358 ACCULTURATION IN SEVEN AMERICAN INDIAN TRIBES Coola Breaker Society. It is not entirely clear whether this was a society; but at any rate a number of nobles were said to have had DzEgwanli. The DzEgwanli was the prerogative of destroy- ing property of the host at a potlatch, and of distributing prop- erty, but not as direct payment for the destroyed property. With the DzEgwanli, as with the nEts? went a song and dance. The last DzEgwanli dancer was a woman. Guests at a potlatch had the right to demand small gifts from her, tobacco, some article of her personal clothing, etc. At the conclusion of her dance she always distributed tobacco. Host chiefs feared the DzEgwanli because of the damage done to the house when they were through. According to one informant, the DzEgwanli was a police force to maintain a high order of hospitality among chiefs. At least upon one occasion, the Alkatcho Carrier wrecked the house and dumped all the food into the fire of a chief of a neigh- boring Carrier village because he had not supplied enough food for his guests. When the DzEgwanli dancer was a woman her colleagues had the right to grasp her vulva in the dance. They had no other sexual rights over her. PATTERNS OF SOCIAL DOMINANCE Social status depended upon factors of kinship, age and rank. Because of a relatively strong stress upon sex equality the sex factor was of little significance. KINSHIP Even apart from social rank considerations, the first-born of a line of siblings, male or female, was the “boss,” the person looked to for advice, the regulator of economic activities, the chairman in inter-familial discussions—in short, the family cen- ter. ‘he authority and prestige of the “boss” became even more defined when associated with social rank, and was at a relative minimum in a family of poor people. In general, in intra-familial relations the generation and relative age factors were of sig- nificance in conditioning dominance behavior. The sibling clas- sification distinguished linguistically between older and younger