AN ELECTROPHYSIOLOGICAL EXAMINATION OF THE EFFECTS OF SCHIZOTYPAL TRAITS AND CANNABIS USAGE ON NEURAL MARKERS OF PREDICTIVE PROCESSING by Matthew Sargent BHSc (Hons), University of Northern British Columbia, 2019 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN PSYCHOLOGY UNIVERISTY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA July 2023 © Matthew Sargent, 2023 ii Abstract The brain’s ability to make predictions has long been of interest to cognitive neuroscientists, who have used techniques including electroencephalography (EEG) to study this phenomenon. A component of neurophysiological activity, termed the Semantic Predictive Potential (SPP), may be an indicator of people’s ability to predict the nature of upcoming semantic content. Interestingly, a body of theoretical and experimental work suggests that people with schizophrenia and people who regularly use cannabis have difficulty making predictions about information in their environments. We explored how schizophrenia-like traits and cannabis use affected the SPP. Participants read sentences which differed in the predictability of their endings while brain activity was monitored using EEG. Participants then completed questionnaires assessing their levels of schizophrenia-like traits and cannabis use. We replicate previous findings suggesting that the SPP is sensitive to semantic predictability, and show that schizophrenia-like traits and cannabis use interact with semantic predictability to influence the SPP. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... ii Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................... iii List of Tables ...................................................................................................................................v List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ vi Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................... viii Introduction ......................................................................................................................................1 Chapter One .....................................................................................................................................1 1.1 Schizophrenia .........................................................................................................................1 1.2 The Neuroscience of Schizophrenia .......................................................................................3 1.3 Schizotypy ..............................................................................................................................4 Chapter Two.....................................................................................................................................5 2.1 Cannabis .................................................................................................................................5 2.2 Cannabis and Schizophrenia ..................................................................................................8 Chapter Three...................................................................................................................................9 3.1 Memory ..................................................................................................................................9 3.2 Schizophrenia and Memory..................................................................................................10 3.3 Cannabis and Memory .........................................................................................................11 3.4 Spreading Activation ............................................................................................................12 3.5 Spreading Activation in Thought-Disordered Schizophrenia ..............................................14 3.6 Spreading Activation and Cannabis .....................................................................................15 Chapter Four ..................................................................................................................................16 4.1 Top-Down Inference and Predictive Processing ..................................................................16 4.2 Schizophrenia, Cannabis, and Predictive Processing ...........................................................20 Chapter Five ...................................................................................................................................27 5.1 EEG and Semantic Prediction ..............................................................................................27 5.2 The N400 and the Prediction vs Integration Debate ............................................................28 5.3 Schizophrenia and Semantic Prediction ...............................................................................33 5.4 N400 in Schizophrenia .........................................................................................................35 5.5 Cannabis and Semantic Prediction .......................................................................................37 Chapter Six.....................................................................................................................................39 6.1 Semantic Predictive Potential...............................................................................................39 iv Chapter Seven ................................................................................................................................42 7.1 Present Study and Experimental Hypotheses .......................................................................43 7.2 Participants ...........................................................................................................................45 7.3 Materials ...............................................................................................................................45 7.4 Task Sentences .....................................................................................................................50 7.5 Design ...................................................................................................................................57 7.6 Sentence-Reading Task Procedure .......................................................................................60 7.7 Experimental Procedure .......................................................................................................61 7.8 EEG Recording and Preprocessing ......................................................................................62 7.9 Analysis Strategy ..................................................................................................................63 Chapter Eight .................................................................................................................................67 8.1 Memory Recognition Task Results ......................................................................................67 8.2 Semantic Predictive Potential Waveforms and Scalp Maps ................................................68 8.3 Semantic Predictive Potential Analysis................................................................................74 8.4 N400 Waveforms and Scalp Maps .......................................................................................85 8.5 N400 Analysis ......................................................................................................................90 Chapter Nine ..................................................................................................................................95 9.1 General Discussion ...............................................................................................................95 9.2 Replications of Previous Findings......................................................................................102 9.3 Limitations .........................................................................................................................103 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................................105 References ....................................................................................................................................107 Appendix A: Study Questionnaires .............................................................................................127 Appendix B: Tables of Means and Post-Hoc Comparisons.........................................................137 v List of Tables Table 1. Means and Standard Deviations of Potential Confounding Variables of Target Words. 55 Table 2. P-values From Independent Samples t-Tests Demonstrating Control for Potential Confounding Variables of Target Words .......................................................................................57 Table 3. Examples of Different Types of Sentences Used in the Experiment. ..............................58 Table 4. Correlation Matrix Showing r Values Between Higher-Order Factors of the SPQ-BRU and Cannabis Frequency (Taken From the DFAQ-CU) in Our Sample. .......................................68 Table 5. Results From LME Analysis on SPP Amplitude 200-0 ms Preceding the Presentation of Target Words. ................................................................................................................................75 Table 6. Results From LME Analysis on N400 Amplitude 300-500 ms Following the Presentation of Target Words. .......................................................................................................91 Table 7. Mean SPP Amplitudes for Each Combination of Fixed Effects 200-0 ms Prior to the Presentation of Final Words in the Sentence-Reading Task ........................................................138 Table 8. Comparisons of SPP Amplitudes for High Constraint, Low Constraint, and NonSemantic Sentences Across Levels of High and Low Disorganized Thought and Cannabis Use ......................................................................................................................................................140 Table 9. Mean N400 Amplitudes for Each Combination of Fixed Effects 300-500 ms After the Presentation of Final Words in the Sentence-Reading Task ........................................................141 Table 10. Post-Hoc Comparisons For Congruency x Constraint Interaction of N400 Amplitudes at Electrode Pz. ............................................................................................................................141 Table 11. Post-Hoc Comparisons For Congruency x Cannabis Frequency Interaction of N400 Amplitudes at Electrode Pz. .........................................................................................................142 vi List of Figures Figure 1. Depiction of the Spreading Activation Model. Adapted from Collins & Loftus (1975) ........................................................................................................................................................13 Figure 2. Ambiguous Rat-Man Figure. Adapted from Bugelski & Alampay (1961) ....................17 Figure 3. Images Showing the Progression of the Hollow-Mask Illusion Using a Rotating Hollow Mask. ..............................................................................................................................................21 Figure 4. Depiction of Differences in the N400 Potential in Response to Congruent and Incongruent Target Words. Reprinted with permission from León-Cabrera et al. (2019) ............29 Figure 5. Depiction of Differences in the Semantic Predictive Potential Across High Constraint, Low Constraint, and Non-Semantic Sentences in a Sentence-Reading Task. Reprinted with permission from León-Cabrera et al. (2019)..................................................................................40 Figure 6. Schematic of an Individual Trial From the Sentence-Reading Task. Adapted From León-Cabrera et al. (2019) .............................................................................................................59 Figure 7. Topographic Plot Showing Electrode Positions Used in the Experiment. .....................60 Figure 8. Histogram of Frequency of Cannabis Use......................................................................65 Figure 9. Histogram of Frequency of Disorganized Thought. .......................................................66 Figure 10. Semantic Predictive Potential Waveforms Observed Over Electrode F3. ...................70 Figure 11. Epoch Visualizing the Semantic Predictive Potential Across all Electrodes 1100 ms Preceding the Presentation of the Final Words in Sentences of High, Low, and Non-Semantic Constraint. ......................................................................................................................................71 Figure 12. Scalp Maps Showing SPP Scalp Topographies............................................................73 Figure 13. Visualization of the Interaction Between Constraint and Disorganized Thought on SPP Amplitude. ..............................................................................................................................77 Figure 14. Visualization of the Interaction between Constraint, Cannabis Frequency, and Disorganized Thought on SPP Amplitude .....................................................................................79 Figure 15. Visualization of the Interaction Between Hemisphere and Disorganized Thought on SPP Amplitude. ..............................................................................................................................81 Figure 16. Visualization of the Interaction Between Hemisphere, Cannabis Frequency, and Disorganized Thought on SPP Amplitude. ....................................................................................83 Figure 17. N400 Waveforms Observed Over Electrode Pz. ..........................................................86 Figure 18. Epoch Visualizing the N400 Potential Across all Electrodes. .....................................87 vii Figure 19. Scalp Maps Showing N400 Scalp Topographies. ........................................................89 Figure 20. Visualization of Constraint x Congruency Interaction for N400 Amplitudes Over Electrode Pz. ..................................................................................................................................92 Figure 21. Visualization of Congruency x Cannabis Frequency Interaction for N400 Amplitudes Over Electrode Pz. .........................................................................................................................94 viii Acknowledgements Science is a collaborative effort, and this thesis would not be possible without the contributions from my valued supervisory committee, colleagues, and family. Thus, I want to acknowledge the people who have been most instrumental in my academic journey. First, I want to extend my sincerest thanks to my supervisor Dr. Heath Matheson. His expertise and support in multiple domains proved to be invaluable for my study. More importantly, I want to thank Heath for his continued demonstration of what it means to be an effective scientist, teacher, and critical thinker. The example Heath sets is not lost on me, and I am fortunate to have been able to work with him on this project. Second, I wish to thank Dr. Paul Siakaluk, Dr. Annie Duchesne, and Dr. Andrea Gingerich for their support and feedback throughout my study. Their wide breadth of experience gave me an important range of perspectives to consider when planning my methodology and analysis. I also want to extend a special thanks to Annie for providing the Department of Psychology with new EEG caps, which ensured I could collect the best possible data for my project. Third, I want to thank my close friend and colleague Susie MacRae. Her advice, generosity, and encouragement have been highly motivating for me throughout my degree. With a small MSc Psychology cohort at UNBC, I am especially appreciative of the stimulating discussions and collaborations I have been able to participate in with Susie. Finally, I wish to thank my parents for their continued support throughout my academic journey. My Mother’s insistence on my academic excellence from a young age has certainly contributed to my ability to complete this thesis. I am eternally grateful for my parents’ concern for my well-being and interest in my academic pursuits. 1 An Electrophysiological Examination of the Effects of Schizotypal Traits and Cannabis Usage on Neural Markers of Predictive Processing In this thesis, I investigated the ways in which schizotypal traits and cannabis usage influence neural markers of semantic prediction. I begin by providing background information on schizophrenia and cannabis use, and discuss some ways in which schizophrenia and cannabis use may affect the brain in similar ways. I then present the predictive processing model of the brain, and discuss a body of neurophysiological evidence which suggests that people with schizophrenia may abnormally predict the nature of stimuli in their environments. Following this, I introduce recent neurophysiological research in predictive processing which describes a novel component of brain activity thought to be related to people’s ability to predict semantic content. In my study, participants completed a task adapted from recent literature, which allowed me to investigate neurophysiological components of predictive processing. I collected information on participant’s levels of schizophrenia-like thought and cannabis usage, and explored the ways these factors influenced the neural correlates of predictive processing. I show that schizophrenia and cannabis use interact in complex ways to influence brain activity related to predictive processing. Chapter One 1.1 Schizophrenia Schizophrenia is a multifaceted mental health disorder which affects thoughts, motivation, affect, and cognitive abilities (Patel et al., 2014). The disorder can be debilitating for patients, and difficult for their families, due to the characteristic symptoms experienced by people with schizophrenia. Many symptoms of schizophrenia are classically categorized as either 2 positive or negative. Positive symptoms in schizophrenia are commonly conceptualized as symptoms which are “added to” a person’s subjective experience, including hallucinations, delusions, and disorganized thinking (Kay et al., 1989). Hallucinations refer to false perceptions, while delusions refer to false thoughts or beliefs (Fletcher & Frith, 2009). Negative symptoms of schizophrenia, conversely, refer to symptoms which are “subtracted from” a person’s subjective experience, and may include diminished affect and motivation as well as deficits in cognitive function. Schizophrenia is also associated with premature mortality; it is estimated that people with schizophrenia die 25 years prematurely compared to the general population, often due to comorbidities including heart disease (Kilbourne et al., 2009). It is estimated that the prevalence of schizophrenia in the Canadian population is ~1% (Canadian Mental Health Association (CMHA), 2014). The British Columbia Schizophrenia Society estimates that the prevalence in British Columbia is consistent with the 1% estimate provided by CMHA (British Columbia Schizophrenia Society, 2022). In Northern British Columbia, the Prince George Branch of the British Columbia Schizophrenia Society serves the community and surrounding regions by providing support and resources to people with schizophrenia. The etiology of schizophrenia suggests a strong role of genetic heritability in predisposition to the disorder (Patel et al., 2014). Indeed, in second-degree relatives of someone with schizophrenia, prevalence rises to 4-6%, while in identical twins, prevalence rises to 46% (McDonald et al., 2003). Environmental and social factors, including social isolation and childhood trauma, also appear to have a role in the onset of schizophrenia (Patel et al., 2014). It has been further suggested that exposure to psychoactive drugs, including cannabis, may exacerbate rates of schizophrenia in at-risk populations (Patel et al., 2020). Symptoms of 3 schizophrenia tend to become present in males when they reach their early 20s, and in females in their late 20s or early 30s, although the prevalence of the disorder appears to be relatively equal in males and females (Patel et al., 2014). People with schizophrenia experience a wide range of cognitive deficits (Bowie & Harvey, 2006). A meta-analysis found that the intelligence (IQ) of people with schizophrenia was approximately half a standard deviation lower than the IQ of people in the general population (d = -.54) (Woodberry et al., 2008). People with schizophrenia also display impairments in executive function, short- and long-term memory, language functioning, and attention (Fioravanti et al., 2012). In summary, schizophrenia is associated with canonical positive and negative symptoms, increased morbidity, and widespread deficits to cognitive function. Studying the brain dynamics and anatomy of people with schizophrenia may allow researchers to better understand the atypical neural patterns of people with schizophrenia. Neuroscientists have made important discoveries about how brain structure and dynamics vary with schizophrenia, although more work remains. Understanding how the brain operates differently in people with schizophrenia compared to neurotypical people is important for guiding clinical research on schizophrenia and informing public practice. 1.2 The Neuroscience of Schizophrenia The brains of people with schizophrenia often show widespread structural deficits in gray and white matter, in addition to enlarged ventricles (Birur et al., 2017). Further, functional connectivity analyses, which are used in determining which parts of the brain are communicating and coupling during cognitive performance, have revealed important alterations in brain dynamics in schizophrenia (Rogers et al., 2007). In particular, a meta-analysis of resting-state 4 functional connectivity analyses, which involve assessing functional connectivity while participants are not engaged in cognitively demanding tasks, have revealed disrupted connectivity patterns associated with schizophrenia. These include decreased within-network connectivity in the default mode network (involved in self-projection and episodic memory), somatomotor network (involved in sensorimotor function), core network (involved in task control), auditory network (involved in auditory system) and self-referential network (involved in self-referential processing) (Li et al., 2019; Liao et al., 2010). Importantly, within-network hyperconnectivity was not found in any observed networks in schizophrenia patients compared to controls, suggesting that within-network hypoconnectivity may be related to the cognitive deficits experienced by people with schizophrenia (Li et al., 2019). Indeed, diminished withinnetwork resting-state functional connectivity in parts of the default mode network has been observed in patients who have undergone a first episode of psychosis but are without a psychiatric disorder diagnosis and have experienced the presence of positive and negative symptoms for less than one year (Alonso-Solís et al., 2013). This suggests that functional connectivity abnormalities underlying schizophrenia may manifest in earlier stages of the disorder. In sum, people with schizophrenia experience a wide range of cognitive deficits, in addition to the positive and negative symptoms characteristic of the disorder, and show brain abnormalities in anatomy and functional connectivity compared to healthy controls. 1.3 Schizotypy Although only a subset of the population is diagnosed with schizophrenia, there have been efforts to quantify the extent to which neurotypical people without a schizophrenia diagnosis experience schizophrenia-like symptoms (Cohen et al., 2010; Davidson et al., 2016; Raine, 1991). Schizotypy has been described as a ‘personality organization’ which can manifest 5 in select phenotypic characteristics of schizophrenia, or cause people to have a predisposition to schizophrenia (Kotov et al., 2018; Meehl, 1990; Meehl, 1962). Attempts have been made to quantify the extent to which healthy people display schizotypal traits, including constricted affect, odd speech, suspiciousness, and unusual perceptions (Cohen et al., 2010; Raine, 1991). The Schizotypal Personality Questionnaire (SPQ) and Schizotypal Personality Questionnaire Brief Revised (SPQ-BR) have been used to measure the extent to which people display schizotypal personality traits (Cohen et al., 2010; Raine, 1991). Importantly, it has been demonstrated that meaningful between-subject variation exists on the SPQ-BR, both in populations of people with schizophrenia and in healthy populations. Davidson et al. (2016) surveyed a large population of healthy undergraduates (N = 2552) and found that schizotypal traits were reported somewhat commonly among the sample. For example, 25.1% of the respondents endorsed the statement “I am an odd, unusual person”, while 17.7% endorsed “Are your thoughts sometimes so strong that you can almost hear them?”. The SPQ has been shown to have high construct validity, and has been used to measure schizotypy in many studies (the original paper has over 2000 citations) (Raine, 1991). It has been found that the SPQ-BR, which is a shorter revised version of the SPQ, takes less time to administer and results in less incomplete responses than the SPQ (Cohen et al., 2010). In sum, schizotypy appears to be a trait which varies among healthy people, and can be quantified using measures such as the SPQ and SPQ-BR. Chapter Two 2.1 Cannabis Since recreational cannabis use was legalized in Canada in 2018, there has been a surge in cannabis consumption among Canadians. In Canada, the percentage of individuals who 6 reported using cannabis at least once in the last three months increased by almost 2% from 2018 (pre legalization) to 2019 (post legalization) (Statistics Canada, 2020). Young Canadians are the most prevalent users of cannabis, with 33.3% of 18–24-year-olds reporting having used cannabis at least once in the last three months in 2019, compared to 16.8% of all Canadians aged 15 and older. In addition, legal cannabis retailers in British Columbia generated almost seven times as much revenue in June 2020 than in June 2019, further suggesting that cannabis consumption is on the rise (Statistics Canada, 2021). Cannabis use in Canada is increasing, and it is crucial that we understand how the substance affects every aspect of our cognition and health. Cannabis is an interesting topic of research for cognitive psychologists and neuroscientists. Cannabis contains psychoactive ingredients, meaning it has the potential to cause changes in thinking, emotion, perception, cognition, and behavior; areas of interest to cognitive psychologists (Atakan, 2012; Beirness & Porath-Waller, 2015). Further, cannabis is known to cause changes to brain structure and activity, which makes it a compelling topic of study for cognitive neuroscientists (Beirness & Porath-Waller, 2015; Skosnik et al., 2012). Subjective effects of cannabis can include relaxation, improved mood, increased appetite, heightened appreciation of art, and increased talkativeness, as well as delusions and feelings of paranoia, guilt, anxiety, and depression (Iversen, 2019; Zeiger et al., 2010). Although cannabis is made up of over 400 compounds, it is thought that Δ-9Tetrahydrocannabinol, or Δ-9-THC, is the main psychoactive ingredient (Beirness & PorathWaller, 2015). Δ-9-THC is believed to be responsible for many of the subjective and physiological effects of the drug, including the “high” experienced during acute cannabis intoxication (Atakan, 2012; Beirness & Porath-Waller, 2015). Acute cannabis intoxication refers to the period shortly after ingesting cannabis, in which the subjective effects are being 7 experienced. Δ-9-THC acts on cannabinoid receptors which are found in the brain as part of the brain’s endocannabinoid system; in particular, the CB1 cannabinoid receptor is a primary binding site for Δ-9-THC molecules. CB1 receptors are expressed in multiple areas of the brain, including the frontal cortex, basal ganglia, hippocampus, and cerebellum (Boggs et al., 2016). It has been suggested that acute cannabis intoxication may inhibit motor coordination, inhibit memory encoding, cause impairments in executive functioning, and alter critical thinking (Crean et al., 2011; Doss et al., 2018; Ramaekers et al., 2006). Additionally, research has studied the effects of acute cannabis intoxication on attention, and found that Δ-9-THC may actually improve performance on sustained attention tasks as well as divided attention tasks (Haney et al., 1999; Hart et al., 2001). Lane et al. (2005) found that acute Δ-9-THC intoxication caused risky decision making. It has also been suggested that cannabis may impair creativity; specifically, it has been found that acute Δ-9-THC intoxication hinders performance on divergent thinking tasks, rendering participants less able to devise novel uses for objects (Kowal et al., 2015). It is important to note that there are similarities and differences between long-term cannabis use and acute cannabis intoxication with respect to their effects on cognition. Regular cannabis use can cause residual effects on cognition even after the subjective effects of the drug have subsided (Beirness & Porath-Waller, 2015). It has been suggested that regular cannabis use may have implications for learning, memory, cognitive flexibility, and other executive functions (Beirness & Porath-Waller, 2015). Notably, memory and executive functioning are also impaired during acute cannabis intoxication, as mentioned previously, suggesting a degree of similarity between acute cannabis intoxication and chronic cannabis use. Some authors (Crean et al., 2011; Beirness & Porath-Waller, 2015) have argued that many of the impairments to executive functions caused from cannabis use may be attenuated after approximately one month of 8 abstinence from cannabis. Crean et al. (2011) elaborate by suggesting that some cognitive deficits, in domains such as working memory and attention, may be negligible following sustained cannabis abstinence, but deficits to verbal fluency and decision making may persist even after long periods of abstinence from the substance. 2.2 Cannabis and Schizophrenia Scientists have long been interested in the association between schizophrenia and cannabis use (Pearson & Berry, 2019). Both chronic schizophrenia and cannabis intoxication have been associated with paranoia, delusional thinking, auditory and visual hallucinations, and reduced motivation (Fletcher & Frith, 2009; Lawn et al., 2016; Raine, 1991; Wainberg et al., 2021; Zeiger et al., 2010). Further, people with schizophrenia and people under the influence of cannabis exhibit similar performance on some cognitive tasks, such as reduced susceptibility to the binocular depth inversion illusion (an illusion in which inverted percepts often appear normal) and differential spreading activation in lexical decision tasks (tasks canonically used to investigate priming effects), when compared to healthy controls (Koethe et al., 2006; Morgan et al., 2010; Moritz et al., 2001). It has been proposed that cannabis may have a causal role in the development of schizophrenia. A recent systematic review concluded that cannabis increases the likelihood of developing schizophrenia in at-risk populations, and may exacerbate symptoms of schizophrenia in people who already have the disorder (Patel et al., 2020). Further, a longitudinal study found that daily cannabis users have a rate of psychotic symptoms which is 1.6-1.8 times higher than non-users (Fergusson et al., 2005). Even in non-clinical populations, it has been found that schizotypal traits increase during acute cannabis intoxication, and studies have additionally 9 reported that regular cannabis users display higher levels of schizotypal traits, even when not under the influence of the substance (Dumas et al., 2002; Morgan et al., 2010). Importantly, populations with schizophrenia have high rates of cannabis use (Patel et al., 2020). Patel et al. (2020) suggest that a schizophrenia diagnosis may predict the use of cannabis, rather than the converse. People with schizophrenia may use cannabis to manage the symptoms of schizophrenia, and may benefit particularly from using cannabis with high cannabidiol (CBD) content (Patel et al., 2020). CBD, in contrast to Δ-9-THC, generally does not cause acute psychoactive effects, and may even partially attenuate the subjective effects of Δ-9-THC (Patel et al., 2020). Patel et al. (2020) discuss how CBD shows promising results for treatment-resistant schizophrenia, and note that studies have found improved cognitive performance in people with schizophrenia who use cannabis compared to people with schizophrenia who have not used cannabis (Hanna et al., 2016). Overall, the direction of causality in the relationship between cannabis use and schizophrenia is not clear, and compelling arguments have been made for causality in both directions of the relationship. Chapter Three 3.1 Memory Many cognitive psychologists believe there are different subtypes of memory, which may rely on different neural systems for activation (although some authors argue that there is considerable overlap between these systems; see Addis (2018) for a relevant discussion). A distinction in the literature is often made between semantic memory and episodic memory; while semantic memory is generally construed as being concerned with understanding of objects, places, and people (e.g., I know that the Eiffel Tower is in Paris), episodic memory is focused on events and personal experiences (e.g., I can remember the time I went to see the Eiffel Tower) 10 (Nastase & Haxby, 2016). A body of literature suggests that semantic memory can be accessed in different ways depending on context, and that semantic information which is relevant is reactivated differently depending on current goals, recent and long-term experience, and the passage of time during which semantic memories are reconstructed (Yee & Thompson-Schill, 2016). 3.2 Schizophrenia and Memory Memory impairments have been observed in schizophrenia; in particular, deficits to episodic memory are well documented (Guo et al., 2019). Functionally, it has been suggested that the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (DLPFC), which is thought to be involved in complex cognitive operations, is important for episodic memory (Ragland et al., 2015). Guo et al. (2019) suggest that hypoactivity in the DLPFC may be a potential mechanism by which episodic memory is impaired in schizophrenia. Indeed, a meta-analysis found hypoactivity in the DLPFC among people with schizophrenia during episodic memory encoding and retrieval tasks (Ragland et al., 2009). Interestingly, as Guo et al. (2019) note, findings of dysfunctional activity in the medial temporal lobe (MTL) during episodic memory encoding and retrieval are inconsistent across studies, with some studies reporting hypoactivity or hyperactivity in different regions of the MTL during episodic memory tasks (Jessen et al., 2003; Ragland et al., 2004). The MTL has an important role in memory; in particular, it has been proposed as a binding site where perceptual details from other parts of the neocortex are bound to create coherent long-term memories (Squire & Zola-Morgan, 1991). It is curious that widespread hypoactivity in the MTL has not been consistently observed in people with schizophrenia, and suggests that the mechanism by 11 which people with schizophrenia experience memory deficits is more nuanced than widespread hypoactivity. Semantic memory is also compromised in schizophrenia (Mckay et al., 1996; Tan et al., 2020). Mckay et al. (1996) found that people with schizophrenia performed worse than controls on a battery of semantic memory tasks, including naming pictures, defining features of stimuli, and category fluency. Category fluency tasks are often used as an index of semantic memory capability, and involve participants naming as many exemplars as possible for a given category in a given span of time, often one minute. Tan et al. (2020) found in a recent meta-analysis that performance on category fluency tasks was consistently impaired in people with schizophrenia. Interestingly, Mckay et al. (1996) found that people with schizophrenia performed comparably to controls in dichotomizing stimuli as living vs. humanmade, but performed worse when categorizing items at lower conceptual levels (i.e. categorizing birds vs. sea creatures) or attributional levels (i.e. categorizing fierce vs nonfierce animals). This suggests that semantic memory in schizophrenia may be intact at higher conceptual levels, but deficits may become apparent when more concrete and detailed memory representations are probed. 3.3 Cannabis and Memory The link between cannabis use and its potential effects on memory is not fully understood. Some studies have reported that regular cannabis use predicts poor verbal recall on memory tasks (Battisti et al., 2010). Morrison et al. (2009) found that intravenous Δ-9-THC hindered performance on the digit span task, a task designed to study working memory capacity. McKetin et al. (2016) found that regular cannabis users showed impaired immediate recall on verbal tests, but no significant difference in delayed recall ability compared to controls. Further, 12 McKetin et al. (2016) found no evidence that cannabis use was associated with greater decline in recall ability over time after analyzing the results of 4- and 8-year follow-ups. Importantly, the idea that cannabis use has pernicious effects on memory is more readily accepted in the context of adolescent populations. A study found that adolescents who regularly used cannabis performed more poorly on verbal recall and recognition tasks (Solowij et al., 2011). Further, the age of onset of cannabis use, duration, quantity, and frequency of cannabis use were correlated with the extent to which performance on recall and recognition tasks was impaired. In sum, although the effects of cannabis on memory have been studied, little is known about the effects on semantic memory associated with cannabis use, and the neural correlates which may underlie semantic memory alterations associated with cannabis use have not been fully explored. 3.4 Spreading Activation It has been proposed that semantic memory can be represented with network models (Collins & Loftus, 1975; Zemla & Austerweil, 2018). Such models postulate that concepts in memory are represented by nodes in a network, and these nodes are connected with edges. Concepts which are closely semantically related (i.e. “doctor” and “nurse”) will have a shorter semantic distance between them than concepts which are unrelated (i.e. “doctor” and “orange”), such that the nodes of closely related concepts will be connected by relatively short edges (or with fewer edges and nodes between them) compared to the nodes of unrelated concepts. Figure 1 shows an adapted version of the spreading activation model (Collins & Loftus, 1975). Figure 1 13 Depiction of the Spreading Activation Model. Adapted From Collins & Loftus (1975). Note. Concepts in the model, represented by nodes, are linked to other concepts via edges. For example, the concept Green is linked to the concepts Apples, Pears, Leaves, Trees, and Plants. Spreading activation refers to the idea that neural activation spreads throughout semantic networks, from node-to-node, starting from the initial node at which a semantic search begins (Collins & Loftus, 1975; Quillian, 1969); hence, activation ‘spreads’ from node to nearby nodes. Lexical decision tasks have been used since the early 1970s to assess spreading activation through semantic priming paradigms (Meyer & Schvaneveldt, 1971). Typically, in lexical decision tasks, a pair of words is presented quickly in succession, and people must make a judgement about whether the second (target) word is a real word or a non-word. If the target word is semantically related to the first (prime) word (i.e. prime: doctor, target: nurse), people are faster to make judgements about whether the target word is a real word (e.g. Neely, 1977). Non-words often consist of a string of letters which is phonetically plausible, i.e. able to be 14 pronounced, but contain no meaning. If a prime word is able to facilitate a response to the target word, it is taken to suggest that a spread of activation has occurred throughout nearby nodes, which caused the target word to become activated in some capacity in response to the prime, allowing for facilitated processing (e.g. Morgan et al., 2010). Another feature of semantic priming tasks which may be manipulated to investigate semantic networks is stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA). SOA refers to the length of time after the prime word before the target word is presented. For example, Morgan et al. (2010) used a short SOA of 250 ms and a long SOA of 750 ms to tease apart how semantic priming may differ as a function of SOA. It has been suggested that short SOA priming tasks (< 500 ms SOA) are a better metric of measuring automatic spreading activation, while long SOA tasks (> 500 ms SOA) may be used to examine more conscious and deliberate processes (Moritz et al., 2001). 3.5 Spreading Activation in Thought-Disordered Schizophrenia In people with schizophrenia, thought disorder refers to the incoherent or disorganized speech observed in some people with the condition (Pomarol-Clotet et al., 2008). Authors have proposed different metrics for identifying the presence of thought disorder in schizophrenia. Moritz et al. (2001) quantified thought disorder using the Positive and Negative Disorganized Symptoms Scale, which consisted of a semi-structured interview in which speech abnormalities were assessed. Other authors have measured thought disorder by quantifying the extent to which bizarre answers are given in response to prompts (Nordgaard et al., 2021). Interestingly, increased semantic priming has been found in people with thought-disordered schizophrenia using short SOA semantic priming tasks (Moritz et al., 2001). Moritz et al. (2001) suggest that disinhibited semantic networks are responsible for increased semantic priming in thoughtdisordered schizophrenia. Excessive spreading activation among nodes in a semantic network 15 may lead to concepts which would normally be distally related being activated in concert with one another, causing the speech of someone with thought disorder be composed of more distally related concepts. It is important to acknowledge the presence of thought disorder in the finding of increased semantic priming in schizophrenia (Moritz et al., 2001). When the group with schizophrenia was split between those with and without thought disorder, the enhanced semantic priming effect remained significant only for those with thought disorder. Indeed, a meta-analysis of semantic priming in schizophrenia suggested that schizophrenia itself is not associated with increases in semantic priming, but rather people with both schizophrenia and thought disorder may display increased semantic priming compared to healthy controls (Pomarol-Clotet et al., 2008). It may be that disorganized thought associated with schizophrenia, rather than chronic schizophrenia per se, is associated with disinhibited semantic networks and automatic semantic priming. Importantly, it has been found that people with thought-disordered schizophrenia may exhibit reduced semantic priming during tasks with longer SOAs of 500ms or more (e.g. Besche et al., 1997). This contrasts with the increased semantic priming observed in people with thought-disordered schizophrenia during shorter SOA tasks. In summary, spreading activation appears to be influenced by thought-disordered schizophrenia, although whether the semantic networks of people with thought-disordered schizophrenia exhibit increased or decreased priming compared to neurotypical individuals appears to depend on the SOA. 3.6 Spreading Activation and Cannabis A study investigating semantic processing in cannabis users also found that acute cannabis intoxication leads to increased semantic priming in short SOA conditions during lexical 16 decision tasks (Morgan et al., 2010). The authors interpret this finding to suggest that acute cannabis intoxication leads to increased automatic spreading activation among nodes in semantic networks. Cannabis users also displayed increased semantic priming in long SOA conditions compared to controls, even when abstinent from the drug for a period of 3-5 days. The finding that cannabis intoxication is associated with increases in short SOA semantic priming while regular cannabis use is associated with increases in long SOA semantic priming suggests that cannabis intoxication may affect automatic spreading activation processes, while regular cannabis use may result in alterations to more deliberate semantic retrieval processes (Morgan et al., 2010). It is possible that the disinhibited semantic networks account of spreading activation proposed by Moritz et al. (2001) may explain increased spreading activation both in schizophrenia and cannabis intoxication. Chapter Four 4.1 Top-Down Inference and Predictive Processing Traditional models of perceptual processing propose that perception is a process guided primarily by our interactions with the environment, causing perceptual information to impinge on sensory receptors (e.g. Sinnett et al., 2016). This information is passed through the cortex to cells which respond to increasingly complex stimuli, which the brain interprets and uses to form a coherent representation of the world. For example, if someone is out on a hike and sees a deer in the woods, a proponent of traditional models of perceptual processing might suggest that light is reflected off the deer and reaches the photoreceptor cells of the eye. This information is ultimately transmitted through the visual pathway in the brain, where cells first process the lowlevel visual features contained in the visual field (i.e., lines, edges), followed by interpreting more complex shapes, and eventually recognizing the information which impinged on the 17 photocells as a deer. Thus, this “bottom-up” perceptual information is a primary driver for perception. However, it is proposed that “top-down” processing also exerts influences on perception. Top-down processing refers to the brain’s biasing of perception based on beliefs and expectations, typically accumulated through experience with the world. A classic example of top-down processing is the rat-man illusion (Figure 2; see Bugelski & Alampay, 1961). In the illusion, participants are presented with a line drawing which can be interpreted as either a curled-up rat or the face of a man. Bugelski & Alampay (1961) found that when participants were shown pictures of humans before being shown the rat-man figure, they were more likely to perceive the drawing as a man, whereas if they were shown pictures of animals, they were more likely to perceive the drawing as a rat. This suggests that the brain is shaping perception based on prior expectations; in this case, after seeing a series of drawings of animals, it is likely that another drawing of an animal would be shown. The ambiguous rat-man figure being perceived one of two different ways suggests that perception can be guided by top-down processes. Figure 2 Ambiguous Rat-Man Figure. Adapted from Bugelski & Alampay (1961). 18 Note. The figure can be interpreted either as the face of a man with glasses on, or a mouse with its tail curled. However, some theorists have proposed a radical overhaul of the way cognitive psychologists think about perceptual processing. Theories of predictive coding, or predictive processing, propose that the brain is not primarily guided by incoming bottom-up sensory information, but is instead a “predictive machine”, aiming to constantly predict what is happening in the environment, and affirming or adjusting its predictions based on actions occurring within the environment (e.g. Friston, 2010; Clark, 2013). In other words, the brain generates probabilistic models of ‘what is out there’, and tests them against its self-generated sensory input (Friston, 2010). A critical pillar of this theory is that the probabilistic models are hierarchically structured; models which are more spatially and temporally precise occur towards the bottom of the hierarchy; conversely, towards the top of the hierarchy, predictions and generative models become increasingly spatially and temporally abstract. Radical predictive processing models of perception suggest that most sensory information is not passed upwards through the hierarchy towards higher-order association cortices of the brain, because the brain’s probabilistic model is able to “explain away” the expected sensory information. Instead, when the brain’s prediction is not congruent with incoming sensory information, a “prediction error”, or residual, is signaled, and it is this prediction error (deviation from the expected model) which is passed upwards through the neural hierarchy towards higher-level association cortices (Clark, 2013). Such errors help update future predictions about incoming information from the environment. A proponent of predictive processing theories might propose that someone walking in the forest who sees a deer has generated a prediction of a deer, based on previous experiences 19 walking in the woods, and matches this prediction of the deer against the incoming perceptual input. Because the visual properties (i.e., lines/edges/shapes of which the deer is composed) generated by the incoming perceptual information are consistent with the predictions made of a deer, no radical adjustments need to be made to the model, and the perceptual information can be “explained away” at low levels of the neural hierarchy. The precision, (or “gain”, which is the inverse of variance) of prediction errors is another key concept within the predictive framework (Mathys et al., 2011). When sensory input is processed, prediction errors are propagated upwards through the cascade of predictions in the event of a mismatch between the brain’s probabilistic model and the sensory information obtained in the world (e.g. Clark, 2013). When this happens, theorists have argued that the brain places differing degrees of “confidence” in the error signals (e.g. Mathys et al., 2011; Clark, 2013). Errors which are “noisy” or unreliable are assigned a lower weighting than prediction errors which are processed with a higher degree of certainty. For example, if someone is out on a hike during a bright clear day and hears a rustling in the forest, the brain might form a model with the expectation that a deer is most likely responsible for the rustling, based on previous experiences walking in the woods. When the person sees a bear step out of the woods instead, a prediction error with high precision is generated, and attention is drawn to this prediction error – this is most definitely not the deer the brain was predicting, and the brain’s model of the world needs to be quickly updated. Now imagine that the same person is walking through the woods at night, and again hears a rustling which their brain expects to most likely be a deer. This time, the brain sees a shadow against the trees, but it is dark out, and it is not apparent as to what caused the shadow. The context (dark, low visibility) establishes that the reliability of the bottom-up sensory input is 20 impaired. In this case, a prediction error is generated with a lower precision, as the bottom-up perceptual input is noisy. This noisy prediction error has less influence on the brain’s model, and is not able to make changes to the probabilistic model as readily as a more precise prediction error. Here, it may take longer for the person to realize the rustling is not coming from a deer after all. 4.2 Schizophrenia, Cannabis, and Predictive Processing The hollow mask illusion, depicted visually in Figure 3, has long been used to study the effects of top-down influences on perception. Typically, when people view a mask shaped like a human face from the inside (i.e., looking at the reverse, concave part of the mask), they often perceive it as being convex (e.g. Corlett et al., 2009). In other words, their perception is similar to how they might perceive the outside of the mask, or a regular human face. This provides an example of the brain using prior beliefs and expectations to estimate the cause of the perceptual input; in the real world, we encounter convex faces much more frequently than concave faces. When we encounter a hollow mask, the brain is making its best estimate of the veridical nature of the inside of the mask, which is that the inside of the mask is convex (Corlett et al., 2009). Figure 3 Images Showing the Progression of the Hollow-Mask Illusion Using a Rotating Hollow Mask. 21 22 Note. Still images taken from a GIF from https://imgur.com/gallery/jQNUqIl. These images depict a hollow mask, which typically appears convex during its rotation to neurotypical observers. However, people with schizophrenia and people under the influence of cannabis tend to perceive the mask as concave during parts of its rotation, which some theorists suggest indicates a reduced influence of top-down processes. Intriguingly, some behavioral evidence suggests that both schizophrenia and cannabis usage may affect the way in which predictive processing occurs. Further, it may be that the predictive processing process is affected in similar ways by schizophrenia and cannabis usage. Research has found that the binocular depth inversion illusion (BDII), which is conceptually related to the hollow mask illusion, has less of an effect on people with schizophrenia or healthy people under the influence of Δ-9-THC (Emrich et al., 1991; Koethe et al., 2006). In the BDII, a three-dimensional object is pseudoscopically presented to participants, meaning that visual information which would normally be presented to the right eye is instead presented to the left, and vice versa (Koethe et al., 2006). Theoretically, presentation of visual information in this way should lead to inverted depth perception of objects (i.e., objects which are typically convex 23 should appear concave, and vice versa), much in the same manner as the hollow mask illusion. However, people with schizophrenia and people under the influence of cannabis tend to report that objects, as well as faces, presented in this manner retain the same percepts as when the objects are presented normally (i.e., people with schizophrenia and people under the influence of Δ-9-THC tend to perceive faces which are presented pseudoscopically as convex, when theoretically the percept should be inverted and the face should appear concave) (Emrich et al., 1991; Koethe et al., 2006). From the perspective of predictive processing, one possible explanation for these effects is that the precision of prediction errors may be improperly integrated if people have schizophrenia or are under the influence of Δ-9-THC. Perhaps the precision of prediction errors, in the case of BDII and hollow mask illusion, is weighted more highly in schizophrenia and cannabis intoxication than under neurotypical conditions. This could lead to an increased influence of bottom-up perceptual input, which would allow probabilistic models to be more readily influenced by perceptual input. Indeed, some authors have argued that improperly balanced regulation between prior models and sensory input are responsible for hallucinations (Stephan et al., 2009). However, it is important to note that others have argued that an increased confidence in prior models is actually responsible for hallucinations (Collerton et al., 2005). From this perspective, it may be that overconfidence in an aberrant model causes an individual to perceive the world through the framework of this rigid model, without incorporating the necessary prediction errors which would be signaling that the brain’s model is incomplete or insufficient. Other accounts have suggested that both weak and strong prior beliefs may be present in different perceptual modalities and interact in complex ways to give rise to the phenotypic characteristics of psychosis (Sterzer et al., 2018). While predictive processing 24 accounts of schizophrenia provide compelling explanations for the symptoms of schizophrenia, the literature remains inconclusive on important theoretical considerations. Fletcher & Frith (2009) suggest that both delusions and hallucinations experienced by people with schizophrenia can be elegantly characterized through a predictive processing framework. They propose that sensory evidence encountered in the environment is improperly integrated with prior models. This results in false prediction errors being propagated up the neural hierarchy to higher levels of abstraction (Fletcher & Frith, 2009). They propose that the confidence of prediction errors is incorrectly regulated in people with schizophrenia, such that prediction error signals which ought to have a high estimate of confidence may instead be propagated with a low estimate of confidence and vice-versa. In neurotypical individuals, a “noisy” prediction error may not be accepted with a great degree of confidence. However, in people with schizophrenia, noisy prediction errors may be given high confidence, while prediction errors which should represent a clear signal are given less confidence, causing the brain to allow prediction errors to change its models in aberrant ways. In schizophrenia, this may manifest as stimuli which would generally be considered uninteresting or unimportant seeming intriguing or highly relevant, while stimuli which are veridically important are ignored (Fletcher & Frith, 2009). It may be that, when prediction errors which would normally be considered noisy are maintained and given a high degree of confidence, the brains of people with schizophrenia attempt to explain this unaccounted uncertainty by generating delusional beliefs. In a world where incidental stimuli are deemed meaningful, models of the world must change to incorporate the meaningfulness in ways which result in aberrant and unusual beliefs and thoughts (delusions). Indeed, people with schizophrenia commonly report that they feel everyone is plotting against them, which may be a consequence of having many unimportant stimuli seem 25 important in some way and having to generate a belief system which accounts for these “coincidences” (Fletcher & Frith, 2009). Friston et al. (2016) further suggest that a failure to properly regulate the precision of prediction errors is responsible for pathophysiological characteristics of schizophrenia including delusions and hallucinations. They propose that pyramidal cells, which are the most abundant type of neuron in the cerebrum, and are believed to be involved in complex cognitive functions, have an integral role in predictive processing and in schizophrenia (Benavides-Piccione et al., 2021; Elston, 2003; Friston et al., 2016). Importantly, it has been suggested that variation in pyramidal cell characteristics may be responsible for their roles in many different cognitive functions (Elston, 2003). Friston et al. (2016) suggest that generally, prediction errors are propagated from superficial (closer to the scalp) to deep (deeper in the cortex) pyramidal cells. Further, they suggest that superficial pyramidal cells are involved in updating expectations at lower levels of a predictive processing hierarchy, while deep pyramidal cells are hypothesized to encode high-level expectations and beliefs. In schizophrenia, these prediction errors are propagated with unduly high precision, which effectively results in attention being directed towards prediction errors which should be of little interest. Indeed, the idea that attention can be directed by varying the precision of prediction errors has been widely discussed (e.g. den Ouden et al., 2012). Friston et al. (2016) propose that prefrontal deficiencies in regulating the precision of prediction errors may underlie hallucinations and delusions. Cannabis is also thought to affect predictive processes. Disruptions to high-level probabilistic models may be responsible for some of the subjective effects of cannabis (Corlett et al., 2009). The idea that top-down influences on perception (probabilistic models) are weakened under the influence of psychoactive substances is supported by recent theoretical and 26 experimental advancements in the study of psychedelic drugs. Importantly, cannabis is not typically classified as a psychedelic drug, so comparisons between Δ-9-THC and the so-called “classic psychedelics” should be made with some reservation. There are, however, some similarities between the mental states invoked by cannabis and those invoked by psychedelics, so a brief discussion will be included (Nichols, 2016). As previously discussed, it has been suggested that pyramidal cells are integral to predictive processing (Friston et al., 2016; Carhart-Harris & Friston, 2019). Classic psychedelics exert their effects largely through acting on serotonin 5-HT2A receptors, found abundantly on deep-layer pyramidal cells in the cortex (particularly layer V) (Carhart-Harris & Friston, 2019). Importantly, CB1 receptors, a primary binding site for cannabinoids including Δ-9-THC, are also found in pyramidal cells (Hill et al., 2007). This suggests a potential mechanism by which cannabinoids like Δ-9-THC act to influence the specification of predictions, which may ultimately disrupt normal top-down processing. Empirical evidence is emerging which suggests a role of psychedelics in increasing bottom-up informational transmission, at least for the visual modality (Alamia et al., 2020). Alamia et al. (2020) discuss previous research from their lab on travelling alpha waves, which are rhythmic oscillations in electrical brain activity spreading across cortical regions. “Forward” travelling alpha waves spread from occipital to frontal regions of the brain during visual input. Conversely, “backward” travelling waves tend to predominate in the absence of perceptual input, spreading from frontal to occipital regions, and may reflect the transmission of top-down prior beliefs (Alamia & VanRullen, 2019). Alamia et al. (2020) found that injection with N,N Dimethyltryptamine (DMT), a powerful psychedelic, increased forward travelling cortical waves and decreased backward travelling waves during eyes-closed rest. This may reflect DMT altering 27 predictive processing during eyes-closed rest, by reconfiguring the brain state to give more weight to bottom-up sensory input and thus reduce the influence of top-down beliefs. In summary, evidence has suggested that schizophrenia and drugs including cannabis and classic psychedelics may affect the brain’s predictive processing capabilities. Future empirical work grounded in neurophysiology, motivated by a predictive processing framework, may allow researchers to better elucidate the mechanisms by which perceptual processing is altered through schizophrenia and cannabis usage. In the following section, I review event-related potential research to motivate the idea that disruptions to predictive processing caused by schizotypy and cannabis use will have observable and quantifiable neurophysiological manifestations. Chapter Five 5.1 EEG and Semantic Prediction Researchers have used neuroimaging techniques, including electroencephalography (EEG), to study predictive processing. EEG is a non-invasive form of brain imaging which measures voltage changes across the scalp, and is particularly sensitive to the dipoles produced by cortical pyramidal cells (Kirschstein & Köhling, 2009). Using EEG, researchers can investigate activity of the brain with high temporal resolution. Specifically, research involving event-related potentials (ERPs) is used to test hypotheses about cognitive processing. ERPs elicit characteristic signals in EEG data which enable researchers to observe changes in brain activity with temporal precision on the order of milliseconds. ERPs are often sensitive to the expectancy of a particular type of stimulus, or violations thereof. For example, the P300 component is an ERP component, canonically appearing around 300ms following the onset of a particular stimulus, which is thought to be related to perceptual processing, and varies in amplitude if a stimulus is presented which is incongruent with a set of previously presented stimuli, commonly 28 studied in “oddball” paradigms (Luck, 2014). In summary, ERP research has allowed researchers to make marked discoveries about the brain’s perceptual processing abilities, particularly with respect to temporal dynamics. 5.2 The N400 and the Integration vs Prediction Debate The N400 is an ERP component which researchers have studied to understand semantic memory. Although there is variation in the paradigms researchers use to study the N400, a common task involves participants reading sentences which either have endings which are semantically congruent (i.e., “while I was visiting my hometown I had lunch with several old friends”) or endings which are semantically incongruent (i.e., “while I was visiting my hometown I had lunch with several old shirts”). Immediately following the presentation of an incongruent final target word in a sentence (i.e., a word which violates the preceding semantic context of the sentence), an N400 with a large amplitude can be observed, compared to a smaller N400 amplitude after reading sentences with congruent endings. Figure 4 shows N400 waveforms in response to congruent and incongruent sentence endings (León-Cabrera et al., 2019). The difference between the amplitudes of the N400 potential in response to congruent compared to incongruent endings refers to the strength of the N400 effect. Further, the strength of the N400 effect is related to the level of semantic constraint of the sentence (Grisoni et al., 2021; Kutas & Hillyard, 1984). Semantic constraint refers to the likelihood that a sentence will have an ending which is highly predictable (i.e., “The goalkeeper managed to catch the ball” is highly constrained while “As a present she gave her son a ball” is low in semantic constraint) (León-Cabrera et al., 2019). Thus, the strength of the N400 effect is greater when sentences are high compared to low in semantic constraint. These findings indicate that neural processing is 29 sensitive to both the semantic constraint of sentences and the congruency of the final words of sentences within the preceding semantic context. Figure 4 Depiction of Differences in the N400 Potential in Response to Congruent and Incongruent Target Words (León-Cabrera et al., 2019). Copyright 2019 by Patricia León-Cabrera, Amanda Flores, Antoni Rodríguez-Fornells, and Joaquín Morís. Reprinted with permission. Note. Negative is plotted upward. DeLong et al. (2005) attempted to elucidate whether the brain aims to predict the upcoming semantic information of sentences, or whether it merely integrates new information with the previous content of the sentence, where the difficulty of integration varies with the extent to which neural resources are needed to integrate new content into a sentence representation. They presented sentences one word at a time, where the final word in the sentence (a noun) was preceded by either the article “a” or “an”, depending on the appropriate article for the final noun. The authors were able to observe an N400 effect (difference in N400 amplitude between conditions) when comparing ERPs of sentence fragments which ended in different articles. DeLong et al. (2005) give the example of the sentence “The day was breezy so 30 the boy went outside to fly a kite”. An unexpected, although plausible, ending to the same sentence could be “The day was breezy so the boy went outside to fly an airplane”. When comparing ERP amplitudes in response to sentence fragments ending in the more likely expected article (“The day was breezy so the boy went outside to fly a”) to sentence fragments ending in the more unexpected article (“The day was breezy so the boy went outside to fly an”), the authors noticed an N400 effect. These amplitudes were inversely related to the Cloze probability of the sentence. Note that the Cloze probability of a sentence indicates how likely it is that the sentence will be completed with a particular word; for example, the sentence “Bob proposed and gave her a diamond ring” has a high Cloze probability, as ring is very likely to be the word that fits logically as the final item when reading the preceding sentence (Block & Baldwin, 2010). Conversely, the sentence “Sandra enjoyed going for walks right before dinner” has a low Cloze probability, as there are many words which could fit logically after reading “Sandra enjoyed going for walks right before…” DeLong et al. (2005) argued that since “a” and “an” serve exactly the same purpose in the English language, there should be no difference in the difficulty with which either article may be integrated into the representation of a sentence (unless “an” is more difficult to integrate due to being longer, in which case a larger amplitude may be expected for “an” in each instance, but this was not the case). However, because differences in the N400 effect were found in response to articles which were related to the Cloze probability of the sentence, the authors argue that the brain is indeed attempting to predict upcoming words when reading sentences. Notably, however, this finding has been criticized due to failed replication attempts (Pulvermüller & Grisoni, 2020). Importantly, there are multiple layers at which written language can be interpreted and predicted, which convey different pieces of information. For example, semantics generally refers 31 to the meaning of words or sentences. Conversely, phonemes refer to the sounds made by letters or particular combinations of letters in words, while syntax refers to the organization of words, with the goal of creating coherent messages. All of these factors possess information which may be meaningful or relevant to the brain when people are reading. Kuperberg & Jaeger (2016) discuss language comprehension through a predictive processing framework. They argue that the available evidence suggests that the brain is indeed predicting the upcoming content of language at multiple layers of representation. For the brain to do this, they suggest, it must aim to predict so-called “message-level representations”. When interpreting language, the brain does not aim to specifically predict the semantic categories, or phonological content, or syntactic organization of the following words; rather the goal is to understand the full meaning or message of the input. To do so, the brain must iteratively update its beliefs regarding which is the most probable “solution” of the input it is encountering. Kuperberg & Jaeger (2016) suggest the brain employs a form of predictive processing like that proposed by Clark (2013) and Friston (2010) when comprehending language. This idea allows for speculation that there may be message-level representations in the brain of events, with high-level representations of objects (which would be semantic in nature), as well as lower-level representations of syntax and phonemes in sentences. Specifically, Kuperberg & Jaeger (2016) elaborate on the distinction between whether the brain is actually pre-activating components of a representation during language processing, or whether the information gleaned by processing incoming language merely serves to facilitate the processing of the following informational content. For example, if one were to read the sentence fragment “The day was breezy so the boy went outside to fly a…”, enhanced processing of the word “kite” can be explained under at least two conflicting hypotheses. Kuperberg & Jaeger (2016) suggest that the hypothesis is likely to be stored by the brain, with a high 32 degree of confidence, prior to encountering the word “kite”. Under the facilitation hypothesis, it is possible that the brain waits for the bottom-up input (encountering the word “kite”), which activates the word “kite” and its phonological neighbors in memory. Then, the prior hypothesis of is used to facilitate the selection of the word “kite” from among the phonological neighbors. This facilitation hypothesis does not commit to the idea that a representation of “kite” is pre-activated before encountering the word itself. Conversely, under the pre-activation hypothesis, the brain would pre-activate the phonological representation of “kite” before actually encountering the word. Ultimately, Kuperberg & Jaeger (2016) argue that the brain is indeed pre-activating components of a representation prior to actually encountering bottom-up input, consistent with the pre-activation hypothesis. ERP research, such as that previously discussed by DeLong et al. (2005), suggests that the brain is generating predictions during the reading of sentences, and constructing representations of the preceding content at different levels prior to encountering the relevant bottom-up input. Predictive processing theorists might propose that the brain is constantly updating and affirming or adjusting its predictions; when reading language, the brain may have high-level predictions about the semantics of the text, while it has low-level predictions about the geometry of the lines and edges involved in constructing the shapes of different letters. As Kuperberg & Jaeger (2016) note, additional support for the pre-activation hypothesis comes from studies using eye-tracking. Altmann & Kamide (1999) conducted a study where participants were asked to judge whether an action was plausible, given the objects in a scene which were presented on a computer monitor (e.g., whether “the person will light the fire” was a plausible sentence depended on whether or not a fireplace was present on screen). Participants 33 were not instructed to make speedy judgements. Intriguingly, (Altmann & Kamide, 1999) found that the onset with which people made saccadic eye-movements towards an object was faster when only one object in a scene was a possible referent following the verb of a sentence compared to when multiple objects could be referred to following the verb. For example, participants saccades towards a picture of a cake placed amidst (non-edible) distractor objects after hearing the sentence “the boy will eat the cake” occurred earlier during sentence reading than when they heard the sentence “the boy will move the cake”. Importantly, the probability with which participants fixated on the cake was significantly higher when hearing “the boy will eat the cake” than “the boy will move the cake” even before the presentation of the final noun (cake). This further suggests that the brain is predicting possible outcomes of sentences during language comprehension, and is using contextual information and prior beliefs to guide behavior even before the onset of a noun which qualifies the preceding information. In summary, a body of behavioral and electrophysiological evidence suggests that the brain attempts to predict the semantic content of language prior to encountering bottom-up perceptual input, and this is consistent with predictive processing theories of perceptual processing. 5.3 Schizophrenia and Semantic Prediction Like the N400, the amplitude of the mismatch negativity (MMN) ERP component is consistently impaired in people with schizophrenia (Erickson et al., 2016). The MMN is a component typically evoked in auditory oddball paradigms, in which ‘deviant’ stimuli (which occur in ~20% of trials) are presented among ‘standard’ stimuli (which occur in ~80% of trials) (Luck, 2014). The deviant stimulus elicits a negative voltage change compared to the standard stimulus between 100-200 ms following the onset of the deviant stimulus (Luck, 2014). Importantly, in people with schizophrenia, the difference in MMN between standard and deviant 34 stimuli is less than in healthy controls (Erickson et al., 2016). This may suggest that people with schizophrenia are less sensitive to violations of expectancy than healthy controls. Repetition of stimuli can also reduce the MMN. Previously, it has been proposed that reduced MMN to standard stimuli compared to deviant stimuli in healthy participants may be due to adaptation to the standard stimulus, which ultimately results in a reduced neural response upon encountering the standard stimulus (Shin et al., 2012). This is consistent with ideas in predictive processing – if a stimulus is repeatedly presented, the brain will be less surprised by its presentation, and be able to “explain away” the presence of the stimulus, resulting in reduced neural firing. A hypothesis which stems from the finding of reduced MMN response in schizophrenia is that people with schizophrenia have impairments in adapting to repeated stimuli and updating models of the world (see also Shin et al., 2012). As previously discussed, hallucinations in schizophrenia may arise from an improper regulation of the precision of prediction errors. When the brain produces speech, it must produce a copy of the signal which “tells itself” that the speech it is hearing is self-produced, so it does not treat self-produced speech as external speech (e.g. Ford et al., 2007). Suppression of the amplitude of the N1 component in response to producing vs listening to speech has been used as an indicator of how the brain is able to account for its own speech production; in neurotypical people, the N1 is suppressed when producing compared to listening to speech (Ford et al., 2007). Ford et al. (2007) found that the N1 was less suppressed in people with schizophrenia when talking compared to listening to speech, which the authors suggest may reflect a failure in selfmonitoring. Fletcher & Frith (2009) note that self-generated actions should be predictable and thus unsurprising, while the lack of N1 suppression in people with schizophrenia suggests the possibility that self-generated speech may be, at some level, more surprising and salient in 35 schizophrenia than in neurotypical people. By extension, self-generated thoughts in people with schizophrenia may be less predictable, and it is possible this may also be due to aberrant prediction error signaling. The brain may be improperly able to attribute its own thoughts to itself due to prediction error mismatches in high level association cortices, leading the brain to believe something surprising or unusual is happening, and misattributing thoughts or “inner voices” to other sources. Indeed, many auditory hallucinations reported in schizophrenia are of voices commenting on one’s actions (Fletcher & Frith, 2009). In conclusion, ERP research suggests that people with schizophrenia may experience impairments in adapting to repeated or self-generated stimuli. It may be that people with schizophrenia have an aberrant ability to predict upcoming stimuli due to improper regulation of the precision of prediction errors with probabilistic models. 5.4 N400 in Schizophrenia Schizophrenia’s effects on the N400 potential have been thoroughly investigated, although findings are complex (Mohammad & de Lisi, 2013). In a meta-analysis, Wang et al. (2011) report a reduced N400 effect in patients with schizophrenia in short SOA paradigms (operationally, the N400 amplitude difference in response to congruent vs incongruent words in patients with schizophrenia is reduced compared to healthy controls). Two opposing theoretical views may account for this phenomenon (Mohammad & de Lisi, 2013; Wang et al., 2011). The first viewpoint states that people with schizophrenia may experience an impairment in activating related semantic connections, such that little facilitation occurs for semantically related words due to an inefficient or impaired activation of the related nodes in the semantic network. Alternatively, the second viewpoint suggests that people with schizophrenia may experience semantic network hyper-priming, such that even unrelated concepts are facilitated due to 36 unusually strong connections between what would otherwise be relatively distal concepts (consistent with semantic priming research described earlier). This account is consistent with the suggestion that disinhibited semantic networks underlie hyper-priming in schizophrenia (Moritz et al. 2001). In long SOA tasks (>500ms SOA), people with schizophrenia often exhibit a reduced N400 effect compared with healthy controls, which may reflect deficits in integrating new information within the preceding semantic context (Wang et al., 2011). The idea that people with schizophrenia experience deficits in using context to guide semantic interpretation has been supported by empirical evidence from other studies. Salisbury et al. (2002) found that people with schizophrenia show greater N400 amplitudes to subordinate homographs compared to controls. For example, when presented with the sentence “The toast is sincere”, people with schizophrenia displayed N400 potentials in response to the word “sincere” which were comparable to those displayed when they read sentences they judged as nonsensical. In this sentence, the word “toast” refers to the act of drinking to one’s health, rather than its more common semantic function as a piece of warm browned bread. Control subjects displayed reduced N400 effects in response to sentences containing these subordinate homographs compared to sentences they judged as nonsensical. This finding further suggests difficulties in using semantic context to guide comprehension in schizophrenia (Wang et al. (2011). Variation in the magnitude of the N400 effect has also been observed in healthy people from general populations who differ on trait schizotypy. Kiang & Kutas (2005) presented participants with category descriptions (i.e. ‘a type of fruit’) followed by either a high-typicality exemplar (i.e. ‘apple’), a low-typicality exemplar (i.e. ‘cherry’), or a non-exemplar (i.e. ‘clamp’). They found that the size of the N400 effect generated when comparing non-exemplars to both 37 types of category exemplars was reduced in people high in schizotypy. Kiang & Kutas (2005) propose that high schizotypy leads to hypoactivation of the semantic network for related targets and hyperactivation of the semantic network for unrelated targets. 5.5 Cannabis and Semantic Prediction Few studies have investigated the relationship between cannabis use and neural markers of semantic prediction. One study aimed to explore differences in the N400 potential in regular cannabis users during a typical N400 semantic priming task (Kiang et al., 2013). The authors hypothesized that cannabis would influence semantic priming, resulting in a reduced N400 effect for cannabis users compared to controls, due to previous literature finding reduced semantic priming effects in schizophrenia at short SOAs. In the study, participants were presented with pairs of words which were either semantically related (metal-steel), unrelated (donkey-purse), or a word followed by a non-word (dress-zores) with a SOA of 750 ms. Interestingly, and contrary to the author’s hypotheses, cannabis users exhibited reduced N400 potentials to both related and unrelated target words. The amplitude of the N400 potential decreased globally irrespective of whether a related or an unrelated word was presented. Consequently, the discrepancy between contextually related and unrelated target words (i.e., the strength of the N400 effect) was similar between cannabis users and controls. However, the authors did find a correlation between levels of delusion-like ideation and the extent to which N400 amplitudes were attenuated, both to related and unrelated target words, with higher levels of delusion-like ideation being associated with greater decreases in N400 potentials. Ahmed (2019) examined the N400 in a typical semantic priming paradigm in cannabis users who were at a clinical high risk for psychosis (i.e., individuals presenting with symptoms of psychosis, who were deemed at risk for developing psychosis but without having yet 38 experienced a full psychotic episode). Their study included four groups; a healthy control group, a group of healthy regular cannabis users, a group of people at clinical high-risk for psychosis who did not use cannabis, and a group of regular cannabis users at a clinical high-risk for psychosis. Ahmed (2019) found no significant difference in the magnitude of the N400 effect across the four groups. However, when comparing groups at clinical high-risk for psychosis (including both those who used cannabis and those who did not) and healthy controls (including both those who used cannabis and those who did not), they observed a trend effect in which the magnitude of the N400 effect decreased during long SOA trials (p = .07) in people at clinical high-risk for psychosis. The authors interpret this finding to suggest that clinical high-risk for psychosis may inhibit semantic priming at long SOAs, but cannabis use does not modulate this phenomenon. Another study investigated the effects of acute cannabis intoxication on the N400 potential by presenting a list of familiar and unfamiliar words to participants (Ilan et al., 2005). Familiar words had been previously presented in another part of the experiment, while unfamiliar words were shown to participants for the first time. Acute cannabis intoxication reduced the amplitude of the N400 potential in a dose-dependent fashion, with higher doses of Δ-9-THC resulting in larger decreases of the N400 potential across all words. Further, there was a main effect of word type, with the N400 response being larger for unfamiliar than familiar words. However, there was no interaction between word type and drug condition on the amplitude of the N400, suggesting that the N400 effect was not different between cannabis and control conditions. In conclusion, although research on cannabis and the N400 is limited, the literature reviewed thus far suggests that cannabis does not modulate the extent to which people 39 experience semantic priming in N400 paradigms. However, no studies on cannabis so far have employed N400 paradigms involving reading full sentences. Chapter Six 6.1 Semantic Predictive Potential Recent work in predictive neural processing has found that semantic constraint modulates a specific neural component which can be measured through EEG, and is observable prior to the presentation of a final target word while people read sentences (León-Cabrera et al., 2017, 2019; Pulvermüller & Grisoni, 2020). Importantly, as previously discussed, the extent to which a sentence has a predictable ending can be quantified using Cloze probability values. León-Cabrera et al. (2019) had participants read sentences which differed in their level of semantic constraint (“The goalkeeper managed to catch the ball” vs “As a present she gave her son a ball”). The first sentence is highly semantically constrained (and has a high Cloze probability); there are not a lot of other words we would normally expect to hear after the phrase “The goalkeeper managed to catch the…”. The second is lowly semantically constrained (and has a low Cloze probability); after hearing the phrase “As a present she gave sentence her son a…” there are many possible concepts we can imagine taking the place of the final word in the sentence. The authors found a difference in neural activity leading up to the last word in the sentence (before the presentation of the final word) while participants read the two types of sentences, shown in Figure 5. Specifically, there was a greater negativity present in the EEG signal when participants read sentences which were high in constraint compared to sentences low in constraint. This suggests that this neural activity is modulated by levels of semantic constraint. Figure 5 40 Depiction of Differences in the Semantic Predictive Potential Across High Constraint, Low Constraint, and Non-Semantic Sentences in a Sentence-Reading Task (León-Cabrera et al., 2019). Copyright 2019 by Patricia León-Cabrera, Amanda Flores, Antoni Rodríguez-Fornells, and Joaquín Morís. Reprinted with permission. Note. Semantic Predictive Potential waveform over electrode FC3 for high constraint, low constraint, and non-semantic sentences. Negative is plotted upwards. Notably, the waveform for high constraint sentences displays greater negativity than the waveform for low constraint sentences. Pulvermüller & Grisoni (2020) term this component the Semantic Predictive Potential (SPP). Intriguingly, more recent work from their lab suggests that the brain regions involved in knowledge representation of specific concepts may be involved in the generation of the SPP (Grisoni et al., 2021). Grisoni et al. (2021) had participants read sentences which differed in their 41 level of semantic constraint (measured by Cloze probability) and of which the final word in the sentence was either a type of animal or a type of tool. Prior to the presentation of the final word, activity was more prominent in parieto-occipital regions for sentences which were highly constrained to indicate that the final word was likely to be an animal compared to a tool, while activity was more prominent in prefrontal and premotor areas when the final word of the sentence was more likely to be a tool compared to an animal. This provides strong evidence that the brain is preactivating object-level representations prior to the presentation of perceptual input. A recent study by Shao et al. (2021) further explored the neural correlates of semantic prediction using fMRI. They found that brain regions are differentially recruited to support comprehension of semantic category-specific information even before words are presented, and that the brain regions involved may differ as a result of semantic constraint manipulations. Specifically, they found that activity in the left inferior frontal gyrus was greater when participants read high-constraint compared to low-constraint sentences. This is consistent with a body of literature suggesting the inferior frontal gyrus has important roles in language production and comprehension (e.g. Ishkhanyan et al., 2020). Interestingly, Shao et al. (2021) found greater activity in the left supramarginal gyrus and parahippocampal place area preceding tool related and place related words, respectively. It is well established that the parahippocampal place area is involved in the cognitive processing of buildings and places (Epstein et al., 1999). Perhaps the recruitment of the parahippocampal place area prior to encountering bottom-up input which affirms the presence of place-related content can be taken to suggest that probabilistic models are being formed by domain-specific cortical regions. 42 Grisoni et al. (2021) found that N400 potentials were more negative overall in low constraint compared to high constraint sentences, replicating previous findings (e.g. Kutas & Hillyard, 1984). They suggest that while the semantic predictive potential may be a neural marker of prediction, the N400 may reflect processes related to prediction error computation. If the brain is able to confidently and correctly predict upcoming perceptual input, prediction errors should be low, and increase when predictions are made with less confidence. Indeed, Grisoni et al. (2021) found a negative correlation between the amplitude of the semantic predictive potential and the amplitude of the N400 at select electrodes. Interestingly, León-Cabrera et al. (2019) also found that the N400 effect occurred later in the epoch for low constraint compared to high constraint sentences. They suggest that this may reflect facilitated processing for high constraint compared to low constraint sentences, or alternatively, that preactivation may have occurred more readily in high constraint sentences which allowed the brain to make a judgement more quickly about whether the preactivated lexical content was comparable with the novel bottom-up perceptual input. In conclusion, the SPP is a recently discovered neural marker of semantic expectancy, which allows researchers to study the brain’s predictions of upcoming semantic content. Although research on the semantic predictive potential is still in its infancy, it is sensitive to manipulations of Cloze probability and appears to have neural origins which are domainspecific. Related research on the N400 suggests that the semantic predictive potential may be sensitive to schizotypy and cannabis use. Chapter Seven 7.1 Present Study and Experimental Hypotheses 43 Before introducing my experiment, I will briefly summarize some of the key arguments made thus far. Firstly, schizophrenia is a complex multifaceted mental health disorder, which shares some phenotypical characteristics with cannabis use. In recent years, cognitive psychologists have been interested in empirically testing predictive processing theories, which suggest that the brain interprets the world by predicting upcoming perceptual input and affirming or adjusting its predictions upon encountering perceptual input. Some theoretical work has suggested that people with schizophrenia may be improperly able to regulate and integrate prediction errors with priors, which renders these people less effective at making predictions about the state of their world. Testing the brain’s ability to predict upcoming percepts is possible through ERP research; indeed, ERP studies have suggested that people with schizophrenia may have difficulty incorporating contextual details when predicting upcoming content. Recently, the semantic predictive potential has been discovered, which appears to be a neural marker sensitive to the predictability of semantic information. If schizophrenia results in a failure to properly regulate the precision of prediction errors during perception, the brain may improperly assign confidence to prediction errors during sentences, which renders its updating of probabilistic models less effective, and ultimately causes the brain to be less confident in predicting the nature of upcoming semantic content. If high levels of semantic constraint would normally cause the brain to “hone in” on a particular prediction which manifests as a slow potential shift (semantic predictive potential) during semantic processing, then in schizophrenia it is possible that the difference in this semantic predictive potential when reading sentences of high vs low semantic constraint will be diminished. Given this, I hypothesized that the semantic predictive potential would be modulated 44 by schizotypy, with greater reductions in the semantic predictive potential between highly predictive (i.e. high constraint) and less predictive (low constraint) sentences. Further, I postulated that cannabis use will influence the SPP. Consistent with the idea that cannabis use may be associated with increased spreading activation, I speculated that regular cannabis use would result in processing which is less sensitive to high levels of semantic constraint. One hypothesis that stems from this reasoning is that a brain under the influence of cannabis is “expecting” a greater range of possibilities from a sentence due to increased spreading activation, and as a result is less “surprised” when the final word in a sentence is inconsistent with the original semantic content. Importantly, Morgan et al. (2010) suggested that acute cannabis use was associated with increased automatic spreading activation due to increased priming in trials with short SOA, while chronic cannabis use was associated with increased priming on trials with long SOA. As discussed in section 3.4, it has been argued that longer SOAs (~750 ms) are associated with attentional and controlled processing rather than automatic spreading activation (e.g. Morgan et al., 2010). During the sentence reading task used by LeónCabrera et al. (2019), participants are presented words of the sentence 500 ms apart, and there is a 1000 ms pause before the presentation of the final word. Thus, the sentence reading task I employed may be sufficient to invoke both automatic and controlled processes. Further, I was interested in the interaction between cannabis and schizotypy, given the similarities on some cognitive tasks between people with schizophrenia and people under the influence of cannabis, and the high prevalence of cannabis use in populations with schizophrenia (Koethe et al., 2006; Patel et al., 2020). This was largely exploratory; arguments could be made that cannabis use may exacerbate abnormal prediction error signaling in people high in 45 schizotypy by further intensifying deficits in prediction error signaling. I speculated that cannabis and schizotypy may interact to influence amplitudes of the SPP and N400. In this study, I investigated the effects of schizotypal thought and cannabis use on neural markers of semantic predictive processing. Specifically, I measured the extent to which people experienced schizotypal thought and their history of cannabis use, and investigated how these variables influenced the semantic predictive potential and the N400 on a sentence reading task (León-Cabrera et al., 2019). 7.2 Participants Participants (n = 18, 11 female) were recruited through UNBC’s SONA system. All participants were enrolled in at least one eligible psychology course and received course credit for participation. Participants ranged in age from 18-41 (M = 22.1 years). Additionally, participants were considered eligible for the study only if English was their first language learned. One participant’s data was excluded from the analysis due to poor quality. Another participant’s data was excluded due to them failing to correctly answer questions in the Schizotypal Personality Questionnaire Brief-Revised Updated (SPQ-BRU) which were designed to ensure they were paying attention to the questions being asked. Ultimately, the data from 16 participants was used for the analysis. 7.3 Materials Schizotypy. To measure schizotypal thought, I used the 32-item SPQ-BRU (Cohen et al., 2010; Davidson et al., 2016). The SPQ-BR was developed to improve on the original 74-item SPQ by reducing the time it takes for psychologists to administer, and improving completion rates (Raine, 1991). Although other attempts have been made to shorten the length of SPQ, such as the 22-item SPQ-Brief, the psychometric validity of the SPQ-Brief has been the subject of 46 much debate, as discussed by Cohen et al. (2010). The SPQ-BRU was designed to further improve on the SPQ-BR by employing a consistent use of pronouns throughout the questionnaire. The SPQ-BR has some questionnaire items using first person pronouns “I…” and some using second-person pronouns “You…”. The SPQ-BRU changed the wording of some items in the SPQ-BR such that every item is presented using first-person pronouns. Further, the SPQ-BRU subdivides two of the seven subordinate factors of the SPQ, resulting in a nine-factor subordinate solution. Davidson et al. (2016) found that the wording change improved factor loadings of questionnaire items and decreased residual variance. The SPQ-BRU consists of 34 items, which load onto nine subordinate factors and can be represented with either three or four factor higher-order solutions (Cohen et al., 2010). The four higher-order factors are social anxiety, interpersonal, disorganized, and cognitive-perceptual. In the three-factor solution, social anxiety is instead classified as a lower-order factor. The goodness of fit of the three and four higher-order factor solutions and nine subordinate factors has since been replicated, and has been shown to effectively fit the SPQ-BR in both Spanish and American populations (Callaway et al., 2014; Davidson et al., 2016; Fonsesca-Pedrero et al., 2016). Davidson et al. (2016) showed that the four-factor solution was a better model fit than the three-factor solution for the SPQ-BRU, although the nine-factor subordinate solution was a better fit than both, and the only model with good fit. The three and four factor higher-order solutions both had acceptable fit (Davidson et al., 2016). Cohen et al. (2010) report at least acceptable internal consistency for each of the seven subfactors on the SPQ-BR (α values range from 0.70-0.86). Davidson et al. (2016) report ω reliability values ranging from 0.69-0.88 for each of the nine subfactors of the SPQ-BRU. Notably, Davidson et al. (2016) suggest that schizotypy varies meaningfully in healthy control 47 populations as measured by the SPQ-BRU. It has also been found that scores on SPQ-BRU measures correlate with clinical outcomes. Davidson et al. (2016) found that the four higher order factors of the SPQ-BRU were independently related to personal history of psychiatric medications, psychiatric diagnoses, family history of psychiatric medication use, and family history of psychiatric inpatient treatment. When all four higher order factors were inputted in a logistic regression model, the model explained a significant amount of variance in psychiatric history for each of the four variables described in the previous sentence (R2 values range from 0.112-0.205, p-values range from <.0005-.003). The variance in psychiatric history explained by the SPQ-BRU was a motivator for my use of the questionnaire. Cannabis Use. To measure cannabis consumption, I used the Daily Sessions, Frequency, Age of Onset, and Quantity of Cannabis Use Inventory (DFAQ-CU) (Cuttler & Spradlin, 2017). This inventory was designed in response to the previous lack of psychometrically sound assessments for measuring age of onset of cannabis use, frequency of cannabis use, and quantity of cannabis use. The questionnaire draws upon inspiration from previous cannabis use questionnaires to construct a reliable, valid assessment of cannabis use measures. Other cannabis use measures include the popular Timeline Followback Method (TLFB), which involves participants selecting days on a calendar and trying to remember whether they used a substance on that day and estimating how much of the substance they used (Sobell & Sobell, 1992; Robinson et al., 2014). Cuttler & Spradlin (2017) acknowledge the validity and reliability of the TLFB, but criticize limitations including recall bias, noting that people who regularly use substances have an easier time filling in the whole calendar than people who use a substance more sporadically. Further, the questionnaire, when adopted to measure cannabis use, asks participants how many joints they smoked on each day. Cuttler & Spradlin (2017) argue that this 48 may lead to inaccurate estimations of the amount of cannabis being consumed, stating that only 10% of their sample reported using joints as their primary method of cannabis consumption. People who use other methods of cannabis consumption such as bongs, edibles, or oils may have a difficult time providing an accurate estimate of their cannabis consumption when forced to estimate with respect to the amount of joints smoked. In the DFAQ-CU, questions are included which ask people to estimate their amount of cannabis consumption, and specifically probe participants on their consumption of dried cannabis including joints, consumption of edibles, and consumption of cannabis concentrates. Additionally, the questionnaire includes a visual depiction of dried cannabis and joints for participants to reference when estimating the quantity of cannabis consumption. Cuttler & Spradlin (2017) note a strength of a previous assessment, the Marijuana Smoking History Questionnaire (MSHQ), in including pictures of joints for participants to refer to when estimating the amount of cannabis they consume (Bonn-Miller & Zvolensky, 2009). However, as discussed by Cuttler & Spradlin (2017), the images of joints in the MSHQ are not real images, but crude pixelated computer-generated images of joints, which may complicate estimations of cannabis consumption. Cuttler & Spradlin (2017) further argue that the MSHQ suffers from other drawbacks, including that the Likert scales for some items on the questionnaire include no midpoint references (i.e., one item asks participants to rate on a 6point Likert scale how many days in their lifetime they have used cannabis, with 0 days at one end of the scale and 300+ days at the other, but offers no indication as to how many days of cannabis consumption should correspond to the middle points of the scale). Another motivation for my use of the DFAQ-CU is to encourage the use of consistent measurement standards across studies. Many studies develop their own method for measuring cannabis consumption, which often consist of only a few short questions, limiting 49 generalizability and interpretability, and promoting indifference towards inconsistent measurement standards. For example, Dumas et al. (2002) measured cannabis use using a short interview in which they asked participants whether they had ever used cannabis, whether they currently use cannabis, and if so, whether they use cannabis more than twice per week. Although the authors found important correlations between schizotypal traits and cannabis use, a more nuanced understanding of the relationship between cannabis use and schizotypal traits could be gleaned by using a detailed questionnaire such as the DFAQ-CU. Further, I would argue that when discussing and collaborating with other cannabis researchers, interpretation may be facilitated by using consistent measures across studies. The DFAQ-CU consists of 24 core items which load onto six factors. There are additional items which may be used depending on responses to other questions; for example, if participants answer ‘today’ to “When was the last time you used cannabis?”, additional questions are incorporated to probe participants about their current level of cannabis intoxication. The six factors are daily sessions, frequency, age of onset, marihuana quantity, concentrate quantity, and edible quantity. Cuttler & Spradlin (2017) administered the DFAQ-CU to a sample which consisted of 2,062 cannabis-using undergraduate students after ineligible participants were excluded from the analysis. The results showed high convergent validity between the ‘frequency’ factor of the DFAQ-CU and the frequency measures used by the TLFB and MHSQ, which participants also completed. r = .705 and r = .856 for the TLFB and MHSQ respectively, p < .001 for both correlations. Additionally, the frequency factor showed high predictive validity for cannabis use disorder symptoms and problems, which were assessed through other measures typically used for classifying problematic cannabis use, including the Cannabis Abuse Screening Test and Cannabis Use Disorders Identification Test Revised. Discriminant validity was assessed 50 by examining correlations with scores on the Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT). The DFAQ-CU factors frequency, age of onset, and edible quantity showed significant correlations with the AUDIT; correlations range from r = -.267 for age of onset to r = .295 for edible quantity, p < .001 for both correlations. Importantly, however, cannabis use has been associated with an increased likelihood of using other substances, including alcohol (Keith et al., 2015). Chronbach’s alpha values for internal reliability of the six factors of the questionnaire range from α = .95 for ‘frequency’ to α = .69 for ‘daily sessions’. Cuttler & Spradlin (2017) note that only two items load onto the ‘daily sessions’ factor, which may contribute to its relatively questionable reliability rating. Additionally, I administered a demographic questionnaire to participants. This demographic questionnaire has been previously used for research studies in our lab, and assesses standard demographic information including age, sex, and current educational attainment. 7.4 Task Sentences Importantly, prior studies using this paradigm (e.g. León-Cabrera et al., 2017, 2019) used Spanish sentences, so requesting the original sentence lists from the authors was unfeasible for a study being conducted at a Canadian university. Sentences were either eight or nine words in length. León-Cabrera et al. (2017, 2019) used sentences of only eight words; however, the available English databases did not contain an adequate number of eight-word sentences with the appropriate lexical characteristics to justify using exclusively eight-word sentences. Appropriate sentences were carefully selected from two databases of sentence completion norms (Block & Baldwin, 2010; Peelle et al., 2020). The Block & Baldwin (2010) database contained sentence stems with matching target words and Cloze probability values for each sentence stem-target word pairing. The Peelle et al. (2020) database contained these parameters, in addition to each 51 target word given by participants for each sentence, and the frequency with which these responses appear in the dataset. In my study, each target word (i.e., the final word of the sentence) was selected to appear both in high and low constraint conditions; this will match the target words across high and low levels of contextual constraint. For example, the target word “mail” appeared in both the highconstraint sentence “She received the acceptance letter in the mail” (Cloze probability = 0.96) and the low-constraint sentence “Kevin found his keys hidden underneath the mail” (Cloze probability = 0.02). The aim of using this method was to effectively control for potential confounds including length of the target words, number of syllables, concreteness, imageability, and frequency across the high and low constraint conditions, as the same target words appeared in both conditions. This technique has been previously employed with successful results (Grisoni et al., 2021; León-Cabrera et al., 2019). In addition, the target words being selected were all nouns, and all appeared in both the MRC Psycholinguistic Database and Lancaster Sensorimotor Norms (Coltheart, 1981; Lynott et al., 2020). The MRC Psycholinguistic Database provides numerical ratings for words on dimensions including concreteness, imageability, familiarity, and lexical frequency. I obtained this information on each target word both for reporting purposes as well as controlling for these variables when I composed a list of non-congruent words (discussed further below). The Lancaster Sensorimotor Norms provides ratings for a wide range of sensorimotor dimensions including how much the word is experienced through different perceptual modalities, which I collected for potential future analyses. In addition, I controlled for another source of potential variation which does not appear to be discussed in some of the previous literature. For their studies, León-Cabrera et al. (2017, 2019) used a set of sentences and target words obtained from a previous study performed by one 52 of the authors (Mestres-Missé et al., 2007). The sentences they use are reported as having average Cloze probabilities of 0.760 and 0.061 for high and low constraint sentences respectively. When Mestres-Missé et al. (2007) generated this set of sentences, they developed three different sentences which matched each target word and differed in their level of contextual constraint. For example, with the target word “fly”, the high constraint sentence was “The Tsetse is a special kind of fly”, the medium constraint sentence was “With this insecticide you can’t kill the fly”, and the low constraint sentence was “The most disgusting insect is the fly” (note that the actual sentences used in these studies are in Spanish). When testing the Cloze probabilities of these sentences, the authors had participants (N = 196) read each sentence and answer with the first word which came to their mind and fit the sentence. In sentences with higher levels of constraint, more participants were likely to converge on a single answer, resulting in high Cloze probabilities for these sentences. The authors reported the percentage of people who responded with the target word as the Cloze probability for that sentence, but did not discuss whether a word other than the target word appeared more frequently than the target word itself in any instances. For a hypothetical example, with the sentence stem “The most disgusting insect is the”, perhaps 20% of participants responded with “fly”, and 25% responded with “cockroach”. It appears the authors would have coded this sentence as “The most disgusting insect is the fly” (as “fly” was the target word), with a Cloze probability of 0.20. However, this does not account for the fact that the highest convergence upon a single word with this sentence stem is actually 0.25, not 0.20. This seems like an important detail in studies concerned with how predictable words are in a sentence context. Nonetheless, León-Cabrera et al. (2017, 2019) found that the level of semantic constraint invoked by the different groups of sentences was sufficient for observing changes in the semantic predictive potential and N400. 53 I accounted for this by collecting Cloze probabilities of both the sentence completion with the target word and the sentence completion with the word which is most commonly given as a final word for that sentence. To do this, I selected target words which appeared in the full database by Peele et al. (2020), finding suitable high and low constraint sentences which fitted the target word and recorded the Cloze probabilities for these sentences, then finding the word which completes the sentence with the highest Cloze probability across the entire database and recording this Cloze probability. I monitored the highest possible Cloze probability of the low constraint sentences by ensuring the semantic constraint of sentences in the low constraint condition was coded as the highest Cloze probability for any word following the given sentence stem, rather than the Cloze probability value given to a specific stem-word pair. For example, referencing the sentences in the previous paragraph where “The most disgusting insect is the fly” has a Cloze probability of 0.20 and “The most disgusting insect is the cockroach” has a Cloze probability of 0.25, I used the Cloze value of 0.25 even if “fly” is the final word of the sentence. I maintained a liberal threshold (0.60) for this highest possible Cloze probability, for both practical and theoretical reasons. Practically, there are a finite number of English sentences available in the databases I used which met the eligibility criteria outlined earlier, and finding a sufficient number of suitable sentences remained a challenge. Theoretically, León-Cabrera et al. (2017, 2019) were able to find differences in the semantic predictive potential using the sentences obtained by Mestres-Missé et al. (2007), who did not discuss this potential issue. Additionally, waveform differences in indexes of semantic comprehension appear to be apparent even when comparing sentences with high and medium levels of constraint. Kutas & Hillyard (1984) found differences in N400 waveforms when comparing sentences with average Cloze probabilities of 0.92 and 0.63. If the N400 is indeed related to the semantic predictive potential, 54 as suggested by Grisoni et al. (2021), it may be possible to detect differences in the semantic predictive potential even when comparing sentences with high and (arguably) medium levels of semantic constraint. As previously mentioned, I obtained sentences from the Block & Baldwin (2010) and Peele et al. (2020) databases, as neither database alone contains a sufficient number of appropriate sentences for the task. Notably, only high constraint sentences are obtained from the Block & Baldwin (2010) database, while both high and low constraint sentences are obtained from the Peele et al. (2020) database. Unfortunately, a potential issue arises when crossreferencing the Block & Baldwin (2010) and Peele et al. (2020) databases. Block & Baldwin (2010) instructed participants to complete sentences stems with “the single word they thought would best complete each sentence”, while Peele et al. (2020) instructed participants to complete sentence stems “by typing in the first word that enters your mind”. This difference in the way participants completed sentences may have implications as a potential confound if stimuli from both databases are being used. However, an argument may be made that the first word which enters one’s mind and the word which best completes the sentence would likely have substantial overlap, especially if the brain is predicting upcoming lexical content by preactivating a representation of a specific word. Indeed, there is variation in the instructions researchers give to participants when asking them to complete sentences in Cloze probability studies, an issue which has been previously discussed (Staub et al., 2015). Staub et al. (2015) suggest that Cloze probability is reflective of the relative level of activation of a word, which may be influenced by the preceding sentence stem in addition to other top-down factors such as the broader lexical context. They further argue that words which are the best fit for a sentence are not always easily retrieved due to the low frequency of certain words, giving the example “To determine how fast 55 his engine was revving, the race car driver checked his tachometer”. Many subjects would recognize tachometer as the best fit for the sentence, but may be unlikely to easily produce the word during a Cloze probability task due to the low lexical frequency of the word. In my study, this problem may be ameliorated to an extent by ensuring the average frequency of target words is relatively high, which may help maximize overlap between ‘best completion’ and ‘first word which comes to mind’. In a recent study, Van Engen et al. (2020) defined low, mid, and high frequency target words as falling within Log HAL frequency ranges of 5.1-6.8, 6.9-9.3, and 10.0-11.9, respectively. The target words I selected have average Log HAL frequency values of 10.0, 9.9, and 9.9 for congruent, incongruent, and non-semantic words respectively. The average cloze probabilities for the sentences in the present study are .89 for high constraint sentences and .05 for low constraint sentences. In addition, the highest possible average cloze probability for the low constraint sentences in the present study, as described above, is .28. This discrepancy between these highest possible cloze probabilities and given cloze probabilities supports my intuition that the chosen word for any reported stem-target word pair may not necessarily reflect the word pairing associated with the highest cloze probability for that sentence stem. León-Cabrera et al. (2017, 2019) used high and low constraint sentences with average cloze probabilities of .76 and .06, respectively. Table 1 Means and Standard Deviations of Potential Confounding Variables of Target Words. Target Word Variable M SD Congruent Imageability 557.71 61.84 Familiarity 558.51 43.60 Concreteness 537.73 86.78 56 Incongruent Non-Semantic Number of Letters 4.28 .81 Number of Syllables 1.04 .19 Log HAL Frequency 9.95 1.38 Imageability 560.36 66.10 Familiarity 548.79 41.99 Concreteness 556.67 77.28 Number of Letters 4.33 .79 Number of Syllables 1.05 .22 Log HAL Frequency 9.92 1.16 Imageability 550.70 57.59 Familiarity 547.48 39.60 Concreteness 542.60 63.04 Number of Letters 4.38 .59 Number of Syllables 1.05 .22 Log HAL Frequency 9.93 .67 Note. Number of Letters and Syllables, and Imageability, Concreteness, and Familiarity ratings were obtained from the MRC Psycholinguistic Database (Coltheart, 1981). Log HAL Frequency ratings were obtained from the English Lexicon Project (Balota et al., 2007). Table 2 P-values From Independent Samples t-Tests Demonstrating Control for Potential Confounding Variables of Target Words. 57 Variable Congruent vs Congruent vs Non- Incongruent vs Non- Incongruent (p) Semantic (p) Semantic (p) Imageability .79 .55 .43 Familiarity .15 .18 .87 Concreteness .15 .75 .32 Number of Letters .69 .49 .72 Number of Syllables .70 .75 .99 Log HAL Frequency .89 .92 .98 Note. Number of Letters and Syllables, and Imageability, Concreteness, and Familiarity ratings were obtained from the MRC Psycholinguistic Database (Coltheart, 1981). Log HAL Frequency ratings were obtained from the English Lexicon Project (Balota et al., 2007). 7.5 Design I created a sentence-reading task which I adapted from León-Cabrera et al. (2019). In a 2 x 2 within-subjects design, participants read sentences which varied in 1) their level of semantic constraint and 2) the congruency of the final word of the sentence. There were three groups of sentence stems: one group of sentences with high semantic constraint, one group with low sematic constraint, and one group consisting of non-semantic sentences (e.g. “The goalkeeper managed to catch the ball” (high constraint) vs “As a present she gave her son a ball” (low constraint)). The critical difference between these two groups of sentences is the Cloze probability, which is an indicator of how likely the sentence is to have a specific word complete the sentence. High constraint sentences have a high Cloze probability, while low constraint sentences have a low Cloze probability. The non-semantic sentences were created by scrambling 58 the letters in select sentences in the low-constraint condition, with the goal of creating sentences which were phonetically plausible but semantically meaningless. For example, “As a present she gave her son a ball” becomes “Sa a tenserp hes vage reh nos a ball”. This was the same procedure used by León-Cabrera et al. (2019) for generating non-semantic sentences. Importantly, the final word in the non-semantic sentences remained semantically meaningful; its letters were not scrambled. Additionally, for each sentence in the high- and low- constraint conditions, the final word was either congruent or incongruent with the preceding semantic information in the sentence (e.g. “I spread butter over my toast” (congruent) vs “I spread butter over my socks” (incongruent)). To create incongruent endings, I replaced the target word in each sentence with a different word which makes the sentence meaning implausible. I selected incongruent words which match the congruent target words on imageability, familiarity, concreteness, average word length, number of syllables, and lexical frequency (León-Cabrera et al., 2019). Table 3 Examples of Different Types of Sentences Used in the Experiment. Adapted From León-Cabrera et al. (2019) Condition Sentence Fragment Final Word High Constraint Congruent Sharing combs with infected people lice gave Lorie High Constraint Incongruent Sharing combs with infected people yolk gave Lorie Low Constraint Congruent When buying used clothing always beware of lice 59 Low Constraint Incongruent When buying used clothing always yolk beware of Non-Semantic Raka vener flet reh osehu thiwout ehr watch The experiment consisted of ten blocks, each of which contained twenty trials. Each sentence belonged to one of five categories: high-constraint congruent, low-constraint congruent, high-constraint incongruent, low-constraint incongruent, and non-semantic. In total, each participant viewed 40 sentences from each of the five conditions, for a total of 200 sentences. After each block, I employed a memory recognition test to ensure participants were attending to the stimuli being presented, and to measure behavioral differences in semantic prediction (LeónCabrera et al., 2019). In this test, ten words were presented, half of which were target words in the previous block and half of which were novel words to the participant. Participants were asked to make binary judgements about whether they saw the word in the previous block by pressing one of two keys on a keyboard. Figure 6 Schematic of an Individual Trial From the Sentence-Reading Task. Adapted From León-Cabrera et al. (2019) Figure 7 Topographic Plot Showing Electrode Positions Used in the Experiment. 60 Note. Electrodes show numbers used by the Electrical Geodesics Inc. 400 system (e.g. E19) as well as their referents in the international 10/20 system where appropriate (e.g. Pz). 7.6 Sentence-Reading Task Procedure Before the start of each trial, a screen with an image of an eye was displayed for 2000 ms, during which participants were encouraged to blink, in an effort to minimize blinking during the trial itself. A fixation cross preceded the presentation of each sentence for a time period between 1350 and 1750 ms (León-Cabrera et al., 2019). Sentences were presented sequentially, one word at a time, in white text on a black background. Each word was presented for 200 ms before 61 disappearing, with a 300 ms inter-word interval in which participants saw only the black screen. Before the presentation of the final word of the sentence, a 1000 ms interval occurred, in which I expected to observe the semantic predictive potential (León-Cabrera et al., 2017, 2019). Following the presentation of the final word for 200 ms, an interval of 800 ms occurred in which no stimuli were presented. This allowed us to investigate the N400, which is canonically affected by the manipulation of final word congruency and is sensitive to Cloze probability (LeónCabrera et al., 2019). Figure 6 depicts the progression of one trial from the experiment. 7.7 Experimental Procedure After consent was obtained, instructions about the sentence reading task were delivered to participants. Participants were simply told to read the sentences carefully, and that at the end of each block of sentences, there would be a recognition task where they would be presented with words and would respond by pressing one of two keys to indicate whether they recalled seeing each word in the previous block of sentences. Participants then completed a practice version of the experiment which consisted of them reading 10 sentences while seated approximately 1m from a computer screen (Dell P2212H computer monitor, display resolution 1920 x 1080, refresh rate 60 Hz) followed by a short recognition task. The sentences were unique from the sentences presented in the main experimental task. Participants were then fitted with an EEG cap before performing the sentence-reading task. After completing the sentence-reading task, participants completed computerized versions of the demographics questionnaire, SPQBRU, and DFAQ-CU, in that order. Participants were then debriefed and given the opportunity to address questions they may have had about the experiment. Participation in the experiment typically took under two hours. The experiment was reviewed and approved by the University of Northern British Columbia’s Research Ethics Board. 62 7.8 EEG Recording and Preprocessing EEG was recorded with a 32-channel EEG cap using an Electrical Geodesics Inc. 400 system with electrodes fitted according to the standard 10/20 system (shown in Figure 7). EEG data was sampled at 250 Hz. Care was taken to ensure electrode impedances were kept below 50kΩ wherever possible. No participants were run through the experiment with more than three electrodes displaying above 50kΩ, and no electrodes displayed impedances of above 100kΩ for any participants. Offline, the data was re-referenced to the average of all electrode channels. Following this, data were visually inspected for overall quality. Electrode channels which appeared particularly noisy were interpolated to improve data quality where possible. No more than three electrodes were interpolated for any participant, and spatially adjacent electrodes were not interpolated together. Data were then filtered with a high-pass Butterworth filter at 0.1 Hz (roll-off 12 dB/oct) followed by being filtered with a low-pass Butterworth filter at 40 Hz (rolloff 12 dB/oct). Data were epoched separately for SPP and N400 analyses. For the SPP analysis, epochs were created which contained the time interval 1100ms preceding the presentation of the final word of each sentence to 100ms following the presentation of the final word. For the N400 analysis, epochs were created which encompassed a time window of 200ms preceding the presentation of the final word of each sentence to 800ms following the presentation of the final word. Artifact rejection was carried out in a two-step procedure, separately for SPP and N400 analyses. First, a 200ms moving window peak-to-peak (moving step = 20ms) rejection method was used to reject epochs in which the amplitude of the moving window of the electrooculograms exceeded ±85μV. The primary purpose of this step was to exclude epochs 63 which contained eyeblinks or notable eye movements. Following this, a simple voltage rejection method was used to reject epochs which contained amplitudes exceeding ±200μV across all electrodes but the electrooculograms. This allowed for the exclusion of epochs which contained substantial amplitude deviation due to artifacts such as muscle movement or skin potentials. The artifact rejection procedure was adopted from León-Cabrera et al. (2019). For the SPP analysis, an average of 3.5% of trials were rejected for each participant, with the highest rejection rate being 17% of trials for one participant. For the N400 analysis, an average of 9.9% of trials were rejected for each participant, with the highest rejection rate being 33% of trials for one participant. 7.9 Analysis Strategy For the memory recognition task, mean response times and proportion of correct responses across all trials were extracted for each subject. Median splits were performed to divide participants on the disorganized thought factor of the SPQ-BRU as well as the frequency factory of the DFAQ-CU to investigate whether disorganized thought or cannabis use frequency affects response time or accuracy in the task. ERP waveforms were plotted for visual inspection of the SPP component. Statistical analysis for the SPP was conducted on a time window 200-0 ms preceding the final word of the sentences. Temporally, this is a region in which the SPP has been previously observed, and upon visual inspection of the ERP waveform, a negative deflection was observed which appeared stronger when participants read sentences high compared to low constraint sentences in this time window over left-frontal electrodes. Upon visual inspection, ERP waveforms for the N400 component showed the characteristic negative voltage deflection for incongruent compared to congruent sentence 64 endings around 350-400 ms following the presentation of the final word of the sentence. The N400 analysis was conducted on the time window 300-500 ms following the onset of the final word, in accordance with the time window used by León-Cabrera et al. (2019). For the SPP analysis, mean amplitudes of the 200 ms time window preceding the presentation of the final word of each sentence for each participant x item x electrode combination were extracted using the ERP Measurement Tool in ERPLAB v 9.00 (LopezCalderon & Luck, 2014). The extraction process for the data used for the N400 analysis was identical apart from the time window being 300-500 ms following the onset of the final word. Laterality was included as a factor in the SPP analysis; the left hemisphere level was created by combining numerical values from electrodes Fp1, F3, and F7. The right hemisphere level was created by combining values from electrodes Fp2, F4, and F8, and the midline level was created by combining values from electrodes Fz, 27, and 28. Frontal electrodes were selected due to the SPP canonically displaying over frontal and fronto-central sites (e.g. León-Cabrera et al. 2019). For the N400 analysis, electrode Pz was exclusively selected, due to the N400 component canonically being observed over centro-parietal sites (e.g. León-Cabrera et al. 2019). Additionally, upon visual inspection, electrode Pz showed strong evidence of an N400 effect in our data. A cannabis use score was calculated for each participant by first extracting their responses on each item which loaded onto the “frequency” factor of the DFAQ-CU. Next, each of these items was z-scored, so participants were assigned a z-scored value for each item which loaded onto the frequency factor. Finally, the average of z-scored item scores was calculated for each participant, which yielded a unique cannabis use score for each participant based on their 65 frequency of cannabis consumption relative to others in the sample. Figure 8 shows a histogram of the frequency of cannabis use in our sample. Figure 8 Histogram of Frequency of Cannabis Use. Note. This histogram displays the different frequencies of cannabis used by participants in our sample. Cannabis use values are based on the frequency of each participant’s cannabis use relative to others in the sample, as described in the previous paragraph. Scores were calculated for each participant for each higher-order factor of the SPQ-BRU. These scores were calculated by simply averaging the scores for all items which loaded onto each factor of the questionnaire. We chose to specifically include the disorganized thought factor 66 in our analysis due to previous research suggesting that neural markers of abnormal semantic processing in schizophrenia may be associated with the disorganized thought characteristic of schizophrenia rather than schizophrenia itself (Pomarol-Clotet et al., 2008). Figure 9 shows a histogram of the frequencies of participant levels of disorganized thought in our sample. Figure 9 Histogram of Frequency of Disorganized Thought Note. This histogram displays the frequency of participants in our sample experiencing different levels of disorganized thought. Disorganized thought scores were calculated by averaging the scores for all items which loaded onto the disorganized thought factor of the SPQ-BRU. Possible values range from 0.0-5.0. 67 Statistical analyses were performed using R Statistical Software (v4.3.0, R Core Team 2023). For the SPP analysis, linear mixed effects modelling (LME) was used to estimate fixed effects of hemisphere (left, right, central), sentence constraint (high, low, non-semantic), disorganized thought (continuous), cannabis frequency (continuous) and all interactions. For the N400 analysis, LME was used to estimate fixed effects of congruency (congruent, incongruent), sentence constraint (high, low), disorganized thought (continuous), cannabis frequency (continuous) and all interactions. Models included intercepts for random effects of participants and stimuli. R2 values are included in text. Significant main effects and interactions are reported (p < .05). The linear mixed-effects model fitting procedure was conducted using the lme4 package (v. 1.1.33). The ANOVA table was produced using the LMERConvenienceFunctions package (v. 3.0). R2 and power calculations were conducted using the simr (v. 1.0.7) and MuMln (v. 1.47.5) packages. The emmeans (v. 1.8.6) package was used to visualize interactions. Chapter Eight 8.1 Memory Recognition Task Results Overall, accuracy for the word recognition tasks was high, with participants correctly classifying 83.2% of words when being asked to judge if the word had been shown in the previous block of trials. A median split was preformed to divide participants on the disorganized thought factor of the SPQ-BRU to investigate whether disorganized thought affects response time or accuracy. An independent samples Welch’s t-test showed no significant difference in response accuracy between the groups of high (M = .85, SD = .09) and low (M = .82, SD = .04) disorganized thought, t (9.79) = .84, p = .42. Further, the difference in response time was not significant between the high (M = 958.70, SD = 186.1) and low (M = 821.44, SD = 181.98) disorganized thought groups, t (13.99) = 1.49, p = .16. A median split on frequency of cannabis 68 use was also performed; there was no significant difference in response accuracy between high (M = .84, SD = .09) and low (M = .82, SD = .05) cannabis users, t (10.62) = .61, p = .55. Further, there was no significant difference in response time between high (M = 899.86, SD = 157.66) and low (M = 880.28, SD = 231.18) cannabis users, t (12.35) = .20, p = .85. Table 4 Correlation Matrix Showing r Values Between Higher-Order Factors of the SPQ-BRU and Cannabis Frequency (Taken From the DFAQ-CU) in Our Sample. Variable Disorganized Disorganized Cognitive- Inter- Social Cannabis Thought Perceptual Personal Anxiety Frequency 1.00 .44 -.05 .24 .27 1.00 -.17 .02 .45 1.00 .02 .18 1.00 .71 Thought CognitivePerceptual InterPersonal Social Anxiety Cannabis 1.00 Frequency 8.2 Semantic Predictive Potential Waveforms and Scalp Maps Waveforms for averages of high, low, and non-semantic conditions over electrode F3 are shown in Figure 10. Notably, negativity begins to become more prominent in the high constraint 69 condition compared to the low constraint and non-semantic conditions around 200 ms prior to the presentation of the final word, as highlighted by the arrows drawn to different waveforms. This trend of the waveforms for high constraint sentences (shown in red) eliciting greater negativity than low constraint and non-semantic conditions is visible across multiple electrodes in Figure 11, which shows waveform plots for all electrodes. In particular, electrodes E17 (Fz) and E4 (F4), which are located over midline and right hemispheres, respectively, and were used in the SPP analysis, display this pattern. This difference is also visualizable in Figure 12, which shows scalp maps of high and low constraint and non-semantic conditions. Around -100 ms, darker colours, which indicate greater negativity, become apparent over frontal and frontocentral electrodes in the high constraint condition compared to the low constraint and nonsemantic conditions. Figure 10 Semantic Predictive Potential Waveforms Observed Over Electrode F3. 70 Note. Different waveforms are displayed for high and low constraint and non-semantic conditions, averaged across stimuli and participants. The temporal area highlighted in green was used for SPP analysis (200 ms preceding the presentation of the final word to the presentation of the final word). In particular, the waveform shown in red displays a greater negativity around the -200 ms mark until the final word in each sentence was presented. Arrows draw attention to the difference in waveform patterns elcicited by people reading high compared to low constraint sentences. The temporal presentation of the final word in sentences is indicated by the black line across the Y-axis. Figure 11 Epoch Visualizing the Semantic Predictive Potential Across all Electrodes 1100 ms Preceding the Presentation of the Final Words in Sentences of High, Low, and Non-Semantic Constraint. 71 72 Note. Over multiple electrodes, including E3, E4, E5, and E17, the pattern of greater negativity elicited by high constraint compared to low constraint and non-semantic conditions is apparent, becoming noticeable around 200 ms prior to the presentation of the final words in sentences (temporal presentation of the final word in sentences is indicated by the black line across the Yaxis). Figure 12 Scalp Maps of SPP Scalp Topographies. 73 74 Note. Scalp maps display voltage at 50ms intervals 300 ms preceding the presentation of the final word in sentences to 50 ms following the presentation of the final word in sentences. Darker colours indicate greater negativity. Around -100 ms, greater negativity becomes apparent over frontal and fronto-central sites for the high constraint condition compared to the low constraint and non-semantic conditions. 8.3 Semantic Predictive Potential Analysis Table 5 shows an ANOVA table with estimated p-values and effect sizes, reported as % deviance, for all effects and interactions on SPP amplitude. Results from the LME analysis on the SPP revealed a main effect of hemisphere, F (28764, 28548) = 23.74, p < .001, explained deviance (%) = 0.16. Follow-up tests revealed that negativity was greater over the left hemisphere than the right hemisphere, t (28554) = 4.24, p < .001. Negativity was also greater over the midline than the right hemisphere, t (28554) = 5.36, p < .001. There was no significant difference in negativity between the left hemisphere and midline, t (28554) = 1.12, p = .502. A main effect of constraint was also present, F (28764, 28548) = 20.80, p < .001, explained deviance (%) = 0.14. Follow-up tests revealed that negativity was greater in high constraint than low constraint conditions, t (28565) = 7.45, p < .001. Negativity was also greater in high constraint than non-semantic conditions, t (256) = 3.53, p = .001. The difference in negativity between low constraint and non-semantic conditions was not significant, t (256) = .56, p = .844. There was a significant interaction of constraint and disorganized thought, F (28764, 28548) = 9.85, p < .001, explained deviance (%) = 0.07. This interaction is shown below in Figure 13. There was also a significant three-way interaction of constraint, cannabis use, and disorganized thought, F (28764, 28548) = 11.04, p < .001, explained deviance (%) = 0.07, 75 displayed below in Figure 14. There was also a significant interaction of hemisphere and disorganized thought, F (28764, 28548) = 4.84, p = .008, explained deviance (%) = 0.03. This interaction is shown below in Figure 15. Finally, there was a significant three-way interaction of hemisphere, cannabis use, and disorganized thought, F (28764, 28548) = 4.74, p = .009, explained deviance (%) = 0.03. This interaction is shown below in Figure 16. Overall, the fixed effects in the model explained a small amount of the variation in SPP amplitude, R2 = .006.1 Table 5 Results From LME Analysis on SPP Amplitude 200-0 ms Preceding the Presentation of Target Words. Effect F df Value upper Hemisphere 23.74 28764 28548 <.001*** .1606 Constraint 20.79 28764 28548 <.001*** .1407 Cannabis frequency 0.02 28764 28548 .897 .0001 Disorganized thought 0.05 28764 28548 .829 .0002 Hemisphere x Constraint 1.19 28764 28548 .312 .0161 Hemisphere x Cannabis frequency 1.17 28764 28548 .311 .0079 Constraint x Cannabis frequency 0.73 28764 28548 .481 .0050 Hemisphere x Disorganized thought 4.84 28764 28548 .008** .0327 Constraint x Disorganized thought 9.85 28764 28548 <.001*** .0666 1 df lower p value Explained deviance (%) We performed post-hoc power estimates for highest-order interactions using the powerSim function from the simr package in R. For the three-way interaction of hemisphere, cannabis use, and disorganized thought, the power was 100.0%, 95% CI [96.4 100.0]. For the three-way interaction of constraint, cannabis use, and disorganized thought, the power was 100.0%, 95% CI [96.4 100.0]. 76 Cannabis frequency x Disorganized 0.72 28764 28548 .398 .0024 1.07 28764 28548 .368 .0145 1.52 28764 28548 .192 .0206 4.74 28764 28548 .009** .0321 11.04 28764 28548 <.001*** .0747 0.43 28764 28548 .789 .0058 thought Hemisphere x Constraint x Cannabis Frequency Hemisphere x Constraint x Disorganized thought Hemisphere x Cannabis frequency x Disorganized thought Constraint x Cannabis frequency x Disorganized thought Hemisphere x Constraint x Cannabis frequency x Disorganized thought ***p < .001, ** p < .01 Constraint x Disorganized Thought Figure 13 Visualization of the Interaction Between Constraint and Disorganized Thought on SPP Amplitude. 77 Note. High and low disorganized thought in all figures represents estimates at the extreme values of the range of the disorganized thought variable collected in our sample. Error bars represent the 95% confidence interval containing the population mean at different levels of constraint after accounting for fixed effects of disorganized thought and random effects of participants and stimuli. Estimates are based on averages 200 ms preceding the presentation of the final word until the presentation of the final word (0 ms). 78 Figure 13 shows the interaction between disorganized thought and constraint on SPP amplitudes. At low levels of disorganized thought, negativity was greater for high constraint sentences compared to low constraint sentences, t (28672) = 5.20, p < .001. At low levels of disorganized thought, negativity was also greater for high constraint sentences compared to nonsemantic sentences, t (5865) = 5.96, p < .001. At high levels of disorganized thought, no differences between high and low constraint or non-semantic sentences reached statistical significance. Constraint x Disorganized Thought x Cannabis Frequency Figure 14 Visualization of the Interaction between Constraint, Cannabis Frequency, and Disorganized Thought on SPP amplitudes. 79 Note. High and low disorganized thought and cannabis use in all figures represent estimates at the extreme values of the ranges of the disorganized thought and cannabis use variables collected in our sample. Error bars represent the 95% confidence interval containing the population mean at different levels of hemisphere after accounting for fixed effects of disorganized thought and 80 cannabis use and random effects of participants and stimuli. Estimates are based on averages 200 ms preceding the presentation of the final word until the presentation of the final word (0 ms). Figure 14 shows the interaction between cannabis use, constraint, and disorganized thought. In all cases, the trend was that negativity was greater for high compared to low constraint sentences, except when both cannabis use and disorganized thought were high. When cannabis use and disorganized thought were both high, negativity was significantly greater for low constraint compared to high constraint sentences, t (28601) = 3.03, p = .007. When cannabis use and disorganized thought were both low, the difference in negativity between high and low constraint sentences was not significant, t (28401) = 1.78, p = .18. When disorganized thought was low and cannabis use was high, negativity was significantly greater for high constraint compared to low constraint sentences, t (28713) = 4.58, p < .001. Likewise, when disorganized thought was high and cannabis use was low, negativity was significantly greater for high constraint compared to low constraint sentences, t (28711) = 4.15, p < .001. All post-hoc comparisons of experimental conditions across levels of high and low disorganized thought and cannabis use are reported in Appendix B. Hemisphere x Disorganized Thought Figure 15 Visualization of the Interaction Between Hemisphere and Disorganized Thought on SPP Amplitude. 81 Note. High and low disorganized thought in all figures represents estimates at the extreme values of the range of the disorganized thought variable collected in our sample. Error bars represent the 95% confidence interval containing the population mean at different levels of disorganized thought after accounting for fixed effects of hemisphere and random effects of participants and 82 stimuli. Estimates are based on averages 200 ms preceding the presentation of the final word until the presentation of the final word (0 ms). Figure 15 shows the interaction between hemisphere and disorganized thought. Over the left hemisphere, amplitudes were greater at high compared to low levels of disorganized thought. This pattern was reversed over the right hemisphere, where amplitudes were greater at low compared to high levels of disorganized thought. Over midline electrodes, the pattern was the same as at right hemisphere electrodes, although the magnitude was decreased. Hemisphere x Cannabis Frequency x Disorganized Thought Figure 16 Visualization of the Interaction Between Hemisphere, Cannabis Frequency, and Disorganized Thought on SPP Amplitude. 83 Note. High and low disorganized thought and cannabis use in all figures represent estimates at the extreme values of the ranges of the disorganized thought and cannabis use variables collected in our sample. Error bars represent the 95% confidence interval of the population mean at different levels of disorganized thought after accounting for fixed effects of cannabis use and 84 hemisphere and random effects of participants and stimuli. Estimates are based on averages 200 ms preceding the presentation of the final word until the presentation of the final word (0 ms). Figure 16 shows the interaction between cannabis frequency, hemisphere, and disorganized thought. The patten at midline and left hemisphere electrodes was consistent, but different than the pattern at right hemisphere electrodes. At midline and left hemisphere electrodes, when disorganized thought was low, negativities were greater for low cannabis compared to high cannabis users. Also at midline and left hemisphere electrodes, when disorganized thought was high, negativities were greater for high compared to low cannabis users. However, at right hemisphere electrodes, the discrepancy in negativities between low and high cannabis users at low and high levels of disorganized thought was reduced compared to midline and left hemisphere electrodes. In addition, over right hemisphere electrodes when disorganized thought was high, negativities were marginally greater for low compared to high cannabis users. Interestingly, the pattern of negativity being lower at midline compared to left and right hemisphere electrodes was consistent throughout, with two exceptions. When visualized this way, no post-hoc comparisons in this three-way interaction reached statistical significance (p < .05). In sum, we found that when people were low in disorganized thought, the SPP effect observed by León-Cabrera et al. (2017, 2019) was replicated in that SPP negativities were greater for high constraint compared to low constraint sentences. However, when people were high in disorganized thought, the SPP effect was not apparent. This was driven by the three-way interaction between constraint, disorganized thought, and cannabis use. When people were high in both cannabis use and disorganized thought, the SPP effect actually reversed direction; 85 negativities were greater for low constraint compared to high constraint sentences. We also found that hemisphere interacted with disorganized thought and cannabis use. 8.4 N400 Waveforms and Scalp Maps Figure 17 shows N400 waveforms for the different experimental conditions at electrode Pz. The area highlighted in green was used for statistical analysis. Notably, the high constraint congruent condition displayed less apparent negativity than all other waveforms. This trend can be visualized across multiple parietal and centro-parietal electrodes in Figure 18. Further, Figure 19 shows scalp maps where greater negativities are apparent for the incongruent condition compared to the congruent condition, beginning around 300 ms following the presentation of final words in sentences until approximately 500 ms following the presentation of final words in sentences. Figure 17 N400 Waveforms Observed Over Electrode Pz. 86 Note. Waveforms are displayed for high constraint congruent, high constraint incongruent, low constraint congruent, low constraint incongruent, and non-semantic sentences, averaged across all stimuli and participants. The temporal area highlighted in green was used for N400 analysis (300-500 ms following the presentation of the final word in sentences). The arrow shows the high constraint congruent waveform, where N400 negativity is less pronounced compared to other experimental conditions. The temporal presentation of the final word in sentences is indicated by the black line across the Y-axis. Figure 18 Epoch Visulalizing the N400 Potential Across all Electrodes. 87 88 Note. Waveforms show the temporal window from 200 ms preceding the presentation of the final words in high constraint congruent (HCC), high constraint incongruent (HCI), low constraint congruent (LCC), low constraint incongruent (LCC) and non-semantic (NS) sentences to 800 ms following the presentation of final words in sentences. Over multiple electrodes, including E6, E7, E8, and E19, the pattern of reduced negativity for HCC compared to all other conditions is apparent, beginning around 300 ms following the presentation of the final words until approximately 500 ms following the presentation of final words (temporal presentation of the final word in sentences is indicated by the black line across the Y-axis). Figure 19 Scalp Maps Showing N400 Scalp Topographies. 89 90 Note. Scalp maps display negativities at 100 ms intervals from 0-600 ms following the presentation of the final word in sentences. Darker colours indicate greater negativity. Notably, greater negativities become apparent over parietal and centro-parietal sites for incongruent compared to congruent words around 300 ms following the presentation of final words. This trend remains consistent until approximately 500 ms following the presentation of final words. 8.5 N400 Analysis Table 6 shows an ANOVA table with estimated p-values and effect sizes, reported as % deviance, for all effects and interactions on N400 amplitude. Results from the LME analysis on the N400 revealed a main effect of constraint, F (2544, 2368) = 12.28, p < .001, explained deviance (%) = .46. Negativity was significantly greater for low constraint compared to high constraint sentences, t (2376) = 3.36, p < .001. There was also a main effect of congruency, F (2544, 2368) = 13.10, p < .001, explained deviance (%) = 0.49. Negativity was significantly greater for incongruent compared to congruent sentence endings, t (199) = 4.06, p < .001. There was a significant interaction of constraint and congruency, F (2544, 2368) = 5.97, p = .01, explained deviance (%) = 0.22. This interaction is shown below in Figure 20. There was also a significant interaction of congruency and cannabis frequency, F (2544, 2368) = 4.09, p = .04, explained deviance (%) = 0.15. This interaction is shown below in Figure 21. Overall, the fixed effects in the model explained a small amount of the variation in N400 amplitude, R2 = .02.2 Table 6 Results From LME Analysis on N400 Amplitude 300-500 ms Following the Presentation of Target Words. 2 We performed post-hoc power estimates for highest-order interactions using the powerSim function from the simr package in R. For the interaction of congruency and constraint, the power was 86.0%, 95% CI [77.6 92.1]. For the interaction of congruency and cannabis use, the power was 98.0%, 95% CI [93.0 99.8]. 91 Effect F df df lower p value Explained Value upper Constraint 12.28 2544 2368 <.001*** .46 Congruency 13.10 2544 2368 <.001*** .49 Cannabis frequency .02 2544 2368 .89 .0008 Disorganized thought 3.41 2544 2368 .07 .13 Constraint x Congruency 5.97 2544 2368 .01* .22 Constraint x Disorganized thought .60 2544 2368 .44 .02 Congruency x Disorganized thought .96 2544 2368 .33 .04 Constraint x Cannabis frequency .77 2544 2368 .38 .03 Congruency x Cannabis frequency 4.09 2544 2368 .04* .15 Cannabis frequency x Disorganized .53 2544 2368 .46 .02 .01 2544 2368 .91 .0005 3.11 2544 2368 .08 .11 .05 2544 2368 .83 .002 3.75 2544 2368 .05 .14 1.19 2544 2368 .27 .05 deviance (%) thought Constraint x Congruency x Disorganized thought Constraint x Congruency x Cannabis frequency Constraint x Cannabis frequency x Disorganized thought Congruency x Cannabis frequency x Disorganized thought Congruency x Constraint x Cannabis frequency x Disorganized thought 92 ***p < .001, ** p < .01, * p < .05 Constraint x Congruency Figure 20 Visualization of Constraint x Congruency Interaction for N400 Amplitudes Over Electrode Pz. Note. Error bars represent the 95% confidence interval containing the population mean at different levels of constraint after accounting for fixed effects of congruency and random effects of participants and stimuli. Estimates are based on averages 300 ms following the presentation of the final word until 500 ms following the presentation of the final words. 93 Figure 20 shows the effect of the constraint x congruency interaction on the N400. At the level of high constraint, N400 amplitude was more negative for incongruent endings compared to congruent endings, t (674) = 4.25, p < .001. At the level of low constraint, the difference in N400 amplitude between congruent endings and incongruent endings was not significant, t (674) = 1.60, p = .38. Thus, the strength of the N400 effect is greater in high compared to low constraint contexts. P-values for all post hoc comparisons are reported in Appendix B. Congruency x Cannabis Frequency Figure 21 Visualization of Congruency x Cannabis Frequency Interaction for N400 Amplitudes Over Electrode Pz. 94 Note. High and low cannabis use in all figures represents estimates at the extreme values of the range of the cannabis use variable collected in our sample. Error bars represent the 95% confidence interval containing the population mean at different levels of congruency after accounting for fixed effects of cannabis use and random effects of participants and stimuli. Estimates are based on averages 300 ms following the presentation of the final word until 500 ms following the presentation of the final word. 95 Figure 21 shows the interaction between cannabis use and congruency. When cannabis use was low, the N400 effect was not significant, t (503.8) = 1.52, p = .43. However, when cannabis use was high, there was a classic N400 effect in which N400 potentials were more negative in response to incongruent compared to congruent words, t (2170.0) = 3.94, p < .001. Pvalues for post-hoc comparisons across levels of cannabis use and congruency are reported in Appendix B. In sum, the strength of the N400 effect increased as cannabis use increased. Chapter Nine 9.1 General Discussion In this study, we investigated the effects of schizotypal thought and cannabis use on neural activity while participants were engaged in a sentence-reading paradigm. Theoretically, the SPP and N400 may be indices of predictive processing during language comprehension, and may reflect comparisons of predictions with sensory input and computation of prediction errors. For the purposes of my discussion, I refer to the discrepancy in voltages elicited by high and low sentences leading up to the final word of these sentences as the SPP effect. Recall that the N400 effect refers to discrepancies in voltages when comparing congruent and incongruent endings to sentences. People with schizophrenia display abnormalities in neural markers thought to be related to predictive processing, and it may be that the precision with which prediction errors are compared to existing models of the world is improperly regulated in schizophrenia. We hypothesized that aberrant prediction error computation in schizophrenia would result in reduced SPP and N400 effects for people high in schizotypal traits. Further, we speculated that high levels of cannabis use may also result in reduced SPP and N400 effects, and may interact with schizotypy to influence the SPP and N400 potential. For the purposes of this discussion, I choose to refer to disorganized thought rather than schizotypy where appropriate, as our results hinged on the disorganized thought factor of the SPQ-BRU. 96 Firstly, our prediction about the interaction between disorganized thought and sentence constraint was supported, as shown in Figure 13. People high in disorganized thought displayed a reduced SPP effect compared to people low in disorganized thought. This provides support for our hypothesis that aberrant prediction error computation may underlie cognitive deficits in people with schizophrenia. When a person reads a sentence, prediction errors are constantly being generated and compared with prior models, which become iteratively updated as the person reads more of the sentence. Thus, the model someone has about the meaning of a sentence is constantly refined during reading as a result of comparisons between predictions and errors. If prediction errors during sentence reading in schizophrenia are not able to influence change on prior models as they would in a neurotypical person due to improper regulation of the precision of prediction errors, it may be the case that people with schizophrenia rely on models which are improperly or insufficiently updated, and these models account for less variability in the state of the world. This results in their brains making predictions which “explain” less of the incoming sensory information, causing them to rely more heavily on the influence of prediction errors generated by comparisons between incoming sensory information and prior models. However, because the precision of these prediction errors inappropriately regulated, the model is insufficiently adjusted, and the brain remains unable to develop sufficient high-level models capable of making precise predictions about incoming sensory information. We posit that the difference between high- and low-level predictions is important to consider when discussing the possible influence of schizotypy on the SPP effect. If a person high or low in schizotypy is attempting to create a model to predict the upcoming semantic content of sentences, we suggest that it is unlikely they will successfully and accurately predict each word which follows from the onset of the sentence. For instance, consider if someone low in 97 schizotypy were to read the sentence “The goalkeeper managed to catch the ball”. After reading the sentence fragment “The goalkeeper managed to” it is unlikely their brain would be predicting the specific word “catch”, as numerous other words could fit here (e.g., kick, stop, prevent). As such, prediction error would be generated at lower levels of the predictive hierarchy upon encountering the word “catch”, as the unexpected low-level properties of the word catch (e.g. the lines and shapes that construct the word “catch”) would be novel information which needs to be incorporated into the model. Further, the meaning of the word “catch” would need to be incorporated at higher levels. However, this word “catch” is still plausible under high-level predictions of the types of things that a goalkeeper might do, and thus this prediction error is resolved at low levels of the predictive hierarchy, and does not necessitate a radical overhaul of the type of high-level model someone might be developing about the actions of a goalkeeper in a particular scenario. If someone were high in schizotypy, however, and read the sentence fragment “The goalkeeper managed to”, they would again develop low-level prediction errors, as there would be little reason to predict the specific word “catch” over the numerous other contenders offered earlier (e.g. kick, stop, prevent). However, because of the deficits in regulating the precision of prediction errors, the incorporation of this prediction error into the predictive model may not proceed as it would in someone low in schizotypy. If the prediction error was weighted with too much precision, the error may not be resolved at low levels, and instead may cause changes to the developing high-level model about what a goalkeeper in this situation might do. This may prevent high-level models from developing the ability to confidently predict the upcoming highlevel semantic content of the remainder of the sentence. Conversely, if the precision of this prediction error was too low, lower levels of the predictive hierarchy may not readily incorporate 98 the new information about the word “catch” into the lower-level model, resulting in a failure to make use of the available information, again ultimately preventing accurate and confident predictions from being made at higher levels of the predictive hierarchy due to suboptimal integration of the available information. It is possible that the observed SPP voltage difference between high and low constraint sentences, which may represent the degree to which people are predicting the ending of sentences, is indicative of the extent to which high-level predictive models of the content of the sentence are developed. A reduced SPP effect in people high in schizotypy may reflect that the difference in the development of high-level predictive models as a function of the available information is reduced compared to people low in schizotypy. In sum, we posit that differences in the SPP effect between people high and low in schizotypy may be a result of improper regulation of the precision of prediction errors at lower levels of the predictive hierarchy, resulting in ineffective and poorly developed high-level predictions being formed. Intriguingly, the two-way interaction of disorganized thought and sentence constraint appeared to be qualified over by people’s level of cannabis use, as shown in Figure 14. When people were high in disorganized thought but did not use cannabis frequently, they displayed the canonical SPP effect seen in people low in disorganized thought. Further, when people were low in disorganized thought and either used or did not use cannabis frequently, the directionality of the SPP effect remained consistent with reports from previous literature (León-Cabrera et al., 2019). Notably, the strength of the SPP effect was greater in people low in disorganized thought who did not use cannabis than people low in disorganized thought who did use cannabis. If people have thought which is typically organized, regular cannabis use may cause the brain to 99 improperly weight the precision of prediction errors, resulting in high-level predictions which are less developed. However, when people were high in both disorganized thought and cannabis use, the canonical SPP effect was not observed (in fact, the direction of the SPP effect reversed). We speculate that this combination of disorganized thought and cannabis use causes the brain to experience further difficulty in properly regulating the precision of prediction errors. Indeed, it has been suggested that regular cannabis use may contribute to the development of formal thought disorder (e.g. Argote et al., 2022). Just as people with schizophrenia may be prone to cannabis use, people high in disorganized thought may be prone to aberrant prediction error signaling during language comprehension, and cannabis use may facilitate this phenomenon. Of particular interest is the potential role of pyramidal cells in this association between cannabis use, schizotypy, and prediction error signaling during language comprehension. Indeed, it has been proposed that pyramidal cells are responsible for comparing top-down predictions with bottom-up input (Friston, 2016). Firstly, it has been demonstrated that pyramidal cells display alterations both in people with schizophrenia and in cannabis users (Glantz et al., 2000; Miller et al., 2019). Glantz et al. (2000) found that dendritic spine density in layer three pyramidal cells was decreased in the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex of patients with schizophrenia. Miller et al. (2019) showed that adolescent cannabis exposure was associated with reduced dendritic spine density in layer three pyramidal cells in rats. Friston et al. (2016) suggest that higher-level representations are compared in deep pyramidal cells while lower-level representations are compared in superficial pyramidal cells. It is possible that the combination of schizophrenia and cannabis use causes particular abnormalities in dendritic spine density of prefrontal neurons which underlies deficits in prediction error signaling during language 100 comprehension. Indeed, our data showed that schizotypy and cannabis use altered SPP effects over frontal and prefrontal sites, consistent with the idea that prefrontal neurons are implicated in prediction error computation during language processing. We postulate that the combination of high schizotypy and cannabis use results in specific alterations to dendritic spines of prefrontal pyramidal neurons involved in comparisons between prior models and bottom-up input, which ultimately cause model overfitting in instances where bottom-up information is noisy. Our results showed that people high in both cannabis use and schizotypy exhibited more negative SPPs to low constraint and non-semantic sentences compared to high constraint sentences. If people high in schizotypy regularly use cannabis, prediction errors which result in noisy environments (e.g. when sentences are low in semantic constraint or are non-semantic) may be integrated into models in such a way that the model is generating a prediction associated with a more highly developed and vivid representation compared to the prediction made by a neurotypical person or a person who does not regularly use cannabis. This line of reasoning is somewhat consistent with our observation of increased N400 effects at high levels of cannabis use, shown in Figure 21. This result did not support our initial hypothesis that higher cannabis use would lead to reduced discrepancies in N400 amplitudes. Further, our finding is inconsistent with literature which suggests that regular cannabis users tend to display equal or reduced effects of neural markers related to change and expectation (e.g. Kiang et al., 2013; Greenwood at al., 2014). Instead, if high cannabis use results in increased N400 effects, it may be the case that greater prediction errors are generated in instances where a highly developed prediction has been formed (e.g. in instances where high cannabis use and high disorganized thought contribute to strong predictions being made about low constraint sentences) 101 and high-level models need to be adjusted based on unexpected incoming sensory information (an incongruent sentence ending). However, a caveat worth mentioning is that greater N400 effects associated with high cannabis use appeared more prominent at low rather than high levels of disorganized thought, although this interaction did not reach statistical significance (p = .053). Some other findings are worth noting. First, we found that amplitudes were more negative overall for left and midline electrodes compared to right hemisphere electrodes during the SPP epoch. León-Cabrera et al. (2019) noted that hemisphere interacted with semantic constraint, such that the SPP effect was most pronounced over left hemisphere electrodes compared to both right hemisphere and midline electrodes. While our hemisphere effect did not interact significantly with constraint, we replicate a main effect of hemisphere observed by LeónCabrera et al. (2019). Second, we found a significant two-way interaction between hemisphere and disorganized thought in our SPP analysis, where amplitudes were more negative at high compared to low levels of disorganized thought over left hemisphere electrodes. Conversely, the pattern was reversed over midline and right hemisphere electrodes, where amplitudes were more negative at low compared to high levels of disorganized thought. Third, we report a significant three-way interaction of cannabis use, disorganized thought, and hemisphere, displayed in Figure 16. We show that discrepancies in SPP negativities between high and low levels of cannabis use at high and low levels of disorganized thought are more pronounced over left hemisphere and midline electrodes compared to right hemisphere electrodes. If the SPP is more sensitive to different levels of schizotypy and cannabis use over left compared to right hemisphere electrodes, this is consistent with the idea that left prefrontal areas are involved in generation of the SPP (e.g. Grisoni et al., 2021; León-Cabrera et al., 2019). 102 Importantly, other studies have shown that fronto-central areas, in addition to left frontal areas, show discrepancies in neural responses to high vs low constraint sentences (León-Cabrera et al., 2017). 9.2 Replications of Previous Findings There are two important replicated findings. First, we replicated previous research suggesting that high constraint sentences elicit a greater negativity 200-0 ms before the presentation of the final word compared to both low constraint sentences and non-semantic sentences (León-Cabrera et al., 2019). That is, we replicated the SPP effect overall. Additionally, the comparison in means between low constraint and non-semantic sentences was not significant during this time period, consistent with previous findings from León-Cabrera et al. (2019). Our research, which explored the recently popularized SPP, using a novel stimulus set created by the author, suggests that effects of the SPP may be generalizable across languages and stimulus sets. We also replicate the canonical N400 findings where negativity is greater for incongruent compared to congruent sentence endings, and greater for low compared to high constraint sentences (e.g. Kutas & Hillyard, 1984; León-Cabrera et al., 2019). Further, we showed that when sentences were high in semantic constraint, the discrepancy in N400 amplitudes when comparing congruent and incongruent endings was significant, but this discrepancy was not significant when sentences were low in semantic constraint, shown in Figure 20. This supports the hypothesis that the brain is sensitive to the extent to which the nature of upcoming semantic content is predictable. When a sentence is highly predictable, but an unexpected final word is presented, the brain must generate a large prediction error to adjust its model to account for the novel and unexpected stimulus. However, if the ending of a sentence is less predictable, the brain need not generate as large a prediction error if presented with an unexpected ending, since the 103 model was not initially developed with the same amount of confidence as a model for the outcome of a sentence with high constraint. In sum, we found that cannabis use and schizotypy interact to influence the SPP effect, and that the combination of high schizotypy and high cannabis use results in strong predictions being made when contextual semantic information is ambiguous. It may be that this interaction of cannabis use and schizotypy affects pyramidal neurons, causing highly developed predictions to be made in noisy environments. We also found that high cannabis use results in increased N400 effects, which may reflect greater prediction errors being generated and computed in instances where a strong prediction made in a noisy environment is incompatible with incoming sensory input. We also replicate previous research suggesting that constraint and hemisphere influence the SPP and that congruency and constraint influence the N400. 9.3 Limitations There are a number of limitations to the present study. Firstly, a limitation of our study was the notably non-normal distribution of cannabis use, shown in Figure 8. Many participants in our sample reported having never used cannabis, resulting in a distribution which was skewed to the right, with some instances of high cannabis users on the right side of the distribution. Thus, our distribution more closely approximated a U-shape than a normal curve. This affects the conclusions and generalizations we might make about SPP and N400 effect alterations in cannabis users. However, it is notable that distributions of the use of substances such as coffee and alcohol are often non-normal (Sainani, 2012). Second, as previously mentioned, task sentences were chosen from two unique databases, as there were an insufficient number of appropriate sentences in either of the databases alone. Only high constraint sentences were obtained from the Block & Baldwin (2010) database, while 104 both high and low constraint sentences were obtained from the Peele et al. (2020) database. Because sentences obtained from these databases were initially generated with slightly different criteria, one might argue that high constraint sentences from one database were more highly predictable than the other. However, each participant viewed each sentence stem once throughout the experiment, meaning that potential differences in ease of predictability between the two databases should not vary across subjects. Third, potential criticisms may be made of the use of the MRC Psycholinguistic Database as a tool for controlling for imageability, concreteness, and familiarity ratings, due to the age of the database (Coltheart, 1981). Indeed, societal changes over the last 40+ years may have caused words to become more or less familiar to a young university population, or cause people to have more or less experience with different words. Unfortunately, more recent databases did not include the breadth of words and parameters of words that were included in the MRC database, and target words were excluded from our experiment if familiarity, concreteness, or imageability ratings were unavailable. Relying on a more recent database for these ratings would have a pernicious effect on our materials by reducing the already precarious number of appropriate sentences. However, we were able to obtain more recent ratings for word frequency through the English Lexicon Project (Balota, 2007). Fourth, the non-semantic sentences in our experiment were created by scrambling the letters from sentences in the low-constraint condition. One might argue that sentences which are more phonetically plausible than those used in our task might be found or generated by employing additional external databases. However, the method we used for generating nonsemantic sentences controls more effectively for low-level visual properties (sizes, shapes of letters, etc.) than generating a completely novel list of non-semantic sentences. The method we 105 used was previously employed by León-Cabrera et al. (2017, 2019) and is an important condition to control for non-semantic predictions. Finally, our generation of cannabis use scores relied solely on items from the DFAQ-CU which loaded onto the frequency factor, so information about cannabis quantity and methods of ingestion were not accounted for in our analysis. Further, each item was given the same weight in our analysis. We chose to include cannabis frequency, without attempting to analyze other variables related to cannabis consumption, in order to maintain interpretability and avoid the possibility of models failing to converge. Further, our method of calculating cannabis frequency, which relies on nine items which load onto the frequency factor of the DFAQ-CU, should capture more variability in frequency of cannabis use compared to the assessments used in much cannabis research, in which only one or two items are used to probe the frequency of a participant’s cannabis use. Conclusion In conclusion, we show that schizotypy and cannabis use interact in complex ways with sentence constraint and congruency to influence amplitudes of the SPP and N400 in a sentencereading task. Our research suggests that the brain aims to predict the nature of upcoming semantic content, and that variables including disorganized thought and frequency of cannabis use interact with variables which have been previously shown to affect neural markers related to predictive processing (semantic constraint, semantic congruency). Further, our research lays the foundation for other authors looking to explore nuances of the SPP related to schizophrenia, and provides a novel stimulus set in English which is suitable for conducting research related to the SPP and N400. 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Computational Brain & Behavior, 1(1), 36–58. https://doi.org/10.1007/s42113-018-0003-7 127 Appendix A Study Questionnaires This section contains the Schizophrenia Personality Questionnaire Brief Revised Updated (SPQ-BRU; Davidson et al., 2016), the Daily Sessions, Frequency, Age of Onset, and Quantity of Cannabis Use Inventory (DFAQ-CU; Cuttler & Spradlin, 2017), and the demographic questionnaire used in our lab. 128 SPQ-BRU Items (Davidson et al., 2016) item # 1 Higher -Order CP Subfactor IR Text I sometimes feel that people are talking about me. 2 CP IR I sometimes feel that other people are watching me. 3 CP IR When shopping, I get the feeling that other people are taking notice of me. 4 CP SU I often feel that others have it in for me. 5 CP SU I sometimes get concerned that friends or co-workers are not really loyal or trustworthy. 6 CP SU 7 IP CF I often have to keep an eye out to stop people from taking advantage of me. I feel that I cannot get 'close' to people. 8 IP CF 9 IP CF 10 IP CA I find it hard to be emotionally close to other people. I feel that there is no one I am really close to outside of my immediate family, or people I can confide in or talk to about personal problems. I tend to keep my feelings to myself. 11 IP CA I rarely laugh and smile. 12 IP CA I am not good at expressing my true feelings by the way I talk and look. 13 DO EB Other people see me as slightly eccentric (odd). 14 DO EB I am an odd, unusual person 15 DO EB I have some eccentric (odd) habits. 16 DO EB People sometimes comment on my unusual mannerisms and habits. 17 IP/SA SA I often feel nervous when I am in a group of unfamiliar people. 18 IP/SA SA I get anxious when meeting people for the first time. 19 IP/SA SA I feel very uncomfortable in social situations involving unfamiliar people. 20 IP/SA SA I sometimes avoid going to places where there will be many people because I will get anxious. 21 CP MT I believe in telepathy (mind-reading). 22 CP MT I believe in clairvoyance (psychic forces, fortune telling). 23 CP MT I have had experiences with astrology, seeing the future, UFO's, ESP, or a sixth sense. 24 CP MT I have felt that I was communicating with another person telepathically (by mind-reading). 25 DO OS I sometimes jump quickly from one topic to another when speaking. 26 DO OS I tend to wander off the topic when having a conversation. 27 DO OS I often ramble on too much when speaking. 28 DO OS I sometimes forget what I am trying to say. 29 CP UP I often hear a voice speaking my thoughts aloud. 30 CP UP When I look at a person or at myself in a mirror, I have seen the face change right before my eyes. 31 CP UP My thoughts are sometimes so strong that I can almost hear them. 32 CP UP Everyday things seem unusually large or small. Response format: 1. Strongly Disagree 2. Disagree 3. Neutral 4. Agree 5. Strongly Agree CP: Cognitive Perceptual; IP: Interpersonal; DO: Disorganized; IR: Ideas of Reference; SU: Suspiciousness; CF: No Close Friends; CA: Constricted Affect; EB: Eccentric Behavior; SA: Social Anxiety; MT: Magical Thinking; OS: Odd Speech; UP: Unusual Perceptions. 129 DFAQ-CU Inventory (Cuttler & Spradlin, 2017) Instructions: Please read each of the following questions and mark the response alternative that best describes your use of cannabis. Note that the term cannabis is being used to refer to marijuana, cannabis concentrates, and cannabis-infused edibles. 1. Have you ever used cannabis? 0 = No 1 = Yes *If response = 0 then skip to end of questionnaire 2. Which of the following best captures when you last used cannabis? 1 = over a year ago 7 = last week 2 = 9 – 12 months ago 8 = this week 3 = 6 – 9 months ago 9 = yesterday 4 = 3 – 6 months ago 10 = today* 5 = 1 – 3 months ago 11 = I am currently high* 6 = less than 1 month ago *If response = 10 (today) or 11 (I am currently high) then answer 2b below 2b. How high are you right now? 0 = I am not at all high 1 = I am a little bit high 2 = I am moderately high 3 = I am very high 4 = I am extremely high 3. Which of the following best captures the average frequency you currently use cannabis? 0 = I do not use cannabis 7 = once a week 1 = less than once a year 8 = twice a week 2 = once a year 9 = 3 – 4 times a week 3 = once every 3-6 months (2-4 times/yr)) 10 = 5 – 6 times a week 4 = once every 2 months (6 times/yr) 11 = once a day 5 = once a month (12 times/yr) 12 = more than once a day 6 = 2 – 3 times a month 4. Which of the following best captures how long you have been using cannabis at this frequency? 1 = less than 1 month 7 = 2 – 3 years 2 = 1 – 3 months 8 = 3 – 5 years 3 = 3 – 6 months 9 = 5 – 10 years 4 = 6 – 9 months 10 = 10 – 15 years 5 = 9 – 12 months 11 = 15 – 20 years 6 = 1 – 2 years 12 = more than 20 years 5. Before the period of time you indicated above, how frequently did you use cannabis? 0 = I did not use cannabis 1 = less than once a year 130 2 = once a year 3 = once every 3-6 months (2-4 times/yr.) 4 = once every 2 months (6 times/yr.) 5 = once a month 6 = 2 – 3 times a month 7 = once a week 8 = twice a week 9 = 3 – 4 times a week 10 = 5 – 6 times a week 11 = once a day 12 = more than once a day 6. How many days of the past week did you use cannabis? 0 = 0 days 4 = 4 days 1 = 1 day 5 = 5 days 2 = 2 days 6 = 6 days 3 = 3 days 7 = 7 days 7. Approximately how many days of the past month did you use cannabis? ____________ 8. Which of the following best captures the number of times you have used cannabis in your entire life? 1 = 1 – 5 times in my life 6 = 501 – 1000 times in my life 2 = 6 – 10 times in my life 7 = 1001 – 2000 times in my life 3 = 11 – 50 times in my life 8 = 2001 – 5000 times in my life 4 = 51 –100 times in my life 9 = 5001 – 10,000 times in my life 5 = 101 – 500 times in my life 10 = More than 10,000 times in my life 9. Which of the following best captures your pattern of cannabis use throughout the week? 0 = I do not use cannabis at all 1 = I only use cannabis on weekends 2 = I only use cannabis on weekdays 3 = I use cannabis on weekends and weekdays 10. How many hours after waking up do you typically first use cannabis? 0 = I do not use cannabis at all 5 = 1 – 3 hours after waking up 1 = 12 – 18 hours after waking up 6 = within 1 hour of waking up 2 = 9 – 12 hours after waking up 7 = within ½ hour of waking up 3 = 6 – 9 hours after waking up 8 = immediately upon waking up 4 = 3 – 6 hours after waking up 11. How many times a day, on a typical weekday, do you use cannabis? ____________ 12. How many times a day, on a typical weekend, do you use cannabis? ____________ 13. What is the primary method you use to ingest cannabis? 0 = I do not use cannabis 1 = Joints 131 2 = Blunts (cigar sized joints) 3 = Hand pipe 4 = Bong (water pipe) 5 = Hookah 6 = Vaporizer (e.g., Volcano, Vape pen) 7 = Edibles 8 = Other _______________________ 14. Which of the following other methods to ingest cannabis do you use regularly (at least 25% of the time use you cannabis)? [Mark all that apply] 0 = None 5 = Hookah 1 = Joints 6 = Vaporizer (e.g., Volcano, Vape pen) 2 = Blunts (cigar sized joints) 7 = Edibles 3 = Hand pipe 8 = Other _______________________ 4 = Bong (water pipe) 15. What is the primary form of cannabis you use? 0 = None**** A = Marijuana*** B = Concentrates (e.g., Oil, Wax, Shatter, Butane Hash Oil, Dabs)** C = Edibles* D = Other____________________ 16. What other forms of cannabis do you use regularly (at least 25% of the time you use cannabis)? [Mark all that apply] 0 = None**** A = Marijuana*** B = Concentrates (e.g., Oil, Wax, Shatter, Butane Hash Oil, Dabs)** C = Edibles* D = Other____________________ ****If response to questions 15 and 16 = 0 (None) then skip to question 29 ***If responses to questions 15 or 16 = A (Marijuana) then answer questions 17-21 **If responses to question 15 or 16 = B (Concentrates) then answer questions 22-26 *If responses to question 15 or 16 = C (Edibles) then answer question 27 Note: If you use more than one form of cannabis then complete all of the associated questions listed above. 132 ***If responses to questions 15 or 16 = A (Marijuana) then answer questions 17-21 below. Please use the image below to refer to various quantities of marijuana. The image is not to scale; the dollar bill is included to help provide size perspective. For questions 17 to 19 below, clearly indicate the number of grams of marijuana you use with a number between 0 – 100. Do NOT include other forms of cannabis you may use (such as concentrates). You may use up to 3 decimals to indicate amounts under 1 gram. Note: 1/8 of a gram = 0.125 grams, ¼ of a gram = 0.25 grams, ½ of a gram = 0.5 grams, ¾ of a gram = 0.75 grams. 1/8 of a ounce = 3.5 grams, ¼ of an ounce = 7 grams, ½ ounce = 14 grams, 1 ounce = 28 grams 17. In a typical session, how much marijuana do you personally use? ______________________ 18. On a typical day you use marijuana, how much do you personally use? _________________ 19. In a typical week you use marijuana, how much marijuana do you personally use? ________ 20. On a typical day you use marijuana, how many sessions do you have? __________________ 133 21. What is the average THC content of the marijuana you typically use? Leave blank if you do not know. 1 = 0 – 4% 5 = 20 – 24% 2 = 5 – 9% 6 = 25 – 30% 3 = 10 – 14% 7 = greater than 30% 4 = 15 – 19% **If response to questions 15 or 16 = B (Concentrates) then answer questions 22-26 below 22. In a typical session you use cannabis concentrates, how many hits do you personally take? __ 23. On a typical day you use cannabis concentrates, how many hits do you personally take? ____ 24. How many hits of cannabis concentrates did you personally take yesterday? _____________ 25. On a typical day you use cannabis concentrates, how many sessions do you have? _________ 26. What is the average THC content of the concentrates you typically use? Leave blank if you do not know. 1 = 0 – 9% 6 = 50 – 59% 2 = 10 – 19% 7 = 60 – 69% 3 = 20 – 29% 8 = 70 – 79% 4 = 30 – 39% 9 = 80 – 90% 5 = 40 – 49% 10 = greater than 90% **If response to questions 15 or 16 = C (Edibles) then answer question 27 below 27. When you eat edibles how many milligrams of THC do you personally ingest in a typical session? ___________ 28. What is your current age? ___________ 29. How many years in total have you used cannabis? ___________ 30. How old were you when you FIRST tried cannabis? ___________ 31. Has there been any time in your life when you used cannabis regularly (2 or more times per month for 6 months or longer)? 0 = No 1 = Yes* *If response = 1 (Yes) then answer questions 31b and 31c below 31b. How old were you when you FIRST STARTED using cannabis regularly (2 or more 134 times/month)? ___________ 31c. Has there been any time in your life when you used cannabis on a daily or near daily basis for 6 months or longer? 0 = No 1 = Yes* *If response = 1 (Yes) then answer question 31ci below 31ci. How old were you when you FIRST STARTED using cannabis on a daily or near daily basis? ___________ 32. Which of the following best captures the average frequency that you used cannabis before the age of 16? 0 = more than once a day 7 = once a month 1 = once a day 8 = once every 2 months (6 times/yr.) 2 = 5 – 6 times a week 9 = once every 3-6 months (2-4 times/yr.) 3 = 3 – 4 times a week 10 = once a year 4 = twice a week 11 = less than once a year 5 = once a week 12 = never 6 = 2 – 3 times a month 33. Do you have a physician’s recommendation to use cannabis for medicinal purposes? 0 = No 1 = Yes* 2 = Yes, but I use it for both medicinal and recreational purposes* *If response = 1 or 2 (Yes) then answer questions 33b and 33c 33b. Which medical condition(s) do you use cannabis for? ________________________________________________________________________ 33c. What percentage of the time do you use cannabis for recreational (rather than medicinal) purposes? ________________ 135 DFAQ-CU Scoring Daily Sessions Items: 20, 25 Frequency Items: 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 Age of Onset Items: 30, 31b, 31ci, 32 Marijuana Quantity Items: 17, 18, 19 Concentrate Quantity Items: 22, 23, 24, Edibles Quantity Item: 27 Note: Standardize (z-transform) scores prior to calculating the mean of each of the 6 factors (daily sessions, frequency, age of onset, marijuana quantity, concentrate quantity, edibles quantity). Screening/Characterization Items: 1, 2b, 4, 5, 13, 14, 15, 16, 21, 26, 28, 29, 31, 31c, 33, 33b, 33c Contact us at: DFAQCU@gmail.com if you would like a Qualtrics version of the DFAQ-CU shared to your Qualtrics account. 136 Demographics and Health Form Participant number: ______________ Which hand do you write with: _______ Age: ____________ What was the first language you spoke: __________ Highest level of education: _________ Do you speak any other languages: _____________ If so, what languages do you speak and at which age did you learn them? __________________________ Biological sex: ___ Have you been diagnosed with any of the following: _______ Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) _______ Dyslexia _______ Other learning disabilities _______ Epilepsy Have you ever sustained a head injury? If so, please describe what happened: ___________________________________________ Are you taking any prescription medications? If so, please describe how and why you use them : _________________________________ _________________________________ 137 Appendix B Tables of Means and Post-Hoc Comparisons This section contains tables showing means for all highest-order cells of the fitted models predicting SPP and N400 amplitude. In addition, tables for post-hoc comparisons between means of all highest-order interactions are included. Note that low and high cannabis use values reported in this section come from estimated means of the most extreme values from our sample on the continuous cannabis frequency variable at values of -.67 and 1.79, respectively. Likewise, low and high disorganized thought values come from estimated means of the most extreme values from our sample on the continuous disorganized thought variable at values of 1.75 and 5, respectively. 138 Table 7 Mean SPP Amplitudes for Each Combination of Fixed Effects 200-0 ms Prior to the Presentation of Final Words in the Sentence-Reading Task Constraint Disorganized Hemisphere Thought Cannabis M SE Frequency High Low Left Low -.84 .37 High Low Left High -.95 1.08 High Low Mid Low -1.62 .37 High Low Mid High -1.39 1.08 High Low Right Low -.62 .37 High Low Right High -1.82 1.08 High High Left Low -.97 .44 High High Left High -.74 .74 High High Mid Low -.55 .44 High High Mid High -.90 .75 High High Right Low -.57 .44 High High Right High .06 .75 Low Low Left Low -.83 .37 Low Low Left High 1.16 1.08 Low Low Mid Low -1.14 .37 Low Low Mid High .58 1.08 Low Low Right Low -.32 .37 Low Low Right High .04 1.08 139 Low High Left Low -.26 .44 Low High Left High -1.76 .75 Low High Mid Low .43 .44 Low High Mid High -1.97 .75 Low High Right Low -.08 .44 Low High Right High -.58 .75 NS Low Left Low -.79 .42 NS Low Left High .87 1.21 NS Low Mid Low -.73 .42 NS Low Mid High 1.16 1.21 NS Low Right Low .27 .42 NS Low Right High 1.88 1.21 NS High Left Low -.74 .49 NS High Left High -1.02 .83 NS High Mid Low -.54 .49 NS High Mid High -2.61 .83 NS High Right Low -.63 .49 NS High Right High -1.34 .83 140 Table 8 Comparisons of SPP Amplitudes for High Constraint, Low Constraint, and Non-Semantic Sentences Across Levels of High and Low Disorganized Thought and Cannabis Use Disorganized Cannabis Contrast ΔM SE df t-ratio p-value Thought Use Low Low HC-LC -.27 .15 28401 1.78 .18 Low Low HC-NS -.61 .20 1887 3.03 .007** Low Low LC-NS -.35 .20 1887 1.71 .20 Low High HC-LC -1.98 .43 28713 4.58 < .001*** Low High HC-NS -2.69 .54 23542 5.02 < .001*** Low High LC-NS -.71 .54 23542 1.33 .38 High Low HC-LC -.73 .18 28711 4.15 < .001*** High Low HC-NS -.06 .23 3195 .29 .96 High Low LC-NS .67 .23 3195 2.87 .01 High High HC-LC .91 .30 28601 3.04 .007** High High HC-NS 1.13 .37 13555 3.03 .007** High High LC-NS .23 .37 13555 .60 .82 Note. HC = High Constraint, LC = Low Constraint, NS = Non-Semantic. ***p < .001, ** p < .01, * p < .05. Tukey’s method used for correction of multiple comparisons. Table 9 Mean N400 Amplitudes for Each Combination of Fixed Effects 300-500 ms After the Presentation of Final Words in the Sentence-Reading Task 141 Constraint Disorganized Congruency Thought Cannabis M SE Frequency High Low Congruent Low .16 1.05 High Low Congruent High 3.31 3.04 High Low Incongruent Low -2.23 1.05 High Low Incongruent High -1.80 3.04 High High Congruent Low 3.16 1.24 High High Congruent High 1.11 2.09 High High Incongruent Low 1.42 1.24 High High Incongruent High .30 2.09 Low Low Congruent Low -2.15 1.05 Low Low Congruent High 4.33 3.04 Low Low Incongruent Low -.79 1.05 Low Low Incongruent High -6.06 3.04 Low High Congruent Low .77 1.24 Low High Congruent High -1.75 2.09 Low High Incongruent Low .59 1.24 Low High Incongruent High -.57 2.09 Table 10 Post-Hoc Comparisons For Congruency x Constraint Interaction of N400 Amplitudes at Electrode Pz. Contrast ΔM SE df t-ratio p-value 142 HCC - LCC 1.96 .526 2376 3.73 .001** HCC – HCI 2.28 .537 674 4.25 <.001*** HCC – LCI 2.82 .537 674 5.26 <.001*** HCI – LCC .32 .537 674 .58 .93 HCI – LCI .54 .526 2376 1.02 .74 LCC - LCI .86 .537 674 1.60 .38 Note. ***p < .001, ** p < .01, * p < .05. HCC = High Constraint Congruent, HCI = High Constraint Incongruent, LCC = Low Constraint Congruent, LCI = Low Constraint Incongruent. Tukey’s method used for correction of multiple comparisons. Table 11 Post-Hoc Comparisons For Congruency x Cannabis Frequency Interaction of N400 Amplitudes at Electrode Pz. Contrast ΔM SE df t-ratio p-value HC – HI 3.59 .91 2170.0 3.94 < .001*** HC – LC 1.09 1.18 20.1 .92 .80 HC – LI 1.84 1.14 17.3 1.61 .40 HI – LC 2.50 1.14 17.3 2.19 .16 HI – LI 1.75 1.18 20.1 1.48 .47 LC - LI .75 .49 503.8 1.52 .43 Note. ***p < .001, ** p < .01, * p < .05. HC = High Cannabis Use Congruent, HI = High Cannabis Use Incongruent, LC = Low Cannabis Use Congruent, LI = Low Cannabis Use Incongruent. Tukey’s method used for correction of multiple comparisons.