mediate power laden positions.
2.4.3 Advancement of Corporeal Theory
Although poststructuralists and feminists have identified the obvious gaps and limitations
within essentialist and constructivist perspectives, they are also quick to note the highly
contested nature of contemporary corporeal theories since no one theory is able to
comprehensively explain this “site of struggle” (Smith 1993, 102; Synnott 1993, 1). In light of
conceptual and definitional difficulties, the human ‘subject’ is considered by scholars as one of
the most challenging spaces to explore in social theory (Nast & Pile 1998, 3), and as such, is
argued to have been “negate[d], disavowed], deny[ed], and exclude[ed]” (Synott 1993, 2) within
analysis, given that it was considered to be too messy, subjective, paradoxical, and problematic
to be an accessible scale of analysis (Morgan & Scott 1993, 12; Nettleton & Watson 1998, 2;

20

McDowell 1999, 36; Little & Leyshon 2003, 259). Longhurst (1997, 494) corroborates the
historical subordination o f the body within geographic analysis when she describes how the
examination of corporeal experiences was deemed “overly subjective and ‘nonacademic,’” and
to some scholars subversive, given that it might “threaten to spill, spoil, and mess up clean, hard
geography.” However, the body’s ability to mediate a collectivity o f different positions, as a
result of permeable boundaries between the physical and perceived self, it is now argued by
some scholars as the most productive site and space to analyze in order to achieve advancements
in the understanding of space, place, gender and identity (Moss & Dyck 2003, 98).
Because the body is considered the “spatial home” (Keith & Pile 1995, 11), feminists and
poststructuralists argue for contemporary theory to move beyond representational metaphors in
order to prioritize both physiological and social understandings (Moss & Dyck 2003, 98). In
doing so, analysis of the body as both the entity and personification of one’s lived experiences
(Synnott 1993, 1) allows for the in-depth examination of situated knowledges, as well as how
subjectivity and power function to construct notions of difference (Keith & Pile 1993, 4; Moss &
Dyck 2003, 58). Synnott contextualizes this discourse by commenting on how the body and self
are dialectically constituted through both biological and social understandings o f self:
Breasts, thighs, lips, eyes, heart, belly, navel, hair, penis, nipples, anus, brain, guts and
balls. Body parts: but also so much more. We have imposed layers o f ideas, images,
meanings and associations on these biological systems which together operate and
maintain our physical bodies. Our bodies and parts are loaded with cultural symbolism,
public and private, positive and negative, political and economic, sexual, moral and even
controversial; and so are the attributes, functions and states o f the body, and the senses.
Given this understanding, the observation o f corporeal experiences enables critical theorists to
examine power dynamics within multilayered interactions, narratives, organizations, objects,
myths, and performances (Tilley 1994, 14-15; Lovell 1998, 6), which correspondingly illustrates
how and when social changes occur within a variety of scales (Moss & Dyck 2003, 98). Since
21

power is manifested differently within and across social and physiological understandings of
self, Pile and Keith (1995, 18) contend that bodily experiences should be regarded as multiple,
flexible, and “in-between domains o f difference like “race”, class, nation, and gender, in the
interstices where these domains intersect” (Keith & Pile 1993, 1). This understanding is further
reinforced by scholars whom argue that the body should be considered to be in a constant ‘state
of becoming’, provided that an individual’s understanding o f self is an ongoing process which
never reaches “a point of completion or stasis” (Moss & Dyck, 2003, 63; Pile & Thrift 1995,18;
Nettleson & Watson 1998,7). Moreover, because the body is continually negotiating power
relations, performing self-surveillance, and reproducing behaviors which support one’s
perception, feminist scholars assert that understanding of self can only be comprised of
transitional and temporary states of being (Turner 1992, 3; Gregson 2003, 46).
In destabilizing essentialist and constructivist notions, contemporary theorists are able to
generate new understandings about the construction of knowledge and power through social
relationships (Longhurst 2001, 2-3; Gregson 2003, 45), as well as acknowledge how physical
“bodies have a history and a geography” (Moss & Dyck 2003, 63) which reproduces values,
norms, imaginations, and oppressions within different spaces, contexts, and time (Turner 1992,
3). By doing so, theorists can focus on understanding the particularity of individual experiences
through the differentiation of natural and cultural awareness, rather than focusing on reinforcing
categorizations o f difference (Morgan & Scott 1993, 6; Nast & Pile 1998, 1; Moss & Dyck 2003,
63). As such, my research is informed by the concept of corporeality that helps to understand
how an individual’s physiological, social, and symbolic understanding of the world is mediated
by corporeal experience and also to explore where the boundaries between self and other are
created and/or negotiated.

22

2.5 Conceptual Approach: Identity
2.5.1 Origin of Theory
Informed by lived experiences and subjective understandings of everyday consciousness
(Rose 1995, 88; Ahktar 1999, 48; Vertovec 2001, 573), an individual’s identity concerns their
particular understanding of themselves within their environment. Theorizations about identity
and subject formation have always been of central interest within geographic study, given that
the objectivity o f spatial science depends upon the subjective interpretation by the observer
(Johnston et al., 2000, 802). Although debates regarding the conceptualization o f identity are
numerous and span many disciplines, humanist and anti-humanist notions o f subjectivity serve as
the theoretical foundation within the discipline of geography (Johnston et al., 2000, 802).
Similarly to essentialism and constructivism, humanist and anti-humanist perspectives differ
according to physical and subjective experiences, which in turn shape individual agency and the
structure of one’s understanding (Johnston et al., 2000, 802). In order effectively examine
contemporary theory regarding identity politics from a poststructuralist and feminist
perspectives, a brief review o f humanist and anti-humanist suppositions is provided below.
2.5.2 Traditional Perspectives Used within Identity Theory
From a humanist perspective, identity is formed through experiences o f one’s self and the
environment, wherein agency is a key factor in shaping individual understanding, perspective,
and knowledge formation (Johnston et al., 2000, 802; Holt-Jensen 2009, 145). Moreover,
because humanist standpoints focus on the interpretation o f phenomenological experience, the
(hu)man perspective is placed at the center of the experiential hierarchy when determining
classifications of meaning and value (Johnston et al., 2000, 802; Valentine 2001, 343). This
perspective was developed in response to positivist science which emphasizes empirical
observations and privileges the testing of quantitative variables (Valentine 2001, 343; Panelli
23

2004, 248).
In contrast, anti-humanist or structuralist perspectives were developed in response to
humanistic perspectives in order to argue for the recognition of the social, political, economic,
and cultural structures which position behavior, instead simply o f favoring the comprehension of
“surface patterns o f human behavior” (Valentine 2001, 347). In questioning the capacity o f an
individual’s subjectivity to singularly inform their identity development, behavior, and actions,
given that subjectivity is only one o f the many variables structuring the understanding of one’s
experience, structuralists’ aim favor analysis of tangible attributes rather than a subjective
positioning of the subject.
2.5.3 Advancement of Identity Theory
Although humanistic and structuralist conceptions o f identity have made significant
contributions to the field of geography, both theories have also endured scrutiny and criticism by
contemporary critical geographers (Mahler & Pessar 2006, 28; Panelli 2004, 139). For instance,
feminist geographers argue the humanistic placement of ‘man’ at the centre of experience as
more than incidental phrasing and instead suggest it to connote the continued privilege of
gendered experience when this theory was initially developed (Johnston 2000 et al., 802).
Moreover, anti-humanist perspectives were critiqued for placing too much emphasis on structural
variables, and in doing so, marginalizing the power and influence o f physiological experience
(Johnston 2000 et al., 802). In moving forward with poststructuralist and postmodern approaches
to conceptualizing identity and subject formation, contemporary scholars recognize the
importance of individual and particular experiences, positioned by the multilayered experiences
o f self, such as ethnicity, gender, and sexuality, as well as the ways in which these attributes
construct the social, cultural, religious, political, and economic context of one’s life (Rose 1995,

24

88; Smith & Guamizo 1998, 11; McDowell 1999, 7; Katz 2003, 253; Panelli 2004, 137-139).
In encouraging critical investigations o f identity as a “multiply defined and unfixed
phenomena, where self is constructed through discourses and social relations” (Panelli 2004,
139), poststructuralist and postmodern scholars highlight how identities are never neutral,
permanent, or singular (Valentine 2001, 344). Specifically, contemporary scholars argue the
multilayered positioning o f the individual to be informed by the fluid and/or malleable nature of
physiological and social experiences, power dynamics, and social constructions of difference
within time and space (Valentine 2001, 344). Katz (2003, 253) corroborates this notion in stating
that identity develops according to historical and geographical perceptions and is also
“potentially voluntaristic” given that individuals may choose to express, suppress, or manipulate
aspects of their identity in order to create new forms o f identification and differentiation.
However, it is important to recognize that identity is “not merely something one opts into or out
o f at different moments, nor are [identities] additive” (Katz 2003, 253); instead, scholars must
seek to explore how time, space, and power contextualize one’s understanding of self, but also
allow or constrain further development o f identities (Valentine 2001, 344). Anthropologists
Gupta and Ferguson (1997, 12) further elaborate on this fluid conceptualization of self, when
they comment that “an identity is something that one “has” and can manipulate, that one can
“choose”; or, inversely, it is something that acts as a source of “constraint” on the individual, as
ascribed rather than chosen feature o f life”.
In keeping with the notion of identity as a way o f ‘being’ and ‘belonging’, critical
scholars reinforce the importance of understanding how power functions within the construction
of identity, as ideas o f ‘difference’ and ‘sameness’ “shape, discipline, and position people and
the ways they think and act” (Pessar & Mahler 2003, 816; Rose 1995, 104; Katz 2003, 252;).
25

Similarly, Isin and Wood (1999, 16) describe that conceptualizations of identity are primarily
formulated through a “marking [of] difference” or membership, in which an individual identifies
themselves in opposition to another individual or group with regard to a shared sense o f
identification, interests, or belonging (Katz 2003, 252; Panelli 2004, 140). Massey (1994, 170)
corroborates the construction of identity as individualistic, fluid, and at times fragmented in
commenting that “in counterposition and boundary drawing [and] only by this means, it seems,
can... identity be securely established” (Isin & Wood 1999, 17; Katz 2003, 250). Hetherington
(2000, 92) situates this notion by expressing that identities are practiced and articulated through
the performance o f one’s body, language, dress, and actions:
Identity is...associated with processes of self-recognition, belonging and identification
with others. Identity is also a way whereby we create forms o f distinction between
ourselves and those who we see as being like us and those who we see as different. We
generally do this by creating divisions between those with whom we identify and those
whom we do not. Identity, therefore, is how we do membership and how we include and
exclude others from membership of a particular identification.
By recognizing these conceptualizations of identity as fluid and based on a “multiplicity of
identities and differences” (Isin & Wood 1999, 16), Gupta and Ferguson (1997, 13) suggest that
a more effective conceptualization of identity to be centered on conceiving “identity as a
“meeting point”- a point of suture or temporary identification- that constitutes and re-forms the
subject so as to enable that subject to act”, rather than a fixed conceptualization o f self (Nolin
2006, 143).
As previously mentioned, transnational scholars have also made significant contributions
to the reconceptualization o f identity theory, given their interest in exploring the many ways in
which identity is constructed and negotiated on various scales and within social contexts (Glick
Schiller et al., 1992, 1; Mahler 1998, 77; Vertovec 2001, 573; Levitt & Glick Schiller 2004,
1006; Goldring & Krishnamurti 2007, 9). In exploring how identities carry “contrasting values
26

and implications for different people and in varying places” (Panelli 2004, 152) transnational
scholars have highlighted the mutually dependent, interconnected nature of identity and places
(Chambers 1994, 5; Guamizo & Smith 1998, 21; Ahktar 1999, 48; Katz 2003, 256; Silvey 2006,
69). Specifically, Guamizo and Smith (1998, 21) emphasize the relational nature o f identity by
commenting that identities are “often in a state o f ‘becoming’ rather than ‘arrival’ [because]
personal identity formation in transnational social spaces can be best understood as a dialectic of
embedding and disembedding...[as] contextual but not radically discontinuous” (Nolin Hanlon
1997, 7).
One particularly interesting aspect of focus by transnational scholars is the theorization of
“simultaneity of experience” (Levitt & Glick Schiller 2004, 1003) which is achieved through the
pivoting of self within networks and across social fields located in countries of origin and
settlement (Glick Schiller 1992, 4; Smith & Guamizo 1998, 11; Mahler 1998, 76; Vertovec
2001, 578). As such, transnational scholars argue that because a transmigrant’s reality is rooted
and/or negotiated within multiple locations, that their sense o f identity is positioned by their
daily life, interactions, and experiences within both local and global contexts (Smart & Smart
1998, 105; Ghosh & Wang 2003, 278-282). Katz (2003, 256) adds to this discourse in affirming
that identities are not homogenized across time and space, but rather, are “altered by the
particularities o f place and the unevenness of the ways that the social relations o f production and
reproduction are played at different locations and at different scales” (Glick Schiller et al., 1992,
4; Vertovec 2001, 578).
Although the influence o f migration on an individual’s understanding o f self can never be
neatly classified by a singular theory, transnational scholars conceptualization o f identity
recognizes opportunities for change, transference, and hybridity (Yeoh et al., 2003, 213-214).
27

Rather than assume the process of migration as psychologically distressing to all transmigrants,
due to the separation of the individual from their contextual site of knowledge and understanding
(Chambers 1994, 2; Ahktar 1999, 5; Sengun 2001, 70; Ghosh & Wang 2003, 270), transnational
scholars recognize that transmigrants “play by a different set o f rules since they live in, or
connect with, several communities simultaneously” (Yeoh et al., 2003, 213-214). Nolin Hanlon
(1997, 7) expands upon this understanding by suggesting that transmigrants’ identities are
constantly in flux and must be understood as “a product of some combination o f continuities and
transformations, resistance and oppression, present conditions and historical realties, community
belonging and migrant disorientation”. Therefore, in recognizing identity is both created and
defined by social and spatial understanding, transnational scholars acknowledge that “there can
be no definitive benchmark from which to analyze identity transformation” (Nolin 2006, 142),
but instead, one must recognize the different ways in which identity is a product o f the way
individuals understand and interpret their bodies and subjectivities (Katz 2003, 252).
2.6 Conceptual Approach: Place
2.6.1 Origin of Place Theory
The notion o f place is identified as a central concept o f understanding in many disciplines
within the social sciences; however, because place is a complex notion, with many
interconnected meanings and associations, it is also recognized to be one o f the most difficult
concepts to define (Agnew & Duncan 1989, 1; Rodman 1992, 640; Castree 2003, 167). While
acknowledging that there are many overlapping conceptualizations o f place, Castree (2003, 167)
denotes three broad categorizations: 1) as a location or a specific point on the earth’s surface; 2)
as sense of place or subjective feelings that people have about places, thus supporting the
construction of individual and group identity; and, 3) as a locale or the setting and scale for
peoples’ daily actions and interaction. In this regard, notions of place can be recognized as
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complex networks of understanding, yet, ultimately constructed out o f an individual’s
experiences across time and space (Tuan 1977, 6; Tilley 1994, 19; Castree 2003, 174). Platt
(1996, 112-115) corroborates this notion when she suggests that “places capture experience and
store it symbolically [...] we create and recreate ourselves out o f our experiences”, through acts
of dwelling within the landscape (Rodman 1992, 642; Massey 1994, 48; Lovell 1998, 1).
Development o f place theory, similarly to all other theories and approaches explored in
this chapter, was catalyzed by the ‘cultural turn’ within geography and other social sciences
(Mitchell 2000, 60). In arguing against positivist perspectives o f ‘space’, which uncritically
focused on the use of objectivity, reason, rationality, empirical observation and quantification
(Bailey et al., 1999, 170), critical and feminist geographers called for new approaches which
explored subjective experiences o f ‘place’, place attachment and symbolic meanings in order to
identify geographies which had been traditionally marginalized, negated, and/or ignored
(Staeheli & Lawson 1994, 97; Madge et al., 1997, 90-91; Tuhiwai Smith 1999, 183; Howitt &
Stevens 2005, 32). Thus, in focusing contemporary analysis on fluid understandings of place,
contextualized by understandings of space, critical scholars creatively and reflexively challenge
conventional frameworks of understanding, open new lines o f inquiry, promote awareness, and
social change (Bailey et al., 1999, 170; Gupta & Ferguson 1997, 4; Smith 2012, 350).
2.6.2 Advancement of Place Theory
Building upon the conceptualizations o f corporeality and identity discussed earlier in this
chapter, the contemporary theorization of place is organized at a number o f social and spatial
levels and as embedded within power hierarchies which both structure and influence one’s
perceptions of the world (Tuan 1977, 33; Rodman 1992, 641; Tilley 1994, 13; Rose 1995, 89).
For instance, Tilley (1994, 13) discusses the construction o f phenomenological experiences to

29

require the “consideration of the body as the privileged vantage point from which the world is
apprehended”, given that physiological experiences create the basis for an individual’s
subjectivity, understanding, and sense o f place. Rose (1995, 89) advances this idea by arguing
that sense o f place is comprised of personal feelings and symbolic meanings obtained through
individual experiences which are shaped “by the social, cultural and economic circumstances” of
each particular individual (Tilley 1994, 16-17, 19). Moreover, Rodman (1992, 641) discusses
how individual negotiation of power adds to the complexity of place based understandings, by
arguing that “places are not inert containers. They are politicized, culturally relative, historically
specific, local and multiple constructions”. Thus, in recognizing that places are locations of
distinct meaning and understanding, and that sense of place is fundamentally grounded in the
specific connotations that an individual attributes to and/or leams from their environment, one is
able to understand how each individual has a distinct system of meaning though which they
make sense o f the world (Tuan 1977, 33; Rose 1995, 99; Tilley 1994, 12).
Following notions of positioned understanding, the ability for individuals to identify with
a specific place, group and/or locality allows for the creation of belonging and identity, as well as
a sense of cohesion and security (Rose 1995, 89; Lovell 1998, 1; Smith 2003, 83). Rose (1995,
92) contextualizes the importance o f understanding an individuals’ position and location, by
arguing that like identity, sense of place can be constructed out feelings o f difference and
disconnection, through constructions o f ‘self and ‘other’. Furthermore, McDowell (1997, 2)
corroborates the mutual construction of identity and place within social contexts by asserting that
place formation and place meanings are dialectally developed through boundary drawing,
exclusion, and transgression which are ultimately shaped by an individual’s social, cultural,
gender, economic, and political positioning.

30

In recognizing that boundary construction may lead an individual to not be able to
identify with specific places or groups, Tilley (1994, 20) and Rose (1995, 89) suggest that such
individuals may feel a sense of disconnection or ‘placelessness’; thereby, impeding or inhibiting
their ability to feel a sense of belonging or place in their new environment. In contrast, Katz
(2003, 250-252) and Levitt & Glick Schiller (2004, 1006) conversely suggest the experience of
‘difference’ to assist in the development of stronger place attachment, as the establishment of
boundaries between specific places and groups enables individuals to ‘place’ themselves within
spaces which they do (or do not) belong. Massey (1994, 321) situates boundary drawing and
sense of place within the context of globalization by suggesting that sense o f place can be
sustained without being rooted within one specific place or locality, given that the increased
interconnectivity of the world has enabled the de-territorialization of an individual’s
relationships and networks of place association. Lovell (1998, 5) corroborates this notion of
multi-situated locality and belonging and argues that a sense of place can instead be maintained
through the expression of oral histories, narratives of origin, objects, myths, rituals, and
performance, she states that:
Culture [...] is not necessarily tied to particular places, but is rather created at the
interstices between people in their interaction with one another in everyday discourse
which may be localized, but also in the everyday experiences o f extraordinary events [...]
Locality in this sense become multivocal, and belonging itself can be viewed as a
multifaceted, multilayered process which mobilizes loyalty to different [places]
simultaneously.
Subsequently, one is able to acknowledge the importance of deterritorialized locality to
transmigrants’ conceptualization of place and belonging, given that dislocation from one’s place
of origin does not necessarily limit their ability to feel connected within transnational social
fields. Instead, notions of belonging “transcend[s] both local and national boundaries in order to
encompass identity as it is temporally mobilized and crystallized at particular moments (Lovell
31

1998, 6; Levitt & Glick Schiller 2004, 1002). Agnew and Duncan (1989, 7) further confirm this
notion through their suggestion that conceptualizations of place to should be progressively
understood in multi-local, multi-situated contexts, they comment:
Place, both in the past and in the present, both in the third world and in the first, serves as
a constant re-energized repository o f socially and politically relevant traditions and
identity which serves to mediate between the everyday lives o f individuals on one hand,
and the national and supra-national institutions which constrain and enable those lives, on
the other.
Accordingly then, because places are not just “motionless things, frozen in time”, Massey (1994,
154-155) argues that conceptualizations o f place should thus be interpreted not only though
historical linkages, but as progressively negotiated or “constructed out of a particular
constellation of social relations, meeting and weaving together at a particular locus”. This
understanding is specifically contextualized through migrant experiences o f place by Nolin
Hanlon (1997, 9), who in following Agnew’s (1993, 69) concept that “cultural worlds are
grounded geographically in the experience of place”, affirms that transmigrants’ adjust their
sense of belonging and place throughout the migration process to encompass transnational social
connections by stating: “places o f origin shap[e identity], yet with the shifting o f place and time,
identity does not fall apart. It is re-vitalized and re-shaped in the metamorphosis of meaning”.
Therefore, a framework of analysis that is sensitive to each individual’s multi-faceted
conceptualization of social and spatial experiences within and across nations, as well as based on
their personal understanding of racial, gender, or cultural differences, is necessary to understand
how an individuals’ sense of place and identity may be negotiated (Massey 1994, 169; Bondi,
1993, 98; 1997, 7).

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2.7 Conclusion
From the conclusions drawn by the aforementioned theorists, I aim to suggest, through
the adoption of a transnational and feminist framework of analysis, that a foreign bride’s
corporeal experience in the place of settlement, as well as her transnational lived experience of
her place of origin, combine to create a multi focal sense of belonging and identity that is
malleable and dynamic (Mahler 1998, 79; Lawson 2000, 173; Levitt & Glick-Schiller 2004,
1003; Goldring & Krishnamurti 2007, 5). In doing so, the bride’s bodily space can be understood
as the social field through which her sense o f place and identity is created; however, given that
neither sense of place or identity are fixed and permanent conceptualizations, their fluidity
creates opportunities for “new ways o f being” and “new ways o f belonging”. Therefore, in
examining how everyday lived experiences o f transnational marriage migration, settlement, and
integration are negotiated through physiological experiences, multi-local perspectives, and
within social spaces, I aim to understand the ways in which foreign brides’ sense o f self mediates
their daily interactions, identity, and sense o f place.

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Chapter 3 : Methodological Approaches & Methods
3.1 Introduction
Contemporary qualitative scholars recognize the need for transparency within the
research design process and call for discussion about the methodologies which inform the
selection of research approaches, as well as the methods used to gather evidence (Madge et al.,
1997, 8; Nast 1994, 58). In writing about these processes, researchers are able to reflect upon the
tensions associated with conducting research, validate the appropriateness o f the selected lenses
and/or techniques, and discuss how rigor is established in their research process (Baxter & Eyles
1997, 505). Recognizing the value o f this approach, this chapter begins by situating myself as the
researcher, followed by an explanation of the methodological approaches that support the
research design, review o f the ethnographic methods employed while in the field, and description
of the qualitative methods applied during analysis.
3.2 Positioning the Research(er)
Traditionally, methodological discussions have omitted researchers’ personal motivations
for pursuing a particular area o f study, given that this type of information was perceived as un­
objective or un-scientific, and therefore unrelated to the research findings (Clifford 1986, 2;
Dowling 2005, 25). However, many social scientists now argue that understanding the
researcher’s positionality is an essential component of the research product, as the exclusion of
this information limits a complete understanding of the research process and removes a crucial
component of understanding from the research record (Clifford 1986, 2; England 1994, 86). In
recognizing this deficiency, contemporary qualitative researchers now argue for transparency
regarding the researcher’s position in the research relationship, critical reflexivity concerning

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how the researcher’s positionality shapes the development o f the research process, as well as for
discussion of “partial truths” given the researcher’s interpretation of data (Clifford 1986; Behar
1996, 6; England 1994, 87). I agree with this argument, and as such, I provide a brief overview
of my positionality and my interest in this topic in the following paragraphs.
During studies as an undergraduate student at the University of Northern British
Columbia (UNBC), I was challenged to examine human interactions within a variety of settings
and scales in order to explore culture and its influence on power, gender, communication,
representation, and identity. Interdisciplinary coursework provided me with a breadth of
experience and fostered my interest in developing a greater understanding o f sense of place,
identity, and issues of social inclusion/exclusion through the examination o f diverse social and
cultural landscapes. With this research framework in mind, I approached Dr. Catherine Nolin
whom I credit for significantly shaping my interest and understanding in these areas, regarding
my interest in pursuing a Master of Arts degree with a Human Geography focus. Provided that
my interests linked well with Dr. Nolin’s current research foci, she proposed that I utilize
transnational marriage migration as the thematic lens of my study and construct a thesis project
as an extension of her “Women, Migration, Marriage” project.
Prior to beginning graduate studies, my awareness o f marriage migration was limited to
the brief overview Dr. Nolin provided within her Geography of International Development
course1. To gain familiarity with the topic, I embarked on a preliminary literature review and was
dismayed to learn of the complex and intense vulnerability associated with marriage migration,
as well as the hidden and often unacknowledged nature o f this process. Moreover, I was
surprised by the polarized approach to examining marriage migration, how brides and grooms

1 UNBC Geography 306: Geography o f International Development

35

were generalized as either villains or victims, and how most literature failed to represent the
particular context and voices of those involved in the process. Although these significant
knowledge gaps catalyzed my interest in the topic, I chose to immerse myself in this topic for
personal reasons. As someone who struggled with feeling disconnected and having a sense of
placelessness as a result of numerous disruptive relocations throughout my childhood, my
positionality caused me to identify with how potentially transformative this type migration
process would be. Moreover, at this time I was newly engaged; from this position, I understood
how the pressures and changes associated with a new marriage, the blending of two families, and
the start of a new life together could be both an exciting and challenging experience to negotiate.
Although I was very much aware that my experiences were not comparable, I felt a personal
connection to this topic and became interested in developing a thesis which privileged the voice
and experiences o f foreign brides.
As such, my intent is to respectfully acknowledge the individual and particular
experiences o f foreign brides in rural, non-metropolitan settings within northern BC to
understand how the process o f marriage migration, settlement and integration have shaped their
transnational experiences and renegotiations of place and identity.
3.3 Methodological Approaches
The methodological approaches outlined below were selected based upon their
applicability to the thesis topic, as well as for the influence these frameworks have had in
shaping my perspective and positioning as a researcher.

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3.3.1 Ethnography of the Particular
My exposure to the “ethnography o f the particular” (Abu-Lughod, 1991) method
occurred during graduate coursework, wherein I was challenged to see beyond traditional
approaches and instead identify research methods which prioritize reflexivity, ethical conduct,
and rigor and over ‘objective’ research design. Like many other social and cultural scientists
(Clifford 1986, 2; Marcus & Fischer 1986, 8-9; Geertz 1988, 33; Gilbert 1994, 91; England
1994, 81; Tuhiwai Smith 1999, 183), Anthropologist Abu-Lughod (1991, 149) criticizes
traditional ethnographic research methods for contributing to the construction of the ‘other’
through the observation, representation, categorization, and generalization o f peoples and
cultures. Instead, Abu-Lughod (1991, 157) offers the “ethnography o f the particular”
methodology in order to provide rich understandings of time and place, as well as convey the
inner life and texture o f individuals and their particular, everyday experiences.
By bringing forward narratives of everyday life, Abu-Lughod (1991, 151) argues that
researchers are able to ethically and rigorously create narratives which acknowledge “the effects
of the extralocal and long term processes [which] are only manifested locally and specifically,
produced in the actions of individuals living their particular lives, inscribed in their bodies and
their words”. Moreover, Abu-Lughod (1991, 151) notes the “ethnography o f the particular”
methodology can reduce the construction of participants as inferior ‘others’, and challenges
associated with power, gender, voice, representation, by bringing forward everyday language.
3.3.2 Transnational Ethnographies
In recognizing the value of the “ethnography of the particular” approach, Nolin (2006)
utilizes this methodology to frame the development of her “transnational ethnographies” method.
In doing so, “transnational ethnographies” enable the exploration of everyday lived experiences

37

and

privilege the voice of participants in order to “reveal the diversity o f people, the

commonalities of experience, and the profoundly transformative role” that particular encounters
play in shaping individual understanding o f self and place. Accordingly, “transnational
ethnographies” enable researchers to address how “transnational culture and new social relations
are played out through individual lives, in particular places and at particular times” and facilitate
an in depth understanding o f the richness, complexity, and interconnectedness o f participants’
transnational social space (Nolin 2006, 122).
Thus, in recognizing the importance of understanding foreign brides’ particular
experiences and the effect lived experience has on the negotiation o f sense o f place and identity,
I will utilize Nolin’s (2006) “transnational ethnographies” technique informed by Abu-Lughod’s
(1991) “ethnography of the particular” as the methodological approaches framing this work.
3.3 Methods
This research employs a mixed method approach to participant selection, data collection,
and analysis. Each method was selected in accordance to its suitability to address both the
research questions and to respectfully explore the experiences of the participants. Bradshaw and
Stratford (2005, 69) indicate that the careful design of research enables the construction o f a
more comprehensive and valid product, given that “each method helps us to answer different
research questions, employs different research methods, has different limitations, and ensures
rigor differently”. Selection o f appropriate research methods is further discussed by Madge et al.,
(1997, 103) who comments that reflexivity is essential to the effectiveness o f the research
process:
Conducting ethical research does not involve a simple set o f formulae; rather it entails
thinking through the process o f working and living with people and attempting to
challenge unequal power relations upon which differences rest.

38

Moreover, Nast (1994, 58) asserts that when used appropriately, mixed methodologies have the
ability to “promote mutual respect and identification of commonalties and differences between
the researcher and the researched in non-authoritative ways”, in addition to allowing ‘others’ to
be heard and empowered. Therefore, my use o f multiple research methods enables a more
rigorous and inclusive research product, in addition to implementing “multiple modes: doing,
hearing, seeing, writing and reading in different ways in order to uncover...multiple and varied
experiences” (Madge et al., 1997, 98).
3.3.1 Research Approval
Prior to the commencement of fieldwork, I completed the required coursework for my
program which included courses on both qualitative and quantitative methodologies, a directed
course reading on migration and transnationalism, and an Anthropology course focused on
landscape, space, and place. The breadth of learning acquired from this coursework prepared me
to successfully defended my thesis proposal and receive approval from the UNBC Research
Ethics Board (REB) in April o f 2009 (See Appendix 1). In May o f 2009,1 was awarded a Joseph
Armand Bombardier Canadian Graduate Scholarship from the Social Sciences and Humanities
Research Council (SSHRC), in recognition o f the pertinence o f this research topic.
3.3.2 Population Selection
To appreciate the individual complexity and particularity of transnational marriage
migration, I explore the experiences of seven foreign brides living in three northern
communities: Prince George, Fort St. John, and Dawson Creek. As a thematic extension o f the
“Women, Migration, and Marriage” project, I benefited from numerous opportunities afforded
through the association of this thesis with an established and reputable research project. Through

2 Dr. C. Nolin, Supervisor; Drs. A. Smith & G. Halseth, Committee Members

39

my Research Assistantship with Dr. Catherine Nolin and the Northern BC Immigration Network3
I was provided with access to a breadth o f information on the topic of marriage migration,
exposure to my proposed study population, given the opportunity to gain skills and build trust
during my participation in key informant interviews and focus groups, as well as facilitate the
Photovoice component of the “Women, Migration, and Marriage” project.
Moreover, given the formally undocumented nature of marriage migration (Brinig 2001,
321; Del Vecchio 2007, 179) and the sensitive nature of this topic, participants for this research
project would not have been identifiable without the assistance of Immigrant and Multicultural
Services Society (IMSS), whom in partnership with the Northern BC Immigration Network,
established a contact database of prospective participants to which I was provided access. In
addition to assistance from IMSS, I also established rapport with key contacts, or “gatekeepers”
(Seidman 2006, 45) at SUCCESS Northern BC Newcomers Integration Service Centre (NISC) in
Fort St. John and the Fort St. John Literacy Society, who were further able to identify
prospective people within the target population. The credibility o f this research project was
greatly enhanced by the support and assistance o f IMSS, SUCCESS, and the Literacy Society.
3.3.3 Ethnographic Field Methods
In total, twenty women were identified as potential participants and initial contact was
made through phase two follow up of the “Women, Migration, and Marriage” project. Scoping
interviews were established with sixteen potential participants in order to gauge their interest in
the project, as well as to determine whether (or not) their experiences fit the criteria o f the target
population. Scoping interviews are a valuable research instrument because they enable the
researcher to assess the effectiveness o f the research framework and interview questions

3 My Research Assistantship with Dr. Catherine Nolin and the Northern BC immigration Network took place from
September 2008 to December 2009.

40

(Bryman & Teevan 2005, 106). Moreover, by utilizing scoping interviews, I was able to employ
“snowball sampling” (Babbie 2004, 184) techniques, in that I asked participants to recommend
other potential contacts (Babbie 2004, 184; Bryman & Teevan 2005, 227-28).). Although
numerous participants alluded to having friends or acquaintances with ‘similar experiences’, no
further participants were gained through this method.
From the sixteen preliminary scoping interviews, seven participants were purposively
sampled based upon the criteria they had immigrated to Canada through the sponsorship process
for the purpose of or result of marriage. Nine of the twenty possible participants did not match
the target population criteria, and four o f the twenty women contacted declined to participate or
did not respond to invitations to participate. Identified participants were informed that their
participation the “Women, Migration, and Marriage” project and my thesis research was
completely voluntary (Appendix 2 & 3) and that they were able to participate in either or both
projects if they chose to do so. All seven identified participants expressed interest in participation
in both projects, and as such, interview processes and data collection between the two projects
were streamlined to reduce redundancy.
Given the sensitive nature of this study, it is possible that potential participants identified
by gatekeepers and/or snowball sampling techniques were unwilling or unable to participate as a
result of restrictive power dynamics. Although, information from these individuals would have
further broadened the range o f experiences explored, I understand that their lack o f participation
may be equally as valuable; as silence serves “not as a barrier to overcome, but rather, an
instructive part of the research process” (Mountz et al., 1997, 39) by alluding to the range o f
factors which influence experiences of the marriage migration process.

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Few scholarly articles discuss the rationale surrounding the recruitment o f participants
and the justification of the sample size (Bailey et al., 1999, 169; Baxter & Eyles 1997, 508),
given that “the validity, meaningfulness, and insights generated from qualitative inquiry have
more to do with...information richness...and the observational/analytical capacities o f the
researcher than with sample size” (Patton, as quoted (emphasis in original) in Bradshaw &
Stratford 2005, 73). Similarly, Baxter and Eyles (1999, 181) recognize that quality information
from a single research participant may be more contextually valuable than hundreds o f mediocre
examples. I agree with the above statement and argue that although my study population is
relatively small, rigor was achieved through the use of the partial “transnational ethnography of
the particular” approach (Abu-Lughod, 1991; Nolin 2006). The depth and range attained during
intensive conversations serves to illustrate the invaluable knowledge obtained through this
method. Therefore, by seeking transferability rather than generalizability4 of experiences, I aim
to rigorously contribute to the growing field of literature on the topic o f marriage migration.
3.3.4 Interviewing
As previously discussed, scoping interviews were conducted with participants to verify
their suitability for this research project. These interviews employed a semi-structured
conversation guide (Appendix 7) intended to explore both pre-immigration and post-immigration
experiences, with particular focus on their marital relationship, process o f sponsorship, and
settlement and integration experiences in northern BC. Prior to the interview conversations, I
provided participants with an information sheet (Appendix 2) which described the research
project in detail, as well as asked the participant to review and sign a consent form (Appendix 4)

4 While generalizability is often the objective o f quantitative studies, qualitative studies recognize that no two
situations or contexts are identical, and therefore seek to understand how learning and knowledge can be transferred
and applied in another context. Accordingly then, I have chosen to seek transferability in order to both value the
situated and particular nature o f my participants’ experiences and be able to speak to broader social issues.

42

to illustrate their interest in participating. Participation in this study was entirely voluntary and
participants were informed that they have the right to refuse response to any question(s) or
withdraw from the interview entirely at any time; at which time all information about their
participation, as well as all information provided within the project would be destroyed.
Moreover, I provided participants with the option of using their own name or a pseudonym (of
their preference) in order to maintain anonymity and confidentiality within the research results5.
Moreover, I inquired with participants regarding their preference of descriptive terminology
(such as ‘mail order bride’, foreign bride, or any other term o f their preference) in order to
describe their experience o f marriage and migration. I invited participants to ask questions about
the research project, as well as ask about my background, as a way to demonstrate openness
within the research process and to build trust.
Each interview utilized a conversation guide (Appendix 7) which consisted of both
primary and secondary questions, in order to direct the flow of discussion and to also provide
flexibility and space for reflexive responses to be given (Dunn 2005, 82). Since the interview
questions sought very personal and sometimes sensitive information from participants, the
questioning framework was structured according to the “fiinneling” method (Dunn 2005, 85). As
such, interviews began with very general questions to initiate discussion and were supported by
secondary questions which sought further explanation and/or clarification allowing for
“conversational development towards more sensitive issues” (Dunn 2005, 85). This “ordered, but
flexible” approach was imperative to establishing a solid contextual understanding, as well as
developing rapport between the participant and myself (Dunn 2005, 88).

5 Each participant selected their own pseudonym for use within this research. In order to distinguish the use o f
pseudonyms from academic references cited within the research findings, pseudonyms are represented in capital
letters.

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Each participant chose the date, time, location, and duration of her interviews. Some
participants preferred to conduct the interview in the comfort and privacy o f their home, which
enabled them to also engage in their regular practices (such as looking after their children and
maintaining business hours for their home business). For other participants, it was important to
meet in a familiar public place, such as a cafe or restaurant, which facilitated a more relaxed and
informal environment. Additionally, some interviews and follow up conversations were
conducted in meeting rooms at UNBC, at both the Prince George and Fort St. John campuses,
when extra space and technology (to view photographs and film) were necessary. Preliminary
interview conversations generally lasted about two to three hours; however, I conducted
numerous follow up visits given that the scheduled when participants wanted to expand upon our
initial conversations. Additionally, I scheduled secondary interviews with each participant so that
we could discuss the Photovoice component of the research.
In my initial research design I proposed to conduct focus groups as a way to explore
multiple lines of communication and accommodate participants who may have found “one-onone, face-to-face interaction ‘scary’ or ‘intimidating’” (Madriz 2003, 364). However, this
method was not necessary, as each participant was comfortable participating in an individual
interview and some participants had already participated in an earlier focus group with the
“Women, Migration, and Marriage” project. Moreover, in the months leading up to the second
phase of the project and my thesis research, tensions within the Filipino community in Fort St.
John inhibited the possibility o f additional focus groups6.
My participation in the preliminary focus group, conducted in Fort St. John, was an
invaluable to the development o f my own research, as the setting was conducive to discussion

6 For more information on the tensions present in Fort St. John’s Filipino community, please see Chapter Eight.

44

and interaction between participants which provided me with a provided a greater contextual
understanding because participants could “explore different points of view, and formulate and
reconsider their own ideas and understandings” (Cameron 2005, 117). Furthermore, the
opportunity to participate in this focus group as a note taker allowed me to build trust and rapport
with participants, as well as enabled me to ask informed questions that validated the information
they had already shared during the focus group. As such, the focus group served to neutralized
some of the power dynamics inherent within the participant and researcher relationship, as
participants felt as though I had truly listened to the individual experiences they had shared.
3.3.5 Photovoice & Photo Elicitation
Given that my thesis research is a thematic extension o f “Women, Migration, and
Marriage” project and this phase of research coincided with my Research Assistantship with the
Northern BC Immigration Network, I was provided with the opportunity to facilitate the
Photovoice component o f the project and utilize data collected within my thesis research.
Photovoice is an innovative participatory action research (PAR) method that enables
participants and researchers to engage in a collaborative partnership throughout the planning,
implementation, and discussion o f photography, in order to co-create knowledge (Wang & Burris
1997; Castleden et al., 2007, 1394; Lorenz & Kolb 2009, 263). By sharing control o f the research
process, Photovoice aims to establish an balanced power structure within the researcherparticipant relationship (Castleden et al., 2007, 1394) and privileges participants to be the
recorder o f their knowledge, experiences, and expertise (Lipert & Smith 2009, 137). Moreover,
the Photovoice process can facilitate the visual documentation of situations which are difficult to
describe or are sensitive in nature, and engage vulnerable participants who typically hold less
power and status within dialogue for change (Lorenz & Kolb 2009, 262; Strack et al., 2004, 49;

45

Wang & Burris 1997, 369). Moreover, Photovoice is acknowledged to catalyze discussion,
particularly for participants who have low literacy or decreased verbal skills, which in turn can
elicit rich data about the context of peoples’ experiences and encourages greater depth,
authenticity, and validity in the interpretation o f qualitative findings (Lipert & Smith 2009, 137).
Equipment for this research project, such as digital cameras, memory cards, batteries,
journaling supplies, and return postage were provided by the “Women, Migration, and Marriage”
project . All materials supplied to participants within the project were provided as honorariums
to acknowledge the time and effort provided throughout their participation. During preliminary
meetings, I provided participants with all necessary materials and gave a brief tutorial on how to
operate their new cameras, provided with information sheets (Appendix 3) which described
Photovoice and the assigned task, consent forms for their participation (Appendix 5) and the
release of creative materials (Appendix 7), provided participants with the opportunity to ask
questions about Photovoice and the project as a whole. Lastly, I informed participants that, with
their consent, their photographs might be displayed within a future community exhibition as a
way to generate dialogue understand participants’ experiences o f marriage and migration.
Over a one month period, participants were asked to take photographs, and to provide
brief journal entries, to describe their experience o f marriage migration and settlement within
northern BC. Participants were encouraged to take as many or a few photographs as they liked
and informed that the photographs and journal entries would be used as a way to talk about their
experiences during interview discussions (Appendix 3). During this process, I kept in frequent
contact with participants in order to encourage their participation and check on their progress.

7 Funding for this phase o f research was obtained from a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of
Canada (SSHRC) grant (Nolin), a UNBC Seed Grant Fund (Nolin), and support from the UNBC Community
Development Institute (CDI).

46

Due to the intensive schedules and lifestyles o f my participants the duration o f photo taking and
journaling time was extended from one month to six months.
Over the course of the exercise, participants expressed concern and uncertainty regarding
their ability to capture the ‘right experiences’ and also felt self-conscious about their journal
entries due to their inability to write proficiently in English. During these conversations, I
reinforced that there was no ‘right’ answer, picture, or description and encouraged participants to
engage in the Photovoice process in whichever way they were most comfortable. As such, some
participants chose to limit the length and detail o f their responses and instead explore their
experiences within the follow-up interview; other participants felt more comfortable providing
their journal entries electronically, so that they were able to conduct a spelling and grammar
checks.
Follow up interviews were scheduled with each participant to explore their photographs
and journal entries, and interestingly, all participants submitted personal photographs in order to
describe the range and timeline of their settlement and integration experiences. Photo elicitation
techniques8 were used to review photographs, in conjunction with journal entries. Follow-up
interviews lasted between two to four hours and explored participants’ experiences o f marriage
and migration and perceptions of place and identity in extraordinary detail. Moreover, photo
elicitation allowed for the communication o f “intangible aspects o f culture and [brought] about
information-especially emotions- that remained hidden during verbal interviews” (Lorenz &
Kolb 2009, 263). Without question, the use of Photovoice greatly enhanced the scope and depth
of information I was able to achieve within interviews and serves as an excellent point of
reference in the rigorous comparison and triangulation o f data.
8 Photo elicitation is the process wherein photographs are used to stimulate discussion, as well as to evoke deeper
elements o f the human consciousness such as reflection, memory, and emotion (Harper 2002,13).

47

3.3.6 Data Collection
I digitally recorded all interviews and wrote accompanying notes, which enabled me to
compile a comprehensive portrait of the interview process, as well as allowing for natural
conversation style (Dunn 2005, 95). Debates on the positive and negative aspects o f data
collection methods suggest that relying on note taking can impede the quality o f the information
gathered, due to the fact that note-takers can “miss important movements, expressions, and
gestures o f the informant [in addition to] undermin[ing] rapport and detracting] from active
listening”. In contrast, digital recorders are acknowledged to heighten the sense o f vulnerability
experienced by the participant, and in turn inhibit their responses (Dunn 2005, 95). In
recognizing the difficultly associated with capturing the interview solely through note taking I
chose, with the consent of my participants, to also use a small digital recorder. During sensitive
points in the conversation, many participants would lower their voice or stop speaking and
motion to turn off the recorder. When the recorder was turned off, and if approved by the
participant, I would take notes during these parts of the conversation. All digital recordings and
field notes collected from my fieldwork are kept in a locked filing cabinet and are only
accessible by myself and Dr. Nolin.
3.3.7 Transcription
After the completion of data collection, I planned to fully transcribe all interviews so that
I could increase my familiarity with the data (Cope 2005, 223) and ensure the confidentiality and
anonymity of my respondents. However, due the extensive length and detail o f each interview a
full transcript was determined not to be beneficial. Instead, I partially transcribed all interviews,
and included verbatim passage of the most pertinent information obtained during the
conversation. Repetitive dialogue and tangential parts o f the conversations was summarized
within the transcript and provided with a time stamp.
48

If a participant indicated that she was interested in receiving an interview transcript, I
mailed back copies for verification and/or the inclusion o f additional information. Due to
confidentiality concerns, some participants declined to have their transcript returned as they did
not want their family to have immediate access to their information.

3.3.8 Coding & Analysis Techniques
Over the course o f this thesis, I kept a field journal in which I recorded thematic hunches,
questions and ideas, as well as observations from the field and the research process as a whole.
In preparation for analysis, I spent considerable time reviewing this journal in order to examine
the layers of experience which comprised the overall narrative gathered throughout this research.
In doing so, I was able to produce a coding framework to inform my review and analysis of
transcripts.
To begin analysis, I coded and grouped interview transcripts with the purpose of
establishing an examination that is sensitive to individual situations, yet provided context to the
range o f issues impacting the settlement and integration experiences of foreign brides (Babbie
2004, 319). Cope (2005, 223) suggests the purpose of coding to centre on distilling, organizing,
and analyzing data in order to assist in theory building. During the research analysis process, I
implemented descriptive codes to categorize patterns within the data sets, in addition to analytic
codes which reflected important themes and concepts expressed by participants. These methods
enabled me to identify common themes, concepts, and underlying meanings embedded within
the discourse (Babbie 2004, 319).
Fereday & Muir-Cocherane (2006, 4) indicate that an effective coding structure is one
that captures the ‘qualitative richness’ o f the practice being studied by “emphasizing] multiple
meanings and interpretations rather than seeking to impose and one ‘dominant’ or ‘correct’
49

interpretation” (Winchester 2005, 6). Therefore, the analysis process requires great care and
reflexivity on the part of the researcher, given that they ultimately hold the power and authority
to interpret and report the results (Winchester 2005, 11). To ensure that I remained focused on
the richness o f experiences shared during interview conversations, I distilled my coding
framework down to key words, themes, quotes, and ideas and transferred them onto color-coded
sticky notes which I posted on a large wall in front o f my workspace. This large visual reference
served as a constant reminder o f my thought process and enabled me to reconnect with, add,
revise, and be reflexive every time I sat down to work.
After coding, I synthesized the data in attempts to answer the initial questions posed
within the interviews, as well as the research questions o f the thesis. In doing so, I became aware
of the complex and highly interconnected nature of the data and how simply answering the
research questions would not do justice to the narratives shared by the women. As such, I began
to reconsider the data in order to locate higher order themes which would provide an effective
framework for the delivery of individual and collective narratives. In considering the theoretical
frameworks (transnationalism and feminism) and conceptual approaches (place, identity, and
corporeality) used to frame this research, I decided to organize my subthemes by settings,
working from the most intimate places o f experience (marital relationships and family dynamics)
to broader social and community contexts (perceptions of independence and agency, as well as
cultural refueling opportunities9) that occur within and across transnational social space.

9 Cultural refueling opportunities refer to the ability to interact with people and/or familiar sights, sounds, smells,
tastes o f a transmigrants place o f origin. In accessing these touchstones of culture, transmigrants are able to forge
translocalities that simultaneously link their countries o f origin and settlement, and which assist in the
reestablishment of place and identity.

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3.3.9 Analysis
Because this research study is focused on privileging the voices o f foreign brides’
transnational experiences, it was imperative to include direct quotations in order to contextualize
and validate settlement and integration experiences shared by the women. The value o f utilizing
direct quotations is discussed by Madge et al., (1997, 107-108) when they identify that the
inclusion of spoken word can strengthen the research product by “convey meaning which mere
words on the paper cannot...the emotional content and tone o f the response can tell us a
considerable amount about feelings and interpretations”. Therefore, in integrating participants’
voices and silences as descriptive tools, I aim to empower the voices of my participants, while
being critically reflexive of the inherent power dynamics surrounding the position o f the
researcher as the “anonymous voice o f authority” ( Madge et al., 1997, 107).
3.3.10 Analytical Framework
Given that there is no specific space or interaction through which sense of place and/or
identity is negotiated, it is essential to recognize how an individual is positioned by the
continuum of their experiences within localized scales of reference (Tuan 1977, 6; Tilley 1994,
19; Castree 2003, 174). For instance, many disciplines within the social sciences recognize the
importance o f spatial organization and argue that spaces become places when interaction and
experiences occur within them (Tuan 1975, 151; Tilley 1994, 11-12). Correspondingly, actions
and interactions facilitate the development of individual or collective meaning, boundary
definition, and the formation o f sense o f place and identity (Rodman 1992, 642; Massey 1994,
48; McDowell 1997, 2; Lovell 1998, 1).
In recognizing that place meaning is localized, one can understand the development of
place scales or a nested hierarchy o f place attribution within spaces of individual experience
(Tuan 1975, 153; Lewicka 2011, 211-12). Therefore, in building from the most intimate space of
51

experience and interaction, critical scholars recognize the body and the home as the most
influential spaces, followed by neighborhoods, cities, regions, countries, and continents (Tuan
1975, 153; Lewicka 2011, 211-12). Employing this hierarchy as a rubric for analysis, I utilize
scales of experience, as well as the politics o f space, to examine to how the renegotiation of
place and identity occurs at central points of negotiation: marital relationship (body/self), family
dynamics (home), independency and agency (community), cultural refueling (transnational)
(Figure 3.1.)

M arital Relationships

d
■

1

Figure 3.1: Hierarchy of Place Negotiation
Beginning at the first points o f negotiation, body, self and relationships, analysis and discussion
within Chapter Six contextualizes the development of the marital relationship by emphasizing
individual motivations, methods of introduction, and the selection o f spousal partners, as well as
touching on gender ideologies and cultural (re)productions as influencing factors in the decision
to marry and migrate. Additionally, Chapter Seven explores local and transnational landscapes in
order to highlight the how foreign brides’ experience o f the physical, social, and cultural

52

landscapes in northern BC influence settlement and integration, and further, how cultural
refueling opportunities shape their renegotiation of identity and place making skills.
3.3.11 Findings & Discussion
Given the breadth of my research questions, a singular response would not satisfy the
specified research objective(s), nor would it enable exploration of the complexities and
particularities of the marriage migration process. Therefore, rather than attempting to answer
each research question individually, I explore the range o f experiences shared by presenting the
narratives of women grouped by four primary themes or points o f negotiation: marital
relationships, family dynamics, reestablishment of independence and agency, as well as cultural
refueling opportunities and transnational connections. In touching on these points o f negotiation,
I am able to appreciate how experiences of inclusion and exclusion in new environments and
across transnational social space (Nolin 2006, 148; Goldring & Krishnamurti 2007, 1) have
shaped individual perceptions o f mobility, and the (re)construction of identity and place making
strategies.
Moreover, the presentation of research findings in this manner reflects the need to think
and write differently in order to respectfully create space for the voices, perceptions, and lived
experiences of the women who participated in this research (Haig-Brown 2003, 416; Nolin 2006;
Abu-Lughod 1991). Additionally, approaching analysis and discussion in this manner enables
the use o f both transnational and feminist lenses, and aims to privilege the voice o f participants
throughout the exploration of their global-local experiences (Nolin 2006). While these four
points of negotiation can in no way encompass the entirety of the experiences shared during
interview conversations, they do provide the space and permeability necessary to appreciate the
narratives shared by the foreign brides, as well as serve to highlight the interconnected and
socially constructed realities that comprise their transnational everyday experiences.
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3.4 Conclusion
Drawing upon the above-mentioned methodologies and qualitative methods to describe
and explore social practice (Babbie 2004, 293), this research explores transnational marriage
migration and its effect on the negotiation o f sense o f place and identity o f foreign brides who
have settled in northern BC. Through the reflexive implementation of these research methods,
this study aims to respectfully understand the individual experience o f foreign brides in northern
communities. Additionally, by gathering these lived experiences, this study has the potential to
create enhanced wellness by indicating the common barriers faced by foreign brides with regard
to place making strategies and the reconstruction o f identity in rural, non-metropolitan settings.
The integrity of my study will be embedded in the rigorous approaches that I adopt to ensure
credibility and dependability o f my results, in addition to my ability to be reflexive o f all factors
affecting my project as a whole.

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Chapter 4 : Global-Local Dynamics and the Business of Transnational Marriage Migration
4.1 Introduction
Intercultural relationships, facilitated by the thriving marriage migration industry, are
established with the intent of enabling a woman to internationally migrate for the purpose of
marriage (Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 25). As such, marriage migration is a complex transnational
phenomenon that is deeply embedded within global, local, and individual landscapes of
negotiation (Constable 2003b, 163; Lauser 2008, 85). Primary actors in this process include the
men and women who are seeking martial partners, as well as matchmaking agencies,
introduction services, and international marriage brokers (Constable 2003b, 13). Catalyzing
forces for entering into the marriage migration process include an extensive variety of impetuses
and motivations, which cannot be understood simply as a matter o f individual or familial choice
(Cunneen & Stubbs 2008, 100). Langevin & Belleau (2000, 104-107), Belleau (2003b, 603-606),
Constable (2003a, 163), Oxman-Martinez et al., (2005, 247) all acknowledge “existing and
emerging cultural, social, historical and politico-economic factors” (Lauser 2008, 86) as primary
influences motivating both men and women to engage in the marriage migration process.
While the vast majority o f literature on the marriage migration industry tends to focus on
public ‘push’ factors such as those aforementioned, Mai & King (2009, 296) advocate for a
stronger exploration and understanding o f private ‘pulls’, or emotional and sexual desires, as
motivating factors in the decision to migrate. Therefore, rather than marginalizing the influence
of love, sex, and emotion by situating social, political, and economic arguments at the fore, this
chapter aims to recognize the intersection of all dynamics discussed within the breadth of
relevant discourses on marriage migration. However, because there is such a wide range of
potential reasons for engaging in such relationships, and accordingly, diverse outcomes o f such
55

interactions, one is able to understand that literature surrounding this process fails to truly
encompass the varied experiences o f this type of migration (Piper & Roces, 2003, 3; Mix &
Piper 2003, 56; Mai & King 2009, 295; Chun 1996, 1156; Kelly 2001, 179). In recognizing the
diverse array of reasons that may or may not contribute to an individual’s choice to participate in
the marriage migration process, it is essential to understand the particular context that shapes
such decisions by examining how power is situated, on an individual scale (Brining 2001, 321).
4.2 Historical Context: Immigration, Personal Desire, and Cultural Values
The roots of the modem marriage migration industry can be traced to historical
immigration patterns and traditional marital customs, as well as attributed to assisting the
settlement and development of North America (Chun 1996, 1155). The first settlers o f the New
World were predominantly male, given that extensive overseas travel and arduous frontier life
were not perceived as activities well suited to women (Chun 1996, 1157-58; Del Vecchio 2007,
183). As a result of this trend, a severe demographic imbalance was created, which in turn,
facilitated the necessity for foreign women to immigrate as partners for the first male settlers
(Chun 1996, 1158; Del Rosario 2005, 258; Del Vecchio 2007, 183;). Following from cultural
beliefs and customs, the immigration of women for the purpose of marriage was perceived to
satisfy the physical and emotional desires of lonely male immigrants, while similarly
maintaining the family structure in the new country of settlement (Chun 1996, 1159-60.)
The marriage migration process was initially facilitated by the family of the immigrant
male in the same manner as arranged marriages, wherein letters and pictures of potential partners
were exchanged until an agreement was reached (Chun 1996, 1158; Kabeer 2007, 36). Due to the
growing demand for women in North America, introduction agencies were established to broker
contact and communication between potential marital partners, resulting in the exponential

56

growth of this practice through the use of catalogues to market potential brides (Hughes 2004, 1;
Kabeer 2007, 36). Initially, women participating in marriage migration were referred to as
“picture brides” (Chun 1996, 1155; Del Vecchio 2007, 183), a term which connotes the historical
roots of the practice; yet as introduction agencies evolved, the term ‘mail order bride’ was used
to describe a woman advertised by an agency, company, or broker, from whom contact and
communication services are purchased, for the purpose of marriage and migration.
4.2.1 Situating Individual Particularity through the Use of Neutral Terminology
Contemporarily, the term ‘mail order bride’ is understood to be offensive, degrading, and
derogatory (Constable 2003b, 2; Mix & Piper 2003, 55), as it uniformly “promotes the
unfortunate connotation that women are commodities, who are bought by male consumers”
(Constable 2005b, 168). Furthermore, Constable (2003b, 29) argues the term ‘mail order bride’
to be “flawed and misleading”, because it homogenizes the individual particularity of the brides’
experiences into a pattern of domination by “predefmefing] women as victims and prematurely
foreclose[ing] on the possibility of their being otherwise”. Consequently, in recognizing that
there may be a wide range o f experiences, including both positive and negative relationships
encountered within this research study, I am choosing to utilize the more equitable term ‘foreign
bride’ to describe women who are involved in the marriage migration relationship.
4.3 Contemporary Process: Love, Sex(ism), and Globalization
With the equalization of population demographics in North America, the demand for
foreign brides decreased and the marriage migration industry declined, but remained marginally
active (Chun 1996, 1159). In the 1970’s, the marriage migration industry began to flourish once
again due to the arrival of the Women’s Movement, as western men began to look overseas for
more ‘traditional’ wives (Chun 1996, 1159; Del Vecchio 2007, 184). During this time,
catalogues and pen pal communication remained the primary medium through which the
57

marriage migration process was facilitated (Constable 2007, 255; Robinson 2007, 485; Kojima
2001, 199). With the mainstream introduction o f Internet in the early 1990’s, in conjunction with
the restriction o f localized ‘mail order bride’ agencies in some countries (Samarasinghe 2009,
170), the marriage migration industry transitioned to incorporate use o f new information
technologies such as the Internet10 (Belleau 2003b, 595; Cunneen & Stubbs 2003, 76; Angeles &
Sunanta 2007, 3; Constable 2007, 254; Cabrera 2007, 52). Subscriptions to print catalogues are
still available; however, given the increased availability o f interactions on the Internet, the
majority o f contemporary relationships are now created via online websites (Brinig 2001, 323).
Although similarities do exist between historical notions o f “picture brides” and the current
marriage migration process, Constable (2005a, 12) and Del Vecchio (2007, 184) argue the
contemporary process to have changed both qualitatively and quantitatively, given that the new
practice has a “different structure, different focus, and different consequences” (Chun 1996,
1159).
In recent years, migration scholars have brought to light the impact that technology and
globalization have had on many aspects o f contemporary life; however, the connections between
love and globalization have yet to be extensively explored (Mai & King 2009, 295; Constable
2007, 252; Fairer 2007, 149). New spheres of interaction, in the form of online dating websites,
matchmaking agencies, and introduction services, have flourished since the

advent o f the

Internet and as such, have significantly altered the mechanics o f marriage, love, sex, and
romance (Belleau 2003b, 595; Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 3; Constable 2007, 254; Cabrera 2007,

10 Throughout my literature review, the role o f the internet and technology was repeatedly highlighted as a key
component within the development o f the contemporary marriage-scape, representations/ commodification o f
women, as well as the perpetuation o f cultural fantasies and gendered imaginings o f females and males participating
in marriage migration relationships. While the majority o f my participants did meet their partner utilizing online
introduction services, the women’s narratives did not highlight the internet and other technologies as key elements
within their introduction experiences and/or spousal selection processes.

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52; Faier 2007, 149). Once thought to be a very personal, private, and ultimately localized
experience, the boundaries o f love and intimacy have expanded to become a global “marriagescape” via online communication tools (Constable 2007, 252-254).
4.3.1 Matchmaking Agencies, Introduction Services, and International Marriage Brokers
Given that this digital landscape is accessible by almost every person, in every country,
online introduction agencies are currently recognized as the most effective method for marketing
potential marital partners within “the twentieth-century mail order bride business” (Angeles &
Sunanta 2007, 4; Kelly 2001, 177). Similarly to traditional catalogues, virtual profiles identify
basic characteristics about the potential partners, such as their name, age, weight, and other
attributes of their physical appearance, as well as a brief description o f their area of origin,
interests, and hobbies (Chun 1996, 1155; Brookes 2007, 22; Del Vecchio 2007, 186; Kelly 2001,
178). Yet, contemporary “virtual catalogues” (Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 4) are considered a
higher quality medium of representation because they allow the interested customer to explore
with greater ease and accessibility (Pehar 2003, 171; Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 22). Moreover,
use of the Internet facilitates the fastest and most convenient way to engage in real time
communication, via email, chat rooms, virtual phone calls (Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 24;
Cabrera 2007, 55; Chun 1996, 1163; Del Vecchio 2007, 186). However, Brookes (2007, 21)
identifies that due to the ever increasing level o f e-mail monitoring, that letter writing has
returned to be the favorite method o f communication between interested participants, because it
is more personal and cannot be traced. Moreover, Del Vecchio (2007, 186) speaks to the
unregulated nature o f online introduction services, who generally impose superficial selection
measures on prospective brides with regard to their physical appearance, but require no screening
processes for consumers. Often websites promoting introduction services also alternative links

59

which market erotica, sex tourism, prostitution, and in some cases, child pornography (Cunneen
& Stubbs 2003, 76-77). With no formal measures in place to monitor the types o f consumers
participating in the industry (Kelly 2001, 179), the marriage migration process exposes
vulnerable women to potentially dangerous individuals (Cunneen & Stubbs 2003, 71).
In purchasing a subscription to an online introduction service, consumers are able to
access a greater quantity and diversity o f advertisements, as well as view photographs, utilize
online communication tools, order contact addresses, access translation services, and retrieve
‘how to’ guides on letter writing and fiance visa applications (Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 22-23;
Chun 1996, 1163). Sophisticated introduction agency websites include the capacity to sort and
compare individuals based on their personal characteristics, as well as offering romance tour
packages, complete with transportation, accommodation, guided recreation and interpreter
services, in order to facilitate one-on-one meetings with potential brides (Angeles & Sunanta
2007, 23; Chun 1996, 1163; Del Vecchio 2007, 186; Cunneen & Stubbs 2003, 78; Kelly 2001,
178). Similarly to most online shopping venues, interested customers can “add to cart” desired
advertisements, as well as “update their cart” when making final selections and purchases
(Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 22-23; Cunneen & Stubbs 2003, 78). To purchase the contact
information o f a potential bride, prices range from as little as $0.30 to $10.00 per woman, with
some sites offering discounts for “bulk” purchases (Cunneen & Stubbs 2003, 78). Depending on
the type o f introduction agency and communication services utilized, Chun (1996, 1166)
estimates that a potential husband will “spend anywhere from $3,000 to $10,000 to buy a wife”
(Kelly 2001, 178). Thus, due to the fact that consumers can assess, evaluate, and purchase
contact with potential brides, Belleau (2003b, 596), Basu (2005, 226), Angeles & Sunanta (2007,
22), Brookes (2007, 16) Samarasinghe (2009, 168) all argue that virtual catalogues present

60

women as marketable objects or commodities.
The profitable nature of the marriage migration industry can also be attributed to the
proliferation of online matchmaking and introduction services, as websites are inexpensive to
operate, easy to update and operate, and inadequately regulated (Chun 1996, 1165; Pehar 2003,
171; Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 4; Del Vecchio 2007, 181-186; Hughes 2004, 1). Moreover,
virtual subscriptions enable increased confidentiality for both advertisers and consumers, as well
as a cheaper and easier method of payment (Del Vecchio 2007, 181; Hughes 2004, 1). As such,
the growth o f the marriage migration industry has increased exponentially in recent decades; yet
because there are no formal measures in place to officially document the marriage migration
process, a definitive figure regarding the rate o f occurrence is unknown (Brinig 2001, 321; Del
Vecchio 2007, 179). In 1998, 153 international agencies were documented to be in service
(Scholes 1999); by 2000, this number had increased by 130% to total 350 websites (Constable
2007, 255). In 2007, more than 200 websites were known to exist in the United States, profiting
more than $2 million (USD) a year (Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 4). Pehar (2001, 171) and Angeles
& Sunanta (2007, 4) estimate that between 100,000 and 150,000 women are formally advertising
themselves for marriage on these websites; however, given that marriage migration is a growing
industry and that these statistics are not current, the actual frequency of this process is grossly
underestimated. Although it is not precise, a simple Google search corroborates this notion (Del
Vecchio 2007, 185), as querying the term ‘mail order bride’ returns 18,600,000 results in 0.19
seconds (Google 2013).
Although many researchers are quick to link the Internet to the marginalization and
commodification of women, Cabrera (2007, 54) comments that the Internet is in the same way a
tool to mediate women’s choice and agency, as well as promote assistance to those negatively
61

affected by the practice (Del Rosario 2005, 270). Del Rosario (2005, 270) corroborates this
notion by suggesting that the Internet provides individuals with greater control and autonomy,
given that they may sustain or terminate an interaction at any time.
4.3.2 Stereotypes and Generalizations
Traditionally and contemporarily, patterns o f marriage migration relationships have
paralleled the dominant flow o f capital between countries of the Global North and counties o f the
Global South, given the “historical, colonial, and post-colonial” ties that influence these
economic relationships (Constable 2005, 4-5). Scholarly literature corroborates this notion by
describing intermarriage websites to primarily promote unions between “Third World” or
“Oriental women” and “First World “or “Western men” (Kojima 2001, 199; Belleau 2003a, 94;
Constable 2005, 2; Cabrera 2007, 55; Chun 1996, 1155; Cunneen & Stubbs 2003, 79); however,
demographic trends can only be presumed due to the fact that there are no formal measures in
place to qualitatively or quantitatively track the process (Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 9; Belleau
2003a, 94; Chun 1996, 1156). Therefore, contemporary research on the topic o f marriage
migration rarely moves beyond geographical generalizations, such as identifying South Asian
countries, followed by countries within Eastern Europe and South America, as the primary origin
of foreign brides (Chun 1996, 1160-61; Basu 2005, 228).
Similarly to geographical generalizations, literature discussing the marriage migration
process utilizes binary stereotypes to characterize both males and females involved in the
process, with negative experiences, representations, and connotations occupying the vast
majority of literature (Piper & Roces 2003, 8-9; Constable 2007, 253). Criticism for such
generalizations identify that the marriage migration process is often overly stereotyped by
“simplistic images and characterizations”, instead o f taking into account the actual experiences,

62

choices and desires that shape participants’ interactions (Constable 2007, 254; Brining 2001,
321). Taking into account this notion, the following section o f this chapter is intended to
illustrate the range of factors which can contribute to an individual’s desire to participate in the
marriage migration process.
4.3.3 Rationales for Marriage Migration
The promise of love on an international scale is a primary motivator for many people to
participate in the marriage migration process. Similarly, unhappiness with the dating scene in
their home country, coupled with frustrating and unsuccessful courtship experiences are often
attributed to the desire to search for a new type o f relationship by way of online introduction
services (Constable 2007, 254; Chun 1996, 1175; Kabeer 2007, 37). By exposing interested
individuals to new information, interactions, and opportunities, the Internet enables one to
transverse their local marriage constraints and engage in new social realities (Constable 2007,
254).

Belleau (2003a, 595) acknowledges “the growing solitude of adults who have gone

through difficult relationships, separations, and divorces- coupled with the difficulty o f meeting
compatible, available people” in their country o f origin as common factors influencing decisions
to seek love via online matchmaking agencies (Constable 2003b, 13; Chun 1996, 1168). Thus,
given that new information and communication technologies facilitate “fluid interconnections
between people, technology, and images that allow women and men from geographically distant
regions o f the world to imagine and seek out new global experiences and relationships”
(Constable 2007, 254), one is able to understand an individual’s desire for alternatives to their
local marriage market.
Although operators of online introduction services argue that their websites facilitate the
potential for loving relationships between consensual partners, critics o f the process recognize

63

the industry promote subordination based on “race”, gender, and class, as well as transnational
economic inequalities via a profitable commercial market (Chun 1996, 1160-1169; Belleau
2003b, 603; Del Rosario 2005, 268). Constable (2005, 7) corroborates this notion by arguing that
relationships created by matchmaking agencies and/or introduction services to both reflect, and
are propelled by “fantasies and imaginings about gender, sexuality, tradition, and modernity”
which involve symbolization and desire of both individuals involved (Robinson 2007, 486).
Thus, in discussing the business o f cultural reproduction that surrounds the marriage migration
industry, one must consider the construction of certain forms o f masculinity and femininity, in
conjunction with the intent upon which these stereotypes are founded, in order to understand
certain rationales that serve as motivations to participate in the process (Cunneen & Stubbs 2003,
69).
Following from this notion, cultural reproductions and imaginings o f both eastern and
western cultures can be attributed to facilitating marriage migration relationships. For instance,
Men who seek the services of an introduction agency in their search for a bride are described to
generally reside in wealthy western countries such as the United States, Canada, and Australia,
are typically “economically and professionally successful” (Del Vecchio 2007, 184), but whom
are ineffective within their local marriage market (Constable 2007, 255; Kabeer 2007, 39). Chun
(1996, 1168) corroborates this notion by stating that consumer husbands generally earn an annual
income o f $20,000 or more in blue collar to upper middle class professions, are college
graduates, and whom have experienced a significant breakup or divorce (Cunneen & Stubbs
2003, 71). Occasionally, the limited success o f these men in local dating markets is ascribed to
inadequate social skills (Constable 2007, 255) or age (Chun 1996, 1168; Cunneen & Stubbs
2003, 70), but is most often attributed to sexism regarding supposed qualities o f foreign women

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in comparison to western women, who are sometimes believed to be “too liberated, demanding,
or independent in their outlook” (Robinson 1996, 55; Kojima 2001, 200; Belleau 2003a, 96;
Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 26; Cabrera 2007, 54; Del Vecchio 2007, 184).
In this context, men motivated by anti-feminist sentiments presume that foreign women
are submissive and eager to please and thus seek transnational relationships to secure an obedient
wife, maid, and sex partner (Belleau 2003b, 596; Cunneen & Stubbs 2003, 81; Brookes 2007, 17;
Cabrera 2007, 54; Del Vecchio 2007, 184). In rejecting potential marital partners in his country
of origin because they are perceived as too aggressive, egotistical, and ambitious or because they
may “make excessive demands in marriage, and have expectations o f equality with their
husbands,” Belleau (2003b, 596) asserts that the husband’s control and domination o f their
partner is their primary motivation in the marriage (Constable 2005, 7; Robinson 2007, 486; Del
Vecchio 2007, 184). These sexist notions are perpetuated on introduction agency websites by
way of the ethnic and gender stereotypes implemented to entice potential consumers (Angeles &
Sunanta 2007, 25; Del Vecchio 2007, 184). Brookes (2007, 18) corroborates this notion by
discussing how online introduction sites utilize patriarchal sentiments and nostalgia to construct
foreign women as: “the substitute for what first world men have lost in the emancipation o f first
world women: traditional, family-oriented, feminine (read: non-feminist) wives” (Angeles &
Sunanta 2007, 25). This notion is specifically contextualized by quotation utilized by Del
Vecchio (2007, 185) taken from an online introduction agency, which states:
American women are thought not content to be wives and mothers but instead seek
personal satisfaction through their own careers and interests, while the foreign woman is
happy to be the homemaker and asks for nothing more than [a] husband, home and
family.
When observing “virtual catalogues” one is unable to ignore the gendered and ethnic
stereotypes that are implemented as the predominant mode o f marketing potential brides (Belleau
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2003a, 595; Cunneen & Stubbs 2003, 72; Chan 1988, 33). Representations of women on online
introduction services utilize a diverse range o f images, some which are very subtle and friendly,
whereas others are overtly sexual and explicit (Brinig 2001, 321). Both Chun (1996, 1162) and
Brookes (2007, 22) describe introduction sites to advertise women similarly to a department
store’s listing o f merchandise, so that “men can pick them out by the color and size they desire,
as if they were choosing a shirt to buy” (Basa 2005, 228). Regardless of the nature o f the
advertisement, Belleau (2003b, 596), Cunneen & Stubbs (2003, 75), Basu (2005, 226), Angeles
& Sunanta (2007, 21), Brookes (2007, 16), Del Vecchio (2007, 186), and Samarasinghe (2009,
168) all argue that online introduction agencies perpetuate gender based exploitation by
commodifying women based on their gender identities, as well as propagate unequal power
relations on the basis of “race”, ethnicity, and class. In emphasizing the exotic background of
women, their sexual availability, and the poverty o f their countries o f origin, introduction
agencies construct stereotypical identities which function to legitimize oppressive practices and
authorize domination and control.
The branding of online introduction agencies easily corroborate this statement, as most
popular websites names feature physical, ethnic, and/or sexist descriptors11. The use of
generalizations based on ethnicity and nationality within advertisements perpetuates the
mystique of fantasy and desires for ‘otherness’ (Chun 1996, 1180). Cunneen & Stubbs (2003,
73) discuss how radicalized and gendered

representations are used to structure male desire

within advertisements of potential brides in stating that: “the body is a site o f shifting historical
and cultural inscriptions of power and knowledge, and the bodies of Asian women are inscribed
with characteristics which position them within a particular post-colonial context.” Following
11 For more information, please see: http://www.anastasiadate.com; http://www.elenasmodels.com;
http://www.russian cupid.com; http://www.goodwife.com; http://www.cherryblossoms.com; http:// www.thai-theknot.com

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from this notion, Brookes (2007, 16) claims that advertisements o f potential brides reflect an
imperialistic paradigm in which the exotic female ‘other’ can be colonized by the patriarchal
male gaze (Cabrera 2007, 54; Chan 1988, 34). Scholars also identify “American military sexual
colonialism” (Chun 1996, 1179) due to the interweaving o f colonial and military domination
with sexual domination during overseas service, as well as sex tourism, and the adult
entertainment industry as an underlying reason for the overtly sexualized perception of Asian
women (Chan 1988, 34; Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 10; Cunneen & Stubbs 2008, 101).
Furthermore, Brookes (2007, 18) points to sexist constructions o f women as passive, fragile,
submissive, and docile beings as a functional rationale for the fulfillment o f historical tropes
which suggest that women need to be rescued (Cunneen & Stubbs 2003, 74). Yet, Chun (1996,
1186) identifies that women who choose to advertise themselves for marriage are generally those
whom are seeking control over their life and have decided to express their agency in new and
different ways. Although the majority o f literature identifies potential brides as disempowered
second class citizens, Brookes (2007, 22) suggests that a good proportion women who advertise
themselves for marriage are “between the ages of 21-45, usually college educated, fluent in a
foreign language with limited English, and [have] no dependents” (Kabeer 2007, 40).
Similarly to men who seek a specific type o f bride based upon assumed gender
constructions, some women pursue marriage migration based on ideologies o f social mobility,
masculinity, and enhanced quality o f life in western countries (Belleau 2003b, 595; Mix & Piper
2003, 56; Constable 2005, 2; Lauser 2008, 102; Del Rosario 2005, 255; Cabrera 2007, 54; Del
Vecchio 2007, 189). Brookes (2007, 16) describes how powerful and coercive images o f western
countries perpetuated by newspapers, magazines, and film to idyllically exemplify the first world
countries as the highest embodiment health, wealth, and prosperity, as well as superior centres of

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learning and civilization (Kabeer 2007, 36; Del Rosario 2005, 260). Belleau (2003b, 596), Del
Rossario (2005, 262), Del Vecchio (2007, 189), and Kabeer (2007, 40) corroborate this notion by
affirming that potential brides can be motivated by gendered imaginings of foreign men, with the
ideal archetype consisting of: “the Hollywood star variety: a good, respectful, faithful, and loving
husband” (Chun 1996, 1175). Del Rosario (2005, 263) comments that marriage migration is
often an inevitable, if the not preferred method of seeking a partner for women who have
postponed early marriage in favour o f a career, given that their education and professional status
may detract from their desirability in local marriage markets. Subsequently, the opportunity for
foreign brides to explore other cultures and experiences, sometimes referred to as the “bright
lights theory”, serves as a primary impetus to seek a relationship through international
introduction services (Del Rosario 2005, 255; Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 6).
In contrast to the depiction o f foreign brides as vulnerable victims o f the exploitative
marriage migration industry, scholarly literature also identifies the portrayal of brides as
predatory manipulators (Cunneen & Stubbs 2003, 74; Constable 2007, 253). Characterizations of
this stereotype suggest that foreign brides are sexually promiscuous, self-seeking, ‘gold-diggers’
who only marry western men in order to immigrate and secure citizenship in a new country
(Cunneen & Stubbs 2003, 84; Kelly 2001, 182). Furthermore, by constructing men as the victim
in this marriage migration scenario, Cunneen & Stubbs (2003, 84) assert that popular media
portrays foreign brides “at best, as complicit in the violence against them or, at worst, the cause
of the violence.”
The alleged inferiority of men in the perspective bride’s country o f origin is also
indicated as an underlying motivation for participation in the marriage migration industry
(Cunneen & Stubbs 2003, 82; Del Rosario 2005, 261). This attraction may be linked to the
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perceived modem qualities and perspectives o f western men, as well as to their power and
appearance (Constable 2005, 7) but can also be attributed to “harsh domestic realties that
cultivate high rates of alcoholism and condone domestic violence” in third world countries (Del
Vecchio 2007, 189). Moreover, in marrying a western man a bride can achieve significant
upward mobility, as Del Rosario (2005, 261) explains that:
Marriage to a white man, particularly an American man, is considered an ‘improvement’
over marrying a local, regardless o f his social class affiliation. Of course, a rise in status
is ‘doubled’ if the white man is also known to be wealthy [...] marriage to a white ‘man
of letters’ (doctor/lawyer/professor/novelist/engineer/etc.) would immediately quadruple
the migrant Filipina bride’s social status.
Further cultural reproductions of first world countries include the notion that Westerners are
“socially and genetically” superior (Del Rosario 2005, 261). In marrying a Caucasian man,
potential brides may consider the notion that that “mixed offspring [are] physically more
attractive, carrying on the best features o f both parents”, as well as being linguistically and
culturally diverse, and thus more modem and cosmopolitan (Del Rosario 2005, 261).
Discourses regarding the influence o f cultural reproductions as impetuses for marriage
migrations are attributed by Constable (2007, 253) to often be based on sensationalized media
images “of a failed or abusive relationships that may have caught the eye o f activists and popular
media”, and further, serve to perpetuate the simplistic labeling o f foreign brides as “either
innocent victims of trafficking or as hyper-agents who are desperate to come to the West”
(Constable 2007, 253). However, the influence o f gender ideologies, and essentialized notions of
ethnicity can be understood to construct contradictory and unrealistic expectations within the
marriage, given the underlying paradox of a man seeking a traditional wife, who is searching for
a modem husband which may form the basis for divorce, violence, and abuse (Chun 1996, 1776;
Tolentino 1996, 51; Langevin & Belleau 2000, 85-89; Philippine Women Center o f BC 2000, 5;

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Kojima 2001, 200; Pehar 2003, 171; Robinson 2007, 484; Lauser 2008, 86; Cabrera 2007, 55;
Del Vecchio 2007, 189; Lauser 2008, 88;).
A bride’s potential ability to acquire greater stability for themselves and their families is
an additional gendered and/ or cultural aspect motivating the creation o f marriage migration
relationships (Belleau 2003b, 95; Constable 2003b, 167; Lauser 2008, 102; Chun 1996, 1171).
Belleau (2003b, 95) suggests systemic sexism within Third World counties to be primarily based
on the notion that “women are considered to have less value than men’’; therefore, because “boys
remain the hope of the family” (Belleau 2003b, 604), girls are marginalized by cultural and legal
customs that deprive them of equitable access to education, employment, credit opportunities,
inheritance, and property rights (Del Rosario 2005, 255; Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 8). Given that
women generally occupy marginal positions within the family, community, and society as a
whole, Angeles & Sunanta (2007, 7) describe that migration enables the possibility to contest
their disempowered standing and identity, in addition to securing greater financial stability for
themselves and their families (Belleau 2003b, 606; Del Rosario 2005, 266). Given this treatment
of women as “second class citizens”, Belleau (2003a, 95) illustrates how the marriage migration
industry takes advantage of their social, cultural, and economic marginalization by “painting an
enticing picture o f a better future in the First World”. Chun (1996, 1160) corroborates this notion
by identifying that bridal agencies use newspaper and magazine advertisements to recruit women
from economically disempowered countries in order to capitalize upon their poverty and
vulnerable status (Del Vecchio 2007, 186). Thus, because the ability to flourish in their country
of origin is constrained by both structural and social barriers, women are motivated to engage in
this process in order to seek stability, opportunity, and new experiences (Langevin & Belleau
2000, 105; Pessar & Mahler 2003, 819; Chun 1996, 1170-71).

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The economic contribution of foreign brides is further discussed by Kojima (2001, 204205), who suggests that foreign brides occupy the position o f “migrant reproductive workers”,
due to the fact that they “fill a gap” in the domestic sphere produced by western “women’s
resistance” to traditional roles; thereby creating the process of marriage migration as “an
instrument of economic activity [because] their remittances are regarded as a new form of capital
accumulation”. By financially supporting her family through the transnational exchange of
remittances, Lauser (2008, 102) describes the marriage migration process as form of
“bargaining]” that the woman must negotiate, as she is required to weigh the cost between the
interchange o f “monetary value and the moral and emotional value associated with their multiple
roles....[in an] unpaid labour o f love”. Additionally, by sending remittances home to their family,
migrant women are not only financially supporting their relatives, but can potentially can also
gain increased status and power for themselves and their family through this exchange (Pessar &
Mahler 2003, 822).
In negotiating social and economic constraints through the pursuit o f the marriage
migration industry, some women are instead lured, coerced, or forced into the commercial sex
sector (Samarasinghe 2009, 170). Arguments surrounding marriage migrations connection to the
sex industry and human trafficking are contested within academic literature; while some scholars
argue that the international marriage market has become a conduit for trafficking for the purpose
o f sex work (Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 10; Samarasinghe 2009, 169), others assert that marriage
migration is just a mainstream form of trafficking, as women’s bodies are perceived as
commodities which can be bought and sold on introduction websites (Belleau 2003b, 596; Basu
2005, 226; Brookes 2007, 16; Del Vecchio 2007, 186; Samarasinghe 2009, 168; Cunneen &
Stubbs 2003, 75). Regardless of which argument scholars choose to support, the potential

71

connection to violence, enslavement, and exploitation is never negated. Given that introduction
agencies facilitate increased accessibility to women, transnational crime networks have begun to
utilize these services as fronts for their trafficking operations (Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 10).
Angeles & Sunanta (2007, 10) state that approximately 500, 000 women are misled, coerced, or
abducted by traffickers in Western European countries every year, yet due to the clandestine
nature o f trafficking, the frequency o f trade cannot be formally tracked (Samarasinghe 2009,
167).
In discussing why national policies against human trafficking are purposefully ineffective
Samarasinghe (2009, 167) sheds light on structural inequalities that similarly frame the marriage
migration industry (Cunneen & Stubbs 2008, 100). Given that development policies of third
world countries are primarily focused on increasing foreign exchange earnings and facilitating
debt repayment, national policies, in conjunction with underlying social and cultural norms, can
foster female migration and exploitation for the purpose o f foreign exchange and revenue
(Samarasinghe 2009, 167; Belleau 2003b, 606; Cunneen & Stubbs 2008, 100). Cunneen &
Stubbs (2008, 100) assert that structural adjustment policies and the deregulation of trade to
have further marginalized the position of women by reinforcing “an international order in which
women from developing countries are themselves ‘traded’ as workers, or wives”. As such,
policies concerning the migration o f female workers for domestic care or reproductive labour
tend to support the interests of the nation rather than the citizen (Cunneen & Stubbs 2008, 100).
Heng (1997, 32) succinctly corroborates this notion in stating that: “the state, at its most benign,
is a fiscal beneficiary of the exploitation o f women, and at its least benign, an active agent
structuring the exploitation itself.” Thus, in ‘selling’ their care as unpaid housewives and
domestic partners, foreign brides from are considered ‘heroines’ third world economies (Chun

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1996, 1172).
4.4 Marriage Migration in Canada: Sponsorship, Dependency, and Vulnerability
The migration o f foreign brides to Canada falls within the family class category of
Canadian sponsorship policy, which specifies that any Canadian citizen or permanent resident of
Canada is able to apply to sponsor a spouse, common law partner, conjugal partner, dependent
child, and/or other eligible relatives to become permanent residents (CIC 2007). Within the
application process, potential sponsors and their spouse must both consent to a sponsorship
agreement, which stipulates that the sponsor be accountable for the sponsored spouse’s needs for
a minimum of three years (CIC 2007). During this term, the sponsored spouse is restricted from
accessing all government sponsored financial or social assistance programs and all forms of
health services, unless privately billed to the sponsor or the bride is able to prove abuse or
neglect in the marital relationship (Cote et al., 2001, 1-3; Smith 2006, 2; Merali 2009, 2). By
eliminating access to these essential services, through the privatization of the sponsor person’s
basic needs, scholars argue that a “legal bondage of dependency is created” (Smith 2006, 2; Del
Vecchio 2007, 1940).
Langevin & Belleau (2000), Rossiter (2005, 501), and Cote et al., (2001, 1-3) identify the
spousal sponsorship process to engender or intensify notions o f dependency within the marital
relationship, which can result in an inequitable power balance, exploitation, and abuse. By
undermining the sponsored spouse’s power and agency in the relationship, the spousal
sponsorship agreement creates opportunities for immigration abuse, such as the concealment or
non-filing o f immigration papers, threats of deportation, and perceptions o f “sponsorship debt”
(Smith 2006, 6; Merali 2008, 282; Merali 2009, 3). Merali (2009, 3) defines “sponsorship debt”
as the behaviour pattern where the sponsor and/or their family emphasize that the sponsored

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spouse is indebted to them for facilitating their immigration, and thus the must repay this debt by
satisfying certain demands or risk being deported. Typically, demands to include “certain
household chores, giving up earned income to the sponsor or his family, not interacting with
anybody outside o f the family or cultural community, and tolerating various forms o f abuse”
(Merali 2009, 3). Sadly, Merali (2009, 3) notes that sponsored persons generally perceive
“sponsorship debt” as something that they are unable to repay and unable to confront or escape
the exploitation.
During the process of migration, one is required to leave behind their established
familiarities and culture, as well as the socioeconomic systems o f their home country and
transition into a complete different environment (Abraham 2000, 221). As such, the process of
migration can profoundly affect sense of being, way of life, and connections to understanding,
given that individual conceptualizations o f place and identity are understood to be positioned
within specific localities and/or shared consciousness (Massey 1994, 7; Stedman 2002, 563);
thus, the dislocation from frameworks of reference can be difficult, distressing, and
tremendously transformative for new migrants (Silvey 2004, 498; Sengun 2001, 70; Walsh et al.,
2008, 372). Regardless of the purpose o f migration, scholars acknowledge the uncertainty and
potential vulnerability associated with the experience of migration; however, research on the
settlement and integration o f female migrants, especially those who migrate as sponsored
spouses, indentifies strong connections between the spousal sponsorship process and new
migrant vulnerability, social isolation, and domestic violence (Chun 1996, 1185; Del Vecchio
2007, 194).
Unlike the historical migration of ‘picture brides’ to vibrant immigrant communities to
meet a spouse o f similar ethnicity, contemporary foreign brides generally migrate to marry
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spouses from a different “race”, culture, and customs, in addition to being involved in a
relationship that was potentially created on economic, racial, gender, sexual, and cultural
stereotypes (Chun 1996, 1185; Del Vecchio 2007, 194). Without the familial and the cultural
supports generally available in one’s home country, Abraham (2000, 222) identifies that new
female immigrants struggle to obtain the existence, or continuance, o f satisfactory social
engagement and interaction, which can result in social isolation and a deep sense o f loneliness
(Chun 1996, 1183). Furthermore, given that the bride may not be proficient in either o f Canada’s
official languages, her vulnerability is substantially increased, as she may lack awareness
regarding her rights, status as a sponsored person, or any methods to access assistance (Cote et
al., 2001, 3; Smith 2006, 6; Merali 2009, 3-4; Del Vecchio 2007, 189). By imposing both
linguistic and cultural barriers, the power differential created by the marriage migration process
forces the bride to occupy a position where she is economically, socially, and psychologically
dependent on her new spouse (Del Vecchio 2007, 194).
4.5 Conclusion
The preceding literature review on marriage migration was intended to establish a
contextual framework o f understanding for the diverse and complex realities of individuals
involved in the marriage migration process. In taking into account the breadth o f individual,
familial, and structural motivations that form the basis for the marriage migration industry, one
can recognize how deeply embedded the process is within global economic disparities, sexist
ideologies, colonialism, and globalization (Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 24). Yet, Constable (2003,
177) urges researchers o f the marriage migration practice to utilize an even broader perspective
when examining process by stating that:

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Such marriages, [...] should not be read as simple unidirectional movement from East to
West (or South to North) oppressed to liberated, traditional to modem, local to global,
[...] such dichotomies obscure more complex and intertwined circuitries. [...] Rather,
[marriage migration] involves new subjectivities, new forms of power, new oppressions,
and also new possibilities.
Moreover, Piper and Roces (2003, 8-9) and Constable (2003b, 30) assert that foreign
brides should be regarded as exercising agency, given that demonstrate degrees of “power,
creativity, and imagination” while choosing to marry, migrate, obtain certain lifestyles, and
expand their opportunities (Angeles & Sunanta 2007, 4). Constable (2003b, 30) states:
To say that women express agency- they make choices and negotiate their situations- is
not to romanticize or ignore the structural and ideological factors that constrain their
choices [...] I argue that women involved in correspondence relationships are not merely
pawns of global political economy or the victims o f sexual imperialism [...] I aim to
convey some of the complex and subtle ways in which personal experiences and life
trajectories articulate with historical factors, political economy, and global imaginaries to
produce (and sometimes deter) relationships.
Furthermore, Piper and Roces (2003, 8-9) assert that because there is no universal interpretation
of agency across cultures, that individual experiences need to be contextualized and specifically
linked to place and location in order to uncover “to what extent [foreign brides] are victims and
agents”. I agree with the aforementioned argument made by Constable (2003b & 2005) and Piper
and Roces (2003) that foreign brides should be perceived as active agents in the marriage
migration relationship, while similarly acknowledging the need to understand how individual
agency is shaped by “gendered geographies o f power” (Mahler & Pessar 2001, 447). In light of
these arguments, I aim to resist a homogenizing gaze by highlighting power, voice, agency, and
representation to argue that research on the topic of marriage migration should more inclusively
address the diverse needs and interests of foreign brides, as well as the social and cultural groups
they come from, in order to understand their individual and particular experiences o f marriage
migration (Constable 2003b, 27-29).

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Chapter 5 : Contextualizing Arrival, Settlement, and Integration in Northern BC: An
Exploration of Social, Cultural, and Political Landscapes
Our human landscape is our unwitting autobiography, reflecting our tastes, our
values, our aspirations, and even our fears, in tangible, visible form. We rarely
think o f the landscape that way and so the cultural record we have “written” in the
landscape is liable to be more truthful than most autobiographies because we are
less self-conscious about how we describe ourselves [...] All of our cultural warts
and blemishes are there, and our glories too; but overall, our day-to-day qualities
are exhibited for anyone who wants to find them and knows how to look for them.
(Lewis 1979, 1)
5.1 Introduction
Culture is the product o f particular discourses, accumulated through experience and
embedded within the landscape, which serve to produce individual and collective identities (Platt
1996, 112). As noted by Lewis (1979, 1) cultural landscapes contain information about shared
understandings of the world, as well as notions o f place and the people which created them
(Layton & Ucko 1999, 2; Smith 2005, 189). In exploring the sedimented composition o f a
cultural landscape, one is able to appreciate the complex, multi-scaled connections which link an
individual’s experiences and perceptions to their ontological and epistemological understandings
(Smith 2005, 189).
Using historical review as a cognitive map o f “the kind o f people we are, and were, and
are in process of becoming” (Lewis 1979, 3), one is able to tease out locational particularities in
order to ‘read’ and understand the successive development o f a cultural landscape (Downs &
Stea 1977, 6). As such, the intent of this chapter is to situate the context for foreign brides’
experiences within social, cultural, and political landscapes in resource dependent communities
within northern BC, by exploring the interwoven connections between the province’s distinct
topography, economic development, patterns of immigration and settlement, and immigration
policy.

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In order to accurately address these objectives, this chapter is divided into two sections:
historical context and contemporary landscapes. Beginning with a brief overview of
physiographic characteristics to set the scene, section one focuses on exploring how immigrant
arrival and settlement within BC has been shaped by the development of the resource economy,
as well as by the evolution of Canadian immigration policy. To contextualize the contemporary
landscape, the second section begins with an overview o f current immigration policy in relation
to the study topic, as well as offers community profiles on each o f the study locations (Prince
George, Fort St. John, and Dawson Creek). By structuring the chapter in this manner, I am able
to highlight the distinct locational characteristics which influence the negotiation o f place and
identity o f foreign brides residing in northern BC, as well as highlight how the evolution of
Canadian immigration policy has created increased opportunities for vulnerability, dependency,
and abuse within marriage migration relationships.
Section One: Historical Context
5.2 BC’s Physical Geography
British Columbia is the third largest and the westernmost province in Canada. Extending
nearly 944,725 square kilometers (km), BC stretches 1,200 km north to south and 1,050 km east
to west at its widest point (Tourism BC 2011a; Welcome BC 2011). Located adjacent to the
Pacific Ocean, BC is bordered by the province o f Alberta to the east, by the Yukon, Northwest
Territories, and Alaska to the north, and by the American states of Washington, Idaho, and
Montana to the south.

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n o rth w e s t te r r ito r ie s

-o

F o rt S t.

S m lth e rs

F o rt S t

Figure 5.1: Map of Northern British Columbia
Map by: Alexander Martin, 2009, in Nolin et al., 2011

BC has the most varied physical geography o f any province in Canada (Barman 1991, 4),
as a result of the province’s four distinct physiographic regions: the Coast Mountain Range on
the western border of the province; Rocky and Columbia mountain ranges in the east; grasslands
and forest of the Stikine and interior plateau within the central area of the province; and the
Great Interior Plains located in the north-east tip of the province (Tourism BC 201 lb). As such,
BC’s topography is comprised o f rugged mountains, diverse flora and fauna, alluvial valleys,
dense forest cover, and extensive coastline, islands, inlets, bays, river systems, and steams
(Welcome BC 2011; Church & Ryder 2011, 17).
5.3 Introduction to Historical Context
The composition o f BC’s topography enables a rich endowment of natural resources. As
such, both historically and contemporarily the province’s growth and prosperity can be attributed
to natural resource extraction opportunities; however, this diverse landscape has also distinctly
shaped the province’s settlement patterns and transportation corridors (Barman 1991, 4). While
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the scope o f this thesis does not permit an in-depth review of historical settlement patterns, it is
important to note that resource extraction opportunities served as the primary motivation for the
exploration and development of the province, beginning with the arrival o f the first peoples in
through to the subsequent waves of immigration catalyzed by the fur trade, gold discovery, and
railway expansion. Resuming the historical narrative post World War II (WW II), the following
sections utilize a historical lens to highlight how resource extraction opportunities have
influenced the contemporary development o f the province, and in conjunction with Canadian
immigration policy, create the framework for the successive development o f BC’s cultural
landscape and current immigrant arrival and settlement.
5.3.1 Post W W II: 1946-1966
In the two decades following the Great Depression, BC experienced a ‘long boom’ as the
return of soldiers increased demand for natural resources and facilitated the rapid growth of
agriculture, mining, forestry, and fishing throughout the province (Rutherdale 1994, 109-11;
Hanlon & Halseth 2005, 2). Concurrently, the strength o f the resource economy enabled the
development of new resource industries, manufacturing opportunities, and infrastructure growth
(McGillivray 2000, 219). During this period, BC’s major developments occurred in the northern
region of the province and included the construction o f the W.A.C Bennett Hydroelectric project,
discovery of significant oil and gas reserves, the construction o f the Alaska Highway, the
connection of the Pacific Great Eastern Railway, and the construction o f numerous Pulp and
Paper mills (City of Prince George, 2013; McGillivray 200, 15; Tourism Prince George 2008,
27; The Exploration Place, 2013; Tourism Dawson Creek 2009, 27; Hello North 2009, 30; Fort
St. John & District Chamber o f Commerce 2008, 40). Considered by some as the second opening
up of BC’s resource frontier, the scale and scope of these developments served as a major
attraction to single males seeking employment and economic opportunities (Rutherdale 1994,
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114-16).
Immigration policy following WWII was dominated by the Canadian Government’s
analogous objectives: the stimulation o f population growth and the strengthening of the economy
(Ongley & Pearson 1995, 770; Green & Green 1999, 430). As such, the revised Immigration Act
targeted immigrants from ‘preferred’ countries with particular occupations and skills sets in
efforts to counteract labour shortages, fill skill gaps, expand domestic markets, and increase the
standard o f living through the creation o f economies o f scale (Parai 1975, 455-60; Kelley &
Trebilcock 1998, 311; Green & Green 1999, 427-30). While this recruitment structure did attract
‘preferred’ immigrants, the ambiguous nature o f the selection process and frequency of
immigration did not satisfy the government’s economic objectives, and thus required revisions to
the selection criteria (Ongley & Pearson 1995, 767-70; Green & Green 1999, 430). Also during
this time, the Canadian Government introduced the sponsorship of family members and relatives,
in hopes that family reunification would promote population growth (Green & Green 1999, 430;
Parai 1975, 454; Kelley & Trebilcock 1998, 323; Green & Green 1999, 430). While immigration
polices continued to favor particular ethnic groups and discriminate against others, revisions to
the Act began to reflect the progress made by the United Nations’ Declaration o f Human Rights.
Accordingly, revisions to the Act included the repeal of the Chinese Head Tax, the removal of
restrictive passage laws governing Sikh immigration, and restoration of the ability to vote and
live within the coastline boundary for Japanese peoples (Ward 1978, 165; Roy 1989, 266;
Strong-Boag 1996, 278; McGillivray 2000, 90).
5.3.2 1967-1974
Nearly 100 years after the introduction of Canadian Immigration policy, the Act was
significantly revised in 1967 in order to adapt to contemporary demands (Green & Green 1999,

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43 l).This iteration saw the prescription o f three specific immigration categories: independents
and/or economic class, the family class, and the refugee class (Parai 1975, 459; Green & Green
1999, 432; Li 2003, 24). Moreover, this Act introduced a stringent points system which assessed
prospective immigrants on the basis of age, language, education, employment opportunities, and
financial ability (Parai 1975, 456; Ongley & Pearson 1995, 771; Kelley & Trebilcock 1998, 351;
Green & Green 1999, 431; Li 2003, 23; Waters & Teo 2003, 3). With clear objectives and
immigration targets, Canada experienced an influx of ethnically diverse immigrants, many
choosing to settle in BC as the result o f existing kinship ties and strong economic opportunities
(McGillivray 2000, 90; Waters & Teo 2003, 3). Although the southern BC remained the
predominant place of settlement for new immigrants, the strong economy in the northern region
enticed many new immigrants to settle in smaller resource communities (Strong-Boag 1996, 280;
McGillivray 2000, 219; Walton-Roberts 2004, 3; Hyndman et al., 2006, 3).
5.3.3 1974-1985
Tumultuous global market conditions in the late 1970’s and early 1980’s greatly affected
the growth and prosperity o f BC, given that province was completely dependent on the resource
economy for its success to date. As such, this period marked the end of the ‘long boom’ and the
resurgence o f inflation, limited growth, and high unemployment throughout the province (Green
& Green 1995, 1013; Kelley & Trebilcock 1998, 382; Green & Green 1999, 432). Resource
dependent communities throughout BC struggled to cope with the need for economic
restructuring and diversification, and many small communities were forced to shut down during
this difficult economic time (Markey et al., 2008,215; Hanlon & Halseth 2005, 3).
With nation preservation again their key focus, the Canadian Government curtailed
immigration target levels between 1974 and 1978 (Green & Green 1999, 432). Due to high

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unemployment levels throughout the country, the Immigration Act was again revised in 1978 in
attempts fill skilled labor gaps and combat skill saturation, by emphasizing practical training and
work experience (Green & Green 1995, 1014; Green & Green 1999, 432). Moreover, this Act
implemented a target number for refugee immigration instead o f only allowing refugee entry
during times international crisis (Green & Green 1995, 1014-1015; Ongley & Pearson, 1995,
771; Knowles 1997, 169; Green & Green 1999, 432; Li 2003, 26).
5.3.4 1986-1993
During the mid-1980’s, the Canadian Government recognized two alarming trends
throughout the country: the rapid growth of an aging population and the reduction o f fertility
rates to below replacement levels (Green & Green 1999, 434; Bourne & Rose 2001, 109; Ley &
Hiebert 2001, 121). Understanding that immigration was the only solution to this demographic
challenge, the Canadian Government increased immigration rates, despite difficult economic
times, in order to stimulate population growth and restructure Canada’s demographic profile
(Ley 2003, 426; Heibert 2006, 40; Reimer 2007, 3). Amendments to the Immigration Act during
this time emphasized the recruitment and retention o f highly qualified business professionals,
technical workers, entrepreneurs, and transnational investment through the creation of three
business categories: investors, entrepreneurs, and self-employed workers (Green & Green 1999,
434; Ley & Heibert 2001, 122; Waters & Teo 2003, 4; Hou & Bourne 2006, 1513). Although
these changes did not immediately remedy issues surrounding Canada’s greying population,
increasing immigration did serve as an effective solution for managing market and labor
requirements (Green & Green 1999, 434; Ley 2003, 426- 428).
By the end o f the 1980’s, new patterns o f immigrant settlement were apparent in BC due
to the settlement o f wealthy business migrants and professionals (Waters 2002, 119). While

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investment by these immigrants helped to grow secondary and tertiary industries in southern BC,
and in turn, reinforce growth and urbanization, the northern region o f the province continued to
suffer economically as a result of economic restructuring and the stagnation o f the resource
economy (Berman 1991, 334; Walton-Roberts & Heibert 1997, 117; Knowles 1997, 171;
Markey et al., 2008, 215; Hanlon & Halseth 2005, 3).
5.3.5 1994- 2001
During the final years of the twentieth century, revisions to the Immigration Act
continued to reflect Canada’s long term economic objectives and population growth strategies
(Kelley & Trebilcock 1998, 386-387; Ley & Hiebert 2001, 120; Green & Green 2004, 127;
Hiebert 2006, 40). Specific modifications included the introduction o f immigration target rates as
a percentage of the Canadian population per annum (1%), the introduction of an improved
refugee management plan, and equalization of admittance rates for immigrants from economic
and family classes (Kelley & Trebilcock 1998, 386; Green & Green 2004, 127).
In moving away from the “tap on/ tap o ff’ approach (Green & Green 1999, 432), and
instead utilizing immigration as a planning tool to achieve the long-term strategies of the
country, the Federal Government demonstrated their understanding of how powerful and
influential immigration is to the nation’s prosperity (Ley & Hiebert 2001, 120; Hiebert 2006, 40;
Green & Green 2004, 128). As such, Canada experienced its highest level o f immigration
between 1991 and 2000, creating Canada as one of the largest immigrant receiving and
multicultural countries in the world (Hou & Bourne 2006, 1506).

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Section 2: Contemporary Landscapes
5.4. Introduction to Contemporary Landscapes
As demonstrated by the physiographic overview and historical summary provided in
Section One, distinct connections can be drawn between the development o f the natural resource
economy and the province’s immigration and settlement patterns. As such, the following section
will expand upon the previous summary by exploring the contemporary cultural landscape
through: 1) the discussion of BC’s current immigration patterns within BC’s core-periphery
population distribution; 2) the provision o f community profiles for the three study locations; and
3) the review o f connections between the development of immigration policy and contemporary
immigration concerns, such as marriage migration.
5.4.1 Situating Contemporary Immigration; BC’s Struggle to “Share the Wealth”
The steady settlement and integration o f immigrant peoples over the last 160 years has
resulted in BC’s diverse population. Presently, BC’s total population is estimated at 4,573,321
persons and nearly all of the province’s population growth (totaling nearly 1% in 2011) can be
attributed to immigration (BC Statistics 2011).
Due to its unique geography, BC has been endowed with an abundance o f natural
resources which have both catalyzed and constrained the province’s development. As such,
settlement patterns reflect BC’s history of uneven growth and change, resulting in the core
concentration o f the population in the southern region o f the province (90%) and only a marginal
percentage in the northern region (10%) (Markey et al., 2006, 21; Welcome BC 2008).
The high population density in the southern region of the province can be attributed to the
strong economy focused within secondary, tertiary, and quaternary sectors, the desirable climate,
and the availability o f social and cultural opportunities (Bourne & Rose 2001, 110; Ley &

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Hiebert 2001, 121; Hou & Picot 2004, 8; McDonald 2004, 86; Walton Roberts 2004, 3; Hou &
Bourne 2006, 1506; Hyndman et al., 2006, 3). Accordingly, the lower mainland’s largest city,
Vancouver, has become the second most popular immigrant receiving city in Canada attracting
nearly 90% o f all immigrant settlement in BC (Henin & Bennett 2002, 3; McDonald 2004, 86;
Hou & Picot 2004, 8; Hou & Borne 2006, 1506; Radford 2007, 47; Nolin et al., 2009, 4).
In contrast, the northern region o f the province is recognized to have a smaller population
base given that the climate and rugged terrain pose barriers to mobility and development, as well
as limit access to services and cultural networks (Rose & Desmarais 2007, 56; Reimer 2007, 5;
Nolin & McCallum 2007, 147; Nolin et al., 2009, 4). Due to these constraints, northern, rural and
remote communities struggle to recruit and retain new migrants (Bourne & Rose 2001, 111;
Walton-Roberts 2004, 26), and as such, only 1% of the region’s total population is comprised of
immigrant peoples (Welcome BC 2008, 4).
From these statistics, one is able to understand that immigrants, similarly to Canadian
bom residents, prefer to settle in urban settings because these areas provide a sense of
familiarity, security, and belonging which helps to ease the adjustment into social and economic
opportunities (Bourne & Rose 2001, 110; Waters & Teo 2003, 14; McDonald 2004, 87; WaltonRoberts 2004, 24; Reimer 2007, 3). By settling within rural areas, such as the resource dependent
communities in northern BC, immigrants may experience difficulty locating kinship networks,
obtaining employment, or accessing language settlement and language programs (Bourne &
Rose 2001, 110; Hou & Picot 2004, 8; Waters & Teo 2003, 14; McDonald 2004, 87; Sherrell et
al., 2005, 82; Hyndman et al., 2006, 19). As a result, many new immigrants choose to relocate to
urban centres after initially attempting settlement in rural areas (Reimer 2007, 3).

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While settlement within urban centers enables a more effective successful settlement and
integration experience for newcomers (Bourne & Rose 2001, 110; Hou & Picot 2004, 8; Waters
& Teo 2003, 14), Federal and Provincial Governments have expressed concern about the
negative externalities associated with this pattern (Sherrell et al., 2005, 82; Hyndman et al., 2006,
19). For instance, the disproportionate settlement of immigrants in urban centres places increased
strain on the absorptive capacity o f infrastructure, transportation corridors, affordable housing,
social programs, and health services (Ley & Hiebert 2001, 121; McDonald 2004, 86; Hou &
Picot 2005, 13; Rose & Desmarais 2007, 55). Thus, the Federal Government has promoted
regionalization in order to counteract the strain urban areas withstand in supporting large
immigrant populations, and conversely, the struggle rural areas endure in trying to recruit and
retain immigrant peoples (Sherrell et al., 2005, 76). Rural Secretariat Marilyn Read corroborates
the effectiveness of regionalization when she discusses how increased immigration can influence
growth and change in rural communities, she states:
Just a few immigrants...can make a large difference to rural communities [...]
Immigrants and other new residents can mean increases in local tax revenues, an increase
in the retail sales base, and an additional source o f skills and labour, entrepreneurs,
leaders, volunteers and other engaged community members. In a global world,
immigrants can also bring the advantages of economic, social and cultural diversity and
innovation (Quoted in Rose & Desmarais 2007, 55).
From these statements, one is able to see the correlations between regionalization and increased
economic development, population growth, and the ability to attract more services (Rose &
Desmarais 2007, 54; Walton-Roberts 2004, 3; Sherrell et al., 2005, 77). However, the Federal
Government’s strategy to “shar[e] the burden, [and] sprea[d] the wealth” (Sherrell et al., 2005,
76) has been repeatedly undermined by the continual curtailment of “health, social services,
education, legal and other areas” (Walton-Roberts 2004,25).

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Northern BC is a prime example o f how the government’s limited investment in
infrastructure and service delivery negatively affects the region’s ability to successfully recruit
and retain immigrants. Furthermore, funding cutbacks have strained existing infrastructure and
have weakened resource dependent communities ability to play “little if any active role in
immigrant recruitment” (Walton-Roberts 2004, 24), or to provide effective integration assistance
(Bourne & Rose 2001, 110; Reimer 2007, 3). As such, northern BC is understood as a
challenging landscape for immigrant arrival, settlement, and integration.
5.5 Community Profiles
5.5.1 Prince George
Prince George is commonly called “BC’s Northern Capital” given that it is the largest
city within northern BC and is renowned for its industrial economy, transportation corridors, as
well as being an up-and-coming educational centre with an emergent arts and athletics scene
(City o f Prince George, 2013; Tourism PG, 2013). Located between the northern and southern
transition of the Rocky Mountain trench at nearly the geographic center of the province, the City
o f Prince George is situated at the junction of the Nechako and Fraser rivers, at the intersection
o f major Highways 97 and 16, as well as the at the crossing of north/south and east/west railways
Tourism PG, 2013). In addition to offering a natural setting that is rich in leisure and recreational
opportunities, the City o f Prince George also offers amenities common to larger centers (City of
Prince George 2013; Tourism PG 2013, 8).
5.5.1.1 Economy
The City of Prince George is advantageously located at the junction o f major rivers,
transportation corridors, and rail lines (City of Prince George 2013). As such, the City’s
economy is based on optimizing its natural endowments, and centres around the forest industry,
the supply and transportation of goods and services, and other resource extraction opportunities
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such as mining, oil and gas (Lantz 2013, 15; City o f Prince George 2013; Initiatives Prince
George 2013a, 1). Prince George is renowned for the strength of its forest industry, given that it
is a leading global supplier of pulp and paper and home to fourteen sawmills, bioenergy plants,
and numerous other wood manufacturing and industrial facilities (City of Prince George, 2013;
Initiatives Prince George 2013a, 1). Other industrial activities, such as mining and oil and gas
exploration, also occur in close proximity to Prince George and enable the city to capitalize on
revenue streams generated by these activities (Initiatives Prince George 2013a, 2).
Although the City’s economy is historically and contemporarily rooted within natural
resource extraction, only 8.3% of business activity and 4.3% o f employment within Prince
George can be directly attributed to the primary sector (Lantz 2013, 22; Initiatives Prince George
2013a, 1). Nevertheless, the growing strength o f the primary and secondary sectors over the past
decades have enabled the emergence of tertiary and quaternary sectors with a growing focus on
health care, tourism, education, as well as professional, scientific, and technical services
(Initiatives Prince George 2013a, 1; Lantz 2013, 21-22).
Moreover, the growth o f Prince George’s economy in last ten years has enabled a steady
increase in the City’s employment rate, averaging a 2.4% increase in the last three years
(Initiatives Prince George 2013b, 1). Overall, the City’s ability to maintain a balance between
mral and urban attributes enables Prince George to be recognized as a community with an
affordable quality o f life, above average median incomes ($40,657) (BC Statistics 2012a, 3), and
for having one o f the highest employment rates, both provincially and nationally (Initiatives
Prince George 2013b, 1).

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5.5.1.2 Demography
The City of Prince George is home to a population of 84,232 (within the census area),
which is equivalent to a population density o f 4.8 people per square kilometer (Statistics Canada
2013a). Given that Prince George is centrally located within the province, the City functions as a
service/trade centre for 334,757 residents from surrounding communities (City o f Prince George,
2013). The diverse economic, employment, and educational opportunities offered in Prince
George have facilitated positive growth of the City’s population (0.8% per year) over the last
five years (Initiatives Prince George 2013b, 1) and has enabled greater gender balance, with men
only slightly accounting for the greater proportion o f the population (50.3%) (Statistics Canada
2013a). Women, between the ages o f 30-45 years comprise the largest proportion of the
population (14.32%), followed by men within the same age range (13.82%) (Statistics Canada,
2013a); the median age of the City’s population is 39 and 58% o f the City’s population is
involved in common law relationships or marriages (Statistics Canada 2013a). Notably, Prince
George is home to a robust student population which account for nearly 7% of the City’s
residents (Initiatives Prince George 2013a, 1). However, nearly 26% of Prince George’s adult
population does not have post-secondary education (BC Statistics 2012a, 2).
With regard to language, 89% o f Prince George’s population speaks English as their
mother tongue, and only 1.5% o f residents speak a language other than English or French as their
mother tongue; both o f these rates are distinctly different from the provincial average, which are
71% and 27% respectively (Statistics Canada 2013a). Other dominant languages within Prince
George include (list in order o f frequency) Punjabi, Tagalog, German, Italian, Dutch, Chinese,
and Portuguese (Statistics Canada 2013a).

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In terms o f population by citizenship, only 9.73% o f the City’s residents are immigrants,
a number which has decreased by -2.1%, between 2006 and 2011 (BC Statistics 2012a, 2).
Predominant ethnicities present in Prince George are noted as Canadian, British, Scottish,
French, and German (Statistics Canada, 2011); Immigrants from the United States o f America
(USA), Asia and the Middle East, Northern Europe, and Western Europe are the top source areas
o f immigrants living in Prince George, with only 5% of population noted as visible minorities
(Statistics Canada, 2011).
5.5.2 Fort St. John & Dawson Creek
Fort St. John and Dawson Creek are two of the largest communities in northern BC, and
both are renowned for their rich endowment o f natural resources and vibrant, youthful
populations (Hello North 2009, 29; City o f Dawson Creek, 2012). Located within the northeast
comer of the province, within the Peace River Region, Fort St. John and Dawson Creek are
situated 438 km and 404 km north o f Prince George, and are also positioned near the provincial
and territorial borders of Alberta and Yukon. The City of Dawson Creek serves as the point of
convergence for four major highways and is Mile “0” of the Alaska Highway, whereas Fort St.
John is commonly referred to as the “Energetic City” and is considered the oil and gas capital of
the province (Hello North 2009, 30).
5.5.2.1 Economy
The topography surrounding Fort St. John and Dawson Creek consists o f a mix of
plateaus, river valleys, and expansive prairie terrain given its location adjacent to the border of
two distinct geomorphic regions: the Cordillera and Interior Plains (Fort St. John & District
Chamber o f Commerce 2008, 10; Bone 2002, 26). This landscape thus sustains approximately
1,700 farms, which generate $77 million dollars per year, and encompasses a wide range of
agricultural uses, such as dairy, beef cattle, and bison farming, in addition to organic vegetable
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farms and greenhouse horticulture (Fort St. John& District Chamber of Commerce 2008, 10).
Other land uses within the surrounding area include oil and gas extraction, and forestry (Fort St.
John & District Chamber of Commerce 2008, 10).
Although Fort St. John is home to numerous sawmills and one of the world’s largest OSB
mills, oil and gas extraction dominates the City’s economy (Fort St. John & District Chamber of
Commerce 2008, 10-11). Exploration and production from the oil and gas industry surrounding
the City o f Fort St. John has rapidly increased in the last decade, due to decreased global
availability these resources (Fort St. John & District Chamber of Commerce 2008, 11). As such,
nearly one third of all employment in this area is connected to the oil and gas industry, given that
this region holds one of Canada’s largest natural gas deposits, most of which is still untapped
(Fort St. John & District Chamber o f Commerce 2008, 11; South Peace Economic Development
Commission, 2010). Accordingly, the strength of this industry has enabled growth in other
sectors, such as agriculture, clean energy, forestry, and more recently the service sector (South
Peace Economic Development Commission, 2010; City of Dawson Creek, 2013).
5.5.2.2 Demography
The City of Fort St. John is home to a population o f 18,699 (within the census area),
which has increased by 5.7% since the 2006 Census, and services approximately 62,000 people
from within city limits and the surround communities (Statistics Canada 2012b, 1; Tourism BC
2009, 29). Given the economic climate o f Fort St. John, and by correlation employment
opportunities, a greater proportion o f males than females reside in this area (51%) (Statistics
Canada 2012b, 1). Males, between the ages of 15-30 years comprise the largest proportion of the
population, followed by females aged 15-30 years and male aged 30-45 years (Statistics Canada
2012b, 1).

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The City of Dawson Creek is home to 11,583 residents (within the census area) and has
experienced a 5.4% population increase between 2006 and 2011 (Statistics Canada 2012c). Per
square kilometer, the population density o f Dawson Creek is 475.4 and the city is a service and
supply hub for numerous outlying communities (Statistics Canada 2012c; Dawson Creek, 2011).
Unlike Prince George and Fort St. John, females comprise a slightly higher proportion o f the
population in Dawson Creek (51%), with men and women in the age group o f 20-44 occupying
the largest proportions of the population (Statistics Canada, 2012c; BC Statistics, 2011).
Fort St. John boasts a 4.9% unemployment rate, in addition to a median income of
$30,806, which is slightly higher than the provincial average (BC Statistics 2012b). Mining and
oil and gas, construction, and retail are the primary employment industries within Fort St John,
with the top three occupations concentrated within: 1) Trades, transport, & equipment operators;
2) Sales & service; and 3) Business, finance, & administration (BC Statistics 2012b). In contrast,
the unemployment rate in Dawson Creek is 6.1%, and the median income is $26,856 (BC
Statistics 2012c, 1). Dawson Creek’s diversified service industry employs the largest number of
residents, followed by accommodation and food services, health care and social assistance,
construction, and education (City of Dawson Creek 2011, 8; BC Statistics 2012c, 2).
Predominant ethnic origins in Fort St. John are (in order of concentration) English,
Canadian, Scottish, German, Irish, French, Ukrainian, Norwegian, and Russian; however, with
regard to language, German, Spanish, and Cree are the principle languages spoken in Fort St.
John, other than English and French (BC Statistics 2012b). Immigrants from the United States of
America (USA), Northern Europe, and Eastern Europe are the top source areas of immigrants
living in Fort St. John, and only 3% o f population is noted as visible minorities (BC Statistics
2012b, 5).
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Predominant ethnic origins in Dawson Creek are noted to be (in order o f concentration)
English, Canadian, German, Scottish, Irish, and Metis, and only 8% of the population speaks a
different language, other than Canada’s official languages, as their mother tongue (Statistics
Canada, 2012; BC Statistics 2012c). Immigrants comprise 7% of Dawson Creek’s total
population, with top immigration source areas comprising the USA, the United Kingdom, Asia
and the Middle East, and Southeast Asia, and 2.5% of the city’s population is of a visible
minority (BC Statistics 2012c).
5.5.3 Concluding Remarks on Study Locations
While Prince George, Fort St. John, and Dawson Creek offer many opportunities, they
also present unique challenges to the settlement and integration of new immigrants. As
highlighted by the above profiles, these communities are rural, non-metropolitan centers which
depend on resource extraction for their livelihoods. As such, these communities retain the
traditional frontier mentality o f this region, and a times, can be harsh, unwelcoming landscapes
to newcomers.
Moreover, the small immigrant population and the limited presence of visible minorities
within northern BC present further settlement and integration challenges, as there are limited
cultural supports and cultural refueling opportunities. Therefore, one can understand that this
cultural landscape poses distinct challenges to the successful negotiation o f place and identity for
new immigrants.
5.6 Situating Contemporary Immigration Policy in Canada
Canada’s current immigration policy, the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act
(IRPA), was put forward as legislation in 2001 and officially came into effect in 2002
(Government of Canada, 2013). Over the last twelve years, this act has been amended on thirteen

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occasions to reflect the priorities and strategies o f the sitting governments) (Government of
Canada, 2013). Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) describes the IRPA to:
Respond to the needs o f communities in all parts o f the country by creating opportunities
for individuals to come to Canada to make an economic, social, cultural and civic
contributions while also realizing their full potential, with a view to becoming citizens;
[in addition to] supporting] global humanitarian efforts to assist those in need of
protection. (CIC 2009)
With these objectives at the fore, the current Immigration Act aims to balance the ‘successful’
integration of immigrants into Canadian society, as well as optimize long term economic and
population growth objectives (Li 2003, 79).
While clear strides have been made to introduce policy with a humanitarian and human
capital focus, Canadian immigration policy remains centered on the recruitment of immigrants
who best serve national objectives. While this objective is not new, the Immigration Act has
required frequent revision in order to keep current with shifting goals and priorities. As such, the
reactionary development of this policy has resulted in many gaps and oversights, as well as the
inclusion of policy which exposes immigrant peoples to undue vulnerability and/or manipulates
their basic rights.
The immigration of foreign brides to Canada for the purpose o f marriage is a prime
example of how contemporary policy fails to account for the complexity of some immigration
processes. As mentioned in previous chapters, scholars have highlighted how the marriage
migration is a “hidden avenue” (Nolin et al., 2011, 119), given that there are no processes in
place to officially track or monitor how many women are migrating in this manner (Brinig 2001,
321; Del Vecchio 2007, 179). Moreover, others have argued against the structural dependency
that is created by the spousal sponsorship relationship (Belleau 2003b, 597; Pehar (2003, 171);
Rossiter 2005, 494), and furthermore, have identified how the sponsorship framework exposes

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spouses to increased vulnerability and opportunities for abuse (Smith 2006, 6; Merali 2008, 282;
Merali 2009, 3). While these scholars have shed light on an important social issue, the Canadian
Government has failed to take action to investigate or remedy to these concerns. Rather, the
Government has demonstrated their indifference to understanding marriage migration as a
complex process which necessitates in depth examination, by instead choosing to focus on
marriage migration as form of “marriage fraud” (CIC 2013) wherein manipulate marital unions
“to cheat their way into Canada” (CIC 2012).

C itiz e n s h ip a n d Im m ig ra tio n C a n a d a

M arriage fraud

U n ibPMt wring • i >|ii i i i i U i t l w
Prot e c t ym ire rif from fraud

D O N 'T BE A VICTIM O F MARRIAGE FRAUD.

D o c u m e n t fra u d

M arriage fraud

There a r e so m e people w ho think m arriage to a C anadian citizen will b e th e ir tick et to C anada.

Figure 5.2: Citizenship & Immigration Canada Advertisement Profiling Efforts to Combat Marriage
Fraud
Source: CIC 2013
Accordingly, recent initiatives by CIC aim to crack down on “marriages o f convenience”
by implementing new regulations to the spousal sponsorship process (CIC 2013). These
regulations include the addition of a mandatory two year co-habitation period, following the
qualification of a sponsored spouse as a permanent resident, in order to demonstrate the
legitimacy of the relationship (CIC 2013). While this regulation is intended to deter people from
using marriage as a method to dodge traditional migration avenues, this amendment has in fact
counteracted the progress made by scholars and activists who in the early 2000’s successfully
petitioned to have the period o f dependency (the time period before a sponsored spouse could
apply for permanent residency) reduced from ten years to five years, and later to three years. In
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failing to recognize the fundamental issues which centre around marriage migration process, and
instead increasing the length o f compulsory engagement in the sponsorship relationship, the
Canadian Government has again prioritize economic initiatives over the wellness and safety of
immigrants.
5.7 Conclusion
The intent o f this chapter was to highlight of the social, cultural, political, economic
landscapes in northern BC. By contrasting locational information with an historical review of
settlement, development, and immigration policy, this chapter establishes a contextual
framework and provides a basis o f understanding for the analysis and discussion.

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Part 2: Research Findings. Analysis & Discussion
As described within Chapter One, Part Two of this thesis provides my research findings,
analysis, and discussion. To begin, brief vignettes are offered in order to introduce the research
participants and contextualize the women’s narratives in Chapter Six and Seven.
Participant Vignettes
After establishing herself as successful “First Teacher” at a Catholic High school in the
Philippines, 40-year-old MONA was encouraged by her family, friends, and students to begin
correspondence with a Pen Pal in order to find love. MONA was introduced to RAY, a 34-yearold Canadian man with whom her cousin had been corresponding, but had not made a
connection. After two years o f letter writing and a proposal from RAY during his visit to the
Philippines, MONA decided marry and migrate to northern BC during the winter o f 1990, to
achieve her goal o f starting a family.

Looking to start a new life for herself and her young son after leaving an abusive marriage in the
Ukraine, SVITLANA registered with an introduction agency at the age o f 28. SVITLANA was
soon introduced to CHRIS, a 52-year-old Canadian man who seemed well-travelled, very family
oriented, and with whom she felt a connection. After dating and corresponding for three years,
CHRIS suggested they marry and start their life as a new family together when she and ALEX
arrived in Canada.

Enrolled in a friendship website by a friend, ANNA, a 33-year-old nurse from the Philippines,
was surprised to meet DAVE, a 46-year-old Canadian man from northern BC who expressed
great interest in getting to know her. ANNA, was not initially looking for a love connection, but
rather looking to gain insight into western culture as she wanted to immigrate to the United
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States as a nurse. After corresponding for two years, ANNA and DAVE decided to meet, and
eventually marry, in the Philippines in 2006.

After dedicating herself to her family, education, and business for thirty years, SITSIT, a 54year-old widowed mother o f four prioritized her happiness and joined a matchmaking website in
order to find love. On megafriends.com, SITSIT met FRANK, a retired Canadian man living in
northern BC. SITSIT and FRANK began exchanging letters on a daily basis and after 8 months,
FRANK visited the Philippines and proposed. After the marriage, SITSIT and her youngest
daughter immigrated to Canada in the fall of 2007.

Following the separation from her husband of eight years, ELENA a 30-year-old accountant
from the Ukraine, began using an international matchmaking website. While on Kiss.com,
ELENA met STEVE, a 43-year-old divorcee and father, who worked within the natural resource
extraction industry in northern BC. After corresponding for a few years, STEVE visited ELENA
in the Ukraine and they decided to marry. Following their marriage, Elena and her nine-year-old
son immigrated to northern BC in 2007.

After the tragic death o f her four-year-old son and the subsequent dissolution o f her relationship,
KITTY was inspired to seek a fresh start in a new country. At the age of 33, KITTY applied to
become a Live-in Caregiver in Canada and was matched with MIKE, a 40-year-old, recently
divorced father o f two. Soon after arriving in northern BC in 1999, KITTY and MIKE’s
professional relationship became romantic and they were married within a year.

While on vacation in the Czech Republic, TAMARA, a 29-year-old Engineer from the Ukraine
met RICK, a forty something Canadian man and father o f two. TAMARA and RICK made an
instant connection and began a very romantic long distance relationship. After corresponding for
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two years over the Internet, RICK travelled to the Ukraine to marry TAMARA. Although the
VISA process was difficult, TAMARA arrived in northern BC during the winter of 2000.

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Chapter 6 : Transnational Ethnographies of the Particular: Narratives of Negotiation
6.1 Introduction
The seven women described in the vignettes above generously participated in this research
in order share their experiences of marriage migration and perceptions o f settlement and
integration into resource dependent communities in northern BC. Collectively, these women
described their participation to be motivated by their desire to move beyond typical stereotypes
of ‘mail order brides’ and generalized understandings o f marriage migration, to instead illustrate
the particularity of their experiences, the depth of their relationships, as well as the challenges
and opportunities encountered during this transitional period in their lives. As such, their
narratives of negotiation weave a partial ‘transnational ethnography of the particular’ (AbuLughod 1991; Nolin 2006), highlighting tensions, power struggles, and intense vulnerability, as
well as agency, self-determination, and (re)invention throughout their journeys to establish sense
of place and identity.
6.2 Marital Relationships
Guided by transnationalism and feminism as theoretical frameworks, this section will
analyze how global, local, and gendered experiences shaped the impetus for, and process of,
marriage migration.
6.2.1 Motivations for Marriage Migration & Methods of Introduction
As discussed in detail within Chapter Four, women have many reason for entering into a
marriage migration relationship and equally as many avenues through which to meet a potential
spouse (Constable 2007, 254; Chun 1996, 1175; Kabeer 2007, 37). Underlying motivations for
marriage migration recognized in the literature range from the genuine search for love on an
international scale (Constable 2007, 254; Chun 1996, 1175; Kabeer 2007, 37) to the pursuit of

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stability and status through the creation of a marital relationship (Belleau 2003b, 95; Constable
2003b, 167; Lauser 2008, 102; Chun 1996, 1171). However, the diverse experiences and
motivations discussed by the foreign brides who shared their stories reflect the particularity of
marriage migration relationships and call attention to the need to move beyond generalized
understandings of this process (Piper & Roces 2003, 8-9, Constable 2007, 253; Brining 2001,
321).
For instance, stability and status were not identified by any of the participants as
motivating factors in the decision to marry and migrate. In contrast to the literature, all o f the
women who participated in this research had received post-secondary educations and were all
gainfully employed: TAMARA and SVITLANA were trained as engineers, MONA as a teacher,
ANNA worked as a nurse, KITTY and SITSIT were owners of their own small businesses, and
ELENA was an accountant. While some of the participants were casually encouraged by friends
and family to consider introduction agencies or online introduction website dating methods, none
of the women were coerced to enlist these services, nor were their decisions instigated by
gendered obligations and/or a need to support family members through remittances.
SVITLANA, SITSIT, and ELENA, described their primary motivation to centre on the
possibility o f finding love and the opportunity for a fresh start after enduring traumatic and/or
difficult events in their past. For example, SITSIT identified her hardship and sacrifice after
years of living as a single parent to motivate her choice:
SITSIT: “Before, in the Philippines, 1 work in the government for 32 years. Then, I have
been widowed fo r 18 years. We stayed [married] fo r nine years, and then 18 years o f
being alone and taking care o f my children. So, I devote my time fo r them. Now, I let
them grow and they are all professionals. There are four o f them, fou r kids [...] So fo r 18
years, that I devote my time fo r them; so now it is my time fo r me. To be free and fin d
happiness [...] When my younger kids, [pause] graduated, I decide to fin d a husband. ”

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Figure 6.1: SITSIT "New Beginnings"
In Figure 6.1, SITSIT demonstrates how she has forged a new identity and sense o f self in
Canada by taking on new interests as part o f her new beginning.
In contrast, distaste for the attitude and disposition of men from their countries o f origin,
due to negative experiences in their previous relationships, influenced SVITLANA’s and
ELENA’s choice to a seek partners from a different cultural background:
SVITLANA: 7 was thinking about it and the gambling was ju st sort o f p a rt o f it. The
drinking was really affecting me too. One day he just, with a knife, that was really scary,
he threw me down on the floor. And he started calling me a ll kinds o f names [...] And he
grabbed me at my throat and he had the knife in my face and I was crying and saying:
“What are you doing? We have a child right there. ” Boy that scarred me. That was it, I
had to leave [...] So [in my new relationship] I was ju st looking fo r somebody who would
appreciate me. ”
ELENA: “I used to, I used to be married fo r eight years in the Ukraine. It happens that I
was disappointed with my marriage, get divorced. Umm, tried dating a fe w guys, get
disappointed in all o f them, plus we have way more women than men. Umm, alcoholism
is a big thing fo r men in Ukraine, so I decided to make my search bigger, which Internet
was a perfect thing for, to do something like that [...] So I choose fe w countries, and that
is how I was looking fo r my husband and actually, on the first day o f my try, I saw profile
o f my present husband and I liked him. ”
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KITTY also faced a difficult situation in her past which triggered her enrollment in the
Live-in Caregiver Program (LCP) and immigration to Canada. Although the nature o f her
relationship with her employer was sincerely business focused at the onset o f their
communication, KITTY and MIKE felt a connection during their business correspondence and
their relationship became romantic soon after her arrival in Canada:
KITTY: 7 once had a little boy from a previous relationship but he p a ssed away in his
early life, he was ju st four years old when he died [...] Yeah, actually everything happened
from that year [when my son died] and umm, I thought maybe when I go to Canada I want
a fresh start. I want a new life. I want a new direction. And all o f the p a st things in the
Philippines; forget it, start a new life. That’s all I always think. 1 am a grown up, I am an
adult so, and th at’s, I, I fe e l like I am a rolling stone; I don 7 gather any moss. I fe e l like
that. I ju st wanted to try somewhere new. Try something new. Share my skill or whatever. ”
Figure 6.2 was selected by KITTY as one o f her favorite images taken during the Photovoice
process given that it depicts her youngest child, whom she gave the same name as her deceased
son in order for his memory to live on in Canada.

Figure 6.2: KITTY "Son"

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For ANNA, TAMARA, and MONA, the introduction to their current spouse happened by
chance, when love was not a primary motivation. For instance, ANNA was conversing in chat
rooms looking to make friends and learn about western culture before migrating to the United
States to pursue a nursing career, whereas TAMARA met her husband while on vacation, and
MONA was encouraged to take up correspondence with an unsuccessful Pen Pal of her cousin’s.
ANNA: “Yes, I was actually studying; reviewing fo r the registration fo r nursing in the
Americas [...] We met in like the website. Like friendship website. I forgot the name;
frien d umm, friend fin der?” [...] I, I had communicated other people too, but it seemed
like he wanted to know me. We was ju st so umm, honest. Like he wrote a lot and I
thought: “Maybe, he is a good person! ” [Laughs].
TAMARA: “Oh, I met my future husband and we fa ll in love, which is a very romantic
story. And we date and he came to see me so many times [...] Yeah. It was very romantic,
very quick court. We met in Prague, in Czech Republic. Yeah, he was there in Czech
Republic and after that we correspond on the Internet, email. ”
MONA: “[RAY] was ju st among the collections o f whom to choose but he was ju st
sending her an introductory letter and they hadn Vreally started. It was ju s t lying out on
the dresser and I picked it up. She said: “Ok, you have this. He is a good guy. ” I am
reading blah blah, he is from [northern BC], Canada and I thought: “Maybe he is a good
guy? He is a professional. Ok! Whatever!” [...] It was ‘Rainbow’ book that was
published with the cousin o f mine. And then he was looking, and looking. And I never had
m yself published, so I d o n ’t know how I did; how I started as pen pals. Maybe it was my
students. They would always say: “Here, you are not married; you w ill like it. ”
In sharing motivations and experiences which differ significantly from the prominent literature,
the women’s narratives reaffirm the need to move beyond hegemonic discourses and associations
within the marriage migration process (Piper & Roces 2003, 8-9; Constable 2007, 253), and
instead seek to understand how individuals are positioned by their particular experiences
(Brining 2001,321).
While the majority of literature on the topic of marriage migration often prominently
features negative experiences of the process, one is able to understand from the experiences

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shared above that marriage migration can enable individuals to transverse their local constraints
and engage in new social realities, by way o f exposure to new information, interactions, and
opportunities (Constable 2007, 254). The choice to initiate this type o f relationship, in
conjunction with the decision to marry and migrate, illustrates how the women who participated
in this research were responsible for their own agency and mobility (Chun 1996, 1186) and are
thus active participants in the renegotiation of their sense of place and identity.
6.2.2 Gender Ideologies, Cultural Reproductions & Stereotypes
As discussed in Chapter Four, gender ideologies and cultural reproductions are often
recognized within the literature to shape both male and female interest in establishing marriage
migration relationships (Belleau 2003b, 595; Mix & Piper 2003, 56; Constable 2005, 2; Lauser
2008, 102; Del Rosario 2005, 255; Cabrera 2007, 54; Del Vecchio 2007, 189). Within all
interviews, conversations touched on the notion of stereotypes and ideologies influencing the
selection o f spousal partners; however, none of the women identified with choosing their partner,
or (knowingly) being selected, based upon physical appearances or cultural reproductions of
gendered ideologies.
Interestingly, though, some participants did comment on the stereotypes associated with
participants of marriage migration relationships commonly identified in the literature. For
example, MONA spoke about the perception o f foreign brides as ‘predatory manipulators’
(Cunneen & Stubbs 2003, 74; Constable 2007, 253; Kelly 2001, 182) who are only interested in
relationships for financial gain:
MONA: “I was asking my husband: "How come, you said you had lots o f pen pals, how
come you choose me? ’’ And he said: “There were lots, ” and I said: “Probably more
beautiful than me and younger? ” and he said: “No, no, no, no! I choose you because it
was only your letters that said sensible things. Other girls always talk about money. When
they started asking money from me, I, I, I, lost my impression. My impression was a little
bit shaky. ”
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Additionally, SVITLANA highlights how both males and females participate in (re)creating false
expectations through the use o f gender ideologies and stereotypes:
SVITLANA: “The biggest mistake that [men] make when look fo r woman on Internet, is
that they looking fo r a, a sex slave, or cleaning lady, or ju st beautiful trophy and never
actually try to understand or realize that your life, you know the two o f you; you are
actually a person inside this body. And there is feelings and everything else [ ...] So
somebody is looking, ahh, som ebody’s hunting for, fo r like success and the money, like the
lifestyle you know to marry. But somebody is looking fo r feelings, fo r a family. So
everybody has a different view o f what they want. ”
In contrast to predatory stereotypes, SVITLANA and MONA also shared comments which
highlighted how women are sometimes objectified and exploited during the selection of
prospective marital partners (Cabrera 2007, 54; Chan 1988, 34). For instance, MONA tells the
story of her friend who also found her spouse through pen pal correspondence:
MONA: “My other best frien d who is also a teacher who married a, a Dutch [...]her
[relationship] was different because there were like lots o f them in line and he was
choosing them. They were pen pals, they were pen pals though, they were writing; there
were lots o f them [...] he gathered them all in one hotel fo r choosing them, [laughs] She
was so brave, I said: “I could not do that! I d o n ’t think so! ” Others ju st really try hard;
wearing sexy clothes and what not. Naw, I was ju st myself. ”
During one of our interview meetings, SVITLANA and I watched a Russian documentary film
she had found on the Internet which profiled negative experiences o f marriage migration. During
the screening, SVITLANA paused the film to translate the dialogue and explain the scene, as the
selection process highlighted was similar to her experience with her husband CHRIS:
SVITLANA: “Yeah, they ju st figure that because we are p o o r and we hungry, we want to
walk on our tippy toes in front o f them and do everything they want, ju st because they think
we are hungry and poor [ ...] The American, he will pick the girl, you know from the
picture, but then he come and meet her and he finds something he doesn ’t like about her,
he writes it down and puts how much it is going to cost him. For example, oh maybe she
got front teeth are crooked or something, it is going to cost me so much [ ...] He divided
piece o f paper into two paragraphs, and he pu t the two girls names on there. And he put:
“One is blonde the other is brunette. ” Yeah, so then he said: “One has g o o d teeth and
another one not so good. One has good breasts and the other one is flat, but, she is better
in bed than the other one with big boobs’’ [ ...] It is an unfortunate truth, [the film ] says
that: “The girls do fe e l humiliated this way, and embarrassed the way they get picked. But,
because some o f them come from such a small town, or from a village somewhere, that
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they have nothing and that they are ju st happy to get, ju st to get out and have somebody
who is happy to take them. So they just, you know, close their eyes fo r all o f that
embarrassment. They are ju st ready to go through it fo r that miracle; to live across the
ocean. But how fabulous that life is across the ocean, the girls and their parents have no
idea about actual real life there [ ...] Yeah, I didn 7 have to sit at the same table, but there
was four girls before me that CHRIS met. I asked interpreter, she was so nice that she did
tell me that. Yeah I was the last one, she said: "For dessert. ”

The above comments highlight how a foreign bride’s body can function as a space of
negotiation within some marriage migration relationships, given that some women are selected
based upon physical, ethnic, and “racial” characteristics. Moreover, these comments reinforce
how unrealistic expectations, informed by gender ideologies and cultural reproductions, often
underscore motivations for seeking marriage migration relationships and thus can provide the
foundation for inequitable power dynamics, mistreatment, and abuse. Although the women who
participated in this research were in control of their choice to marry and migrate, it is important
also to recognize the broad range of experiences and circumstances associated with this type of
relationship, as well as the vulnerability and uncertainly that is involved in this process,
regardless of one’s choice (Brining 2001, 321; Piper & Roces 2003, 8-9; Constable 2007, 253).
6.2.3 Uncertainty, Vulnerability, and Abuse
Given that each of the women lived full, well established lives within their countries of
origin, the decision to marry and migrate was not taken lightly. When asked about their choices,
many of the women talked about feelings o f uncertainty, stating that it was such a significant life
choice that they hesitated before making the final decision. For instance, ELENA recalls being
scared of choosing her new relationship over her life in the Ukraine:
ELENA: “There was this period when I was scared, when he was ready fo r example to
send me money [for English lessons] and it like hit me all o f the sudden: "Oh oh, it is
getting serious, what, what, it is so far, what i f I will not like it? It's different country,
different language, all o f my fam ily will be so fa r behind. ” So, I stopped writing to him ju st
because I didn 7 want to say "No ’’ because I really liked him, but I didn 7 want to say
"Yes ”. So, I wasn 7 writing to him and he was keep writing me little short notes: “Please
respond. Please, if you will not like, it I will buy you ticket and you will go back [ ...] And
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that is why we have hard decision to make because, oh you know, corresponding is one
thing. And get knowing each other, really, like live with each other fo r a while, we d id n ’t
have that chance. It's why we decided, like our marriage was on paper but really it started
when I came here and we started living together and that is why we prom ised each other, if
we have to get a divorce, we will be like, it will be like no problem. We will do it like
civilized people, without any regrets or anything. ”

Similarly, ANNA commented on how she was reluctant to leave the Philippines to start her new
life in Canada, even though she was already married and carrying their first child:
ANNA: “[I had] mixed feelings actually because I know that I have to come because I am
married to someone who lives here. And then I was pregnant. Mixed feelings. I was
actually crying in the airport [...] I was texting my friends: “7 have to go now, we are
boarding. " And I was starting to miss my Mom, because w e are so close [...] I still have
mixed feelings, but I am ju st thinking about my Son and the safety here. ”
Although MONA and RAY were very compatible during their pen pal courtship, MONA recalls
having doubts about how their relationship would work once she immigrated to Canada:
MONA: “It was kind o f exciting and I did not really understand and I said: “Is this it? ”
Or “Is he really the one? ” I started to like get scared. And I said: “Oh! This is reality!
This is not a writing anymore. What if we d o n ’t like each other in our, in our, in his stay o f
twenty six days? What am I willing to give up? What is he? [...] So I decided, and we
decided and he said: “When I go back to [northern BC] I will work on the papers and I
will petition you as fiance visa and we will go from there; but I wish that I could bring you
right away. But I said: “That doesn’t matter, because I have to work on my papers too. So,
but, i t ’s ok; we will survive. I f this is really, if this is really the real thing, this will
happen. ” So along the way there was lots of, there was lots o f doubts. ’’
In addition to discussions of uncertainty, the majority o f the women spoke about the
intense risk and vulnerability associated with marriage migration relationships. MONA, KITTY,
ANNA, and SVITLANA recounted stories of very negative experiences o f marriage migration
that they had heard of via family, friends, or media:
MONA: “[It is] a scary process. In reality, it depends on the p erso n ’s purpose though, it
depends on the person. Either, either the person who is, the foreigner who wants to look
fo r pen p a l will be in trouble or it is the other way around. You never know, because you
are talking with human being. You are not talking to make a story [...] “Oh you better be
careful! ” and people back home say: “MMMmm, better choose the right person and blah
blah blah. It is not ju st fo r money or whatever [...] I have heard some stories, scary stories
about pen p a l writing and what not. And I was ju st thinking: “He is staying with his mom

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in a basement? Oh... what could be in a basement maybe? A ja r? Maybe he will keep the
head o f the girl in it? [laughs] And actually, when I came I could not imagine the layout o f
the house where he was living. So the first time I came down to the basement I was looking
fo r ja r s ! ” [laughs] [...] Yeah, it was in my mind because all these pen pals thing, all these
pen pals stories that I have heard: They will take out life insurance on you, they will kill
you, and they will put your head in a ja r [laughs]. ”

KITTY: “Oh yeah. Definitely. My mom always said: “Oh my goodness, that employer o f
yours, he might ju st kill you or do something. ” Because back at home in the Philippines
you can see some TV shows, showing about this Filipina girl who is married to maybe an
American and there are these stories and i t ’s not really good [...] And I have some problem
about that too. It came to my mind that I thought: ‘‘Oh? ” But I know what I am going to,
you know, and G od will protect me and take care o f me. I d o n ’t worry about it. Yeah. But it
is ju st my m om ’s fe a r and my fa th er’s fea r as well. But it didn 7 happen to me. I f I am a bad
girl maybe, but if I learn the right things and it is G od’s will. ”
ANNA: ‘‘Sometimes I heard my nephew say, he mentioned to me that: ‘‘Maybe you will be
like, ” because there was one actress there that got killed by her husband. And her husband
is a Caucasian not from Philippines. And so he said: “Maybe you will be like her when you
get there. ”
SITSIT: “When we arrived at his house I thought: “Oh my God, it is very far. ” I keep on
tracing where we go because I thought: “What if I have to escape!?” [Laughs] Have to
escape! So it is far, so very fa r [ ...] when I was thinking about escaping, I was thinking:
“I f I had to escape, where will I go? I do not know the road. I said: “Oh my God, it w ill be
very hard. " Because I said if there is something wrong between us, maybe he is not good, I
said: “I have to get ready. ” So I have to be aware, if that would happen, I would have to
walk fa r and hitch a ride. But praise the Lord, he is good. ”
While these comments acknowledge the intense vulnerability and uncertainty associated with
marriage migration relationships, they also serve to demonstrate how each woman made an
active choice to participate in marriage migration, despite the risks.
6.2.4 Abuse
As referenced in the comments by the women above, as well as by the predominant
discourse in the literature, violence and abuse commonly occur in marriage migration
relationships. While many happy and successful relationships exist, the possibility o f abuse and
violence is much higher within marriage migration relationships because o f unrealistic
expectations informed by gender ideologies and cultural reproductions, and further compounded

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by the sponsorship process (Smith 2006, 6; Merali 2008, 282; Merali 2009, 3). Over the course
of our interviews, SVITLANA shared her experiences of domestic violence and sexual abuse at
the hands of her new husband, commenting that everything seemed normal during the beginning
o f their relationship, but that over time, CHRIS became more aggressive, controlling, and
possessive:
SVITLANA: “When he was writing, he was funny. He said he was from a fam ily with five
other children and he was always joking that everyone had girls and it was going to be he
who had a son. And he said that he liked growing up in a big family and he would like say,
“our little b o y” he would call my son; you know, he knew what buttons to push. Yeah he
was writing like that. “You are going to be my princess. ” A nd then when I was already
here, he was writing that same stuff to other girls. “When I come to meet you, I will treat
you like my princess [ ...] He treated me like a prostitute. That’s what he wanted. So, he
would act like; I mean he would say: “Why is it so hard fo r you to spread your legs fo r
me? ” and he would say: “You are controlling, you are controlling your genitals with your
emotions. ” I mean, what can I say? He used to go to prostitutes before, so why would it be
any different? [ ...] He wanted to change everything in my life that I had. Like to the way
that he wanted me to be; stay home, d o n ’t contradict, and listen to what he want me to do.
You know, he wanted that kind o f wife. You know, to go and do it [have sex], that kind o f
thing; without any feelings. But he doesn ’t try or want to be nice to you. I mean, i f he was
like that from the beginning it would have been a different situation. ”
In addition to his sexually abusive actions, CHRIS also abused his authority and position as a
spousal sponsor. As discussed in Chapter Four, sponsorship abuse is commonly associated with
marriage migration relationships, due to the privatization of the sponsored person’s basic needs,
which inherently creates a power imbalance in the relationship and culture o f dependency (Smith
2006, 2; Del Vecchio 2007, 1940). As such, sponsorship abuse can be understood as a form of
domestic violence, given that:
Domestic violence [is] not only a form o f physical abuse, but also a process of
disempowerment ... domestic violence is a feature of a social system structured by
gender inequalities and patriarchal systems that operate to maintain inequalities in the
division o f social power. (Cribb & Barnett 1999, 49, as quoted by Walton-Roberts 2008,
499).
CHRIS’ behavior towards SVITLANA is a clear demonstration o f domestic violence, given that
he restricted her from having equal power and control in the relationship. For instance,

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SVITLANA reflected on how CHRIS often used coercion, intimidation, and abusive tactics to
control her:
SVITLANA: “One o f the reasons they want Russian wife is just because they think they
will umm, in bed they will do everything they want. They ju st kind o f figure fo r
themselves, you know, that maybe, you know, Canadian women wouldn’t take it. But they
think you know, Russian, ju st because; like my husband told me: “You should kiss my ass,
I brought you here. ” So ju st because, you know, they brought us here, we are to do
everything fo r them [ ...] It was always about the money, how much he had invested in
me. Money here, money over there, fo r paperwork. It all cost too much money [he said:]
“I have invested too much money. Yeah, he said: “Ifyou fin d a guy, when you fin d a guy,
he has to p a y me $30,000 because that is how much I spent. ”
CL: “And you said that [money] was ju st fo r the paperwork and the plane tickets to
Canada?”
SVITLANA: “For all my expenses, like you know, he would buy groceries and throw
them down on the table and say: “There, so you can tell your parents that Ife e d you. ”
Throughout our conversations, SVITLANA affirmed that CHRIS’ severe jealousy and insecurity
were the cause o f his abusive behavior; always afraid that SVITLANA would leave him, CHRIS
forbade her from leaving the house unsupervised, making friends, as well as continuously
monitored her activities through the use of a voice recorder in the phone and screening her letters
to her family:
SVITLANA: “Yeah, and he will not let me use the computer, so I can 7 send email. I was
not to touch it. He was afraid I would open mail that is private, which I wouldn’t, but he
would always tell me I was not allowed. I mean I am intelligent enough to know when he
tells me that I can 7 touch that I know he is hiding something. ”
CL: “And so he did say that it was too expensive to make a phone call? ”
SVITLANA: “Yeah, oh yeah. And so he would tell me: “Write a letter" and he would
send it. But he kept them all in file. I look and they were all in memory. He would scan
them and then have someone translate them so he could see what I was telling my parents
[...] Also, he can tell that somebody picked up the phone, but I don’t say anything. And
then he, he was thinking and one day he said: “I don 7 know what you know but you know
something because you are different now. But I wasn 7 different, I was ju st kind o f umm, I
was kind o f awake. I start thinking: “Is this actually happening? ”
Awakened by this behavior, SVITLANA eventually learned that CHRIS had never applied for
spousal sponsorship and that she and her son were living in Canada illegally. Like MONA,

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SITSIT, ANNA, ELENA, and TAMARA, SVITLANA’s husband controlled the filing o f the
spousal sponsorship paperwork; however, instead o f filing the paperwork prior to her arrival,
CHRIS convinced SVITLANA to apply for a visitor’s visa and instructed her that he would
complete the paperwork once she arrived. Trusting CHRIS completely, SVITLANA applied for,
and received a three month visitor’s visa.
Over time, SVITLANA learned that CHRIS had purposively not filed the spousal
sponsorship paperwork, so that if there was ever an issue between them he could easily have her
deported for overstaying her visa, as he had done with other women whom he met through
international introduction agencies. After months o f abuse, SVITLANA sought assistance from
her neighbors to secretly leave CHRIS; immediately, CHRIS contacted the authorities and tried
to have her deported. SVITLANA describes her fear and uncertainty when she finally left
CHRIS in commenting:
SVITLANA: “I would cry every day. I would go to the neighbor and cry and cry. And
then when the Jehovah Witness came, they could tell that I was learning English and they
asked where I was from and what I was doing. She brought me bible and gave me phone
number o f Russian girl, but I couldn’t phone her because o f the voice recorder. And then
one day when they came, I was very, very sick, and they brought me some soup fo r my
throat. And the next day they came and my eyes were ju st red and I said: “I ca n ’t live like
this anymore [ ...] That evening, I was ju st in my house coat, kind o f relaxed because I did
not want to give him, you know, ”
CL: “Any reason to be suspicious? ”
SVITLANA: “Yeah, and then I d id n ’t sleep all night, I would ju st look at the clock and
five minutes after one, six minutes, boy was that a long night. So he went to work, but he
never told me when he will be coming back. He said he would be back later to get his
shoes. So when he left, I said to my son: “Go over to CAROL's. ” And then CAROL’s
daughter came who brought a frien d with a truck; in the back, we ju st put our stuff. And
then she left and they told me to take another car, because neighbors were watching the
whole thing. So I am standing there inside the door and my heart is ju st jum ping up
because he can show up any minute. So after we got to CAROL’s house, we took her
friends ’ car, because he knows CAROL’s car, over to the friends and switched car and
went to the [store] and um, because they told me call him from a pay phone. And I told
him: “D o n ’t look fo r us. We left, but we are safe and we w ill be ok. ” And then we went to
[the wom an’s shelter]. And my God, I slept that night I think. It was it the same day or
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the next day when the police came? He reported me missing [...] He was writing to
embassy, to consulate, to immigration, to Ukrainian embassy, everybody. So everybody
heard about me; probably enough! [laughs] He was saying that I used him [ ...] When I
had refugee hearing, the judge, 1 saved those letters that he wrote to my parents saying
that he was going to send the Mafia after them. I am not making it up. [The Judge said]
“/ can tell that you are not friends from those letters. ” And because he had sent money he
was very mad. My parents were so nice to him. And he fe lt guilty right. But he was ju st
lying to them. ”

Although this period of time was the most difficult in her life, SVITLANA states that she has
come to terms with the experience and is grateful to now have a happy life and family in Canada.
SVITLANA’s acceptance of her past was highlighted during our Photovoice discussion, when
she quickly identified Figure 6.3 as her favorite image. SVITLANA described that this image
symbolized the major point of negotiation in her life, and further commented in her journal entry:

Figure 6.3: SVITLANA "Hope"
SVITLANA: ‘‘Me on the ferry. Looking towards good news and finding stability in my so n ’s
and my life. Hoping fo r a better future. My son and 1 were going to Vancouver to fin d out if we
are allowed to stay in Canada and become permanent residents. At that point in my life, I d id n ’t
have a future. Every day I would wake up and try to enjoy every moment o f being here and try to
create a lifetime o f memories. ”
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From the above comments, one can recognize that the traumatic events that SVITLANA endured
caused her to have feelings of “placelessness” and/or “inbetweenness” given that she was caught
between her country of origin and settlement. In being disconnected from both familiar places,
SVITLANA was forced to develop new ways or being and belonging, which in turn helped her
to reestablish her sense o f place and identity in Canada.
While SVITLANA’s experience o f abuse and sponsorship debt is unique within this
study, one is able to understand from comments made by the other participants regarding
uncertainty and vulnerability, in conjunction with the literature review in Chapter Four, that
mistreatment and abuse are unfortunately all too common in marriage migration relationships. In
highlighting SVITLANA’s experience, I illustrate the need for the Canadian Government to
conduct an intensive review of the spousal sponsorship program, in order to remedy systemic
weakness and to identify solutions and/or protective measures that would reduce undue
vulnerability in this process.
6.2.5 ‘Mail Order Brides’ & Terminology
At the end of every interview conversation, I would inquire with each woman about her
preference o f what terminology to use to describe her marriage migration experience. In keeping
with my argument outlined in Chapter Four, I informed the women that I did not feel
comfortable using the term ‘mail order bride’, due to its strong negative connotations and had
instead chosen to use the more neutral term ‘foreign bride’. In doing so, I explained that this
research was aimed at recognizing the full range of experiences encountered within marriage
migration relationships. In agreement, many o f the women objected to the use of the term ‘mail
order bride’ because they associated that term with marriages o f convenience and/or negative
and abusive situations.

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For example MONA, KITTY, and ANNA explained that ‘mail order bride’ did not fit
their experience in stating:
MONA: “No! I do not. I did not really because it is kind of, fo r me it is too degrading
because my purpose was not the same as those ‘mail order brides ’. Yeah, so, I would, I
would be happy if you will like mention that [ ...] I fin d the way we d id it with our kind o f
writing, it was kind o f more intimate than in the Internet because you are so exposed in the
Internet. Other than ju st writing there is the effort and the excitement. You wonder what to
say and stuff like that. I would always look through the dictionary and stuff. And I would
always have a draft and look it over to see if I am writing the same English, am I doing the
right spelling? And my husband too. He is trying to write legibly so that I can read it [...]
That is why I don't really agree with the bride order thing. A nd I don’t categorize m yself in
there. Because we put our heart in it actually; it was not ju st a game. It was not ju st
because o f money. It was not ju st because I want to come over and I want to escape from a
problem in the Philippines and come over and fin d a wealthy guy to stay with. It w asn ’t
that way. ”
KITTY: "It feels like [pause] I am ordering in from the Sears catalogue. ‘M ail order
bride ’. Something like, because you d o n ’t have a foundation there; everything you know,
you ju st kind o f flipping around in a magazine: "Ok, I want this, I want th at” and you
really d o n ’t have a connection. No connection at all. No communication or something like
that. But in my case or whatever happened to me, I d o n ’t fe e l like that. It doesn V describe
it. ”
ANNA, TAMARA, and SVITLANA also disagreed with the use of ‘mail order bride’ and
affirmed that they were comfortable with the term foreign bride:
CL: “I was wondering if there was a term that you fe e l comfortable using to describe your
experience o f marriage and migration? I know that certainly some o f these terms
absolutely do not describe your experience, but I am wondering how you fe e l about them?
Like Internet bride; how do you fe e l about that term? Because you met your husband on
the Internet? ”
ANNA: "No."
CL: "No, that doesn’t fit. I don't agree with the term ‘mail order bride ’, but some people
do use it... ”
ANNA: “No. ”
CL: "I have used the term foreign bride in my thesis because I felt that it was more open to
a broader range o f experience. You don't have to choose that either, but I am interested to
know what you think about that term? ’’
ANNA: “Foreign bride? ”
CL: “Yes that you are a bride who came to Canada because you married a Canadian? ”
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ANNA: “Yeah maybe. ”

TAMARA: “/ Mail-order bride] it doesn ’t upset me. It is obsolete. It is a term that is not in
use anymore. I think it is not, I think it should be Internet umm, dating, but not dating
because you are married. Internet communication? Internet relationship? It is more
applicable. I would say long distance? ”
CL: “How do you feel about the term foreign bride?”
TAMARA: “Foreign? Foreign? Foreign umm... foreign bride? Yeah, fine. ”

SVITLANA: “It is ok. It doesn ’t matter fo r me. I mean if that is kind o f what it is. ”
CL: “But you d o n ’t fin d the term offensive or derogatory or anything like that? What
about foreign bride? ”
SVITLANA: “No, not offensive [ ...] Foreign Bride, yeah. It even sounds a little less, like,
harsh, like instead o f ‘mail order b rid e’ [...] Sure. It d oesn ’t matter. Whatever makes
people understand more. I f it has to be ‘mail order bride ’ it doesn’t matter. It doesn't hurt
my ears. I mean it is what it is. Actually, it is who we are. [laughs] But it doesn ’t matter. ”
In contrast, ELENA and SITSIT believed that the term foreign bride seemed too close to ‘mail
order bride’:
ELENA: “I d o n ’t know. I do kind of, d o n ’t like foreign bride just because it sounds too
much like you are going in a store and are buying yourself a bride. ”
CL: Ok, so you would agree then that ‘mail order bride ’ is a derogatory term?
ELENA: “Yeah!"
CL: "Is there anything else that you can think o f that might fit? ”
ELENA: “No, I d o n ’t know. I guess foreign bride fits, it ju st doesn’t sound very nice
[laughs]. ’’

SITSIT: “It is not foreign bride. I think what you can call it? Foreign bride, i t ’s like, i t ’s
like you were importing, [laughs] For me, it is like importing. ”
CL: “So you d o n ’t think that it is an appropriate term? Do you fin d that it is derogatory? ”
SITSIT: “No, it is not derogatory, fo r me. Foreign bride, I d o n ’t know [ ...] Maybe I would
say love life? [laughs]
Although here was debate over the appropriateness and applicability o f this term, all o f the
women consented to the use of the term foreign bride to describe their experiences o f marriage
and migration. While this discussion may seem disconnected from the overall focus of the
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research findings, I feel as though it contextualizes the women’s renegotiation o f their identity
within an often misrepresented and misunderstood practice. In drawing boundaries between their
experience of marriage and migration and their understanding of ‘mail order bride’ relationships,
the women reinforce their agency in the choice to marry, migrate, as well as in their active role in
the reestablishment of sense o f self and belonging. Thus, in highlighting discussion around
motivations, ideologies, stereotypes, uncertainty, vulnerability and abuse, one is able to
recognize how the marital relationship is one of, if not the most important, point of negotiation
and as such, attributes the greatest influence within the (re)establishment o f place and identity.
6.3 Family Dynamics
While one can appreciate that the process of migration would have a significant effect on
an individual’s sense of place and identity due to the scope and scale of the transition, it becomes
increasingly apparent that adding a new marriage and other familial dynamics further intensifies
this renegotiation. Beyond the marital relationship, a woman’s experience within her new family
pushes her to assume new roles, such as mother, step-parent, caretaker, as well as live within
established family dynamics (Emery & Dillion 1994; 374; Walton-Roberts 2008, 503).
Interestingly, this type of familial negotiation is not addressed in the marriage migration
literature, as the familial context only enters discussion in order to touch on the motivation some
women feel to support their families though remittances. Yet time after time, family surfaced as
a central point of negotiation within the women’s conversations about their reestablishment of
place and identity in new environments.
6.3.1 Becoming a Wife, Mother, and Raising Multicultural Families
For MONA, KITTY, and ANNA, their new life in Canada enabled them to accomplish
their goal of becoming mothers and having families. While all of the women describe that having
a family was one of the most fulfilling aspects of their life, some also commented on how
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challenging it was to balance a new marriage, motherhood, and the blending o f cultures within a
family all at once.
As the mother of an active toddler, ANNA often discussed how her new role refocused
the way she perceives the world, reshaped her identity, and helped her to establish a greater sense
of place in her new environment. Correspondingly, the majority of ANNA’S photographs
depicted her new family lifestyle in Canada. When asked if there was a particular image which
captured her feelings of her new life, ANNA selected a photograph (Figure 6.4) of herself
holding her son’s hand because she explained that it demonstrates both the joys and challenges
she faces in building her own family in Canada.

Figure 6.4: ANNA "Motherhood"
Moreover, ANNA’S discussion highlights how her new situated knowledge as a mother informs
her identity renegotiation in a new environment, the given that identities are always in a state of
becoming. Her journal entry describes:
ANNA: “Aside from being married, giving birth to my very own flesh and blood has
been an extreme importance in my life. He gave me more meaning being a woman and a
wife. His presence made us complete as a family. Above all, I was so thankful to G odfor
providing us a son that is so precious and innocent to take good care of. [M y son] is
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worthwhile o f all the labor pains and the nine months o f waiting. I can remember that,
although, it was really hard fo r me being so fa r away from my fam ily in the Philippines
fo r the reason that, I d o n ’t have anybody to turn to or talk with or even help me rub my
back while I was in labor. It was only my husband who was there beside me. In my home
country, usually in my situation there should be a group or company o f fam ily or
relatives around to support you and even try to help you to push, ju st to make you feel
like they are always there fo r you. ”

Additionally, ANNA speaks about how her negotiation of her family roles across transnational
social space effects the establishment of her sense o f place, identity, and rootedness in her new
environment:
CL: "Does Canada fe e l like home to you or do you still recognize the Philippines to be
home? Or, is it both p la ces? ”
ANNA: "Both. Yeah. Philippines have my fam ily there, my relatives. Here, ju st my own
family. ”
CL: “So do you ever fe e l sort o f torn between the two places, that one fo o t is here in
Canada and the other is in the Philippines; or that your body is here in Canada and your
heart is in the Philippines? ”
ANNA: "Yeah, yeah. Yes like that. Because I still really miss the bonding there in my
community. Because we try going out here, ju st me and my husband, my son, i t ’s lonely
ju st us. ”
CL: "So you miss the bonding? ”
ANNA: "Yeah. ”
In sharing about her challenges o f raising a family so far away from her own family, ANNA
highlights the transformative nature o f this personal negotiation. While the establishment o f her
own family in Canada has certainly fulfilled one of her primary aspirations, it is apparent within
our conversations that ANNA continues to long for the support o f her family in the Philippines
and the opportunity to engage familiar cultural practices.
Similarly to ANNA, MONA discusses difficulty negotiating the role o f wife and mother
within a multicultural family. Throughout our conversations, MONA described instances in
which she would try to incorporate both cultures into the family, but often would comment that
she was not able to achieve balance:
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MONA: "My kids are not so exposed to the Filipinos and some will say: “ Who is that?
Who is that girl who come with you that time? ” [And I say:] "That was my younger
daughter. ’’ [They say:] "Oh really? She was so beautiful and la la la. ” And they say:
"Oh, your kids are really, really, they are not like Filipino. ” I said: "No. [Laughs] They
are half, half. [Laughs] what can I do? I ca n ’t tell them anymore what to do when they
are in the Filipino community. I ca n ’t because this is Canada. So that is kind o f
expectation. And, and some understand. And some will say: "Mmm, they are ju s t so
aristocratic and they are so indifferent. Blah blah blah. ” I said: "Oh well. I accept that,
but what can I do? [ ...] We ju st had a family, a fam ily meeting before my Daughter left
[for college]. We were kind o f having a problem and tensions were rising because o f her
going away and stuff like that and they were saying: "Oh mom! You cannot force us to go
here to your Filipino parties. ’’ And I said: "Yeah, and I am feeling so alone and I am
feeling that I have no fam ily because you never go with me. ” They said: "Mom, they are
not our friends. ” I said: "No, but you are my fam ily though, you can make friends. ” They
said: "I know that you are very sociable mom, but we are not.]...] Yeah, so I fe e l sa d that
they d o n ’t come with me when I have Filipino things. ’’
CL: “So do you feel, when they d o n ’t want to be a p a rt o f that, does it take away from
your Filipino identity here in Canada? ”
MONA: "Yeah, yeah, it does. In a way too, I understand; well i t ’s ok. I mean I cannot
say much. But, but I have the freedom though, they will say: "It is ok mom. ” Just as I
said, my daughter said: "You are very sociable, we are not. ” [laughs] So I was kind of:
"Oh. What have I made? What have we made? ” and they will say: "You are sociable and
I am not. But now that you have a mind o f your own, I cannot be teaching you to be
sociable. You refuse to. So what can I do? ”
Similarly to ANNA, MONA’s photograph (Figure 6.5) and comments illustrate how her
identity is in a perpetual state of becoming, as she learns to negotiate her old and new ways of
being and belonging. While raising a multicultural family is a central negotiation within
MONA’s life, her photographs and corresponding journal entries demonstrate her love and
dedication to her family. For instance, MONA shared an image during our Photovoice
discussions which illustrates a happy memory o f her family spending time together, doing an
activity that they all enjoy. MONA comments:

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Figure 6.5: MONA "Multicultural Family"
MONA: “These pictures are IMPORTANT because this is who I am and this will be my
legacy to my family, especially my two girls. I took these pictures because I want them
to look back on how it is to be a fam ily o f multicultural parents. That fam ily is the
foundation o f all o f my reasons to be here. ”
During our conversations, KITTY identified many o f the same feelings as ANNA and MONA,
commenting her new role as a step-parent within a blended family was a central point o f
negotiation in her life:
KITTY: “To be honest, it is hard, kind o f tough fo r me because we all have different
cultures and different ways o f raising our kids, the way we want it, even if I want to, it
happen it is not happening which is kind o f hard. Try to balance and have understanding
[...] Blending. I think that my husband is, really does a good jo b you know, and I was
surprised that I am not like him and he is not really disciplining the kids. But o f course, a
mom, it is kind o f hard to do that. So I feel like: “Oh, i t ’s ju st so hard. ” But I feel like he is
doing a good jo b raising our kids. Also, Filipino way is similar to the way that we are
raising the kids [ ...] In blendedfamily you really have to balance your time, your emotions
will be like a rollercoaster, emotions if you have a blended family. You raise kids that
doesn’t come from you but it doesn’t work the way you want it. And it is really tough
emotionally, it is really tough. And you need a lot o f patience. ’’

6.3.2.2 Caretakers
In addition to their roles as wife and mother, KITTY and MONA also assumed the role of
caretaker within their family. For KITTY, her caretaker role began when she first immigrated to
Canada within the Live-in Caregiver Program as a nanny for MIKE’s two young sons. However,
once their relationship became romantic, KITTY was forced to negotiate her private and
professional roles. Kitty speaks o f this challenge when she describes:
KITTY: ‘‘For me, my perspective: “Oh, I am the nanny and now I was a nanny and now I
am the mother. So, how will I incorporate everything into that? ” they might think that I am
bad because I ’m a step-mom but still I want fo r them to grow up the way I want with
discipline and everything, but they d o n ’t want to take it. I think, because they were young
o f course, they think: “Oh, that is not the way grandma do it fo r us, that is not the way. So
I still kind o f [pause]. ”
CL: “It is hard to switch roles, like you sort o f said, ”
KITTY: “Feel like kind o f neg, how do you call it? Neglected? Or kind o ffeel i t ’s not fo r
what I want. But then, because / want to be tough, I want to tell them, they are boys and
telling boys is kind o f tough because they grew up in their grandparents [ . . . ] ! d o n ’t know,
when they were growing up they have rules; th a t’s w h at’s in their minds but now, you have
a house, your dad and I are your parents now, so I have a set o f rules too. Yeah. And it was
hardfor me. Emotionally, a roller coaster. ”
In MONA’s case, she had never planned to assume a caretaker role. Yet, when she arrived in
Canada, her husband RAY asked her to become a caregiver for his chronically ill mother.
During our discussion, Mona utilized this photograph (Figure 6.7) as a way o f speaking about the
uncertainty she experience assuming this role and the effect that is had on her relationship:

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Figure 6.6: MONA "Mom"
MONA: “Actually it was my first responsibility because my husband used to travel to
work every month, so when I didn ’t have the kid, I have Mom to look after. I said: "Oh
lord! What a responsibility! [...] My mother-in-law and me was not getting along after a
month because she realized that she was kind o f jealous, kind o f thing. Because [my
husband] was living with her fo r quite a while before and was her caregiver. ”
In assuming the role as caregiver, Mona’s relationship with her husband and her mother-in-law
was strained. Yet, over time, as the picture above demonstrates, both she and her mother in law
MONA became more comfortable with her new role.
6.3.2 Step-Parents & Blended Families
As mentioned above, jealousy regarding time and attention was also a prominent theme in
many conversations with women who either married a man who had children from a previous
relationship, or who had children of her own. Among the participants, four o f the seven husbands
were previously married and/or had children from a past relationship. Additionally, SVITLANA,
ELENA, and SITSIT migrated with children from a previous marriage or relationship.
Emery and Dillion (1994, 374) describe that because “divorce is not a single event but a
process o f change that can extend over long periods o f time” that one must continually
(re)negotiate power dynamics, intimacy, and boundaries within the divorced family system. In

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establishing a blended family, KITTY, SVITLANA, and ELENA, all struggled with the new role
o f step-parent and found the blended family dynamic to be one of the most challenging points of
negotiation in their experience of settlement and integration. For instance, TAMARA identified
that it was a difficult adjustment for her step-children to accept o f her relationship with their
father, given that RICK had lived without a spouse or romantic partner since his separation with
their mother:
TAMARA: “RICK, he has two children. And when I came they were twelve and thirteen.
And they were quiet. They knew I was coming right, and everything; but, I was hard
because they have their own Mom. And umm, I think it was more hurtful fo r them...I mean,
it was the first time he brought a woman to the house [...] they divorced when the girl was
six months and the boy was two years, so it was a long time, more than ten years he was
alone. So it was hard fo r them. ”
While TAMARA did not expand beyond this comment regarding the difficulties she experienced
with her step-children, it was apparent that her negotiation to fit into an existing family was
challenging and had a significant impact on her sense place and o f belonging when she first
arrived in Canada.
Similar to TAMARA, my conversations with ELENA often touched on difficult
experiences with her new step-daughter when she first arrived in northern BC. ELENA shared
how the strained relationship between herself and her step-daughter greatly affected her
adjustment to her new life and environment:
CL: “So, it sounds like even when you moved to Prince George, that you had a lot o f
support from your husband’s fam ily and... ”
ELENA: “I did, yes, I did. I had only one tough time [pause] which I don't know if, I d o n ’t
know [ if I want to talk about]. I t ’s a very, touchy subject fo r me and my husband. He has a
daughter, he is older is older than me, right? Thirteen years older. He has a daughter, who
he raised by himself. So, he meant so much to her that she, she, she kind of, she is very nice
girl, but I think she didn ’t want me to, to come into their life. She d id n ’t want to lose her
dad in a way, so she was fighting fo r him. And, she had bad experience with her boyfriend,
so when she needed [attention from her dad]. And he started paying attention to her a lot,
and I was at home by m yself [...] being here, I lost all, all everything, like I lost everything
even like, everything, like all my foundational, my family. STEVE meant, like, he was my
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Canada, he was all my life[...] I realized that, I was crying a lot. You know, it was very big
subject. I knew she w asn ’t really happy fo r me to be here and stuff, so umm, we went
through a lot o f talking and tears and all that stuff [ ...] he was saying that I am jealous.
Maybe I was in a way, I needed him a lot. So, I had nervous breakdown. And I lost lots o f
weight. And I was crying a lot. Everybody was thinking that I didn't have any reason. Plus,
I didn 7 tell anybody, I was keeping it to myself. And after that, I went on anti-depressants,
and they helped me a lot. Because, till that point, / didn 7 have reason to cry and I was
crying. It was ju st ridiculous. And his daughter, she also realized that she wanted her dad
to be happy and that I am not an enemy and I am not taking him, like stealing forever or
anything. So, that was, that was a very difficult p a rt to deal with, in my experience. But it is
very touchy, even now, [my husband and I] prefer to not talk about it. ”

ELENA’s feelings of exclusion caused her severe mental distress, greatly affected her
relationship with family and husband, as well as inhibited her ability to develop a sense o f place
and identity within her new environment. Whiteside (1989, 34) agrees that it is essential for
remarried or blended families to create cohesion through “everyday patterned interactions,
family traditions, and family celebrations” in order to create a family identity. In experiencing
issues with power dynamics, jealousy and exclusion, it is understandable that ELENA struggled
to be confident and independent, without having an established identity or sense o f place in
Canada.
In a similar situation, SVITLANA described how CHRIS was jealous o f the attention she
afforded her young son ALEX when they first moved to Canada and how he manipulated access
to basic necessities in order to receive the type o f attention he was interested in:
SVITLANA: “He asked me when I got here: “Where is the card?” and he took it away
from me. I had no money. He was paying everywhere and I said: “I fe e l so embarrassed.
Nothing from him, ever, ever. No dollar from his hand. ”
CL: “So that must have made you fe e l very vulnerable then, because you had no money to
buy things fo r your son if you needed them. Or you couldn 7 go anywhere on your own, you
were dependent, like you had to be tied to him because o f that? ”
SVITLANA: “Yeah. And he would tell me: “You have to go show me love and then we
will talk about shoes fo r your son. ” [I said] “Show me love? How can I show you love? ”
He told me: “Our boy, ” And I would talk to my son that: “That this is our home. We were
a fam ily now and we were going to live here. ” And then after that, I am trying to tell my
son: “Ok, now we are going to be here and this house is going to be our home. ” He said:
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“Mom, are we not going to look fo r D ad anymore? ’’ You know, it ju st breaks you. Yeah,
when I came [CHRIS’] frien d had said: “Oh, he will be number one. ” My son. And I was
like: “Yeah, he is six years old. ’’ You know at home, we sleep in the same bed and at home
we ju st have two rooms right? And here I sleep with another man in a different room. He
has his own room in a big house. He is scared, he comes to the room every night; he is
crying. ”

CL: “So [CHRIS] was jealous o f the attention that you p a id to your son? ”
SVITLANA: “Yeah. ”
Following her separation from CHRIS and the resolution o f her immigration issues, SVITLANA
began a new relationship with another man living in northern BC, whom she had met through
mutual friends. Once SVITLANA and TOM’s relationship became serious and they were
married, SVITLANA encountered further difficulty because her son and her new step-son had a
hard time getting along. She explains:
SVITLANA: “It isn ’t easy. ”
CL: “The integration into the fam ily wasn't easy? ”
SVITLANA: “Yeah no. He [m y step-son] was very jealous because o f his dad. And he
would make hard time fo r my son; he is two years older. It was really hard. [...] For a long
time it was ju st him and Dad. And then here is this woman with a child. And I told him:
“Your dad could have met another woman who could have had two kids who were older
than you and give you hard time. You know, you should fe e l lucky that you got a little
brother who is ju st happy to be around you. But now he is older and it is better. Now he
has a jo b and loves his school and he is talking more now. ”
Although TAMARA and SITSIT also married men with children from previous relationships,
their experience was much different that ELENA’s and SVITLANA’s because their step­
children were older and had already moved out o f the family home to start their own lives.
6.4 Conclusion
Through the discussion provided above, one is able to understand that marital and
familial relationships serve as a central point o f negotiation within foreign brides’ transition to
new environments, and as such, have greatly influenced their reestablishment o f place and
identity. Comments, journal entries and photographs, combine to create a narrative o f negotiation
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which highlights how situated knowledges are developed globally, locally, and individually
through experiences of marriage and migration, as well as through experiences o f inclusion and
exclusion in the private sphere. Furthermore, experiences o f place and identity fragmentation,
dislocation, and/or “inbetweenness”, enable

foreign brides to create new spaces or

“translocalities”, wherein the development of new ways of being and belonging allow for the
reestablishment of self, belonging, agency and independence.

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Chapter 7 : Public Negotiations: Exploration of Local and Transnational Landscapes
7.1 Introduction: Situating the Importance of “Weak Ties”
In moving beyond the marital relationship and family dynamics, the following chapter
explores how the women’s settlement and integration in to broader social settings influenced the
development of their sense o f place and identity. However, given that every individual’s
experiences are unique, it is challenging to pin point a specific location or public interaction in
which to analyze negotiations. Therefore, I explore the range o f social networks and ties
discussed by the participants in order to highlight central points of negotiation within their
settlement an integration experiences.
Walton-Roberts (2008, 499-500) affirms the importance of understanding “intersections
and continuums, rather than [public and private] binary oppositions” within migrants’ lives,
given that this approach allows

for a greater understanding of social and spatial

inclusion/exclusion, gendered identities, and social processes, as well as for the examination of
power across global-local scales. Thus, instead o f studying specific scales or locations, WaltonRoberts (2008, 500) suggests the examination of experiences within social networks for the
prevalence of “strong ties” and “weak ties”; “strong ties” represented by ethnic kinship and
familial connections, whereas “weak ties” include broader social interactions within the
community.
While “strong ties” play an essential role within the settlement and integration process, as
demonstrated in Chapter Six, “weak ties” are also imperative to the success o f the migration
process because they provide access to new information and exposure to new ways o f being
(Walton-Roberts 2008, 500). Accordingly, Walton-Roberts (2008-5000) concludes that the
ability to develop both “strong ties” and “weak ties”, and by establishing support networks
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through these ties, to have a “smoother” settlement experience. Consequently, by recognizing the
importance of the spatial and social connections across transnational space, I am able to highlight
some central points of negotiation within the women’s lives.
7.2 Reestablishing Independency & Agency
The women’s discussion of everyday experiences highlighted several points of personal
negotiation that occurred as a result o f developing “weak ties”, and correspondingly, discussed
how these interactions shaped their perceptions of agency and independence. While achieving
language proficiency, driving skills, and establishing employment and education opportunities
may seem like commonplace, routine activities, the women describe the relearning and/or
reintegration o f these processes as challenging negotiations in a new environment.
7.2.1 Language Proficiency
The ability to effectively communicate is essential to an individual’s happiness, ability to
feel included, as well as their capacity to establish interactions and experiences which would
enable the reestablishment of sense o f place and identity. While all of the women had some
proficiency in English prior to immigrating, many struggled with language once they arrived in
Canada. As a result o f their perceived or actual language barriers, some women described
feelings o f isolation, dependence, and a loss of confidence. TAMARA contextualizes the
difficulty she experienced integrating into the community and developing connections beyond
her familial relationships as a result o f her language skills, when she comments:
TAMARA: “Independence. When I arrived, I fe lt like princess in the castle right? But
independence fo r me it was hard, a struggle. I figured out what was hard fo r me, when I
would go outside people would not understand me [ ...] Some people are very warm and
some people very cold. Some people would smile but you could see them laugh behind.
Every community has groups, but especially in a small place: Rotary and Ducks, and so
on. Some people are ju st rude and mean, usually it is ju st women. They will stand in front
o f you in a group and I would try to be conversational but, there could be three o ffive o f
them and the lady would talk to fou r o f the other persons and say: "What she said? ” Very
rude I And: "What? Now, talk to me in English what you said? ” It is frustrating but I have
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dream to live here and somebody is not going to ruin it. I w ill cover my ears. Just because
[my voice] is high pitch, she misunderstood about me and I think it is very rude. You have
name. I am not "she ”, I have name. ”

Moreover, TAMARA identified that although she was not afraid to speak in English, that she
and RICK did not have good communication in their relationship because he had difficulty
understanding her:
TAMARA: 7 was ju st talking, speaking English like I was drumming on a drum. If
people d o n ’t understand me, I d o n ’t fe e l ashamed. I had several friends that I met through
my English instructor who were interested in speaking with me. But I w ill say it, I had lack
o f communication. I couldn 't speak with him, my husband about many subjects which was
really hard fo r me. Because he doesn ’t understand, he doesn ’t even know what I could tell
him. How many times I would start talking to him and he was not interested because it
difficult. We stopped talking, our conversations. I w on’t talk to him.”
As a result of the breakdown o f communication in their relationship, TAMARA and RICK
separated after a year of marriage. Given that their separation was amicable and that she and
RICK remain good friends, TAMARA describes this time in her life positively and summarized
their relationship status in saying: “It is better to have bad peace than good war”.
While TAMARA was able to remain confident about her language skills regardless of
negative experiences, ELENA commented on how her limited language skills isolated her by
complicating even the simplest o f tasks. Moreover, because ELENA and STEVE first settled in a
remote community within northern BC, where no language services available, she had to depend
on her family and electronic sources to establish her skills:
ELENA: "[My husband’s fam ily] helped me go to get groceries and show me w h at’s
what, because you know even if I knew English, fo r example I need sugar, well I would
come in the store and all that I see is you know, Rogers, big letters. What is it? I cannot
see the word sugar, so I needed som ebody’s help fo r me first times to do groceries. I
started learn to get ready fo r driving test on the computer; I started read the book. I was
watching TV a lot, any news, you know, to get used to fluent speech because my husband
was trying to talk too slow to me so that I could understand. But fo r example, other
people, they have no idea right? So they speak fa st and with words that I do not know. So
I had hard time to understandfluent English. ”

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Because o f her language limitations, ELENA described becoming more introverted and
dependent, which lead to her nervous breakdown. However, ELENA described that her
Husband’s patience and willingness to work on their relationship to enable her to build her
proficiency and confidence over time. What is more, when STEVE lost his job due to a mill
closure, the family relocated to a larger centre in northern BC so that ELENA would to be able to
access language and educational resources that would better facilitate her settlement. Figure 7.1
was one of the photographs selected by ELENA to share, given that it demonstrates her
independence now that she has moved to a larger centre and has been able to get her driver’s
license.

Figure 7.1: ELENA "Independence"
The development o f “weak ties”, in conjunction with her strong family ties, enabled ELENA to
develop a renewed sense o f independence and agency and ultimately strengthened her settlement
experience.

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ELENA: "It was tough to get used to change. And umm, you know I couldn 7, I was
basically, how to explain it, cannot use all, all what Canada can offer. Staying home,
trying to learn language and you know all that stuff, so it's changed only fo r the best. I
started feel it now, just, ju st with me, you know, getting my license and finding jo b and I
started fe e l that I ’m home. At first it definitely didn 7feel like home and it was tough I was
homesick and all that stuff. Now I feel like I am home. ”
In my conversations with ANNA, she highlighted how communication with DAVE is
challenging due to her limited language skills and cultural differences, and in turn, how this has
shaped the (re)establishment of her sense of place and identity in Canada:
ANNA: "I have changed. I am kind o f tame here. ”
CL: "Tame?”
ANNA: "Yeah. ”
CL: “How so, can you tell me a little bit more about that? What would you not do here
that you would in the Philippines? ”
ANNA: "Especially, like how to communicate. I am kind o f like: "Oh,” I ju st say: "Yes or
no, ok ” like that. But back at home I can talk my language. ”
CL: "Andso you can be more opinionated? ”
ANNA: "Yes. [ ...] Yes. The way, the way, I don 7 know how to say it, maybe ju st like ways
o f communication. Yes, sometimes we have misunderstandings, or sometimes I d o n ’t
understand, or sometimes some, like, maybe they are straightforward and they talk what
they feel right away and we don 7 do that. Cause we don 7 want to hurt the feelings o f other
people. But here you ju st talk and you don 7 know how the person is taking the message. ”
Moreover, ANNA explains that her struggle to effectively communicate with her husband has
affected her mobility, agency and decision making capacity, as she does not feel like she can be
independent in Canada:
ANNA: "I miss my family, my friends, and the lifestyle that I have there. I was free; I
could go around [pause]. ”
CL: “Sort o f independence too? ”
ANNA: "Yeah. Cause here, I have, I don 7 know, i t ’s not that, I can 7 go right away. ”
CL: "And now too, instead o f just making a decision yourself, you make decisions with
your husband as well. ”
ANNA: "Yeah. Yeah th at’s hard. ”
CL: "Do you attend church in Fort St. John? ”
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ANNA: “Yes, the Presbyterian church; although I mentioned to my husband a long time
ago I want to do, more like, to go to another church. My church in the Philippines is like
kind o f big church, and it is not ju st you go there and you sit and listen; you participate
and it is lively. Not ju st sit there and then go home. And I wanted also my son to have like
bible studies and actually 1 suggested that we go to an alliance church. It actually ju st the
opposite side o f the building, but he said no, we can't go. Cause his brother is also a
member there, th a t’s why. ”
Although ANNA did not explicitly talk about a power imbalance in her relationship with her
husband DAVE, her comments about her lack o f independence and decision making underscore
her ongoing negotiation, which has significantly shaped her sense o f self, identity, and place in
Canada. In an effort to regain her independence, ANNA attends conversational English classes at
the Literacy Society in her community and hopes that by improving her proficiency that she will
be able to successfully pass the Canadian Registered Nursing Equivalency Exam and rejoin the
workforce. Thus, the establishment of “weak ties” outside of her home enable ANNA to
reconnect with a part o f herself and renegotiate new ways of being and belonging in her new
environment.
While TAMARA’s, ELENA’s, and ANNA’s comments highlight how language
proficiency greatly shaped their settlement and integration experiences and influenced the
negotiation of their sense o f place and identity, SVITLANA’s experience emphasizes the critical
nature of language to one’s health, safety, and wellbeing. As previously mentioned, SVITLANA
was involved in an abusive relationship when she first arrived in Canada. As part of his abusive
and controlling tactics, CHRIS denied SVITLANA opportunities to learn and/or improve her
language skills. In isolating SVITLANA in this manner and ensuring that she did not build ties
outside of their relationship, CHRIS was able to maintain complete control over her and place
her in an extremely vulnerable situation. SVITLANA explains her situation by commenting:

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SVITLANA: “I was kind o f learning by speaking but when we end up in immigration one
day, at IMSS, then this lady, she said: “Oh, we have free language classes. ” And CHRIS
was like: “OH! She already speaks too much! ” and he d id n ’t want me to speak. ’’
CL: “So he told you not to take these classes then? ”
SVITLANA: “No, I wasn't allowed. He d id n ’t want me to end up in that place because
they offer so much help. ”
CL: “No, by the sounds o f things, and what you have told me before, he wanted to control
you as much as possible? ”
SVITLANA: “Um hum, yes. And he doesn ’t want you too smart; because if you can speak
you can get out somehow. He would tell me: “Oh, why are they looking at you? They are
all losers. They are looking but they ca n ’t go and get one [a foreign bride]. ’’ And I am
thinking like: “Why would they need to go and get one? ” So he was always telling me like,
he would say, like he was trying to tell me that: “Oh, they are looking’’ and he was jealous
o f that, you know, that I might leave him fo r someone else. ’’
Moreover, the vulnerability associated with SVITLANA’s limited language capability was
further emphasized when she dealt with immigration officials following her separation from
CHRIS. Because SVITLANA could not proficiently read, write, and/or speak English, she could
not understand her rights and was nearly deported. SVITLANA explains receiving a visit from
an immigration representative at the women’s shelter, who requested her signature on a
document:
SVITLANA: “He took my passport and all my documents. He held us there fo r three
hours without like even five minute break. He ask everything, everything! So I start crying.
I mean it was so much stress. He said: “Ok, now i t ’s all emotion. How are you planning to
stay? What you going to do? ” And I said: “My friends. They said that they would sponsor
me. And I still have two months left on my visa. ’’ And so he went and he bring me that
paper and he make me sign; with our pictures there already, like my son. And I look at her
[a representative o f the local MLA's office] and she ca n ’t say nothing. And I d o n ’t know
what to do? I ju st took some time and I d o n ’t understand anything that was said on that
paper. They should have provided me [with a translator], I mean, it was my second
language and I am ju st learning. They are immigration officer and they can decide. And I
ask him: “ What is it? ” and he said: “This paper, when you are going to leave Canada, you
give it to the airport. ” How he was lying! He sa id that: “You give it to them when you
leave. So they know you left. ” Holy moly. But then I was reading: “deportation ” which is a
very similar word in Russian. And I was thinking and I said: “How about I w ill come, like
a few days before when it is time fo r me to leave and I will sign these papers. I d o n ’t feel
comfortable signing them right now. ” When we got out the door she said: “Thank God!
Good fo r you! It was deportation. ” She was so angry when we got back to the office. She
start writing and wrote that letter all night. ”
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SVITLANA’s experiences o f violence and abuse highlight the importance o f establishing “weak
ties”, as without them she may not have been able to successfully negotiate assistance for herself
and her son during their greatest time in need.
7.2.2 Education & Employment
An individual’s education plays a large role in their positionality, given that the process
of learning opens up new ways o f understanding, and as such, ways of being and belonging. As
mentioned above, all of the women who participated in this research had received post-secondary
educations; however, all of the women required upgrading/further education to continue a career
in their field because their credentials were not recognized in Canada. For SITSIT, MONA, and
SVITLANA, the transition from a professional career to entry level positions in Canada served
as a central point o f negotiation in their lives; in assuming new roles in the employment sector,
the women were placed in situations where they were required to renegotiate their self, place,
and identity.
For instance, during our conversations SITSIT was always very proud to share information
about her education, repeatedly recalling detailed stories about completing her Master’s degree
in Public Administration and discussing research methods for her Master o f Library Science
degree. As a widowed mother o f four, one can only imagine the challenge and sacrifice that
SITSIT must have endured in order to achieve her credentials. Moreover, throughout the pursuit
o f her education, SITSIT owned and operated several small businesses, such as a meat
wholesaling company, a travel agency, and an Internet cafe, in addition to working as a secretary
within a government office for 32 years. However, once SITSIT immigrated to Canada she
learned that her credentials would not be recognized and her vast professional and business
experience was not transferable. Therefore, SITSIT was forced to seek employment within fast

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food restaurants and was hired in several entry level positions. As such, SITSIT discusses how
this employment transition has been an abrupt change in her life and has shaped her outlook on
how she wants to live her life in Canada. She comments:
SITSIT: “/ am not used to not moving fast, because fo r so many years, 32 years in the
Philippine government I worked hard. And now I move slowly [pause], now yeah. ”
CL: “Well and that is a big change fo r you as well, going from working in an office
environment to working in restaurants? ”
SITSIT: “ T o m feel, it is like, self-pity fo r you. You are in the office and you are used to
that and then you go do restaurant [pause] it is like an abrupt change. My husband, my
husband can afford fo r me to stay without me having to work, but I am not used to that. It
is my own, my desire. Because I am not used to open you pants and ask money. I d o n ’t
like that. I want my own. I said that I am still young, why depend on him? I am still
useful, still normal. I look at jo b descriptions here on the Internet fo r higher positions, I
read the description and think: “I can do that. I can ” and I apply and they will not
consider me. Maybe it is my age, maybe it is my speech, my pronunciation. ”
While her experiences in entry level positions were difficult, Figure 7.2 depicts a happier
moment when SITSIT was employed at a local fast-food chain.

Figure 7.2: SITSIT "Employment1

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Throughout our conversations, SITSIT maintained that her intent on coming to Canada was for
the opportunity to find happiness in her new life; while SITSIT was able to find love with
FRANK, she was not satisfied being unemployed and living in a small, rural community, so she
choose to move away from FRANK in order to live in a larger centre and seek her financial
independence. SITSIT describes that she visits FRANK on weekends and aspires to one day
open her own business, once her credentials are recognized.
Similarly to SITSIT, SVITLANA struggled to come to terms with her limited
employability after immigrating to Canada. Following her difficult separation from CHRIS,
SVITLANA had to obtain employment in order to provide for herself and her young son ALEX.
However, SVITLANA was also forced to look for entry level employment because her
engineering credentials were not transferable, and engaging in the credential recognition
processes or retraining would have placed greater strain on her already stressful situation. In the
beginning, SVITLANA worked at a fast food restaurant, as well as a hotel and a care facility.
SVITLANA explained that this transition was difficult for her in the beginning, but that she was
grateful to have to opportunity to be independent, to learn, and to meet new people:
SVITLANA: "It was a hard job, but every jo b 1 learn something. Here you learn. Like
you live life, but you learn, you get experience. In Russia, I ju st talked to my friend and
there, there is no jobs, fo r young girls they can only get married; like you know, marry
somebody who can take care o f them. Really sad. There is no life fo r them to become a
better person. Like every jo b here I met good people andfriends [...] Before my Husband
now, I d id n ’t drive, I had a bicycle. And we would ride our bike to the mall and I would
have a jo b and I could spend money. You know, he wouldn 7 take it away from me. yeah,
when I come home, I feel that sense o f freedom. ”
CL: "Independence. ”
SVITLANA: “Yeah, I can do something with my life and I am not going to be yelled at. ”

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In seeking employment, and eventually, upgrading her skills by taking language courses at
IMSS, SVITLANA began rebuilding her confidence, sense o f self, and identity as an
independent woman. Accordingly, SVITLANA submitted personal photographs for discussion
which illustrate the contentment she felt after having the opportunity to take language classes and
other upgrading courses at IMSS (Figure 7.3).

Figure 7.3: SVITLANA "Classes at IMSS"
The positive validation that SVITLANA received through her engagement in different types of
employment enabled her to strengthen the social ties and assisted her in permanently settling in
northern BC.
Similarly, MONA’s education and employment status also became a point o f negotiation
in her life, as she struggled to balance the desire to be a hands-on parent with also wanting to
participate in a fulfilling position outside of the home. MONA spoke at length about her career
as a successful “First Teacher” at a Catholic school in the Philippines and even joked that her
delayed interest in marriage was the result o f “being married to her profession”. However, when
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asked about having her credentials recognized or in her interest in retraining to become a teacher
in Canada, MONA stated that she was not interested in ‘redoing’ something that she had already
achieved. Nevertheless, MONA expressed despair about her struggle to obtain gainful
employment in another position, after finding her love for teaching:
MONA: “My husband said: “No, d o n ’t work. I f you will work, you will bring the kid to
caregiver and your minimum wage, ” at that time, it was only $7.30, “and you will ju st
p a y half to the babysitter. ” I said: “Yeah, I know. ” [And he said:] “And you d o n ’t really
need to work. ” But I didn’t feel like working too because I want to raise my kids [...]
Eventually, I was1working [at a fa st fo o d restaurant] and I thought that I could still be a
teacher, [laughs] I was working in a mall with kids, kind o f thing. “Ok, ” I said "This is
too degrading. ” I was ju st talking to my sister: “This is too degrading, I am working with
these kids and now they are going to teach me? I know, I know how to do it! Why are they
teaching me? ” and stuff like that, [laughs] And it is different when you are working with
youngers and you are older and they say: “Do this, do that. Da dada da. ” I said: “No,
teach me well, d o n ’t shout at me. ” So I will address them: “Take it slow ly and the next
time I will know it. ” They w on’t, they w on ’t, they will ju st make fun o f me and so every
time I come home I cry. And I said to my husband: “I am not really going to work
anymore. I d o n ’t want those kids, they are ju st mean. Blah blah blah. They are not so
considerate. ”
In trying to utilize her professional skills in her new employment roles, MONA displays how
education and employment are central points of negotiation in her life and how this transition has
influenced her to behave in a manner in which she could retain portions of her past identity.
While SVITLANA and MONA choose not to pursue retraining or upgrading, ELENA,
ANN, and TAMARA sought additional education in efforts to reestablish their familiar sense of
place and identity in Canada. TAMARA described how after allowing herself to settle in and
learn English during her first two years in Canada, that she was interested in having her
credentials recognized and pursing upgrading that would enable her to obtain a career in Canada.
In doing so, TAMARA was able to reconnect with an essential part of her sense of self and
place, as well as find happiness:

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TAMARA: ‘‘Studying is my nature. I always fin d something to keep me very busy,
because otherwise, I would ju st think that it is wasted time. When I am working or
studying, I am enjoying all moments. It is enjoyable time. I enjoy it 100%. ”
Later in our conversation, TAMARA expanded on why she placed such importance on retraining
and securing a career in Canada, as she explained that these actions enabled her to regain her
sense of self and identity.
TAMARA: [My feelings] have changed. Night and day. [It is like going from ] being a
baby, sitting in a play pen, and everyone who passes by ju st pokes their head in and says
“H i!” I remember sometimes people would stand very close to me to talk. They would
speak to me like how they would speak to a small child. Am I always feeling like that
smart child from movies you know? He looks at the adults and they look so silly, but this
child couldn 't speak yet, couldn ’t walk yet, they are changing your diaper and giving you
bottle but you understand more than they think [...] I was hard, it was very hard. And 1
do n ’t know if I would like, or if I could do it fo r a second time. It was very disappointing
when you have already achieved something and suddenly it has all vanished. It is
nothing. And your old life is gone, you start from scratch again. A ll the books again,
because you have to regain the knowledge. You have to prove yourself, because they
do n ’t know what you know. It is difficult. ”
CL: “So it is sort o f like starting from scratch? Would you say that from starting from
scratch that you have changed as a person? Your sense o f self? ”
TAMARA: “I built m yself already. I d o n ’t want to build myself a second time. Maybe
some people who could not achieve something before, this would give them the
opportunity to do something. I, fo r a long time, fe e l like I lost everything because I
couldn’t use it. I sort o f explain, and in my country we never talk about what education
you have because it is very impolite, and here I would have to rely on my education to
explain who I am and what I am doing because otherwise they look at me like: “blonde ”.
In the same way, ELENA found the ability to immerse herself in familiar training, in order to
returning to work as an accountant, to help her regain her confidence and find greater balance in
her life:
ELENA: “I am an accountant, so first what I wanted [ when I moved to Canada], is I
asked my husbands' sister-in-law, she has a frien d sh e ’s is a teacher in school, so she
gave me, borrowed, borrowed fo r me fo r my use from school a basis o f bookkeeping kind
o f accounting. I d o n ’t remember the name exactly o f it. For me ju st to get terms, you
know, like I know accounting, well, it has the same idea but is a little bit different here,
but I wanted to know exact terms because they are different [...] My first one wasn ’t like,
first jo b was a sales person in a [department] store. I just wanted to start from
something. And shortly after, in two months, I found accounting jo b [ ...] A t my jo b now, I
finally was umm, I noticed that even people started look at me with different eyes, even
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his family. All o f the sudden they realized, it is hardfor them to understand that when you
are limited in English, you feel like you are a baby. You know you try to explain
everything with your fingers and you d on’t know words, and it is just. My husband, when
he, he always made the comment, he saw me in the Ukraine and he said that by coming
here, I lost all o f my confidence. Because I, really I didn 7 know how to survive, even with
help. So with me getting job I gained my confidence back. ”
As such, the ability to interact with clients and colleagues helped ELENA to further develop her
language skills and also develop new ties/relationships outside o f her immediate family. The
central importance o f her work to her sense of self and identity is further illustrated by ELENA’s
journal reflection and selection o f a picture o f herself at work as one of her favorites during our
photo-elicitation discussion (See Figure 7.4). ELENA writes:
ELENA: “This picture is o f me at work. My work is a big part o f my life and I am happy
to be able to do what I choose to do in the Ukraine -Accounting. ”

Figure 7.4: ELENA "Accounting"
ANNA’s discussion about her preparation to take the Canadian Nursing Proficiency Exam
highlights the same tensions demonstrated in ELENA’s comments about her feelings of
dependency. For instance, ANNA discusses that having her nursing credential recognized would
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enable her to have greater agency in her life and instill the confidence to make her own
decisions:
CL: “Areyou happy here in Canada?”
ANNA: ‘‘Right now? ”
CL: “Yes. ”
ANNA: “Um-hum. I am building my own family. ”
CL: “What could be better? What would make you fe el happier here in Canada? Is there
anything? ”
ANNA: “Maybe when I get to work. [Then] you get to earn your own money and not ju st
ask fo r it. Yeah. ”
I-.]
CL: “So when you finish your language classes, so that you can take the next test fo r the
nursing board, are you planning to become a nurse in Canada? ”
ANNA: “Yeah, yeah that is what I always thought yeah. I used to work and I am not used
to being at home and ju st dependent on somebody. I d o n ’t like that. Sometime I think: “Oh,
how long will it be like this? ”
CL: “That is entirely understandable; you were an independent woman before, with a very
successful career and a busy life in the Philippines and not that it is not a wonderful thing
to be at home with your son, but it is quite a change o f pace. ”
ANNA: “Yeah he [my husband] told me like: “But now we have a son. ” And I said: “Yeah
we do but that is not it, I have my profession too, that is the other [...] “Yeah, I think that I,
especially now that I don’t have work 1 kind o f feel different. When you d o n ’t have work, I
don’t know, you can picture the world like, it is kind o f like you are in a cave or something
when you don’t have work. ”
CL: “So do you feel like a little part o f yourself is almost missing sometimes when you are
not able to be a nurse? Like when you are not able to do your job? ”
ANNA: “Yes, I actually mentioned that to my tutor when we were kind o f like out. Yeah, I
always communicate with my friends back in the USA who are working and are doing this
and that. And I think: “Oh, I wish I could do that! ”
CL: “So would you say that the ANNA from the Philippines is different from the ANNA
here in Canada? Or is your identity or sense o f yourself sort o f the same? ”
ANNA: “Yes, it is the same here, but there are differences. There are things that I can 7 do
here because I don 7 have work; and because there I can buy this and buy that, go to the
store, like anything. I can, ”
CL: “So your perspective is a little different? ”
ANNA: “Yeah, but here, I also like understand my husband because he is ju st the one who
is working and I can 7 be like: “Buy me this and buy me that. ”
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While ANNA struggles with feelings of dependency, her actions are a clear demonstration
of her wiliness to be an active agent in her relationship and her goal to attain balance in her life
through the renegotiation of her sense of place and identity.
Through these narratives, one is able to observe the significance o f employment and
educational opportunities to the renegotiation of place and identity in a new environment. It is
through these opportunities to engage and interact outside o f the home and the marital
relationship that foreign brides are able to exercise their agency and gain a sense of
independence. In doing so, they are able to reconnect with aspects o f their past experiences to
forge their new transnational identities.
7.3 Transnational Connections & Cultural Refueling Opportunities
Discussion of typical activities and daily routines often elicited very detailed responses
from the women. Interestingly, details gathered from these simple questions often best illustrated
how the women were working to renegotiate their sense o f place and identity in a new
environment. In the discussion below, the women demonstrate how engagement in their culture
through communication, transnational social opportunities, and routine practices helped them to
feel more settled and enabled them to renegotiate feelings of being and belonging in Canada.
7.3.1 Food
A prime example o f how elicitive discussions of basic practices can be seen in the type of
conversation that occurred as a result of talking about food. Since food plays a fundamental role
in the way we live and organize our lives, discussion of/about food served as a catalyst to ignite
broader conversations about lifestyles and livelihoods, and moreover, demonstrated the symbolic
and literal power of food in shaping one’s perception, and negotiations of place and identity.

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For KITTY, the discussion of food enabled her to recall topophilic memories o f the
Philippines, as well as create transnational connections to her culture while living in Canada. For
example, when asked about what she misses the most about living in the Philippines, KITTY
references food as a primary to connection with her culture and memories o f home:
KITTY: “WEATHER! Yeah, the weather. THE FOODS! [...] You know, the fresh foods,
you know. To be honest, you can eat a lot o f things there compared to here. Well o f
course things are harder here in Fort St. John, because there aren’t as many varieties but
going down south, in Vancouver, there is a lot o f varieties. But back home, i t ’s, it's ju st
the smell [laughs] [...] It is definitely different because when you go to the market or
when you go ju st even walking, sometime you can ju st smell this, well especially when it
rains, it is so dry and it rains, like the smell o f fresh raining. And whenever you walk into
the market, you can smell those stinky fish, or whatever is there. ”
In addition to food being a central point of discussion in our conversations, many o f KITTY’s
photographs and journal entries also referenced food. In the journal entry and accompanying
photograph selection (Figure 7.5), KITTY explains how sharing a meal facilitates connections
with friends, enables her to engage in her culture, language, and traditions:

F i g u r e 7.5: KITTY "Lunch with Friends"

KITTY: “[This picture is] taken at our dining room table one last noon o f summer. That
was me in the green shirt with the tape measure around my neck. [My friend] comes to
visit at least once a week to have her children play with my younger children. As you can
see, we are eating something during our lunch hour. We Filipinos eat three times a day
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with rice and something on the sides and we call it ‘ulam ’. Filipinos love to entertain in
whatsoever way we can. And I love having Filipino friends come over to my house so we
can dine together and catch up with so many things. It reminds me o f the word
‘kapitbahay’ or 'nananagapit bahay’ (visiting next door neighbor). [I took this picture
because] it reminds me o f home when I dine with my fellow Filipinos with the same fo o d
and not worrying about how we eat it. In this picture, we have fried eggplant, langanesa
(cured pork sausage), rice and pancit (chow mien). Normally, we eat with our hands
back home. ”
In contrast to the positive connections KITTY associates with food in bringing her closer
to her culture in her new environment, MONA’s discussion about food highlights feelings of
homesickness, isolation, and the negotiations she encounters while trying to raise a multicultural
family. For instance, MONA identified the lack of availability/access to traditional foods and
ingredients in northern BC to be one o f the challenges she faced when pregnant with her
daughters:
MONA: ‘7 have to adjust although, although when I was conceiving I was craving fo r
Filipino fo o d and I kept calling my Mom and I would say: “Oh, I wish I could eat that! I
wish I could eat that. ” My Mom said: “Is there nothing there? ” And I said: “Well, there
is none because there is no Filipino store here, ” I said “big cities there is. ” She asked:
“What have you eaten? ” A nd I said: “I d on’t know how to cook, ” because I really didn ’t
cook back home because, I do n ’t cook. It is my brother who cooks fo r my fam ily because
I go to work. I f I was to cook they would be laughing at my cooking [...] during my
conception, I ate only peppers and ice-cream! Because I would put everything else out. ”
Additionally, MONA’s discussion of food also served as a connection to discuss larger social
and familial issues. In commenting about the challenges she faces when cooking traditional
meals, MONA identified her negotiation o f balancing two cultures simultaneously while raising
a multicultural family:
MONA: “They don 7 want me to cook [...] They only eat my noodle when I cook. But we
go quite often to Mama Panda, to Chinese food, but when I cook Filipino, they don 7 eat
it because o f the smell, they think it is gross. And my kids are so picky and stuff. But I
never really assert, make them eat and to teach them how to speak our dialect and
language and stuff. I never did [...] ”
CL: “So does it make you sad that they aren 7 as interested in Filipino culture? ”
MONA: “Actually, it never did. It never did until, until we visit with a Filipino family.
And they will say: “Oh, what can I prepare?” and I will say: “I t ’s ok, they’re fine, as
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long as there is hamburger. ’’[And they say:] "Oh, I have hamburger! ” Stuff like that.
Until then I didn’t realize: "What can I do? What can I do?" This is Canada though.
They are Canadian so? It is so hard to raise a multicultural family. Very hard. ”
While food did not play a literal role in the establishment o f MONA’s sense o f place and
identity, discussion about food allowed MONA to speak about the social and cultural struggles
that she endures, as well as highlights her feelings o f ‘betweenness’ and disconnection.
Similarly to MONA, TAMARA’s discussion o f food also highlights the difficulty she
experienced before migrating to Canada, as well as her stmggle to feel settled in the first few
years. For instance, TAMARA shares that the stress of preparing to leave her life in the Ukraine,
while trying to learn English, caused her to lose a significant amount of weight:
TAMARA: "Yeah, it was hard. I lost a lot o f weight. No, it was interesting. I lost a lot
o f weight before I came to Canada. I came to Canada 80 pounds. ’’
CL: "Wow!"
TAMARA: 7 was 80 pounds. I could hardly take a step. I was so tired. And it was so
different here it, I didn ’t take many things in my life, only what is special here (motions to
her heart). I come from a country where people only live by their needs, nothing extra.
And I started try everything and I gained 52 pounds in three months. I lost most o f them,
fo r a long time after I was 95 pounds or 93, maybe 97. In the last year I started to pick
up, I am maybe 102 now because I work physically and my muscle has gained. I work
out, but no too hard. ”
Although, TAMARA describes gaining weight and becoming healthier, she also discusses her
continual struggle with food given that the abundance and availability of food in Canada serves
as a constant reminder of what her family does not have in the Ukraine.
TAMARA: "I had some stress. Well, I couldn ’t call it stress. I was upset about several
things. For example, I couldn’t open fridge because there is so much food. ’’
CL: "Here in Canada? ’’
TAMARA: “Yeah, fridges are so fu ll and have special freezers. And I umm fe e l guilty to
try because my fam ily don’t have it.[...] And everything that I want to try, always, my
husband buy everything, and I feel like it is not real; like my subconscious is telling me:
"It's not fair. ”
Specifically, Figure 7.6 demonstrates the struggle TAMARA feels when she opens her fridge.

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Figure 7.6: TAMARA "Full Fridge"
Through the discussion of food, one is able to observe the benefits of routines, practices, and
memories to the development of transnational connections and identities, as well as the difficulty
and disconnection that is associated with living between and within two cultures simultaneously.
7.3.2 Social Events & Cultural Opportunities
While each woman shared examples o f positive interactions and social engagement in
their new environment, the common tread woven through their narratives was the social and
cultural negotiations they experienced as a result o f living in northern communities with small
cultural networks and limited cultural refuelling opportunities.
For example, ELENA discussed how settling in a small rural community after living in a
large, high density urban environment for the majority o f her life, to have greatly affected her
ability to (re)establish her sense o f place and identity. In the following comment, Elena discusses
her difficulty integrating into a small rural community due to a lack o f services and social
opportunities, and how her happiness has improved since she moved to a larger centre:
ELENA: ‘7 meet people, which is huge thing fo r me, socializing. I have, I, by the time I
used to Canada, I w asn’t happy in [small northern community]. If, my husband would still
have jo b there, it probably it would be big issue because I didn ’t know what to do there.
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Farm, is not interested me at a ll I need social life, I need city, and I need people. And it is
something what he doesn’t want, because you know, he was happy, he was bom there, he
was happy with what he has. And umm, so i t ’s why it changed, here, that I am not trapped
in my house. I am going somewhere and doing something. I am busy. I have my own
money. I didn 't like fact that my Husband had to support me all o f the time. I wanted to
have my own money. So, the fact that I am busy and I have some [pause] more, you know
like in [a rural community], well, you go into store everybody know who you are. Which
they think is a good thing, fo r me it isn ’t. I don't want people to know who I am and what
I ’m buying and I have to talk to them. I want to be lost in a crowd, which I guess is also big
difference. ”
Even though ELENA’s much happier in a larger centre, she still identifies that there are limited
cultural networks and opportunities:
ELENA: ‘‘Yeah, so, I, fo r me like i f you ask me what I want Ukrainian or Russian here,
well maybe ju st to kind of, ju st something to be able to meet maybe Russians and
Ukrainian. Which I know that, when we are here we are not that close together and I
know there is few o f us. And we d o n ’t have opportunity to meet each other. Really. I went
in the Ukrainian church, Catholic, they had that perogie and whatever sale. So I went to
there, well I fin d out, there was about fifteen people; none o f them speak Russian or
Ukrainian. They were bom here. And they, well what they can say is: ‘‘H i”. And, and
they have no idea where I came from, when I am trying to explain which part o f Ukraine.
So they are not really, I know there is people who came ju st recently. It is what I would
like to meet. Just because they, I know they will be close, we will be close because we
have the same experience to go through and understand each other. Yeah, so, how does it
make it happen. I don’t know that? ”
Similarly to ELENA, MONA repeatedly commented on the lack o f cultural opportunities she
faced when she first arrived in northern BC, due to the small immigrant population in the
community that she and RAY settled in:
CL: “So when you came to Fort St. John, were there very many Filipino people here? ”
MONA: “No. ”
CL: “And so there weren’t very many cultural opportunities then? ”
MONA: “No, no, but we survived. We are good Filipinos, we found the church and it
helped us like, like invited us to stu ff and invited us to Filipino parties and stuff. But
actually it was only good fo r a moment. Until we get kids and they are calling me: “Why
aren 7 you coming to Filipino parties? ” and it is because o f the way that we hold our
parties, because they are left out. Actually, my husband was ju st following me, filling me,
kind o f because I was ju st new so I was looking for, company, Filipino company. But
actually, he too was trying hard during that time; 1990’s. And because, nobody will talk
to him though; because they are scared. Because I was the only, no, I was the second
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Filipino to marry a foreigner in that town. So it was a very different sort o f thing. He was
ju st coming with me because I would ju st get mad. Because I said: “No, I will not go if
you do not come! ”

MONA’s comment highlights the limited nature o f cultural networks during her settlement, as
well as identifies how being in a multicultural relationship influenced her participation and
engagement with the Filipino community.
While the immigrant community has grown substantially since MONA’s arrival in the
early 1990’s, ANNA’s comments reinforce the limited presence o f viable minorities and ethnic
diversity in northern communities, when she discusses settling in the same community nearly 25
years later:
ANNA: “ When I had, I always had to walk when I was pregnant and I was in the store
and I didn ’t see any Filipinos, I would ask: “What does this say/what does that say? ” It
was really hard not to see any Filipinos here. Because we are remote. ”
CL: “So do you feel sort o f disconnected because you are in a rural and remote place? ”
ANNA: “ Yes, yeah. ’’
CL: “Do you think that if you lived in a more urban place like Vancouver or Edmonton
that it would be, ”
ANNA: “It would be different I think! Because I can see lots o f people. ”
While connections to home are tremendously important, as ANNA’s comment highlights above,
the ability to engage with people of similar cultural heritage and backgrounds in one’s place of
settlement pays an equally important role. When this research first began, MONA, ANNA, and
KITTY, who all live in the same northern community, shared a close friendship and common
bond given that they had all migrated from the same country. This relationship was developed
through engagement with the Filipino community and these interactions played a vital role in the
reestablishment of their sense of place and identity by providing local and transnational
connections to home. However, over the duration of this research, the friendship between these
women became strained by a disagreement in the Filipino community regarding political

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tensions at home in the Philippines. The subsequent division that occurred, as a result o f the
political conflict, has had significant local and transnational ramifications and can thus be seen as
an additional barrier or negotiation endured by the women. KITTY speaks about the challenges
she had endured as part of a small immigrant community when she comments:
KITTY: ‘‘Ok, yeah i t ’s very challenging actually. It is very challenging because, I, I
don’t know i f I want to tell or i f I want to say it but, now it's getting challenge fo r me
because personally, the Filipino community is growing and not all Filipinos are kind o f
close to each other. So sometimes it is a challenge fo r me. ”
CL: "Right. ”
KITTY: “Very, I ’m not going to say anything bad words or anything like that but it is a
challenge. Growing community, growing Filipino community. You, you want to help, but
you don’t know i f she wants to accept your help or i f she will say something about: "Oh,
she is helping because she is you know, blah, blah, blah. ”
CL: "Right. So there is kind o f a discord in the community? Or like a division? ”
KITTY: "Yeah, yeah. You could say that. Division. Yeah. There is a little bit o f division I
could tell, like a challenge. Yeah. So the division is bad. ”
MONA further comments on the power dynamics in the community, due to the political divide:
MONA: “That is how Filipinos destroy each other. ”
CL: "They destroy each other? ”
MONA: "Yeah they do. We do. ”
CL: "Is it hard to [pause] get along isn ’t the right word, but to, ”
MONA: “That would be the right term. That would be the right term because o f like
competition. A Filipino lady is a very competitive lady!"
From ANNA’s, MONA’s KITTY’s and ELENA’s comments, one can understand the critical
role that social interactions and cultural refuelling opportunities play in shaping perceptions of
inclusion and exclusion, and accordingly, mobility and feelings of being and belonging in new
environments.

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7.3.3 Communication
Globalization has enabled increased interconnectivity o f the world, thereby linking
peripheral places of the earth to core spaces o f global conductivity. As a result o f this “timespace compression” (Massey 1997, 316), new realities and geographies are exposed through
individual, community, national, and transnational scales o f interaction (Kapur 2001, 7; Li 2003,
14; Nolin et al., 2009, 3). As such, transnational connections allow transmigrants to feel
connected to their country of origin and settlement at the same time, which in turn, can catalyze
and constrain settlement and integration.
For instance, ANNA, ELENA, and SVITLANA discuss how conversations with home
via telephone, video calling, and emailing enabled simultaneity o f experience which helped to
ease settlement in their new environments. Specifically, ANNA explains that the ability to speak
her language, both locally and with her family via the Internet, helped to make her feel like she
was home:
ANNA: “I think it helped me because I know that they are ok there, stuff like that. Plus I
can talk my language. Actually, when I came here, fo r about two or three months, I don %
I didn ’t see any Filipinos to talk with. So I, I like talking to my family. ”
CL: “So when you speak in your language, does it sort o f feel like you are home? Like if
you close your eyes, is it almost like being there?’’
ANNA: “Yes, like umm, when we went and we had that party. Yeah, the one who cooked
the p ig was Filipinos. So when I got there, that was the first time I had talked with
Filipinos and I was feeling like I was at home. ”

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Figure 7.7: ANNA "Welcome Home"

The banner depicted in Figure 7.7 was hung at the party hosted for ANNA when she first arrived
at her new home in Canada and when she was first able to meet Filipino people in her new
community.
Similarly, ELENA described the ability to keep in contact with her family to help combat
feelings of homesickness:
ELENA: "My husband, being aware that I can get homesick and umm, all that stuff, he
was umm, taking me outside like a lot fo r picnics or you know with his fam ily like fo r a
different umm, berry picking, when spring came. Also, I wanted to communicate a lot.
For first time, I wanted to talk to my family, all o f the time because I couldn 7 get it in
English, my English was limited. So, and I wanted somebody from my world, like what I
fe lt was that I was in a totally different world. I t ’s beautiful, it's gorgeous, my husband
was very supportive, but I was like feeling like I'm visiting. So I was talking to them. But
it is big time difference: ten hours. But I was writing email, sending them pictures, you
know, making them videos and all that stuff. ”
Moreover, SVITLANA describes being motivated by conversations with her family to better
herself and gain employment, so that she could help support her family:
SVITLANA: "No definitely I have to. I have to know how they are doing and are good
kind of; otherwise I don 7fe el complete. Yeah, i f I know that they are not doing very good
then, they, because they give their life until we left fo r us [...] It doesn’t make me

homesick, I just, it makes me sad; 1ju st want to help, and help, and help them you know.
That is why I always want to get three jobs. Every time I get a little bit o f money I am
thinking: “Oh God. I have to send some money. ” You have to manage your money and
then you can help, but you still have to think about yourself. ”
In contrast, KITTY and TAMARA explained that they did not feel the need to extensively
communicate with their families and friends back at home in order to feel settled:
CL: “Keeping in contact with your family, did that make you feel more settled in Canada
or did make you sad and feel like you wanted to go home?
K ITTY: “No, no I don’t feel, 1 d on’t, I didn ’t feel, I really didn't fe e l that 1 want to go
home. No, because my vision is to start fresh in a different country. So I really didn’t feel
that: “Oh, 1 wanna go home. I wanna go home! ” O f course 1 can fe e l that, but after the
person call. It is not because I want to go home because I d o n ’t like Canada. Just to visit
maybe. Just to have a taste o f you know. ”
CL: “So keeping in contact with fam ily helps you feel, or to feed that part o f your body
that also still wants to be a part o f a fam ily here as well? ”
KITTY: “Yeah. Yes. "
TAMARA: “I only speak with my Mom, sometimes with my Aunts, but not very often
[...] When I came here I used to keep in contact with a lot o f friends. We keep in touch
fo r a while and then we ju st lost [touch] and stopped. I understand, when I look at the
map, it is like somebody ju st cut the map up into pieces. There is just so much distance. ”
7.3.4 Home
The influential nature of transnational connections is clearly demonstrated within the
above discussion. However, the true illustration of foreign brides’ simultaneity of experience is
captured by the women’s discuss of ‘home’. While these women have had to endure significant
challenges and negotiations throughout their settlement and integration experiences, each of their
responses exhibited the (re)establishment o f sense of place and identity in their new
environment.
For instance, MONA shares that every time she returns to Canada after visiting the
Philippines, that her sense of home is reestablished upon her return:

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MONA: “ Wherever we have been, we go when the kids were small and every time we go
somewhere we always say: “It is time to go home. ” And we always fin d Fort St. John
home to us, to us as a fam ily because I fin d Fort St. John, not anymore now but, but like
very simple, the way I like it, and the way fo r me it is safe to raise kids. Although many
people say: “You are living in a remote place; very remote!’’ O f course, in 1990 it was
still remote. And I saw Fort St. John grow. So I still feel, I like because that is how we
have back home in the city where I was teaching, we were almost, like, not pioneers, but
you feel like there are lots o f people who knows you kind o f thing. Yeah, sense o f
belonging kind o f here in Fort St. John. [...] This is home and at the same time the
Philippines, but more so Canada. Because I always tell my friends i f I did not come for,
to, to have a fam ily then I would not consider it a home. My home would be in the
Philippines.
ANNA shares a similar response to MONA when she comments on returning to Canada
following a vacation:
CL: “So when you were able to go home, how did that feel? ”
ANNA: “It was like: “I am here! I am back! ”
Moreover, KITTY acknowledges how having a family in Canada has helped to her to develop a
bifocal sense of home:
KITTY: “It, at this point in my life, I should say umm, it is going to be both. I t ’s going to
be both. I can't say: “Oh, the Philippines is not my home anymore. ”
CL: “No, and not that it ever wouldn’t be, ”
KITTY: “Yeah, yeah. It is both. Because in the first place, my husband is from here and
my roots are from the Philippines and I want my kids to also learn more about my
culture. ”
TAMARA articulates her bifocal perception of home when she discusses one o f her photographs
(Figure 7.8) within her journal entry:

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Figure 7.8: TAMARA "Ukrainian Flag"

TAMARA: "[This picture is important because o f the] horizon, amazing. Canola fields, and
endless horizon. [...] For me this picture is like a symbol o f the Ukrainian flag. Blue and yellow
fields. And this yellow fie ld could be sunflowers, or canola or whatever. When I look at this, I
fe el like I am at home, back at home. I think it is special because I don 7 see this kind o f picture
every day. ”
Similarly to TAMARA, ELENA discusses positive feelings in her acknowledgement o f Canada
as her new home, she comments:
ELENA: "I can definitely say that Ukraine doesn 7 fe e l like my home anymore. A nd I
found that out this summer when returned. Before I went there this summer I would have
probably answered both. [But all ] through all my trip there I was ju st thinking about
Canada and how much I want to be here and when I came here, I was really happy and I
definitely fe lt like this is my home. This is where I want to be. Where I belong [...] I love
Canada and I am always thinking that I have been here; I want to fit it, be a part o f it. So,
I do not want to make another Chinatown, only like Ukraine or something. I know we
have to keep our, little bit carry on our traditions or something, but I didn 7 want to
change it too much. Like, I want to learn how to be Canadian. ”

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7.4 Conclusion
From the discussion and findings presented above, one is able to appreciate that the
renegotiation of sense of place and identity is not bound to one space or time, but rather takes
place at several scales o f experience. The layers of the social, political, and physical landscapes,
or taken as a whole one’s social reality, are comprised o f varied and particular experiences
throughout one’s life; these experiences can be fragmented, temporary, and transitional, but their
influence ultimately positions individuals to engage in new ways o f being and belonging. These
socially constructed experiences position our understanding, affect our behavior, and influence
the renegotiation of sense o f place and identity.

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Chapter 8: Conclusion
I’m not sure I can tell the truth.. .1 can only tell what I know.
(A Cree Hunter, in Clifford 1986, 8)
8.1 Introduction
The rapid growth o f the marriage migration industry, due to the increased ease and
accessibility o f the internet, has qualitatively and quantitatively reshaped the process and defined
a new transnational “marriage-scape” (Constable 2005). However, very little is known about this
form of migration or the outcomes o f marriage migration relationships, due to the lack o f formal
documentation and governance over the process (Cote et al., 2001; Belleau 2003). While
Canadian studies advocated for greater awareness of this social practice more than a decade ago,
given the intense uncertainty, vulnerability, and abuse commonly associated with the marriage
migration relationships, no significant action has been taken to develop a greater understanding
of this process or identify ways to reduce the vulnerability o f those involved. Moreover, this lack
o f action is further compounded by a growing knowledge gap, due to the changes in scope and
scale, as well as locations o f origin and settlement predominated within this form of migration
(Belleau 2003b, 596; Constable 2005, 3), which has resulted in the use o f hegemonic
generalizations and discourse to explain this process.
In response to the above-mentioned concerns, the intent o f this thesis is to develop a
greater understanding o f the lived experiences o f foreign brides in rural, non-metropolitan
settings in order to highlighting power relations and other characteristics o f the social, cultural,
and political landscape which shape their transnational experiences, place making strategies, and
renegotiation of identity. In shifting my examination away from past approaches to marriage
migration research, and instead incorporating theoretical frameworks and conceptual approaches

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which focus on the experience of the individual in an unexplored landscape, I identify how a
foreign bride’s corporeal experience in her place of settlement, as well as her transnational lived
experiences of her place of origin, combine to create a multi-focal sense o f belonging and
identity (Mahler 1998, 79; Lawson 2000, 173; Levitt & Glick-Schiller 2004, 1003; Goldring &
Krishnamurti 2007, 5).
8.2 Research Questions & Discussion of Approach to Analysis
To explore how foreign brides’ every day, lived experiences of transnational marriage
migration, settlement, and integration are mediated by their physiological experiences and multi
local perspectives, and accordingly, how these experiences inform their renegotiation of identity
and place, I implemented two primary research questions and two secondary research questions
to guide the inquiry:

1. How do the physical, social, and cultural landscapes o f a northern community affect
the settlement and integration experiences of foreign brides?

1.1 How have foreign brides’ perceptions o f social inclusion/ social exclusion
shaped their mobility, renegotiation o f identity, and place making strategies?

2. Are transnational linkages present and how does that effect place making skills and
(re)construction o f identity in a new environment?
2.1 What types o f services (i.e. education, employment, and wellness) are
available to foreign brides to aid in settlement and integration to northern
communities?

While these are strong research questions and tremendously interesting information was
collected in asking them, the responses gathered did not did not directly answer the questions
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posed. Alternatively, these questions served as a departure point for an in-depth exploration of
the experiences, perceptions, and narratives of the women who participated, and as such,
warranted a refocus of my research questions.
Rather than objectify the perspectives shared to conform to the structure of my
overarching research questions, I embrace the nature o f the exploratory case study method and
acknowledge the importance of allowing the women’s perspectives and understanding to unfold
organically within their narratives (Staeheli & Lawson 1994, 99; Madge et al., 1997, 92; Lawson
1995, 452). In making this choice, I recognize the boundaries inherent within the construction of
social knowledge which limit my ability to speak for the women (Staeheli & Lawson 1994, 99)
and instead provide space for situated knowledges to be explored, as well as allow individual
voices, reflections, and particular experiences to come to the fore (Haraway 1988, 583). My
decision to present the information gathered in this manner is informed by Anthropologist James
Clifford’s (1986, 9) comments on the importance o f understanding the limitations of
ethnographic research and the qualitative researcher in interpreting and representing cultures.
Clifford explains that:
‘Cultures’ do not hold still for their portraits. Attempts to make them do so always involve
simplification and exclusion, selection of a temporal focus, the construction o f a particular
self-other relationship, and the imposition or negotiation of a power relationship.
Thus, in recognizing the inherent “crisis of representation” (Marcus & Fischer 1987, 8) if I were
to try and directly answer my research questions, I instead am critically reflexive of my power
and responsibility in the research relationship (Geertz 1988, 36; Katz 1994, 69; Nast 1994, 57),
and accordingly, have aimed to write from the margins within my analysis (Haig-Brown 2003,
419). In doing so, the women’s narratives take precedence and (re)shape the structure o f research
questions (Abu-Lughod 1991; Nolin 2006) to allow for the presentation o f “inherently imperfect
mode[s] o f knowledge, which produces gaps as it fills them” (Clifford 1986, 8).

160

Therefore, I do not perceive the need to refocus my research questions as a flaw in the
research design, delivery, or experience; instead, I consider the ability for new insight and
understanding to come to light as the most beneficial aspect of this inquiry. Moreover, I believe
that my refusal to generalize or simplify the narratives shared by the women to fit the proposed
research questions demonstrates the rigor and validity of this research (Baxter & Eyles 1997,
511), in addition to contributing new knowledge and understanding to an understudied field of
inquiry.
8.3 Research Contributions
Although my analysis did not directly adhere to the proposed research questions, I argue
that valuable information was gathered through this research pursuit and that much can be
learned from the information obtained. In presenting the range of experiences shared, grouped by
the four primary points of negotiation, this research demonstrates how experiences o f inclusion
and exclusion in new environments and across transnational social space (Nolin 2006, 148;
Goldring & Krishnamurti 2007, 1) shape individual perceptions o f mobility, new ways of being
and belonging, and the (re)construction o f identity and place by foreign brides.
Consequently, I believe my research has contributed to the advancement o f knowledge in
three specific ways. First, I identify the individual and particular nature o f foreign brides’
experiences, and in doing so, argue for the need to resist hegemonic discourse and
generalizations. Second, I highlight the importance of utilizing research methods and approaches
which explore the multi-scaled and multi-local experiences o f foreign brides by identifying
points o f negotiation (family dynamics; independence and agency; transnational connections and
cultural refueling opportunities) that have not been explored in previous inquiries o f marriage
migration relationships. And third, I illustrate how shifting the context of settlement from urban

161

to rural illuminates new insights regarding the vulnerabilities associated with this form of
migration, as well as identify aspects o f the northern settlement and integration experience which
could be transferable to other migrant groups. In the following sections, I expand on each of
these research contributions.
7.3.1. Individuality & Particularity
By shifting the structure of the inquiry to focus on individual experiences o f marriage
migration, this study is one o f the first to acknowledge settlement and integration experiences
within the marriage migration process, rather than only focusing on motivations and outcomes of
the marital relationship. In providing a bottom-up approach and utilizing narratives, my research
highlights the range and the particularity o f foreign brides’ experiences, and reaffirms the need to
understand the diverse interests, desires, and motivations which inform their decision to marry
and migrate. Moreover, my research resists the use of top-down generalizations to explain
structural push/pull factors or the categorization of marriage migration relationships as distinctly
positive or negative, and instead seeks to understand the unique perspectives o f foreign brides by
exploring their individual and particular experiences of settlement, integration, and transnational
marriage migration. In doing so, my research is able to illustrate to the local, global, and
gendered dynamics which inform their multi-sited experiences and identify central points of
negotiation in the marriage migration process.
7.3.2 Multi-Scaled & Multi-Local Approaches: Uncovering Points of Negotiation
While past research on marriage migration has highlighted various aspects of the
marriage migration process, my research focuses on identifying the individual and particular
experiences of foreign brides using place, identity, and corporality as conceptual approaches, and
as such, is one of the first to explore foreign brides’ hierarchy of place experience. The
162

application o f this conceptual lens greatly benefited my research by enabling me to identify
significant points of negotiation within and across foreign brides’ transnational experiences.
Specifically, this lens enabled me to examine family dynamics as a central negation in the lives
of foreign brides and highlight the importance o f these relationships to the success of the marital
relationship and overall settlement and integration experience; accordingly, my research
identifies an area of settlement and integration that has not been discussed in other examinations
of marriage migration. Furthermore, this lens enabled me to key into both the subtle cues and
apparent indicators o f mobility, agency, and independency to identify how foreign brides’ multi­
scaled and multi-sited experiences inform their renegotiation of place and identity in a new
environment.
7.3.3 Settlement and Integration in a Rural Setting: Exposing Vulnerabilities
As previously mentioned, marriage migration in Canada has been almost exclusively
studied from an urban perspective (Cote et al., 2001; Belleau 2003). Thus, in looking at this
practice in a rural setting, my research is able to highlight aspects o f the migration experience
that may have been overlooked or underemphasized in urban studies. For example, the potential
for increased vulnerability and abuse if brides do not possess language proficiency in their
country of settlement is often identified in urban studies o f marriage migration. Yet, in contrast,
my research highlights the intensification of this vulnerability when access to formal services
and informal networks is limited or nonexistent. Moreover, in highlighting characteristics o f the
northern, rural, remote landscapes which influence the success of settlement and integration of
foreign brides, such as the importance of transnational connections and cultural refueling
opportunities, my research serves as a transferable point o f reference for understanding the
experiences of other migrant groups settling in this type o f environment.
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8.4 Recommendations and Future Research Directions
I acknowledge the limitations o f this thesis and my ability to make to make strong policy
recommendations, given that this is only one study conducted in a localized area; however, I feel
this research signifies a step forward in the development of a greater understanding foreign
brides’ experiences, and as such, seeks to promote awareness o f possible methods to achieve
enhance wellness through further research and support for these women.
For instance, I recognize that is very difficult to argue for increase funding for
organizations which provide language training, support for new immigrants, and outreach for
women in need, without quantitative evidence that the current system is not sufficient; however,
I believe this research confirms the occurrence o f a significant issue in northern BC and
identifies how vulnerability is significantly increased when there is limited availability o f these
services. Therefore, in providing this awareness, my thesis serves as a call for action to
community organizations and researchers to take up the cause by recommending the further
investigation on marriage migration in northern BC. Specifically, I recommend future research
directions that include an increase in scope and scale, by implementing methodologies informed
by network analysis, incorporating more study communities, and increasing the size o f the study
population, to enable a policy focused argument. In doing so, this type o f study would serve to
inform provincial and federal governments of the need for greater funding for support services,
as well as provide space to comment on the need for a reevaluation of the spousal sponsorship
process and the introduction of proper documentation in order to reduce vulnerability.

164

8.5 Conclusion
In examining foreign brides’ settlement and integration experiences, in both familial and
community contexts through transnational and feminist lenses, this inquiry has enabled greater
insight into the effects that migration and marriage have on an individual’s sense of self,
belonging, place and identity. Moreover, in exploring marital relationships, family dynamics,
perceptions of independence and agency, as well as cultural refueling opportunities, this research
has identified how experiences of inclusion and exclusion in new environments, and across
transnational social space (Goldring & Krishnamurti 2007, 1) have shaped individual perceptions
of mobility, (re)construction of identities, and place making strategies. In doing so, this research
contributes to the development of a greater understanding o f the marriage migration process,
acknowledges how northern, rural, non-metropolitan landscapes shape settlement and
integration, and illustrates how foreign brides negotiate their sense of self, place, and identity in
new environments and across transnational space.

165

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Appendix 1: UNBC Research Ethics Approval Letter

u

b

c

UNIVERSITY OF
NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

RESEARCH ETHICS BOARD

MEMORANDUM

To:
CC:

Courtney Wood
Catherine Nolin

From:

Henry Harder, Chair
Research Ethics Board

Date:

April 30, 2009

Re:

E2009.0420.057
Marriage Migration in Northern British Columbia: Place and Identity Among
Foreign Brides

Thank you for submitting the above-noted proposal to the Research Ethics Board. Some
changes and clarification have been requested;
•
•

Provide clarity on the storage and destruction of the data
Clarify for the committee the particulars surrounding interpreters involvement and if an
interpreter is utilized a confidentiality agreement must be signed

Please provide a copy of your proposal with these modifications to Debbie Krebs in the Office of
Research and a letter of approval will be forwarded.
Sincerely,

Henry Harder

185

Appendix 2: Information Sheet for Interviews

U

ffo

C

UNIVERSITY OF
NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

3333 University Way, Prince George, B.C., Canada

V2N 4Z9

Tel: (250) 960-5303
Fax: (250) 960-6533
Internet: www.unbc.ca/geography
Email: cwood0@unbc.ca

Courtney LeBourdais
Master o f Arts Candidate in NRES
Geography Program

Marriage Migration in Northern British Columbia:
Place and Identity among Foreign Brides
Information Sheet for Interviews
Purpose of the Studv:
The purpose of my thesis research study is to understand the settlement and integration experiences of
women who have settled in northern British Columbia as foreign brides. By sharing your lived
experiences, you will be aiding in improving our understanding of marriage and migration, as well as
the potential changes that settlement in a northern, rural, non-metropolitan environment may have on
an individual’s sense of place and identity.
We hope that you will take part in this research project by participating in an interview to discuss your
experiences of marriage and migration, as well as your experiences and perceptions of living in a
northern, non-metropolitan environment.
How Participants Were Selected:
You were selected as a potential participant by an individual or organization within the project’s
database on the criteria that you are a recent immigrant to the community of Prince George, Fort St.
John, and/or Dawson Creek.

Your participation in this project is entirely voluntary and, as such, you may choose not to participate.
If you participate, you have the right to terminate the interview at any time. Also, you do not have to
answer any question(s) with which you feel uncomfortable. You may withdraw from the project at
any time and any information that you have contributed will be withdrawn as well.
Anonvmitv and Confidentiality:
All information that you share during the interview will be held within strict confidence by the
researchers. All records will be kept in a locked cabinet in the Northern BC Immigration Networks’
research office at UNBC. Only the researcher, Courtney LeBourdais, and her thesis supervisor, Dr.
Catherine Nolin, will have access to these data. Codes will be used to identify information provided by
participants in all research materials, instead of personal identifiable information (i.e. participant’s
name or community). Neither the names of the participants nor any information that may identify

187

individuals or organizations will be used in any reporting, unless the participant specifies that
this information be deliberately disclosed. All information will be kept until the final report of the project
is completed (approximately five years). After this time, all coding and information indexes with
identifiable personal information will be deleted from computer records and all paper copies will be
shredded. All original digital recordings, notes from interviews and transcripts will be retained
indefinitely.
Potential Risks and Benefits:
This project has been assessed by the UNBC research Ethics Board. They believe that this project
presents no additional risks to participants than were previously outlined. We hope that by
participating and sharing your experiences, that we will have a greater understanding of marriage and
migration, as well as the effect that settlement in a northern, rural, non-metropolitan environment has
on an individual’s sense of place and identity, so that we could potentially identify ways in which the
settlement and integration experiences of future (im)migrants could be enhanced. We envision the
information that you provide to be of use to service providers and policy makers who might
consider your experiences in making changes to future programs and services for foreign brides.
Research Results;
Research results and analysis obtained from this research project will be disseminated via a thesis
document, as well as reports, journal articles, and conference presentations.
Questions. Concerns, or Complaints:
We welcome you to provide us with feedback regarding any questions or concerns that you may
have with this project. Please contact: Courtney LeBourdais (250-960-5303; cwoodO@unbc.ca) or her
thesis supervisor, Dr. Catherine Nolin (250-960-5875; nolin@unbc.ca) in the Geography Program at
UNBC. Any complaints about this project should be directed to the UNBC Office of Research and
Graduate Programs (250-960-5820; reb@unbc.ca).
We are grateful for you time and consideration, and thank you in advance for your participation in
this important project.
Sincerely,

Courtney LeBourdais
M.A. Candidate
Geography Program
UNBC
3333 University Way
Prince George, B.C
V2N4Z9
Phone: 250-960-5303
Email: cwood0@unbc.ca

Dr. Catherine Nolin
Associate Professor, Thesis Supervisor
Geography Program
UNBC
3333 University Way
Prince George, B.C
V2N 4Z9
Phone: 250-960-5875
Email: nolin@unbc.ca

188

Appendix 3: Information Sheet for Photovoice

UNIVERSITY OF
NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
3333 University Way, Prince George, B.C., Canada

V2N4Z9

. Tel: (250) 960-5845
Fax: (250) 960-6533
Internet: www.unbc.ca/geography
Email: nolin@unbc.ca

Dr. Catherine Nolin
Associate Professor
Geography Program

Enhancing the Warmth of Welcome in the Communities
of British Columbia’s Northern Region
Information Sheet for Photovoice and Interviews
Purpose of the study:
The purpose of this study is to understand the experiences and perspective of women who have settled in
the northern region of British Columbia, specifically women who have arrived as Live-in Caregivers,
foreign brides, mail-order brides and/or internet brides. By focusing on the individual experiences of
(im)migrant women, we hope to improve our understanding of marriage and migration, as well as our
understanding of the service needs of (im)migrant women, in the communities of Prince George, Fort St.
John, and Dawson Creek by using a photography technique broadly referred to as Photovoice.
We hope that you will take part in this Photovoice research project by taking photographs, keeping a
journal of your photographs, and participating in an interview to explain your experiences of marriage and
migration, as well as your perception of living in a northern, non-metropolitan environment.
What is Photovoice?
Photovoice is a community based participatory research (CBPR) tool that allows participants to give
voice to their experiences by taking photographs. In taking photographs, participants are acting as the
recorder of their knowledge and expertise. Participant photographs, selected in collaboration with
researchers, will be displayed in an exhibition as a way to open community dialogue to discuss and
understand participants’ experiences and perceptions.
What is required from a participant?
In preparation for the photography portion of this Photovoice project, you will be provided with an
educational photo lesson by a local photographer to leam the basics of photography and how to use a
digital camera. At this time you will be given a digital camera and supplied with a journal to record each
picture you take, how you came to take the picture, as well as the meaning and content of the photograph.
You will have one month to take photographs and write in the photo journal, after which you will return
the memory card and photo journal to the research team at the University of Northern British Columbia
(UNBC), in a prepaid envelope. Once the photography component of the project is completed, the digital
camera will be vours to keep as a token of our gratitude for taking the time to participate in our research
project. Additionally, after your photographs are developed, copies (on a CD and printed) will be returned
to you.
In addition to the photography component of this Photovoice project, we also ask that you participate in
189

an interview to discuss how your photographs capture your experiences and perceptions and also to
choose 1-2 pictures for enlargement and mounting. This selection process will insure your confidentiality
and anonymity is maintained and further, some photographs may be cropped or blurred to protect your
privacy. The mounted photos will be put on display in the community and possibly in other exhibits, as
opportunities arise. This interview should take approximately 1 hour and will be digitally recorded (with
your consent) in order to verify content. We will provide you with a summary of the key themes obtained
from your interview.
By participating in this Photovoice project. I understand that:
> I will be taking photos and recording information about the photographs in a journal.
> I will be taking part in a one-on-one interview with a researcher to discuss my photographs.
> I will need to obtain consent from any person(s), organization(s), and/or company(ies) that I
photograph.
> With my written or verbal permission, the researcher may use photos and information obtained in
interviews and journal entries as part of the final report and other published papers, as well as
display the photographs at exhibitions, lectures, in books, or on the internet.
How Participants Were Selected:
You were selected as a potential participant by an individual or organization within the project’s database
on the criteria that you are a recent immigrant to the community of Prince George, Fort St. John, and/or
Dawson Creek.
Voluntary Participation:
Your participation in this project is entirely voluntary and, as such, you may choose not to participate. If
you participate, you do not have to answer any question(s) with which you feel uncomfortable and you
have the right to terminate your participation with the project at any time. If you decide to terminate your
participation, any information that you have contributed will be destroyed. However, you are able to keep
the digital camera provided to you, as well as the photographs that you have taken.
Anonymity and Confidentiality:
All photographs that you take and information that you share during the interview will be held within
strict confidence by the researchers. All records will be kept in a locked research room at UNBC. Only
the research team (investigators and research assistants) will have access to this data. Codes will be used
to identify information provided by participants in all research materials, instead of personal identifiable
information (i.e. participant’s name or community). Neither the names of the participants nor any
information that may identify individuals or organizations, obtained through interviews, photographs,
and/or photo journals, will be used in any reporting, unless the participant provides written or verbal
consent (via a digital recording) stating that this information be deliberately disclosed. All participants
who are identifiable in the selected photographs will be asked to sign a consent form before their pictures
are displayed or used in research publications. Additionally, selected photographs may be cropped or
blurred to further insure participants’ anonymity and confidentiality. All information will be kept until the
final report of the project is completed. After this time, all coding and information indexes with
identifiable personal information will be destroyed. All original digital recordings, photographs, notes
from interviews, and transcripts will be retained indefinitely.
Potential Risks and Benefits;
This project has been assessed by the UNBC Research Ethics Board. They believe that this project
presents no risks to participants beyond what has been outlined in the anonymity and confidentiality
section. We hope that by participating you will have a chance to provide input into how immigrants and
newcomers are welcomed into northern British Columbia communities and integrated into their social and
economic fabric. We envision the information that you provide to be of use to service providers and
190

policy makers who might consider your experiences in making changes to future programs and services
for live-in caregivers, foreign brides, mail-order brides and/or internet brides.
Research Results:
Research results and analysis obtained from this Photovoice project will be disseminated via reports,
journal articles, and conference presentations. Research findings and selected photographs will be
presented as part of a community exhibition open to service providers, community organizations and
members, and will last 1-2 months. A website, directly linked to the Northern BC Immigration Network
website (www.unbc.ca/immigration), will also be created and will display photos, quotes, and research
findings.
Questions. Concerns, or Complaints:
We welcome you to provide us with feedback regarding any questions or concerns that you may have
with this project. Please contact: Catherine Nolin (250-960-5875; nolin@unbc.ca) or Greg Halseth (250960-5826; halseth@unbc.ca) in the Geography Program at UNBC. Any complaints about this project
should be directed to the UNBC Office of Research and Graduate Programs (250-960-5820;
reb@unbc.ca).
We are grateful for you time and consideration, and thank you in advance for your participation in this
important project.
Sincerely,

Catherine Nolin
Geography Program
UNBC
3333 University Way
Prince George, B.C
V2N 4Z9
Phone: 250-960-5875
Email: nolin@unbc.ca

Greg Halseth
Geography Program
UNBC
3333 University Way
Prince George, B.C.
V2N 4Z9
Phone: 250-960-5826
Email: halseth@unbc.ca

191

Appendix 4: Consent Form for Interviews

Marriage Migration in Northern British Columbia:
Place and Identity among Foreign Brides
Consent Form for Interviews

I agree that I have received and read the attached information sheet and I consent to participate
in this research study. I understand that I will be interviewed and that the interview will be
audio recorded only if I have given my pennission to do so. I understand that my
participation in this research project is voluntary and so I do not have to participate or
answer any questions if I choose not to. I understand that I am able to withdraw from
the research study at any time without penalty. I understand that should I choose to
withdraw from the study, that any information that I have already given will be destroyed. I
understand that my interview responses will be kept confidential and that only the primary
investigator, Courtney LeBourdais, and her thesis supervisor, Dr. Catherine Nolin, will have
access to the information that I am providing. I understand that unless I request that my
name be disclosed, that any information that I provide and that is included in research
reports will be presented in a way that individuals and organizations cannot be identified. I
understand that I will have the opportunity to review the information that is obtained from
my interview in order to provide corrections or clarification as needed.

Participant:___________________________________________Date:

Researcher:

Date:

192

Appendix 5: Consent Form for Photovoice Interview

UfiBC

UNIVERSITY OF
NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

3333 University Way, Prince George, B.C., Canada

V2N4Z9

Dr. Catherine Nolin
Associate Professor
Geography Program

.T e l: (250) 960-5845
Fax: (250) 960-6533
Internet: w w w .unbc.ca/geography
E m a il: nolin@ unbc.ca

Enhancing the Warmth of Welcome in the Communities
of British Columbia’s Northern Region
Interview Consent Form
I agree that I have received and read the attached Information Sheet and I consent to participate in this research
study. I understand that I will be required to take photographs and document information about the photographs
in a journal. I understand that if m y photographs include people other than myself, organizations, or companies,
that I m ust have their permission to do so. I understand that I will be interviewed and that the interview will be
audio recorded but only if I have given m y perm ission to do so.
I understand that my participation in this research project is voluntary and so I do not have to participate or
answer any questions if I choose not to. I understand that I am able to withdraw from the research study at any
tim e w ithout penalty and will be able to retain the digital camera and photographs that I have taken. I understand
that should I choose to withdraw from the study, that any information that I have already given will be removed
from the study database and destroyed. I understand that my interview responses, journal entries, and
photographs will be kept confidential and that only the primary investigator and their research assistants will
have access to the information that I am providing.
I understand that unless I request that my name be disclosed, that any information that I provide and that is
included in research reports will be presented in a way that individuals and organizations cannot be identified. I
understand that I will have the opportunity to review the information that is obtained from m y interview in order
to provide corrections or clarification as needed. I also understand that I will have the opportunity to select 1-2
photographs, in collaboration with the researcher, which will ensure that my anonymity and confidentiality is
retained. Additionally, I understand that some o f m y photographs m ay be cropped or blurred to further ensure my
privacy.
□

I A G REE to allow the researcher to digitally record m y interview.

□

I D O N O T agree to have my interview digitally recorded.

P articip an t:_________________________________________
Signature

D a te :__________________

Researcher:_____________

Date:__________________
Signature

If you have any questions or concerns about this research project, please contact: Catherine N olin (250-9605875; nolin@ unbc.ca) or Greg Halseth (250-960-5826; halseth@ unbc.ca) in the Geography Program at the
U niversity o f Northern British Columbia (UNBC). Any complaints about this project should be directed to the
UNBC Office o f Research and Graduate Programs (250-960-5820; reb@ unbc.ca).

193

Appendix 6: Consent Form for Participant Photography

f f f ljjt/" UNIVERSITY OF
( I n 0 V NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
3333 University Way, Prince George, B.C., Canada

Dr. Catherine Nolin
Associate Professor
Geography Program

V2N 4Z9

. Tel: (250) 960-5845
Fax: (250) 960-6533
Internet: w w w .unbc.ca/geography
E m a il: nolin@ unbc.ca

Enhancing the Warmth of Welcome in the Communities
of British Columbia’s Northern Region
Purpose of study:
The purpose o f this qualitative research project is to better understand the experiences o f (im )m igrant women,
marriage, and m igration, as well as their perception o f living in a northern, rural, non-m etropolitan
environment by taking photographs.
A participant who is involved with this research project would like to take a photograph o f you. It is your right
to consent to or refuse to have your photograph taken. You are being asked to provide consent to have your
picture taken and for this photograph to be used to help tell the participants story o f marriage and m igration in
northern British Columbia. Participants, in collaboration with the research team, will choose 1-2 pictures for
enlargement and mounting. This selection process will insure your confidentiality and anonym ity is m aintained
and further, some photographs may be cropped or blurred to protect your privacy. The m ounted photos will be
put on display in the comm unity and possibly in other exhibits, as opportunities arise. These pictures will be
used to create discussion and to share the participants’ thoughts, experiences, and perceptions o f marriage
migration northern British Columbia.

By signing below, you:
□
□
□

Are providing the participant with consent to take your photograph.
Understand that there may be a possibility that these pictures may be used publicly in a written
report, presentation, research website or display.
Are aware that researchers will take steps to my privacy and confidentiality at all times.

Name o f participant photographed: _____________________ ______________________
Name to be used to identify participant:_____________________________
D a te :_____________ ________________________________________________________ __
Signature: _ _ ________________
Signature o f parent or guardian:________________________________________________
(If participant is younger than 18 years old)
Nam e o f person who obtained co n sen t:______________________________ _______ _
S ignature:______________ ____________________________________________________
If you have any questions or concerns about this research project, please contact: Catherine N olin (250-9605875; nolin@ unbc.ca) or G reg Halseth (250-960-5826; halseth@ unbc.ca) in the Geography Program at the
University o f N orthern British Columbia (UNBC). Any complaints about this project should be directed to the
UNBC Office o f Research and G raduate Programs (250-960-5820; reb@ unbc.ca).

194

Appendix 7: Consent Form for Creative Materials Release

f

u n iv e r s it y o f

v flX IV NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
3333 University Way, Prince George, B.C., Canada

Dr. Catherine Nolin
Associate Professor
Geography Program

V2N 4Z9

. Tel: (250) 960-5845
Fax: (250) 960-6533
Internet: w w w .unbc.ca/geography
Em ail: nolin@ unbc.ca

Enhancing the Warmth of Welcome in the Communities
of British Columbia’s Northern Region
Consent form and the Release of Creative Materials
B y participating in this research project you will have taken numerous photographs o f your experiences with
m arriage and migration, as well as your perceptions o f living in a northern, rural, non-m etropolitan
environment.
B y signing this consent form, I agree that I have received and read the attached information sheet and that I
consent to participate in this research study. I understand that I have taken photographs and have documented
information about the photographs in a journal.
□
I understand that m y participation in this research project is voluntary and so I do not have to
participate or answ er any questions if I choose not to. I understand that I am able to withdraw from the
research study at any time without penalty. I understand that should I choose to withdraw from the study, that
any inform ation that I have already given will be destroyed.
□
I understand that I will be interviewed regarding the content o f my photographs and that the interview
will be audio recorded only if I have given my perm ission to do so. I understand that unless I request that my
name be disclosed, that any information that I provide and that is included in research reports will be presented
in a w ay that individuals and organizations cannot be identified. I understand that I will have the opportunity to
review the information that is obtained from m y interview in order to provide corrections o r clarification as
needed.
□
I understand that m y interview responses, journal entries, and photographs will be kept confidential
and that only the prim ary investigator and their research assistants will have access to the information that I am
providing.
□
I understand that photos selected in collaboration with the researcher will be used for academic
purposes, such as in presentations, exhibitions, journal articles, reports, and/ or other academic docum ents only
w ith m y consent.
□
I understand that if I would like the researcher to use one o f my photos for the aforem entioned
purposes, which includes people other than myself, an organization, or and/or company, that I m ust have their
perm ission to do so. I understand that if I would like to use a photograph publicly that includes a person(s)
who is under the age o f 18, that I m ust have written consent from their parent o r guardian to do so.

195

Name of participant:
S ignature:________
D a te :_____________
R esearcher:_______

If you have any questions or concerns about this research project, please contact: Catherine N olin (250-9605875; nolin@ unbc.ca) or Greg Halseth (250-960-5826; halseth@ unbc.ca) in the Geography Program at the
University o f N orthern British Columbia (UNBC). A ny complaints about this project should be directed to the
UNBC Office o f Research and Graduate Programs (250-960-5820; reb@ unbc.ca).

196

Appendix 8: Interview Conversation Guide

ujtoc

UNIVERSITY OF
NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

3333 University Way, Prince George, B.C., Canada V2N 4Z9
Courtney LeBourdais,
MA Candidate in NRES
Geography Program

Tel: (250) 960-5303
Fax: (250) 960-6533
Internet: www.unbc.ca/geography
Email: cwoodO(a)mbc. ca

M a rria g e M ig ra tio n in N o rth e rn B ritish C o lu m b ia :
P la c e a n d I d e n tity a m o n g F o reig n B rid es
Interviewee N am e:_______________________________________
Name to be used to identify participant within the research project:
Community:___________________________ Facilitator:________
D ate:_________________________________ Place:____________
Interview Time- Start:________________ Finish:_____________
Contact Information for Giveback:

1.) Go through information sheet
2.) Obtain consent (either signed or verbal- on digital recorder)
3.) Identification:
“For this project, you have the choice o f participating anonymously (using a
name of your choice) or using your real name. Once we complete the questions, I
will ask you again which you would prefer.”
4.) Start recorder: ‘hold’ = on/off; ‘record/pause’ = start or pause; ‘stop’ = stop
Section A: Life in the Community
A l. How long have you lived in [community name]
A2. Is that how long you have lived in Canada?
A3. Where did you emigrate from?
A4. How did you make the decision to come to Canada?

197

A5. When you first arrived to [community name], what was a typical day like for you?
A6. How has your typical day changed now that you have been living in [Community name and
duration o f residency]?
[i.e. job, activities, church, ect.~\
A7. Can you talk a bit more about your experiences living in northern B.C specifically?
[i.e. employment, educational opportunities, climate, variety o f fo o d and services, opportunities
fo r your children, credential recognition, integration into the community ect.]
Section B: Background Information
B1. How old are you?
<18
19-29

30-34

35-39

40-44

45-49

50+

B2. Are you married?
B3. How did you meet your husband?
B4. Where did you get married?
B5. Do you have any children?
[If yes, how old and how many?]
B6. Can you explain your migration process?
B7. Did you have a choice in locating in [community name]?
[i.e. recognition o f rights- as some women make an informed decision to come; are you now
aware o f your rights that you have?]
Section C: Transnational Experiences
C l. Can you tell me about what life in [country name] was like?
[i.e. education, employment, ect.]
C2. What sorts o f hobbies and activities did you most enjoy while living in [country name]?
C3. How did you become involved in the relationship with your husband?
C4. How did your family feel when you decided to migrate to Canada?
C5. Do you still keep in contact with family and friends in [country name]?
[i.e. Remittances]
C6. What do you miss most about [country name]?

198

C7. Have you been able to visit [country’s name] or have your friends and family been able to
visit Canada?
Section D: Canadian Experiences
D1. How did you feel about moving to Canada?
D2. Have these feelings changed over the [amount o f time] that you have lived in Canada?
D3. Does Canada feel like home to you or do you still recognize [country name] to be home?
[Or, is it both places?]
D4. Do you feel as though you have change since moving to Canada, and if so, how have you
changed?
[i.e. Clothing, language, attitude]
D5. Did keeping in contact with friends or family (or not keeping in contact) help you to feel
more settled in Canada?
D6. Do you find living in [community name] challenging, if so, how?
[i.e. Services, shopping, language barriers, education, employment, integration]
D7a. Do you know o f other women who have come to Canada in a situation similar to yours?
[Or different from your experience, as there are many different ways that people come to the
country: MOB, correspondence brides, internet brides, arranged marriages]
D7b. Can you talk about their experiences?
[Could you comment on what you know to be the issues foreign brides face?]
D8a. Are there issues that immigrant women are facing in this community? What are they?
D9b. Are you facing similar issues?
Section E: Support Services in the Community
E l. During the migration process, did you seek anyone’s help?
[i.e. Social networks, form al supports, ethnic communities in the region]
E2. Can you offer any suggestions for improving services in the community?
E3. Did you feel like if you needed help, that you were able to get it in [community name]?
Section F: Concluding Questions
FI. Is there anything that you would like to add that we haven’t already talked about?

199

F2. Do you know o f any other women who might like to talk to with us about their experience of
marriage and migration to northern British Columbia?
F3. Would you like us to use your real name or a name o f your choice for the results o f our
study?
Preferred nam e:_________________________________________________
F4. How would you like to be identified in the report findings?
[i.e. foreign bride, mail-order bride, internet bride, correspondence bride]
Preferred term:

200

Appendix 9: Photovoice Interview Conversation Guide

UflBC

UNIVERSITY OF
NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA

3333 U niversity W ay, Prince G eorge, B.C., C anada V 2N 4Z9

Dr. Catherine Nolin
Associate Professor
Geography Program

. Tel: (250) 960-5845
Fax: (250) 960-6533
Internet: w w w .unbc.ca/geography
E m a il: nolin@ unbc.ca

Enhancing the Warmth of Welcome in Communities
of British Columbia’s Northern Region
Interviewee N am e:________________________________________________________________
Name to be used to identify participant within the research project:________________________
Community:___________________________ Facilitator:_________________________________
D ate:_________________________________ Place:____________________________________
Interview Time- Start:________________ Finish:______________________________________
Contact Information for Giveback:

1.) Go through information sheet
2.) Obtain consent (either signed or verbal- on digital recorder)
3.) Identification:
“For this project, you have the choice of participating anonymously (using a
name of your choice) or using your real name. Once we complete the questions, I
will ask you again which you would prefer.”
4.) Start recorder: ‘hold’ = on/off; ‘record/pause’ = start or pause; ‘stop’ = stop
Section A: Discussion of Photographs and Journal Entries

A1. How did you feel about photography component of the project?

A2. What did you find challenging?

A3. Do you feel like your photographs capture your experiences?

201

A4. Which picture(s) do you like the most? Why?

A5. Which picture(s) do you like the least? Why?

A6. Can you discuss how taking the photographs made you feel?

A7. Were there pictures that you felt uncomfortable taking or did not take at all?

A8. Did taking a photograph o f [object] change the way that you looked at the [object]?

A9. What motivated you to take a certain photograph?

A 10. What does the photograph mean to you?
[Does it illustrate a specific theme, idea, or issue?]

A l l . If you could provide a name(s) for the photograph(s), what would it be? Why?
[What theme, issue, or ideas is represented?]

Section B: Concluding Questions
B1. Is there anything you would like to add that we have not already talked about?

B2. Do you know of any other women who might like to talk with us about their experiences
with marriage and migration to northern BC?

B3: Would you like us to use your real name or a name o f your choice for the results o f our
study?

B4: How would you like to be identified in the report findings?