HUMAN TRAFFICKING: AN EXAMINATION OF AVAILABLE SERVICES AND SUPPORT IN PRINCE GEORGE, BC By Carolyn E. Emon B.A., University of Northern British Columbia THIS THESIS IS SUBMITIED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA March 2016 © Carolyn Emon, 2016 ABSTRACT Human trafficking is an abhorrent crime that exists throughout the world, affecting communities of all sizes . Men, women, and children are treated as slaves and are forced into exploitive situations for both labour and sexual services. While the body of research on global human trafficking is growing, there are fewer studies that look at community-level care and support of victims, and even fewer that look at conditions in smaller urban centres where human trafficking is less prominent. The purpose of this interdisciplinary research is to address both these gaps by examining service provision for victims of trafficking in Prince George, British Columbia. I employ the conceptual lenses of intersectionality and heteronormativity to understand human trafficking victimization and the theory of social care to account for systems of care and support organized in response to this victimization. Using a case study approach, I conducted keyinformant interviews with service providers in Prince George and Vancouver in order to understand the nature of service coordinat ion and how service delivery differs in a small urban centre compared to a gateway metropolitan centre where human trafficking is more prevalent. My findings indicate that service providers' understandings of human trafficking differ, and that resource access and institutional conditions create barriers for victim identification and service coordination . Finally, I offer recommendations for policy and practice intended to enhance the capacity of local care and support networks to identify and offer help to victims . ii TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction 1 1.1. Introduction 1.2. Research Objectives 1.3. Theoretical Lens 1.4. Thesis Outline 1 2 4 8 2. Literature Review 10 2.1. Introduction 2.2. History and Context 2.3. Victimology 2.4. Drivers of Trafficking 2.4.1. Temporary Foreign Workers 2.4 .2. Aboriginal Communities 2.5. Services and Support for Trafficking Victims 2.6. Service Provision in Remote Communities 3. Community Context 10 10 14 16 17 20 21 24 27 3.1. Crime Reduction Strategy 3.2. Community Care Providers 3.2.1. Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) 3.2. 2. Healthcare Professionals 3.2.3. Non-Government organizations (NGOs) 3.2.3 .1. An Organization Advocating for Women and Children 3.2.3.2. Carrier Sekani Family Services 3.2.3.3. Ketso'Yoh 3.2.3.4. Migration Services 3.2.3.5. Prince George and District Elizabeth Fry Society 3.2.3.6. Prince George New Hope Society 3.3. Conclusion 4. Methodology 31 33 33 35 38 38 39 39 40 41 41 42 44 4.1. Case Studies 4.2. Sampling and Participants 4.2.1. Interview Guide 4.3. Analysis 4.4 . Ethical Issues 4.4.1 . Power 4.4 .2. Rigour Member Checking 4.4.2 .1. 4.4.2.2. Positionality 4.5. Conclusion 44 46 50 50 52 52 53 54 55 59 61 5. Findings and Discussion 5.1. Awareness and Understanding 5.1.1. Community Awareness Perceptions of Abuse 5.1.1 .1. 61 62 63 iii 5 .1.1.2. Community Awareness 5.1.2. Provider Awareness 5.1.3. The Influence of a Professional Lens 5.1.4. Personal Bias of Providers 5.1.5 . Victim Self-Identification 5.1.5 .1. A Culture of Understanding 5.1.5 .2. Desire for Change 5.1.6. Summary 5.2. Exploitation 5.2.1. Power 5 .2.1.1. Gender 5.2.2. Vulnerabilities of Youth 5.2.2.1. Normalization of Sex and Violence 5.2.2.2. Dependency 5.2.3. Technology as a Tool for Exploitation 5.2.4. Summary 5.3 . Place 5.3.1. Services 5.3.2. Hidden Avenues of Exploitation 5.3.2.1. Sexual Exploitation Underground 5.3.3 . Network and Communication 5 .3.4 . Summary 5.4 . Organizing Care and Support 5.4.1. Equality of Care 5.4.1.1. Gender Dimensions 5.4.1.2. Philosophy of Care 5.4.2. Barriers to Victim Reporting 5.4.3. Support Limitations 5.4.4. Summary S.S . Conclusion 6. Conclusion 64 66 68 69 71 72 73 74 74 74 76 78 81 82 83 85 85 87 93 94 96 98 98 99 101 103 104 106 109 110 112 114 6.1. Recommendations 6.2. Future Research 6.3. Conclud ing Thoughts 122 124 7. References 126 Appendix A- Crime Severity Index 151 Appendix B- Participant Package 152 Appendix (- Information Sharing Protocol Package 157 Appendix D- Human Trafficking Victim Identification Toolkit 168 Appendix E- Research Ethics Approval 177 iv LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1 Alterations to the TFWP announced 2014 19 Table 3.1 Leading Industry of Employment, Northern British Columbia 28 Table 3.2 Downtown Prince George Statistical Crime Comparison 33 Table 4 .1 Participant Identification Codes 48 V LIST OF FIGURES Figure 3.1 Northern British Columbia 28 Figure 3.2 British Columbia Health Authorities 36 vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENT$ It would not have been possible to complete this thesis without the help and support of the wonderful people in my life . I am only able to thank so very few in this short acknowledgement. I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor Dr. Neil Hanlon for his ongoing support, patience, and engagement through my journey in my Master' s program and thesis . I would like to thank my committee members Dr. Catherine Nolin and Dr. Si Transken, for their comments and input in my thesis . I would like to thank my research participants for sharing their experiences with me and allowing me the opportunity to better understand their role as care providers in the communities that they serve . Above all, I would like to thank my husband Chris, children Elena and Caleb, and my parents for their ongoing support and understanding throughout these last few years. I would not have made it through without my family's encouragement and their belief in me . I would like to acknowledge financial support from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the University of Northern British Columbia . vii LIST OF ACRONYMS AWAC An Association Advocating for Women and Children CIC Citizensh ip and Immigration Canada CSFS Carrier Sekani Family Services DEU Down-town Enforcement Unit ER Emergency Room ESDC Employment and Social Development Canada GD General Duty HRS DC Human Resources and Skills Development Canada ILO International Labour Organization IMSS Immigration and Multicultural Services Society IRPA Immigration and Refugee Protection Act LCP Live-in Caregiver Program MCFD Ministry of Children and Family Development NFC Native Friendship Centre NGO Non-Governmental Organization NOC National Occupational Classification OCTIP Office to Combat Trafficking in Persons RCMP Royal Canadian Mounted Police SAWP Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program TFW Temporary Foreign Worker TFWP Temporary Foreign Worker Program TVPA Trafficking Victims Protection Act UN United Nations UNODC United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime viii l. INTRODUCTION 1.1. Introduction Human trafficking is an abhorrent crime that exists throughout the world . From large cities to small rural communities, human trafficking is everywhere . Men, women and children are treated as slaves and are forced to endure mental and physical traumas throughout their imprisonment. Victims of human trafficking are forced to work in exploitive situations, providing their services for little to no money in labour and sexual services . Though trafficking often involves the movement of people, it does not necessarily have to . Instead, individuals can be forced into slave like situations in their home communities, while others are transported across national and international borders. Statistics on the number of human trafficking victims worldwide are considered gross underestimations, as there is no way to ensure accurate and reliable data . What is known is that this "low risk/high reward activity" (Government of Canada, 2012, p. 6) leaves many physical and emotional scars that need the support of care providers to heal. By situating my research in Prince George, British Columbia (BC), this case study considers human trafficking in a remote location, a considerable distance from major metropolitan centres and an international border. Prince George is the largest city in northern BC, and is a source of many services (e .g., health care, retail) for people in surrounding rural areas and smaller urban centres . With respect to the issue of human trafficking, however, Prince George is a non-gateway urban centre that has not been the focus of much research or policy 1 1 attention . The rugged geography of northern BC, with its small, isolated, and resourcedependent communities, offers unique challenges in identifying and supporting exploited individuals . To understand the barriers and strengths of community support for people who have been victimized by human trafficking, this research focuses on three elements of care provision : awareness and understanding of the facets of human trafficking, strengths and limitations of service availability in the community, and the role that relationships between providers play in service partnerships and care provision . This exploratory case study considers human trafficking care and support through the application of a multi-theoretical lens. The theory of social care is employed to situate systems of support in the prevailing social assumptions of care and responsibility, including questions of place and capacity. lntersectionality and heteronormativity serve as conceptual lenses by which to understand prevailing social responses to victims of human trafficking . This research takes an interdisciplinary approach, drawing primarily on literature and conceptual approaches in health geography and social work, with supplementary literature drawn from a wide number of fields, including social policy, criminology, and sociology. 1.2. Research Objectives The goal of this research is to understand how human trafficking victims are aided through community-based support networks and services in Prince George, British Columbia . By considering the existing knowledge and awareness of human trafficking networks of support for victims in the community, this research seeks to provide insight into the particular experiences and challenges that exist in smaller and more remote communities . I have engaged in Gateway city is a term used in geography, history and sociology literature to identify metropolitan centres that serve as critical ports of entry of people from multiple locations (including international migrants), and sites that collect and disperse high volumes of goods and capital (Price & Benton-Short, 2008). 2 conversation with key informants about the amount and particular forms of human trafficking and identified the forms of trafficking thought to be present in Prince George, and the services and support available to its victims . The key questions that framed my research are : 1. What community organizations are responsible for providing support for victims of trafficking? 2. What methods are utilized to aid survivors in re-establishing a positive role in society? 3. How are services accessible to those who are in trafficking situations, or in which ways are victims identified by local support agencies? 4. What is the nature of the relationship between various support agencies in Prince George, BC? Guided by these questions and a review of pertinent literature, I work to paint a picture about the evolving practice of care for a small, marginalized and hidden population of trafficked individuals. The findings in this thesis convey the need to increase human trafficking awareness and incorporate an integrated response to caring for identified victims of trafficking . I argue that gender assumptions and social exclusion are contributing factors that limit the identification of trafficked individuals and their ability to access care . As such, social assumptions and attitudes are dynamic conditions that effect community integration and the development of support practices at the local level. Community care and services for trafficked individuals are further impacted by policies and practices put in place by provincial and federal governments. 3 1.3. Theoretical Lens Human trafficking affects a diverse range of people and the care and support of its victims involves a wide range of agencies and sectors . For these reasons, a combination of theories must be incorporated to comprehend human trafficking . From victim identification to support availability, there are a multitude of factors that exist which both hinder and assist people in accessing the supports needed . I draw on empirical and theoretical contributions from a wide range of scholarship, including health and social geography, social work, sociology, policy studies and criminology, to approach human trafficking from a multidisciplinary perspective . Theories of intersectionality and heteronormativity, which originated in feminist and gender scholarship and have been applied broadly in the social sciences, are employed here to understand the multitude of factors that cause people to become victims of this crime, and the social factors that reinforce the vulnerability and marginalization of victims . The theory of social care, first developed to analyze social policy and subsequently adapted in health geography and sociology, is used to consider systems of trafficking support in Prince George in a socio-political (e.g ., ideological) and institutional (e .g., organizational, professional, jurisdictional) context. The oppressive nature of human trafficking enforces societal imbalances because human trafficking is akin to slavery. Human trafficking literature recognizes that often the most vulnerable are at highest risk for being targeted as victims, thus women are amongst the highest population of identified victims (Ministry of Justice, & Ministry of Children and Family Development, 2015; People' s Law School, 2014; RCMP, 2013 ; U.S. Department of State, 2015) . lntersectionality is a feminist theory that seeks to understand the relationship between different social categories, including: gender, class, race, and sexuality and the resulting social divisions 4 (Davis, 2008; Mehrotra, 2010; Valentine, 2007; Yuval-Davis, 2006) that enforce segregations in society and ultimately enhances opportunities of victimization . lntersectionality works to create a culture of understanding of the many circumstances and discriminatory practices which foster exclusion and social inequalities. Thus, social categories do not exist in silos and are interconnected as intersecting oppressions (Crenshaw, 1989). lntersectionality considers policies and procedures, such as globalization, capitalism, patriarchy, and colonization, as intersecting tools of oppression . This concept is important in considering the inherent vulnerabilities in temporary workers, Aboriginal and First Nations populations, youth and women because the intersections between gender and other identities contribute to a person' s experiences of privilege or oppression (Association for Women's Rights in Development, 2004) . lntersectionality enhances research in the field of geography because it aids in understanding "the intimate connections between the production of space and the systemic production of power" (Valentine, 2007, p. 19), which are inherent in human trafficking and the exploitation of the powerless . Societal assumptions often identify victims and perpetrators based on gender, such that females are assumed to be the victims while males commit the offences (Dennis, 2008; McDonald & Tijerino, 2013 ; Tewksbury, 2007). Thus, the theory of heteronormativity is applicable to research on human trafficking because it recognises the social construction of society based on gender, which, I argue, hinders the identification of both actors and victims in human trafficking. Heteronormativity- which identifies gender as a socially constructed process (Ingraham, 1994; Jackson, 2006; Prentice & Carranza, 2002; Schilt & Westbrook, 2009) - is defined by Ingraham (1994, p. 204) as "the view that institutionalized heterosexuality constitutes s the standard for legitimate and prescriptive sociosexual arrangements ." Berlant and Warner (1998, p. 548) expand on the notion of heteronormativity in their research by stating that: [T]he institutions, structures of understanding, and practical orientations that make heterosexuality seem not only coherent - that is, organized as a sexuality - but also privileged . Its coherence is always provisional, and its privilege can take several (sometimes contradictory) forms : unmarked, as the basic idiom of the personal and the social; or marked as a natural state; or projected as an ideal or moral accomplishment. It cons ists less of norms that could be summarized as a body of doctrine than of a sense of rightness produced in contradictory manifestations - often unconscious, immanent to practice or to institutions. Contexts that have little visible relation to sex practice, such as life narrative and generational identity, can be heteronormative in this sense. The division of males and females guide how individuals perceive themselves, their interactions with others, and their position in society (Macionis, 1993). Thus, heteronormativity is an important cons ideration in the study of human trafficking, as the social construction of gender establishes barriers in victim self-identification, particularly in males, and the identification of victims and their abusers by the community at large. The classification of male versus female has long since establ ished an assumption of what constitutes masculinity and what constitutes femininity that is still present in society today . The assumption that to be male equates to prescriptions of maleness that emphasize strength, assertiveness, and self-reliance (Prentice & Carranza, 2002; West & Zimmerman, 1987), contradicts victimization, as vulnerability and weakness are considered to be characteristics ascribed to femininity (O' Neil, 1981). To deviate from these prescribed norms is often met with devaluation and forms of chastisement (Prentice & Carran za, 2002) . Moreover, societal norms that emphasize masculin ity to exi st in excess in heterosexual males, strengthens the impact of male-on-male sexual victimi zation because it causes the male victim to question his own sexuality. 6 Heteronormativity and intersectionality represent the social classifications of individuals and groups present. Thus, societal norms are shaped by place and the nuances that exist within a location. As a result, the dimensions of the care available in place are directly related to the social norms present in place . The theory of social care was developed by Carol Gilligan more than two decades ago, and is defined as "the activities and relations involved in meeting the physical and emotional requirements of dependent adu lts and children, and the normative, economic and social frameworks which these are assigned and carried out" (Daly & Lewis, 2000, p. 285). Social care, in its infancy, explored the role of women and their experiences in providing care through interpersonal, often unpaid, social relationships (Daly & Lewis, 2000; Hankivsky, 2004) . The concept of social care identified women as primary caregivers, focusing on how the responsibility of care " reinforced the disadvantaged position of women" (Daly & Lewis, 2000, 283) . While the basis of the concept of social care was imbedded in the defining role of females and their provision of support in unpaid positions, the focus of care is inclusionary of all forms of support spanning the formal and informal constructs of life (Parr & Philo, 2003) . Social care theory is extended beyond the interpersonal relationships of care to include the intervening spaces of "state, market, voluntary sector and family obligations" (Hanlon, Halseth, Clasby & Pow, 2007, p. 467) . Social care is rooted both in pol itica l and social econom ies (Daly & Lewis, 2000; Tronto, 1994). The concept of care as it relates to the political economy are connected to the tangible aspects of care needed to enhance a person' s well-being; wh ile the social economy of care considers the social interactions that take place as a result of the process of care exchange (Hanlon et al., 2007) . Ethics of care are intrinsically situated within social care theory, but are not 7 universal. Community and cultural assumptions and understanding of human differences, which " arise from gender, class, race, ethnicity, sexuality, ability, and geographic location" need to be examined in order to address the needs of diversity (Hankivsky, 2004, p. 2) . Thus, the theory of social care provides a lens through which the interactions of community can be considered as they relate to the provision of services for trafficked individuals. 1.4. Thesis Outline By situating this research in a geographically remote, non-gateway community, this research identifies the different aspects of human trafficking that exist outside of large urban centres, while contributing to the growing body of literature on human trafficking. Chapter Two, Literature Review, contextualizes human trafficking as it exists internationally and nationally. This chapter identifies and discusses vulnerabilities present in society, as they relate to both permanent and non-permanent residents . Chapter Three, Community Context, provides the geographical context in which this thesis takes place . Prince George is a northern city, situated at the conjunction of two major highways, Highway 16 and Highway 97, used as routes to transport trafficked individuals. The process by wh ich I collected and analysed the qualitative data used in th is thesis is described in Chapter Four, Methods and Methodology . Participant voices are used to articulate and support findings in Chapter Five, Findings and Discussion . Participant quotes are used to contextualize the challenges and opportunities of identifying and providing care and support to victims of human trafficking in Prince George . This chapter draws on literature to discuss the complex challenges that exist in support ing a population of victims that are not statistically well represented because of the hidden nature of this crime. The conclud ing chapter highlights the 8 findings of this research, and considers future opportunities for policy, academia, and the community to move forward and respond to the complex and dynamic needs of human trafficking victims in rural and northern communities . 9 2. LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1. Introduction Human trafficking is said to be a form of modern day slavery, and is considered to be a " low risk/high reward activity" (Government of Canada, 2012, p. 6) because of the clandestine nature of the crime . Investigators, caregivers and policymakers alike experience ongoing challenges as a result of the complex nature of the crime and the limited knowledge available to aid in identifying and supporting victims . In recent years there has been growing recognition of the need for collaborative approaches to providing care for trafficking survivors, as for instance emphasized in many government reports about human trafficking (see Government of Canada, 2012; Ministry of Justice & Ministry of Children and Family Development, 2015; Office to Combat Trafficking in Persons, 2013; United States of America Department of Justice, 2013). The literature reviewed explores the issue of human trafficking and the challenge of providing health related and social support to those victims identified in or residing in smaller and remote communities in North America. The literature reviewed in this chapter will provide the contextual groundwork for further discussion on trafficking victims and the support networks in place in Prince George, BC, seeking to aid people who have been exploited through these illegal networks . 2.2. History and Context In the last two decades human trafficking has received increasing global attention. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) (2010) note that this form of organized crime is on the rise nationally, though human trafficking is not a recent phenomenon . Historically, opposition to human trafficking has focused on ending sex trade exploitation and slave labour. Destruction of 10 the African slave trade in Canada and internationally began in the late 13th century by abolitionists, including former slave owners, those with strong religious convictions, and slaves themselves (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2009; Historica Canada, n.d.). Resistance from exploited individuals aided in fuelling the fight to abolish slavery, which resulted in international laws that were enacted internationally throughout the 19th century. Slavery was abolished in Upper Canada in 1793 with the passing of An Act Against Slavery, which made it illegal to bring new slaves into Upper Canada, though existing slaves were not freed at this time (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2009; Historica Canada, n.d.; Stenou, 2004) . Slavery was officially abolished throughout most British colonies in 1834 with the establishment of the British Imperial Act. International focus on exploitation of those forced to work in the sex trade industry was introduced in 1902, when the first international agreement to abolish 'white slavery' was 2 enacted in Paris, France (Doezema, 2002) . This international agreement was created as a result of the ongoing feminist abolitionist movement, led by Josephine Butler, which began in England and gained momentum throughout Europe and America (Doezema, 2002) . The intent of the 3 agreement was to condemn those who made money off of prostitutes , as it was believed that no woman would enter into the sex trade on their own accord because females are more virtuous than men (Doezema, 2002). Historically, slavery was established as a suppression of rights of individuals, and was defined in the 18th century as "the establishment of a right based on force, a right which makes 'White slavery' was the term used to describe white women who were abducted and transported for the purpose of being forced into the se x trade. Initially, legislation for trafficking only applied to cross border transportation, but was amended in 1910 to include transportation w ithin national borders (Doezema, 2002) . 3 Use of the term "prostitute" is corresponding to historical reference and language used in historical documents, though the term sex trade worker is more commonly used in present day literature. 11 of a man the property to such a degree of another man that the former becomes the absolute master of his life, goods and freedom " (cited in Stenou, 2004, p. 53). This 13th century definition has not been altered a great deal. The current definition of forced labour, which came into force on May 01, 1932, under international law states that " all work or service which is exacted from a person under the menace of any penalty and for which the said person has not offered himself voluntarily" (International Labour Association, 2015, para 4; see also Belser, 2005; Perrin, 2010a). The definition of slavery identifies conditions beyond low wages and unacceptable working conditions . Belser (2005) states that worker consent is irrelevant if deception, fraud , or the retention of personal identification documents occurs in order to mainta in control of the exploited individual. Conditions akin to slavery restrict a person' s freedoms to choose where work will take place, and to set wage and work agreements that are acceptable to the employee . Human trafficking is considered a form of modern day slavery by numerous organizations and researchers, such as the United Nations (UN), (Benjamin Perrin, 2010a; 2010b; 2010c) the Government of Canada (2012), the Office to Combat Trafficking in Persons (OCTIP) (2013), and the US Department of State (2013), to name a few; all of whom acknowledge that presently more people are exi sting in bondage than at any point in history. Increased international focus on trafficking led to the UN adoption of the first international agreement addressing human trafficking. The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children, was introduced in November, 2000, and was ratified by Canada in May of 2002 (The People's Law School, 2010; United Nations [UN], 2014) . The UN Protocol is one of three Palermo Protocols that fall within the jurisdictions 12 of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) . Following examples set by the UN and the United States, with the passage of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) in 2000 {Gozdziak & Collett, 2005), Canada introduced anti-trafficking legislation in 2002, with in the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, and added provisions to the Criminal Code in November, 2005 (The People' s Law School, 2010, 7)4. The Government of Canada (2012, 4) and RCMP (2010, 8) define human trafficking as "the recru itment, transportation, harbouring and/ or exercising control, direction or influence over the movements of a person in order to exploit that person, typically through sexual exploitation or forced labour". The Canadian definition is adapted from the UN definition of human trafficking . For the purpose of this research, I have adopted the current UN definition of human trafficking, as defined in Article 3 of the Trafficking Protocol, which seeks to differentiate 5 human trafficking from human smuggling (Gozdziak & Collett, 2005) , stating that: Trafficking in persons shall mean the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation . Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of 4 The Department of Justice Canada (2015a; 2015b) : Human trafficking convictions are either domestic or international. Domestic convictions would involve any act of human trafficking which takes place within Canada, including trafficking of Canadian citizens, temporary residents or travellers . Six offences include human trafficking in Section 279 of the Criminal Code : Trafficking in Persons (section 279 .01); Trafficking in Persons under the age of 18 (279 .011); Receiving a Financial or Other Material Benefit - Adult victim (279 .02(1)) or Child victim (279 .02(2)); Withholding or Destroying a Person's Identity Documents - Adult victim (279 .03(1)) or Child victim (279 .03(2)); Exploitation is a chargeable offence under the Criminal Code (section 279.04). International victims of trafficking must have been trafficked across an international border for the purpose of exploitation to be charged under section 117 and 118 of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA) . 5 Human smuggling is: (a) human smuggling is a transnational crime; (b) human smuggling generally involves the consent of the person being smuggled; (c) smuggled persons are released by the smuggler upon arrival; (d) profits for human smuggl ing are associated with the act of transporting the person from one destination to another (Department of Justice Canada, 2015a, 8) . 13 sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs (UNO DC, 2013b, para . 2) . This definition possesses three elements, including action, means, and purpose . All three elements must be present to constitute trafficking . This is the first globally agreed upon definition of human trafficking (UNODC, 2013b). In the past, definitions tended to focus on females and the exploitation of sex trade workers . The current definition is inclusive of all people (men, women, and children) who are exploited for any form of forced labour. 2.3. Victimology Human trafficking is composed of hidden populations of adults and children, exploited for the purpose of forced labour and/or sexual exploitation (Brennan, 2005; Government of Canada, 2012; Perrin, 2010a; RCMP, 2010) . Exploitation exists as a result of the exertion of one' s power over another. Marginalized populations are most vulnerable, such as temporary residents, new migrants, Aboriginal people, and youth living in situations without parental support . The UNODC (2008) considers the young, female, and poor to be most vulnerable to exploitation . Gender inequalities present in society further entrench power imbalances, which may increase females' risk of exploitation (Nolin, 2006; Nolin, Zehtab-Martin, & Halseth, 2011; People' s Law School, 2014) . Thus, evidence suggests that women and children comprise the largest population of trafficking victims (Brennan, 2005; Godzdziak & Bump, 2008; Latonero, Berhane, Hernandez, Mohebi, & Movius, 2011; People' s Law School, 2014; RCMP, 2010) . Furthermore, many victims of trafficking do not designate themselves as such, which may be due to lack of understanding of the definition or the te rm " human trafficking" (Bruckert & Parent, 2004; Newton, Mulcahy, & Martin, 2008; RCMP, 2010) and/or pre-condition ing as a result of past experiences (Ferland, Denby, Neuman & Bruce, 2012) . 14 Global trafficking populations are estimates, as the actual number of human trafficking victims is un-measurable due to the crime's hidden nature and the constant fluctuations of peoples who are victimized (International Labour Organization [ILO], 2012) . The two most cited sources for statistics on human trafficking victims are the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the US Department of State. The ILO (2012, p. 13) estimates that 20 .9 million people globally are victims of trafficking at any given point in time, while the US Department of State (2013, p. 2) estimates the number of global human trafficking victims to be much higher, stating that "as many as 27 million men, women and children are victims of trafficking at any given time" . Estimates by the RCMP Criminal Intelligence Directorate, in 2004, indicated approximately 800 individuals are trafficked into Canada each year. Of these victims, approximately 600 were trafficked into the sex trade . Furthermore, between 1,500 and 2,200 persons were trafficked through Canada into the US (cited in Perrin, 2010a, 2010b) . These are only estimates and, as stated by Barrett (2010), the Government of Canada (2012) and Perrin (2010b), the RCMP has since rescinded these statistics, rendering Canadian estimates of the total number of human trafficking victims unknown . Though government agencies are apprehensive of publishing human trafficking statistics, Canadian agencies are actively involved in apprehending and penalizing traffickers . As of January, 2015, RCMP (2015) reported that human trafficking convictions in Canada were secured in 85 completed human trafficking specific cases, and that 151 individuals were convicted of human trafficking specific or human trafficking 15 related offences 6 . Public Safety Canada (2015, p. 3) reported that there were approximately 160 victims involved in human trafficking specific and related cases before the courts, as of March 2014 . 2.4. Drivers of Trafficking Sociologist O'Connell Davidson (2010, p. 245) states that "trafficking, smuggling, and migration are separate but interrelated issues," though it can be argued that policies implemented to decrease human rights and labour violations may also reduce trafficking activity. The connection between migration and trafficking is intricate, as many victims of trafficking enter into a country through legal migration networks, only to face exploitation and human rights violations when they arrive . This has, on multiple occasions, been the situation for trafficking offenses in domestic labour positions, service sector employment, and international marriage relationships (Anderson & O' Connell Davidson, 2003 ; Castles, 2004; Lansink, 2006; O' Connell Davidson, 2010; Perrin, 2010a) . The movement of vulnerable populations fu rther increases the risk of people falling victim to traffickers . Forces that encourage individuals to seek life in another country or city, often driven by the search for better economic opportunities, are referred to as pull factors (Castles & Miller, 2009; Koen, 2004; Lansink, 2006). Push factors are those that motivate people to leave their place of residence, and can include factors such as poverty, unemployment, discrimination, violence, natural disasters, or a lack of equal opportunities or rights for women . The motivation to achieve a better life often results in migration occurring " outside legal Human trafficking related offences include, but are not limited to, kidnapping, forcible confinement, uttering threats, extortion, assault, sexual assault, aggravated sexual assault, prostitution-related offences, and criminal organization offences (Department of Justice, 2015). 16 channels, leading to clandestine movement, heightened vulnerability, abuse, and exploitation" (Nolin, 2006, p. 5; see also Gold ring, Berinstein, & Bernhard, 2009) . Gender discrimination puts females at greater risk of being trafficked into the sex trade, domestic servitude, and forced marriage (Lansink, 2006). Disempowerment of women is attributed to unequal power dynamics which are a result of historically and culturally created gender ideologies, thus increasing potential vulnerabilities among female populations (Nolin et al., 2011) . Increased vulnerability to women and girls can be attributed to " unequal access to education, traditional practices, limited possibilities for women to access or own land and property and other forms of gender discrimination" (Lansink, 2006, 48). Though these gender issues are considered in the context of international migration, they are also addressed as determinants of vulnerability in Canadian literature discussing domestic trafficking of Aborig inal girls (see Ferland et al., 2012; Sethi, 2007) . 2.4.1. Temporary Foreign Workers The social isolation and marginalization that occurs with temporary residents creates opportunities for exploitation to occur. Factors resulting from cultural segregation of nonpermanent and newly permanent residents are recognized by Fudge (2011), Fudge and MacPhail (2009), Gold ring et al. (2009), and Perrin (2010), as they highlight the complexities of migration in Canada and its associated social implicat ions. One such program commonly debated is the 7 Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP) . Temporary Foreign Workers (TFW) have been employed to fill gaps in Canada' s workforce since 1966 (Preibisch, 2010). The government's intention of the TFWP is to temporarily fill short-term labour shortages that are unable to be Temporary residency documentation is obtained through the following programs : Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP), including the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP), the Live -in Caregiver Program (LCP), the Low-Skilled Worker Program, High-Skilled Worker Program, and the Canad ian Experience class; Foreign students, with or without a work permit; Refugees claimants; Other humanitarian cases. 17 filled with Canadian citizens (Zell, 2011) . The primary regulatory federal legislation responsible for the TFWP is the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA) (Chow, 2010), and is jointly managed by Human Resources and Skills Development Canada (HRSDC) and Citizensh ip and Immigration Canada (CIC) (Citizensh ip and Immigration Canada, 2015) . This program has raised much debate since its inception, as issues have arisen due to the treatment of TFWs within Canada . Mistreatment of TFWs is inadvertently caused by the restriction of freedoms due to policies regarding the TFWP implemented by both Provincial and Federal Governments (Canadian Press, 2008; Metropolis Canada, 2008; Dias-Abey, 2013 ; Fredericks, 2013; Fudge, 2011; Ryan, 2013a; Ryan, 2013b;). Temporary Foreign Workers often fill positions deemed undesirable to Canadians, which are referred to as the 3D jobs (i .e., Dangerous, Dirty, and Difficult) (Preibisch, 2010) . These types of positions further cement the division of permanent and non-permanent residents through a process of social conditioning wh ich emphasizes the division of classes historically created and enforced through imm igration policies . Though beyond the scope of this thesis, it is important to observe the historical process of inclusion and exclusion in which Canada has participated . For example, prior to 1962, Canada' s Immigration Act restricted migration based on ethnicity, culture, and place of origin (Marsden, 2011) . Presently, Canada stresses the importance of multicultural ism, wh ich contradicts TFW policies because they are designed to support segregation and the exclusion of individuals who are not permanent residents of Canada. By creating a system which benefits the Canad ian economy, but at the same time denies TFWs the same legal entitlements as permanent resident workers, the social exclusion of temporary workers and minority populations is implicated in the "creation and maintenance of a subclass of 18 flexible labour, which primarily supports the interests of employers" (Marsden, 2011, p. 41) . In June 2014, Jason Kenney and Chris Alexander, then Minister of Employment and Social Development and Minister of Citizenship and Immigration respectively, introduced multiple amendments to the TFW policy (Employment and Social Development Canada, 2015). Changes to the policy were implemented in stages to address concerns related to the rights of workers and public concern over outsourcing of Canadian jobs (see Table 2.1). Table 2.1: Alterations to the TFWP announced 2014 ACTIVITY. IMPLEMENTATION DATE LMIA fee increase from $275 - $1,000 . . .Launchenhancedtip websiteon_offenders . __ _ Information sharing agreements between CIC, CBSA and ESDC June 2014 ..................................................................................................................................................................................... .................... ,_ Spring2014······ . . . . Summer 2014 ··------- completed ______ ···-_______ -· ______ --------·---"------------Monetary fine for employers who break rules ' Autumn 2014 ~~~---'--End live-in requirement for Live-in Caregiver Program (LCP) December 2014 Implement expanded inspection regime ' March 2015 ~ plementation of new high and I-ow-wage streams -------· April 2015 ~~~~~~~----.; Note : Compiled from Employment an d Social Deve lopment Canada, 2015 Mistreatment of TFWs often occurs within the place of employment or place of residency, and is caused by the restriction of freedoms, as workers are not offered the same provisions with regard to health care, worker rights, length of employment, and dwelling options as Canadian citizens (Fudge, 2011; Fudge & Parrott, 2014; Metropol is Canada, 2008; Ryan, 2013a; Ryan, 2013b) . Foreign nationals residing in Canada under the TFWP have length of residency restrictions based on their program of entrance . There are many limitations to these programs, based primarily on the skill level of the worker, including the inability of low-skilled workers, agriculture workers, and Live-in Caregivers (LCPs) to be accompanied by family 19 8 members . Isolation is, therefore, inherent with this form of arrangement, as participants are entering a country with limited social support . Until December 2014, participants in the LCP were further isolated as a result of policy that stated LCPs must reside in the same residence in which they are employed . 2.4.2. Aboriginal Communities Anupriya Sethi (2007, p. 57), a human trafficking and Aboriginal rights researcher, argues that much of the Canadian human trafficking literature "focuses on international sex trafficking, in turn positioning Canada more as a destination and transit country than an origin country", which leads to a limited focus on cases involving movement of peoples within national borders . Furthermore, she discusses the need to focus on pol icies that supress the rights of Aboriginal peoples, particularly females and children, as these further establish the potential for exploitation . As stated previously, marginalized populations are considered to be most at risk of being victimized by human trafficking . Aboriginal women and girls are considered to be at even greater risk as a result of the historical impact of residential school and colonialism (People' s Law School, 2014) . Individuals forced into the sex trade are often groomed from early childhood, and are possibly products of childhood sexual abuse, the child welfare system, early exposure into street or gang life, and/or substance abuse (Ferland et al., 2012 ; RCMP, 2013) . Colonialism and the Skill levels are categorized based on wage levels. As of April 30, 2015, the National Occupational Classification (NOC) system was replaced by the new high and low-wage streams. The NOC was a nationally utilised occupation reference system that organized more than 30,000 job t itles into 520 occupational categories. The new stream classifies low and high -wage positions based on the average provincial/territorial wage, such that a TFW wage which is below the BC provincial average hourly wage of $22 is considered to be a low-wage position, and TFWs offered wages at or above the provincial average are considered high -wage positions (Employment and Social Development Canada, 2015) . 20 residential school system further exacerbate these vulnerabilities as racism and segregation have led to the cultural disintegration of many Aboriginal communities . Researchers in the field of social work state that rates of childhood sexual abuse amongst Aboriginal female populations are reportedly as high as 25% to 50%, compared with 20% to 25% of non-Aboriginal children (CollinVezina, Dion, Trocme, 2009, p. 35) . The Correctional Service of Canada states that the rate of childhood sexual abuse in Aboriginal youth under the age of 18 is as high as 75% (cited in Sethi, 2007) . Childhood sexual abuse normalizes sex in girls and reinforces their assumption that they are sexual objects (Ferland et al., 2012), which further enhances the ability of people, such as family members, relatives, "friends", or those posing as their boyfriend, to manipulate and 9 exploit girls into the sex trade . Many victims of sexual exploitation are runaways, whether single occurrence or chronic, who have fled from a group home or the residence of a primary caregiver (RCMP, 2013) . Youth are particularly vulnerable in such situations because of their financial instability, their lack of social connections, and their need for reliance on others to secure housing arrangements. Risk factors increase amongst Aboriginal youth, as they are less likely than non-Aboriginal youth to reside in their family home (Ferland et al., 2012) . 2.5. Services and Support for Trafficking Victims Human trafficking victims suffer from a number of physical and psychological health issues as a result of the trauma they experience while in captivity. The emergence of understand ing of the impact that crime has on its victims and their subsequent need for support Evidence suggests that females in some Northern Canadian First Nations communities are initiated into the sex trade by family members, including father, brother, uncle, or grandfather (Lynne, 1998). 21 and freedom from further impacts of trauma, such as re-victimization, occurred during the 1970s (Dunn, 2007). The growing awareness of the impacts of crime on its victims is recognised by researchers, Non-Govenmental Organizations (NGO) and government agencies, who believe that support services are a vital component to aiding trafficking survivors, and should be implemented within government po licy on human trafficking (Dovydaitis & Kirschstein, 2010; Government of Canada, 2012; Ostrovschi et al., 2011; Watson & Silkstone, 2006; UNODC, 2008; US Department of Health and Human Services, 2012; US Department of State, 2013 ; Zimmerman et al., 2008) . Within government service provision a variety of factors must be considered, as outlined by the US Department of Health and Human Services (2012), including the length of time for treatment, location of treatment and housing, access to health care, immigration and legal services, education or job training, and victim compensation . In order to address the numerous health-related issues faced by trafficking victims, it is first important for governments to recognise that human trafficking is a health care issue (Family Violence Prevention Fund, 2005 ; Tsutsum i, lzutsu, Poudyal, Kato, & Marui, 2008) . Furthermore, it is necessary to create programs that address the needs of culturally diverse victims and the differing traumatic experiences of trafficking victims . As non medical professionals are often the initial contact persons for victims, Hossain, Zimmerman, Abas, Light and Watts (2010) suggest that mental health practitioners should develop and test interventions that nonmedical professionals can implement in the absence of a mental health service provider. Survivors have a great deal of information to contribute to the design and implementation of services for trafficking victims, as they have an insider' s perspective on the sensitive needs of those who have been victim ized. It is vital, therefore, that programs utilize the expertise and insight of 22 trafficking survivors (US Department of State, 2013). Transken, Strader and Boyd-Noel' s (2008, p. 20) research in Prince George, addressing the needs of women who were previously homeless, agree w ith the value of including individuals who have been exploited, stating that inclusion aids in developing an understanding of which "agencies were actually helpful, [it] removes an element of speculation and replaces it with actual insight based on success stories . This is the kind of data that is crucial in creating informed policies, successful programs and clear direction regarding where the 'need' is for funders". Of the research I reviewed on the design of services for survivors of human trafficking, the primary focus was on the experiences of female survivors, with limited focus on the needs of child and youth victims, and less on male survivors. Due to the focus on trafficking in women and children, particularly in the media and promotional materials, male victims often go unidentified by professionals, as they are often assumed to be criminals and tend to be treated as such (US Department of State, 2013) . This lack of awareness and exclusion of male victims within literature has led to a female-based focus on service provision of trafficking victims, and the creation of shelters with programs designed to aid female victims of abuse. Furthermore, I found no studies that addressed the role of the gender identity of trafficked male victims (e.g., those who identify as transgender) and how this affects victim identification, care and support. Lack of attention to these concerns leads to missed opportunities to identify victims and increased vulnerabilities of individuals who do not meet culturally-based expectations of the "common victim ". 23 2.6. Service Provision in Remote Communities Service provision in northern and remote communities in Canada, and more specifically northern British Columbia, differs greatly from urban centres . Though Prince George is a small urban centre, it supports many rural communities in the North . Thus, the geography and isolation of northern communities adds a dimension to service provision that is vastly different from larger urban centres in southern BC. The objective of this section is to highlight some of the disparities faced by those living in marginalized communities, while outlining how these disparities may influence the flow of trafficking. Health care and law enforcement in rural communities are intrinsically linked to human trafficking, as health care workers and police officers are amongst those who are in a position to identify and aid victims of exploitation . In many cases, support workers are in a positive position to aid local residents, though, at times, their personal relationship with the victim or the victim' s family may hinder a service provider' s ability to admin ister care . Positive and negative aspects of service provision in remote communities are considered within this section . Health care in rural and remote communities is unequal to that in urban areas due to a variety of limiting factors, including Canada' s expansive geography (Commission on the Future of Healthcare in Canada, 2002), harsh climate (Leipert, 2002), physician retention difficulties (Humphreys & Gregory, 2012 ; Roberts, Battaglia, & Epstein, 1999; Toguri, Jong, & Roger, 2012), reorgan ization of the health care del ivery system in British Columbia's non-metropolitan areas (Hanlon & Halseth, 2012), and an assumption that rural residents retain ties to urban areas, thus failing to address issues of availability, access and financing (Blank, Fox, Hargrove & Turner, 1995). Furthermore, due to the restructuring of government policy, there is increasingly greater 24 reliance on family and the voluntary sector for health care provision in rural areas (Hanlon et al., 2007; Skinner, 2008). Skinner (2008) argues that reliance on the voluntary sector for community support exacerbates inequities in health care, as the economic and social stability of the community influences external funding provision. The relationship between geography and the success of volunteer organizations is relational to the stability of the community, as many remote communities in the rural hinterland experience population fluctuations leaving gaps in the voluntary sector in some communities . This issue is paralleled in funding allocation for NGOs working with victims of trafficking in non-urban centres (Bales & Soodalter, 2009) . The role of law enforcement officers is two-fold because they are not only in a position to detain an offender, they are often the first person who has contact with a victim . As a result, "police response to victims may be the most significant post-crime experience" (Dunn, 2007, p. 214) and may influence a person' s receptiveness to further support. Professionals and front line workers' interactions within a community impact the information which can be gathered with respect to violence, crime, and exploitation, as well as the level of trust community members have for those in an influential role . Hence, the formal and informal social interactions, relationships and memberships within community groups influence a community's social cohesiveness and are, therefore, used as measures to identify a community's social capital 10 (Portes & Landolt, 2000; Wall, Connell, & Fuller, 2004) . Community social capital fosters social cohesion in a variety of ways, including the building of social networks through volunteer organizations, sport organizations, youth centres, 10 The term 'social capital', first coined by economist Glen Loury in 1977, is defined by Pierre Bourdieu (1985, p. 248) as "the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance or recognition" (citied by Gregory, Johnston, Pratt, Watts & Whatmore, 2009, p. 689). 25 addictions services, or cultural organi zations, to name a few . By encouraging community engagement, issues of seclusion and isolation may be avoided . Not only does community involvement aid in maintain ing a healthy state of mind, it provides opportun ities to share information and educate individuals on issues concerning health and safety, and other personal welfare needs, such as employment opportunities . In communities where social capital is weak, the rates of crime are higher and resident segregation is often apparent (Deller & Deller, 2010; Pino, 2001). Portes and Landolt (1996) address the issue of outsider exclusion from a community where social capital does exist. In such cases, it may be difficult for newcomers to a community to seek aid and establish relationships needed for the maintenance of physical and emotional health . In some extremely remote communities where limited transportation options act as a barrier to accessing service, ind ividuals who are at risk of exploitation may be isolated from protection services . Therefo re, there is a need to address the differences in urban to rural communities with regard to service provision . Though opportunities exist to bu ild relationsh ips in communities with small populations through ongoing professional and personal interactions, these same relationships may also create barriers which impede service provision . 26 3. COMMUNITY CONTEXT Prince George is the largest city in northern British Columbia (BC), located in what is often referred to as BCs hinterland (see Figure 3.1) {Halseth, 2005) . Northern British Columbia is a vast geographic region, comprising 70% of the province's total land mass {Initiatives Prince George Development Corporation & Northern Development Trust, 2009, p. 12) and between 7% and 8% of total population {BC Stats, 2014) . The rugged physical landscape of northern BC has led to the creation of small isolated communities (Halseth, 2005; Hayter, 2000) . Prince George, commonly referred to as Be's Northern Capital, is located on the traditional territory of the Lheidli T'enneh (People from the Confluence of Two Rivers) (City of Prince George, 2011). Built at the confluence of the Fraser and Nechako rivers, Prince George is located geographically near the centre of British Columbia, acting as a connecting route to communities in all cardinal directions (see Figure 3.1). The city's population in 2013 was 74,133 {BC Stats, 2013) . The main driver of the economy in Prince George is the wood industry, particularly the forest sector and saw mills (City of Prince George, 2011) . The economy in northern BC has focused historically on natural resource extraction, though in recent years efforts to diversify the economy are evident {Initiatives Prince George Development Corporation & Northern Development Trust, 2009). The goods-producing sector was the primary sector of employment in northern British Columbia between 1995 and 2012. Table 3.1 indicates that the top five employment industries for 1995 and 2012 were : manufacturing; trade; forestry, fishing, mining, oil and gas, and; health care and social assistance, with construction replacing education in 2012 as a leading industry employer. The city's economy is growing, with a number of new infrastructure projects, such as the ongoing 27 expansion of the airport and new Boundary Road Connector, which connects Highway 97 South to Highway 16 East. Additionally, Prince George was the host city of the 2015 Canada Winter Games, which generated an estimated $123.4 million in revenues provincially, of which $84.2 million was spent in Prince George (Province of British Columbia, 2015) . - BRITISH -- 100 $0 COL U MB IA ll ~ Figure 3.1 . Northern British Columbia . Map by Alexander Martin, 2009 (Cited in Nolin et al., 2011, p. 121) Table 3.1: Leading Industry of Employment, Northern British Columbia Employed 23,900 ------Forestry, Fishing, Mining, Oil and Trade 23,900 13,700 Manufacturing - Health Care and Social Assistance Gas Educational Services -· ---·-----, Health Care and Social Assistance Note : Adapted from BC Stats, 2013. ·- 13,200 ·-· 12,500 28 ..l_ Construction ' Forestry, Fishing, Mining, Oil and Gas Prince George serves as a regional service centre for much of northern BC. Health professionals attend not only to the population of Prince George but much of the North as well. The main campuses of the University of Northern British Columbia (UNBC) and the College of New Caledonia (CNC) are located in Prince George, accounting for much of the region's employment in the fields of education and health care . Because Prince George is the largest city in the North, it is also a major shopping and supply destination . Resident mobility is high in northern BC, because many natural resource-based employment positions require individuals to travel or work in other communities. The nonpermanent population of Prince George is always in flux. Many people move to the city temporarily for work . Tree planters account for some of the summertime population increase in Prince George and many other northern communities . Population flux is also relational to resource boom and bust cycles, as out-migration of unemployed person's in smaller communities often results in a greater number of people accessing shelter and other social services in Prince George. Crime rates in Prince George have been a concern amongst community members, policy makers and protection agencies for many years, particularly in light of Prince George receiving the designation of being Canada's most dangerous city in 2010, 2011, and 2012 (Maclean's, 2010; 2011; 2012) . Statistics Canada reports annual crime rates nationally, provincially, and municipally. Based on a ten-year period between 2005 and 2014, the Crime Severity Index, which reports all Criminal Code violations, indicates that wh ile national annual crime rates have consistently decreased, Prince George and BC have experienced fluctuations in annual rates of crime severity, with a reported downward trend since 2011 (see Appendix A) (Statistics Canada, 29 2015a & 2015b) . National and provincial reporting between 2005 and 2014, indicate similar patterns in annual increase and decrease in the Violent Crime Severity Index (Statistics Canada, 2015) . The Prince Geo rge Violent Crime Severity Index reports rates of increase and decrease 11 opposite to Canadian and provincial rates of change (see Appendix A) (Statistics Canada, 2015) . The Crime Severity Index and Violent Crime Index support Maclean' s findings that crime rates in Prince George are high when compared to national and provincial statistics . Gang activity is evident in Prince George, affecting youth and adults of all ages. One research participant identified that the Independent Sold iers (IS) and Game Tight Soldiers (GTS) are currently established as the two prominent gangs in Prince George, along w ith a number of smaller unnamed gangs. Historically, other gangs have established chapters in Prince George, including the Red Scorpions, the Native Sons, and the Renegades (who were affiliated with the Hell's Angles) (RCMP Officer 5) 12 . Any discussion of crime in Prince George and the rest of northern BC has to take account of the Highway of Tears . The Highway of Tears is named for the more than 700 km stretch of Highway 16, connecting Prince George and Prince Rupert, where at least 18 women have been murdered or disappeared since 1969 (Carrier Sekani Family Services, n.d.; Purden & Palleja, 2015) . Many of the missing and murdered women and girls along this corridor are Aboriginal. The Highway of Tears Symposium held in March 2006, in recognition of growing concerns about missing and murdered women in communities along the Highway of Tears, identified four broad recommendations (Carrier Sekani Familiy Services, n.d.; Olsen Harper, 2006): 1) victim 11 The Violent Crime Severity Index reports all violent Criminal Code violations, including uttering threats, criminal harassment, and forcible confinement (Statistics Canada, 2015) . 12 I will provide more detail about participant coding in the following chapter 30 prevention; 2) emergency plann ing and team read iness; 3) victim fam ily counselling and support; and, 4) community development and support. 13 3.1. Crime Reduction Strategy In response to concerns over the city' s crime rate, Prince George City Council introduced the Prince George Crime Reduction Strategy in 2013 (City of Prince George, 2013) . The strategy associates policing challenges "with transient crime populations, prolific and chronic offenders, gang violence and drug distribution" and increasing reliance on law enforcement to "manage individuals suffering from complex mental health and addiction issues" (City of Prince George, 2013, p. 5) . The city' s commitment to reducing crime and intervening in crime related involvement is outlined in the four strands of the comprehensive strategy (City of Prince George, 2013, p. 6) : • • • • Prevent and Deter - The Prevent and Deter strand focuses on practical actions that can be taken to reduce the incidence of crime in Prince George. These actions often include a visible policing presence, education and awareness, as well as early childhood development, youth intervention and Community Po licing programs . Apprehend and Prosecute - The Apprehend and Prosecute strand focuses on actions that can be taken to detect crime and bring offenders to justice. It emphasizes the removal of offenders from circumstances where they are committing crimes. Rehabilitate and Reintegrate - The Rehabilitate and Reintegrate strand focuses on actions that can be taken to rehabilitate and reintegrate offenders as productive members of the community. Effective rehabilitation and reintegration initiatives consider the root causes of crime and therefore focus on issues such as housing, education, mental health and addiction treatment, employment, as well as leisure, social and recreat ional supports . Perception and Reality of Crime - The Perception and Reality of Crime strand focuses on what can be done to address the fear of crime and promote feelings of safety in a community. 13 The full Highway of Tears Symposium Recommendation Report can be retrieved from the Carrier Sekani Family Services (n.d .) website . 31 The first strand, Prevent and Deter, is an expansion of a previous project wh ich focused on reducing homelessness in Prince George . The focus of this strand is to work in collaboration with programs and agencies with a youth focus, emphasi zing youth at risk, with no mention of human trafficking or trafficking related crimes . Prior to the introduction of the Crime Reduction Strategy, RCMP ra ised concerns about the increase in drug trades and associated crimes. In response to the "significant adverse impact [of crime] on the downtown core", in April 2010, RCMP created the Downtown Enforcement Unit (DEU) (Whitwham & Stubbs, 2011, p. 1). The DEU' s intent was to address concerns over the increased prevalence of crime in the downtown core of Prince George and to target chronic offenders. Improvements reported in 2011, 18 months after the DEU' s inception, identified a decrease in visibility of crime in the downtown core, as evidenced by the reduction of public complaints and resulting files (see Table 3.2) . City Council and RCMP reported that they had received positive feedback about perceptions of safety from stakeholders as a result of the DEU initiative. A negative impact of this initiative is the result ing disconnection outreach workers and service providers have with vulnerable populations (Community Based Service Provider 1), which is vital to relationship building and identification of victims, including victims of trafficking . 32 Table 3.2. Downtown Prince George Statistical Crime Comparison 18 Months Prior to DEU Sept 2008 to March 2010 18 Months After DEU March 2010 to August 2011 % Reduction In Crime Total Files Downtown 5156 files Total Files Downtown 3946files 24% Intoxicated in Public 1008 files Intoxicated in Public 404 files 60% Causing a Disturbance 1031 fi les Causing a Disturbancje 671 files 35% Cocaine Trafficking 53files Cocaine Trafficking 6 files 88% Armed Robbery 11 files Armed Robbery 2 files 80% Mischief 317 files Mischief 210 files 34% Suspicious PersonNehicle 165 files Suspicious PersonN ehicle 121 files 27% Unspecific Assistance (The catch all file) 208 files Unspecific Assistance (The catch all file) 88 files 58% Theft from Motor Vehicle 205 files Theft from Motor Vehicle 162 files 21% Source : Retrieved from Wh itwham & Stubbs, 2011, p. 2. 3.2. Community Care Providers Service provision for trafficking victims may be provided by a number of local agencies, including: the RCMP; medical practitioners and emergency healthcare workers; migration services; and, local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) . These front-line workers and first responders may be just a few of the many professionals and individuals who could come in contact or aid a victim of trafficking. This thesis focuses on these organizations because they likely have the greatest number of opportunities to identify and aid victims, and also have varying degrees of experience and education working w ith vulnerable and/or abused individuals. 3.2.1. Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) The RCMP is the Canadian national police service and an agency of the Ministry of Public Safety (RCMP, 2013). The RCMP was established in 1873 as the North West Mounted Police 33 (NWMP) with only 150 members . Presently, the RCMP operates w ithin each of Canada' s provinces and territories, including more than 150 municipalities and more than 600 Aboriginal communities {RCMP, 2013, para .1), and employs more than 28,000 men and women {RCMP, 2007, para .1). The RCMP does more than offer local civilian protection, they offer a wide scope of operations that combat illegal activities, including "organized crime, terrorism, illicit drugs, economic crimes, and offences that threaten the integrity of Canada' s national borders" (RCMP, 2007, para . 13). In Prince George, the RCMP incorporates a community policing method to help reduce crime . Community policing is focused on creating meaningful community partnerships, which in turn help to reduce crime and fear of crime {RCMP, 2011), as well as build the trusting relationships between community members and officers (Murray, 2006) . General Duty (GD) officers are often first on scene to address the needs of the community. Prince George RCMP 14 employs members within a wide variety of specialized units as well as GD. Victim Services is jointly operated by the RCMP and City of Prince George to offer support to people around the clock who have been victims of crime and trauma, and their family members (RCMP, 2011) . Victim Services are comprised of civilian members and volunteers who are qualified to offer emotional support, court orientation and accompaniment, criminal justice 14 " General Duty (GD) officers work on one of four 24-hour " Watches". Each Watch is commanded by a Staff Sergeant who is assisted by a Sergeant and two Corporals. There are usually sixteen to seventeen constables per Watch . The GD Section are the front line first responders, responsible for the day to day, uniform policing of the City of Prince George as well as the surrounding rural areas including south to Hixon, north to Bear Lake, west to Clukcas [sp) Lake and east on Hwy. 97 to near Dome Creek. Calls for service can range from minor complaints, such as a disturbance, through to a shoplifter, to more serious events such as a sex assault, robberies, or homicides" (RCMP, 2011, para. 6) . 34 information, referrals, and crisis intervention (RCMP, 2011) . Members who work in this section act as liaisons to other community organizations . 3.2.2. Healthcare Professionals The Northern Health Authority is the largest health authority geographically in BC, 2 serving a region over 600,000 km (see Figure 3.2) . Due to the remote and isolated nature of many northern communities, health services are scattered throughout the region, with Prince George acting as the primary location where many specialized services are offered . This unique setup allows for a vast network of service providers who work to provide services to a variety of communities with differing cultural backgrounds and practices . Prince George offers a diverse range of health care sectors to residents of northern BC. The number of health care practitioners exceeds what can be supported by the immediate population, in order to serve patients from remote and surrounding communities . The designation of Prince George as the northern health care hub and location of Northern Health' s main office has enabled the establishment of a number of specialized care providers working in a variety of health care fields . One such specialized facility, adjacent to the University Hospital of Northern British Columbia (UHNBC), is the largest cancer treatment facility in northern BC. Centre for the North was established by the BC Cancer Agency, in conjunction with UH NBC, in 2012. 35 British Columbia Health Authorities 5 - Northem 1 lnterio, 2 ffaser 3 ltancowerCoastal 4 Vanc.o werls.1and '"=-:5 c::"N_ath _ em-:-:-:=:,:=,'~ ~t>dlly,8C~t< JUly.2008 Figure 3.2. British Columbia Health Authorities (BC Stats, 2015) . Emergency care units in Prince George are comprised of the city' s two walk-in clinics, the Nechako Medical Clinic located at the Spruceland Shopping Centre and the Salveo Medical Clinic located in Superstore . The UH NBC delivers healthcare needs to community members throughout northern BC. The UH NBC is partnered with the Northern Medical Program, run by the University of British Columbia (UBC), the University of Victoria (UVIC), and the University of Northern British Columbia (UNBC), hosting residents during rotations throughout their Clinical Practice Residency (Northern Health, n.d.,a) . The hospital also provides educational training to nursing and health sciences students studying at the College of New Caledonia (CNC) and UNBC. 36 The Northern Health community is comprised of more than 24 hospitals, 14 long term care facilities, and multiple public health units and offices providing specialized services (Northern Health, n.d., b) . Throughout the northern region, in 2012-2013, emergency room visits totalled 261,873 times (Northern Health, n.d . b) . The number of emergency room unitization throughout the northern region is also representative of potential opportunities where victims of trafficking could be identified and provided care . Dovyda it is (2010) argues that health care providers are one of the few sectors likely to come in contact with a person who is actively being trafficked. Though victims may present to emergency care facilities because of an immediate health concern, other sectors may also come in contact with a victim, possibly through a secondary interaction . A number of possible scenarios may involve the presentation of a victim of human trafficking, including interactions with social workers, mental health counsellors, community pharmacists, nurse practitioners, emergency responders, or in a hospital setting where care is being provided to the trafficker. In an ongoing effort to support the varying needs of northern BC residents, Northern Health developed a service plan, to be implemented between 2015 and 2018 . Northern Health recognizes the need to increase access to services fo r 'unattached patients' (i .e., those without a regular General Practitioner) through the creation of primary care homes and interdisciplinary primary health care teams that are better integrated with community care services . This plan is intended to serve vulnerable populations (Northern Health, 2015), although there is no explicit mention of victims of trafficking . Integration of services and increased access to care for vulnerable populations wi ll be a posit ive step to improving identification and support to vict ims of human trafficking, but these plans are still in the development phase . 37 3.2.3. Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) A number of organi zations within Prince George have the goal to provide care and support to individuals and families in need . Support can be in the form of food , shelter, counselling services, education, and more . No centres in Prince George provide counselling and support specifically to victims of trafficking. Non-Governmental Organizations within the city operate both 24-hour and daytime shelters and drop-in centres . This section identifies the NGOs which are represented in this thesis . 3.2.3.1. An Organization Advocating for Women and Children. An Assoc iation Advocating for Women and Children (AWAC) is one of three women ' s shelters in Prince George. Women over 18 years old are able to access emergency shelter services, outreach, transition services, referrals and counselling, and educational support (Community Based Service Provider 1). The shelter offers three programs to meet the needs of women accessing services in Prince George. AWAC's Drop-in Program provides women with access to shelter, food , clothing, and other necessities. The Twenty-four Hour Program is a mid-stage program that supports women committed to making long term life changes . The Twenty-Four Hour Program provides women with supported three-month housing and outreach services. The Supported Housing Program is a final-stage program, in which women are able to gain life skills and access to educational resources in support of the ir goal of independent living. The third stage program is designed to replicate real life situations by requiring participants to contribute financially and cook meals, utilizing skills acquired through ongoing tra ining and seminars offered by the shelter and community partners . 38 3.2.3.2. Carrier Sekani Family Services. Carrier Sekani Family Services (CSFS), established in 1990, offers a wide variety of health, child and family services to Carrier and Sekani people (Carrier Sekani Family Services, 2011). Carrier Sekani Family Services runs a number of programs both within and beyond Prince George, serving the eleven nations of "Burns Lake Band, Cheslatta Carrier Nation, Lake Babine Nation, Nadleh Whut'en, Nee Tahi Buhn Band, Saik'uz First Nation, Skin Tyee Band, Stellat'en First Nation, Takla Lake First Nation, Wet'suwet'en First Nation, and Yekooche First Nation" (Carrier Sekani Family Services, 2011, para. 9) . The CSFS has responsibility to provide for the health and social welfare of Aboriginal people throughout Carrier territory through the implementation of support services located primarily in Prince George. Carrier Sekani Family Services has a prominent connection with the Highway of Tears Initiative, and are ensuring the implementation of the 33 recommendations made at the 2006 Highway of Tears Symposium . 3.2.3.3. Ketso'Yoh. Ketso'Yoh is a 24-hour emergency shelter, recovery program, and halfway house for males 19 years and older. The shelter is operated by the Prince George Native Friendship Center (PGNFC). The PG NFC, established in 1971, is one of the largest and busiest of the 14 Friendship Centres throughout BC. To meet community needs, the PG NFC offers a variety of educational, employment, health, and social programs to Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people (Prince George Native Friendship Centre, 2011). The PGNFC's "values and beliefs are embedded in ... respectful and culturally appropriate practices as directed by Elders and other leaders versed in traditional ceremonies" (Prince George Native Friendship Centre, 2011, para . 9). 39 3.2.3.4. Migration Services. The Immigration and Multicultural Services Society of Prince George {IMSS) is an NGO funded by the Immigrant Integration Branch of the Ministry of Jobs, Tourism and Skills Training and the Minister responsible for labour {Immigration and Multicultural Services and Society [IMSS], 2013). Their program "supports local initiatives that have the role to increase the capacity of [the] Prince George community to support the integration of New Immigrants by: improving access to community services; supporting the development of intercultural relationships and mutual trust; supporting welcoming and inclusive workplaces; and, creating welcoming and inclusive spaces in the community" {IMSS, 2013, para. 2). The IMSS offers a wide variety of programs, primarily to new immigrants. The Settlement Integration Program {SIP) supports immigrants and their families throughout the process of migration . They are provided with a wealth of information which enables newcomers to the community to understand, navigate, and access BC's social and economic systems so the process of integration is both successful and positive {IMSS, 2013). A few of the services listed on the IMSS website include: counselling, assisted access to services, education assistance for those who qualify for the Skills Connect for Immigrants Program, assistance with government forms, and provision of up-to-date immigration policies . The IMSS promotes cultural diversity and multiculturalism through youth art programs, involving food, photography, and other art mediums. A women ' s program, a youth program, and a senior's program are available . Each program is designed to specifically meet the challenges faced by these individuals and to help them overcome barriers to success . 40 3.2.3.5. Prince George and District Elizabeth Fry Society. The Prince George and District Elizabeth Fry Society (commonly referred to in Prince George as E-Fry) is a feminist, community based non-profit, volunteer organization established in 1979, as a centre which assists women, children and youth (Elizabeth Fry Society, 2010). They act as advocates on behalf of the women they support, as well as provide counselling services and educational programs . The society has 22 locations throughout Canada, three of which are in northern BC: Burns Lake, Prince George and Quesnel, though Prince George offers the greatest number of services . The Prince George program offers outreach to women, support for children who witness abuse, victim support services, assistance to court services, housing, emergency shelter, a resource centre to aid families, and a young parents program (Elizabeth Fry Society, 2010) . 3.2.3.6. Prince George New Hope Society. The Prince George New Hope Society was established in 2005, by human rights activist Christal Capostinsky. The mission of the New Hope Society is to provide services for women working in the sex industry, in a safe and comfortable 15 environment, free of judgement (Prince George New Hope Society, n.d.). Easily recognisable to females working in the sex trade by the red umbrella on the window, which serves as a symbol of resistance to discrimination, the New Hope Society is a day time drop-in centre which provides a place of shelter, counselling, food , and other support 15 The mandate of the New Hope Society is " [t]o identify and address the barriers that women, both adult and youth, face while working in sex work and survival sex in Prince George and Northern BC; To facilitate educational opportunities that will empower women, both adult and youth, who work and live in this environment; To improve the health status of people living with [Human Immunodeficiency Virus/ Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome] HIV/AIDS and [Hepatitis C Virus) HCV; furthermore, to address the issues around [Sexually Transmitted Disease) STD' s and other diseases to individuals and community; To support and promote experiential leadership, the development of essential services and a continuum of services for active sex workers; and, To address the barriers and bridge the gap in services around mental health and addictions issues for sex workers in this commun ity" (Prince George New Hope Society, n.d., para . 3) . 41 services . Staff at the New Hope Society work in partnership with community organizations and survival sex trade workers to design and deliver services which will promote the safety of women who are forced or chose to work in the sex trade industry (Prince George New Hope Society, n.d.). 3.3. Conclusion There are multiple service agencies and providers in Prince George to respond to the varying needs of individuals impacted by trafficking, as there is no designated human trafficking treatment centre . Though Prince George is just one of many communities located in northern British Columbia, it is the largest, and therefore, offers the greatest number of services. Community-based service agencies in Prince George report that the number of people they support fluctuates in response to the economy . That is, the number of clients accessing services, and the population of low income people in Prince George, increases in times when the cost of living in surrounding communities increases (Community Based Service Provider) . Community agencies strive to aid all people in need of support, though the vast and rugged geography of northern BC often impacts negatively on service provision and victim identification. The highly mobile population of Prince George both hinders and aids communication networks. The transient and mobile nature of the population decreases visibility of possible victims of human trafficking. At the best of times it is difficult to establish networks of communication and trust with individuals in vulnerable situations; thus, the decreased capacity of repeat interactions further inhibits relationship building . Alternatively, the increased mobility of people accessing services may support information sharing between regions and communities, as there are enhanced opportunities for networking. 42 At the local level, City Council and RCMP are working to reduce the impacts of crime in the community. The RCMP and City Council' s recognition of petty and serious crime and its associated impact on community perceptions has resulted in a move to action . Though the focus of this thesis is on support and services for people impacted by human trafficking, it is important to recognize the associations of other forms on crime with human trafficking, and the overarching implications crime has on the community. This chapter identified the actors involved in supporting victims of exploitation and trafficking and intended to illustrate the complex network of providers that exists in northern BC. The following chapter identifies the methodologies used to collect data in the field . 43 4. METHODOLOGY Research on human trafficking covers a wide range of topics, incorporating legal and criminal facets, transnationalism, globalization, gender issues, and physical and psychological trauma . Human trafficking has been studied within various disciplines, such as social work, law, criminology, anthropology, psychology, and human geography, thus, the need for an interdisciplinary approach in this thesis . This research takes a case study approach to examine the availability of human trafficking support and the social interactions between those providing services in the northern urban community of Prince George, BC. Trustworthiness and rigour were practiced throughout the research process through such techniques as member checking, positioning, and reflexivity. My purpose for engaging in human trafficking research in Prince George is to provide insight into the critical aspects of post trafficking care within the city. To my knowledge no study exists on available services and support for victims of trafficking in northern Canada. Therefore, through the aid of participant interviews, my thesis provides insight into the strengths and gaps in services, as they relate to culture and identity, for men, women, and children . 4.1. Case Studies My research is constructed as a case study. The purpose of implementing a case study is to continually engage in real-life situations within my own community because case study allows the researcher to meaningfully understand human behaviour through constant interactions with both the community and research participants (Buchanan, 2012; Flyvbjerg, 2006) . Yin (2003, p. 15) states that " case studies aid in describing a real-life context in which it [an event or intervention] occurred" . Furthermore, Yin describes the usefulness of case study design in 44 evaluating an event in which there is no single outcome . Dynamic community relationships create differing outcomes . With respect to my research objectives and questions, the level of support and services available from one place to the next is expected to differ based on differences in culture, social relations, and environment. By conducting research based on the experiences of those who work and interact within the Prince George community, my goal is to identify some of the strengths and weaknesses of community interactions and the service provision for victims of human trafficking in a particular social and geographic setting. Case study methodologies are widespread and take on a variety of forms because they allow the researcher to match the subject matter and study context to the disciplinary approach of the topic being investigated ( Hancock & Algozzine, 2006). This exploratory case study seeks to broaden the literature on human trafficking by exploring networks of support for victims of trafficking and how caregiver relationships influence care provision in Prince George. The case presented in this research is set up to be intrinsic (Stake, 1995), as it seeks to broaden knowledge about trafficking awareness and support in a non-gateway community. One concern about conducting a case study is the lack of transferability due to the specific characteristics ofthe community and data collected (Baxter, 2010; Gozdziak & Collett, 2005; Gozdziak & Bump, 2008; Seigel & McCormick, 2002; Wennerholm, 2002) . Though specific nuances exist in Prince George, there are many commonalities between Prince George and other northern and rural communities . For this reason, I feel that the information presented in this thesis will be useful in forming an understanding of human trafficking and support needs in similar communities and will, therefore, contribute to the growing knowledge base that exists on human trafficking. 45 4.2. Sampling and Participants In order to understand service provision policies and practices in Prince George, I conducted 19 semi-structured interviews between July 2014 and October 2014, with participants from Prince George and Vancouver, British Columbia (see Participant Package, Appendix D) . Each interview was between 45 Minutes and 90 minutes in length. I selected semi-structured interviews as the best method of data collection because they are well suited to exploring the perceptions and opinions of the participants on subject matter that may be sensitive or complex, thus allowing for clarification and elaboration (While, 1994). Interviews empower participants (Dunn, 2010), as their responses and emotions aid in guiding the interview process . While (1994) indicates that interviews are proficient in enabling the researcher to evaluate validity by observing a respondent's non-verbal indicators, and to ensure that answers are the respondent's own perceptions because the conversation is taking place between the researcher and participant only. The individuals asked to participate in this research were selected using a combination of purposive and convenience sampling . The selection of interview participants was aided by personal contacts in care and support fields that had been identified as the most pertinent to my research objectives and questions. This hybrid recruiting process was chosen to ensure rich sources of information and intensive research within the time and resource constraints of my thesis research (Baxter & Eyles, 1997; Bradshaw & Stratford, 2010) . Initial participants were contacted by phone, email, and in person . I was able to expand the number of participants in this research through snowball sampling, as people who were already participating referred me to others who are employed in similar fields (Bradshaw & Stratford, 2010; Kirby & Hay, 1997). 46 The purpose of my research is to gain insight into service provision for trafficking victims from a variety of service sectors within the local and external community that are knowledgeable in the field(s) of crime, human trafficking, physical and mental trauma, and victimization. Thus, participants from Prince George are employed in law enforcement, nursing, social work, community based service provision, victim services, migration services, and as physicians. Interviewing individuals from a variety of human service fields enabled me to capture the experiences of a large group who may, or have, come in contact with a victim of human trafficking, and to gain a better understanding of the inter-agency interactions present in the community of Prince George. In order to better understand the complexities of service provision that exist in Prince George, I also conducted interviews with three participants from Vancouver. Vancouver participants represent organizations which specialize in human trafficking, as they interact with victims of trafficking on a regular basis and can, therefore, speak about the needs of trafficking victims from an experiential role. The participants from Vancouver represent the federal government (RCMP Human Trafficking Coordinator), provincial government (Ministry of Justice Office to Combat Trafficking in Persons), and community based service providers (Deborah's Gate). To distinguish quotes and information shared by each participant, while maintaining anonymity, participants are identified by their field of service and role . The categories included are (in alphabetical order) : Community Based Service Provider, ER Nurse, ER Physician, ER Social Worker, Migrant Services, Ministry of Justice, RCMP Officer, and Victim Services Worker. A numeric coding based on the order of interview (i .e., transcript number) is included for 47 categories for which more than one participant was recruited. The participant identification coding is summarized in Table 4.1. Table 4.1 Participant Identification Codes """' " "' /%fiff&MP~i44"% ,ti·:· ' "~xx;- ·• ;" ,,.s;s,: ', d·:_," ,iH]JWit@hF@iIDfiltf