GYETIM GAN: FACES IN THE FOREST

by
Michael D. Blackstock
B.S.F., The University of British Columbia, 1985

THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
Ill

FIRST NATIONS STUDIES

©Michael Blackstock, 1996
THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA
September, 1996
All rights reserved. This work may not be
reproduced in whole or in part, photocopy or other means,
without the permission of the author.

Abstract
Something stirred in me the moment I saw my first Gyetim Gan (face carved in a
tree). I learned that the aesthetic beauty and spiritual power of tree art is greatly enhanced
by the forest context. That face in the forest is so anonymous and humble, so distant from
gallery walls and so hidden from the view of the colonizer. Tree art is a mystery to most
people, even though it has existed for centuries. Explorers, ethnographers, archaeologists,
and forestry professionals have traversed a landscape where tree art was unimagined, and
consequently it remained unseen. On the other hand, some First Nations Elders are keenly
aware of tree art and its meaning. The theme of this thesis is our common journey across
the First Nations landscape, stopping along the way to listen to local Elders discuss the tree
carvings and paintings as markers of their history and culture. The journey has four stages:
introduction and planning in Chapter One; having new eyes to interpret the intended
meaning of tree art and the First Nations landscape in Chapter Two; travelling in Chapter
Three; and reflecting on the journey around a campfire in Chapter Four. I conclude our
journey at the campfire because it is a place of common experience for most cultures to tell
stories, reflect on the journey, and ponder the future. I guide the journey from a First
Nations perspective, and I provide complementary Western academic concepts to add depth
and texture to the journey. I call upon adaawk (a Git~san term for oral history and stories)
from the Git~san, Tsimshian and Carrier people to provide the cultural and spiritual
context.
Campfire reflections at journeys' end will examine questions such as: what are the
purposes of tree art?; who is the audience?; why has tree art been so invisible to the
colonizer?; how can tree art be protected?; and why were faces a common image carved in
trees? I hope that readers will learn to appreciate tree art for its beauty and power and
reflect on why the First Nations artists created these sacred markers.

iii

Table of Contents
ABSTRACT ....... . ................................. . ......... . ........................... . .......... III
TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................... IV
LIST OF FIGURES .. . .................... . . . .. . ............... . ..................... .. .. . . . . . .... .VI
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . .... . ..... . . . .. .. . . . . ... . .......... . .................... . ... . ......... VIII
CHAPTER ONE: THE LONG WAY AROUND IS CLOSER TO HOME ................... 1
TERwNOLOGY AND D EFINITIONS . . ... .. . . . ... ... . . ... ....... . ....... ......... . . .. . .. . .. . . . .. . ..... . . . . . ........ .. . .. ... . . . ..... 12

CHAPTER TWO: PREPARING FOR THE JOURNE¥....................................... 15
P REPARATION O NE: A DISCUSSION ON INTERPRETING FIRST N ATIONS ART .. . .. ... ... .. . . .... . . . . ... . .. . ... .. . . . . .. 16

Postmodern and First Nations Artistic Perspectives on First Nations Art .... ................... .. ............ ... 17
Interpreting First Nations Art as a Visual Communication System .......... ................................ ...... 21
P REPARATION Two: A REVIEW OF A CADEMIC KNOWLEDGE OF TREE ART AND RELATED FIRST N ATIONS
ART F ORMS ............ . ... ... . . ... . . . . .. . ....... . ........ .. .. . ..... .. .... . .... . . . . . . ....... . ...... . .......... .. ........ . . .. . . . . ... . .. .. 27
The Written Record on Tree Carvings and Paintings ............... ................ .. ... ..................... .......... 27
Art Forms Manifested from Tree Spirits ... ....... ...... .... .. ..... ...... ........ .......... ............................... .39
P REPARATION THREE: THE S ACRED TREE .............. .... ... ......... ....... .. ... ····· ..... .... ........... ..... . ······... ... 43
Spirit of Trees ............................ ............................... .. ............................. ........ .. ... ............. .46
The Sustainer of Life .... ............................. .... ... ....... .. ....... ................ ................................... .50
Supernatural Tree ........... ... ....... .......................................... ............ .... ............ .. .................... 57
PREPARATIONS C OMPLETED.. . ........ .. .......... .... ......... . .. . .... . ............ . ................ .. ........... . .. .. ...... . .... 72

CHAPTER THREE:

THE JOURNEY.................... . ......................................7 3

LoWER MAINLAND ..... .. ... .... . ..... . ..... .. ......... . ........................ . ..... . ..... .. .... .. ..................... .. ......... 74
George ................. ... ..... .............................. ...................... .. .......... ..._................. ..... ..... . ....... 74
Discovery Passage and Phillips River ........... ............ ... ........ .. ... . ............................................. .81
HAZELTON .. . .. .. . . . ...... . . . .......... . ..... . .... .. . . ... . . . ... . . . . . . . ..... .. ..... . ... . . .. .. . . .. . . . .. .. . . .. ... ..... . .. . . . . ......... .. .. 'i57
Art Wilson 's Tree Carving .......................... ................. ................................................ .......... 87
Tree Painting on Gee/'s Territory .... ........ ............................... ... ..... ......... ................... ............. 91
Anspayaxw - Kuldo Trail Tree Carvings ......... .......... ........... .... ............................. .. ... .. ............. 93
Deadhorse Lake...... .. ......... .... .. . _............. . ................ . ....... ..... . . . ... .. .. ... ... .. .. ... ....... . .............. 94
Deep Canoe Creek . . ........... . .... .. . ... ..... .. ... .. ... . ........... .... . .. .. . ........ . .. .. ... ... ... ....... ........ ..... .. .... 94
Kuldo Roadside .......... . . . .... ... ... ... .. ...... ..... . .... .. . ...... ...... . .. ....... ...... .. ... . .. ... . ............... ..... .. . . 103

Giqsan Compensation Tree Carving ...... ....................................... ..... ....... ........ ... .... ............ . 105
Wiiminoosik Lake Tree Carving ........ ..................... ......... ..... ............ .. ... .. ............. ............. ... 108
"Chinese-like " Symbol Tree ........ ............... .......... .... ....................... .. .............. ..................... 11 0
FRASER LAKE .. . . . .... . . . .. . ......... .. .. . ... . . . .. .. . . ..... .. . . . .. . .. ..... . .. .. . ...... . . ........ . . .. .. . . . .. .. . . ... . .. . . . . .... . . . . . . .. 11 2

Hallett Lake ....... ... .... ................. .......... .... ............ .. ....... .... ...... .... ..................... . ............... . 112
The Lynx ...... ..... ..... ...... ............ ........ ..... ......... ... .... ... ..... ....... ....... ....... ... ...... .. ........... .... 120
Klez Lake .... .... ....................... .......... ............ .................... .. ..... ............... ........ ........... ... ... . 126

Tv11BLER RIDGE. . . ....... .. .. .... .. .. . ... .. . .. .. ....... ..... . ........... . . .. .... ....... ..... . .. .......... . .. ... . ... ..... ..... ...... 128
Y UKON .. .. .................. .. ..... . ............... .. ...... .. . .. ..... ...... ..... .. ....... . ....... .. .. ........... ............. . . .... . .. 129

Kholkux Tree Carvings ............ ...... .................. ............. .... .............................. ................ .... 129
Other Images of the Yukon .......... ................. ...................................................................... . 137
MANITOBA KAPUCI-IT HAGAN .. . ..... .. ... .... ....... .. ... .. .. .... ...... .. .... . ........ . ........ ... . ........ . .. ................ . . 137

iv

CHAPTER FOUR: CAMPFIRE REFLECTIONS ON THE JOURNEY .. . . . . . .... . ...... l40
R EFLECTIONS ON THE ELDERS' C OMMENTARY ............. . .. . ..... . ....... . ..... . .. .. . . ................ . .. . .. .... . ..... . 142
A C URIOUS Q UESTION .... . ....... . ................................ . ................ . .. . .... . ...... . .. . .................... .. .... . 146
THE SECOND J OURNEY .. . . ...... . .................................. . ..... . .... .... .... .... . ................ .. . . .............. . .... 154

1) Recognition and Celebration ........... ....... ...... .. ................... ..... ... .. ....... , ....... ...... ..... .. ..... .. ... 155
2) Protection and Maintenance ..... ... .... ........ .. .. .. ........................... ...... ...... ..... .. ....... ............... 156
3) Enhancement and Enrichment ......... .. ..... ... .... .......... .... ................. ...... ............ .... .............. . 158
A N ARTIST'S R EFLECTIONS ON TREE A RT .. ... . . ...... . . .. ..... .. . .... . .. . .. .. . . ...... . . . ... . . .. ... . . ....... . .. . ... . .. .. ... . . 158

REFERENCES .............................................................................. . ..... 162

v

List of Figures
FIGURE 1.1 : CHIEF GEEL, WALTER HARRIS, HOLDING AN EXAMPLE OF A GITXSAN
ARBOROGRAPH.
C
D
FIGURE 1.2: GITXSAN ARBOROGLYPH NEAR DEEP CANOE CREEK
E
FIGURE 2.1(A): GITXSAN BARK HARVESTING SCAR ON A HEl'vfLOCK 1REE.
F
FIGURE 2.1(B): CARRIER BARK HARVESTING SCAR ON A LODGEPOLE PINE TREE.
G
FIGURE 2.2 BARK CHIP SCAR ON A DOUGLAS-FIR TREE, ffiNDER ISLAND.
FIGURE 2.3(A): OJIBWAY FIGURES DRAWN ON JACK PINE 1REES.
H
FIGURE 2.39(B): MICMAC MAP DRAWN ON A TREE.
FIGURE 2.4: TEIT' S ( 1906, 283) FIG. 98 OF A LILLOEf CARVING OF A HUMAN ON 1HE BARK OF
A TREE.
I
FIGURE 2.5(A): TEIT' S ( 1909, 591) IMAGE OF A SHUSWAP CARVING ON A COTIONWOOD
1REE.
J
FIGURE 2.5(B ): TEIT' S ( 1909, 789) FIG. 281 OF CHILCOTIN CARVINGS ON 1REES IN ANAHEM
LAKE. LFFT: HEIGHf ABOUf 160 CM RIGHf: HEIGHf ABOUf 60 CM.
J
FIGURE 2.6: TEIT'S (1973, 288) FIGURE 25 SHOWING OKANAGAN IMAGES INCISED IN 1HE
BARK OF 1REES: A) GIRL, B) MAN, C) PERHAPS RIBS, D) WOMAN, E) PERHAPS AN
ANIMAL, F) PERHAPS A WOMAN'S CAP.
K
FIGURE 2.7: MORICE'S (1893)FIG. 197 SHOWING IMAGES DRAWN ON1REES WTIH
CHARCOAL OR STONE.
L
FIGURE 2.8: HARLAND l SMITH'S PHOTOGRAPH (1920) OF EYES AND MOUTH CARVED IN A
1REE, SOUTH OF BELLA COOLA, WHICH HAS SINCE BEEN cur (MCCJCMC PHOTO. NO.
50151 ).
M
FIGURE 2.9: HARLAND l SMITlf S PHOTOGRAPH (1926) OF A HUMAN FACE CARVED ON 1HE
1RUNK OF A 1REEABOUfTWO MILES SOUTH OF THE SKEENA RIVER AND KITWANGA
(MCC/CMC PHOTO. NO. 68485).
N
P
FIGURE 3.1: GEORGE, A CARVING ON A HOP POLE, SARDIS, BC.
FIGURE 3.2: NATIVE HOP PICKERS, CHILLlWACK BC (CHILLIWACK ARCHIVES: PHOTO. NO.
3564).
Q
FIGURE 3.3: FIRST NATION'S WOMAN, HOP PICKING ON 1HE HULBERT FARM (COURTESY OF
TIIECOQUALEETZA CUL1URALEDUCATION CEN1RE).
R
FIGURE 3.4(A): CARVING OF A FACE ON A 1REE ALONG 1HE PHILLIPS RIVER TAKEN IN 1973
(COURTESY OFT. DIXON).
FIGURE3.4(B): SURVEY TAG SCAR ON AN ASPEN 1REE, TlJ1vfBLER RIDGE.
S
FIGURE 3.5: SCAR ON A CEDAR 1REE ALONG DISCOVERY CHANNEL.
T
FIGURE 3.6: ART WILSON LOOKING AT HIS CARVING OF A FACE ON A HEMLOCK 1REE AT THE
SAM GREFNE BLOCKADE CAMP.
U
V
FIGURE 3.7: ART WILSON'S 1REE CARVING IN 1HE INTENDED VIEWING CONTEXT.
FIGURE3 .S: SAM GREENE BLOCKADE CAMP.
W
FIGURE 3.9: GEEL' S ARBOROGRAPH IN SITU (COURTESY OF M ELDRIDGE).
X
FIGURE 3. 10: DEADHORSE LAKE CAMP.
Y
FIGURE 3. 11 : INITIALS IN TREE AT DEADHORSE LAKE.
Z
FIGURE 3. 12: TREE CARVINGS OF FACES AT 1HE DEADHOR SE Lt\KE CAlviP. TWO IN
FOREGROUND AND ONE BEHIND AUTHOR ON A SEPARATE TREE.
AA.
FIGURE 3.13 : KINDLING 1REE AT DEEP CANOE SITE NOTE HOW KINDLING FOR A FIRE WAS
CHIPPED OFF 1HE DRY STANDING TRH!.
BB
FIGURE 3.14: AN SPAYPu'I..W - KULDO 1RAIL SHOWING CHA.RLENE LEVIS STANDING ON THE
TRAIL, WHICH IS UP TO 30 CM DEEP IN PLACES.
CC
FIGURE 3. 15: OLD STUMP 1RAP ALONG 1HE ANSPAYA:'\.W - KULDO TRAIL. DARLENE VEIGH IS
POINTING TO 1HE 1RAP EN1RANCE
DD
FIGURE 3. 16: OLD TELEGRAPH CABIN ALONG ANSPA Y/\_XW · KULDO TRJ\.IL. NEAR DEEP
CANOE CREEK
EE
FIGUR E 3.17: DARLENE VEIGH STANDING BESIDE TREE CARVING AT DEEP CANOE SITE
ALONGTHEAN SPAY/\ XW - K ULDOTRAIL.
FF
FIGURE3. 1S: TAP EivfEASURE IS SHOWING A 10 CM DEPRESSION OF OLD CARVING BENEATH
RECARVED Ilv1A.GE ON SCAR.
GG

vi

FIGURE 3 .19: POWERFUL ARBOROGLYFH CARVED IN HEMLOCK 1REE AT TilE DFEP CANOE
SITE.
HI-I
FIGURE 3 .20: DARLENE VEIGH STANDING BESIDE "TOTEM-LIKE" 1REE CARVING AT DEEP
CANOE SITE.
II
FIGURE 3.2l:GITXSAN ELDER, SOPHIA MOWATT, AGE 95.
JJ
FIGURE 3.22: CARVED FACE VERY CLOSE TO GYETIM GAN IN FIGURE 3.19.
KK
FIGURE 3.23: VERY OLD CARVING OF FACE SIMILAR TO PHOTOGRAPH TAKEN BY HARLAND L
Slvfi'IH (FIGURE 2.8). DEEP CANOE SITE.
LL
FIGURE 3.24: 1REE CARVING WITH SCAR GROWN OVFR ONE EYE AT DFEP CANOE SITE.
MM
FIGURE 3.25: TREE CARVING ALONG ROADSIDE NORTH OF KULDO CREEK
NN
FIGURE 3.26: GITXSAN TREE CARVING OVERLOOKING THE KULDO FOREST ROAD, JUNE,
1995.
00
FIGURE 3.27: KULDO ROADSIDE CARVING, OCTOBER, 1995.
00
FIGURE 3.28: CROSS ABOVE ·THE FACE OF TilE CARVING IN FIGURE 3.26.
PP
FIGURE 3.29: CHARLENE LEVIS MOVING BRUSH AWAY FROM TilE GYETIM GAN. IT IS
ALMOST CO:MFLETELY OVERGROWN WTIHA SCAR
QQ
FIGURE 3.30: WJIMINOOSIK LAKE GYETIM GAN, NEW AND OLD.
RR
FIGURE 3.31: CARRIER TREE CARVING AT HAll.EIT LAKE.
SS
FIGURE 3.32(A): HALLE'ITLAKE CARVING SHOWN IN THE INTENDED VIEWING CONTEXT. TT
FIGURE 3.32(B): NICK PRINCE, CARRIER ELDER AND HISTORIAN.
W
FIGURE 3.33: MORICE'S (1893, 96) DRAWING OF A CARRIER DEADFALL TRAP FOR LYNX. VV
FIGURE 3.34: CARRIER ARBOROSCRIPT TREE NEAR KLEZ LAKE.
WW
FIGURE 3.35: CARRIER SYI.LABICS ON KLEZ LAKE 1REE.
XX
FIGURE 3.36: GITXSAN ARBOROSCRIPT AT TilE DEEP CANOE SITE.
YY
FIGURE 3.37: PEN & INK REPRODUCTION OF A PHOTOGRAPH OF TilE 1REE CARVING AT
TUMBI.ERRIDGE(GG RG-1).
72
FIGURE 3.38: TUMBLER RIDGE SITE SHOWING CAMPSITE AND BRIDGE LOCATION WHERE THE
TREE CARVING WAS REPORTED.
AAA
FIGURE 3,39: ROUGHLY CARVED FACE ON A SNAG VERY NEAR TilE 1UMBLER RIDGE SITE,
BC. IT MAY OR MAY NOT BE OF FIRST NATION'S ORIGIN.
BBB
FIGURE 3.40: TLINGIT TREE CARVING SHOWN AFTER IT WAS CUT FROM 1HE 1REE NEAR
FREDERICK LAKE, YUKON (COURTESY OF SARAH GAUNT PER TilE CHAMPAGNE AND
AISHIHIK FIRST NATION).
CCC
FIGURE 3.41 : FREDERICK LAKE TLINGIT TREE CARVING SHOWN IN TilE KLUANE
INTERPRETATION CENIRE.
DDD
FIGURE 3.42: TLINGIT TREE CARVING AT BLANSHARD RIVER IN 1944 (PHOTOGRAPH BY
CONRAD HUG. FROM 1HE DELLA MURRAY BANKS COLLECTION. COUR1ESY OF JANEf
R. KLEIN).
EEE
FIGURE 3.43: 1LINGIT TREE CARVING IN TilE IN1ENDED VIEWING CONTEXT AT BLANSHARD
RIVER IN 1944 (PHOTOGRAPH BY CONRAD HUG. FROM TilE DELLA MURRAY BANKS
COLLECTION. COURTESY OF JANEf R. KLEIN).
FFF
FIGURE 3.44: BU\NSHARD RIVER TREE CARVING IN 1950'S, IN A MODIFIED VIEWING
CONTEXT (COURTESTY OF THE YUKON ARCHIVES, PHOTO. NO. 783).
GGG
FIGURE 3.45: TSIMSHIAN CHIEf LEGAIX' SROCK PAINTING (COURTESY MCC/CMC PHOTO NO.
64381).
HHH
FIGURE 3.46(A): TREE CARVING NEAR MARSH LI\KE, YUKON.
III
FIGURE 3.46(B): JOE HllviMELSPACH STANDING BESIDE MARSH U\KE CARVING IN THE
INI'B'IDED VIEWING CONTEXT.
JJJ
FIGURE 3.47: TREE CARVING IN 1HE 'r1JKON (COURTESY OF SARAH GAUNT, PER TilE
CHAlvlPAGNE AND AISHIHIK FIRST NATION).
KKK
FIGURE 3.48: ROUGH TREE CARVING IN YUKON (COURTESY OF SARAH GAUNT, PER TilE
CHAMPAGNE AND AISHIHIK FIRST NATION).
lll
FIGURE 3.49: TREE CARVING OFFERING SITE ALONG THE CHURHILL RIVER, tvLA.NITOBA
<COURTESY OF DAVID RIDDLE)
tv!Jvflvl

vii

Acknowledgements
My sincere acknowledgments not only express my thanks to the many people who
helped me along my learning journey, but they also symbolize the nature of the research. I
found examples of tree art and the Elders who knew of their meaning with the assistance of
people who could point the way. It would have been an impossible task without their
guidance to locate these profound art forms in the forests of British Columbia and the
Yukon. I have divided my acknowledgments into two sections. The first section list the
people who helped me research tree art, and the second lists people who helped me write
this thesis. But first I would like to give special thanks to my family: Charlene and David,
Mom and Dad, Sheila and Cindy, Joan and Dave, Jacqui and Gordon, Walter and Sadie,
Thelma and Bob, and Joey. Their love, support and guidance is so helpful and very much
appreciated. Dr. Antonia Mills was my guide and mentor for my learning journey. Her
quiet and powerful wisdom helped me see with new eyes, with a sacred gaze, the wonders
of First Nations culture and epistemology.

Research
Charlene Levis, Joey Hirnmelspach, Gordon Harper, Del Blackstock, Don Ryan, Antonia
Mills, Nick Prince, Richard Daly, George F. MacDo\}ald, Sarah Gaunt, Ron Chambers,
Frederica De Laguna, Janet R. Klien, Frank Malloway, Thelma Blackstock, Doreen
Jensen, Mike McFadden, Willie Smarch, Larry Fault, John Thiessen, W. Warn, Morley
Eldridge, Craig Hooper, Bill Poser, Art Wilson, Walter Blackwater, Walter Harris,
Darlene Veigh, Neil John Sterritt, Stewart Ray, Thor Peterson, Jack Foster, Bob Pollard,
Terry Dixon, Sophia Mowatt, Norma Mowatt, Russell Collier, Norm Larson, Mike
Murtha, David Riddle, Joan Levis, Mike Wyeth, Gail Fondahl, Margret Gagnon, and
Sophie Thomas.
The research was partially funded by the Bill Reid Award Foundation.

Writing
Antonia Mills, Jean Wilson, Jim McDonald and Charlene Levis.

viii

Chapter One: The Long Way Around is Closer to
Home

Hello, I would like to guide you, the reader, along the path of my learning journey.
During the summer of 1995 I set out to learn about carvings and paintings created on living
trees by First Nations people. I am mindful of a story told to me by Nick Prince, a Carrier
writer and Elder as I embark on explaining what I learned.

Jimmy Burton and I went up north there, it was cold. We snowshoed all day, we
wanted to get to this cabin. And we had to go around this big swamp about four or
five miles long, in the pine valley it was swamp, all of it. There was a space in
between and we crossed that, and the cabin is way down that end you know.
Geez, I wonder if we can just go across there you know. There's a place where
there was a hole there [in the ice], it was melted you know. We go far enough
around, he was doing all right ahead of me you know. I was walking about four
feet from his trail. God dammed! I went down [through the ice]. Geez, son-of-abitch anyway. I was packing heavy too you know. He came, I said 'Don't get too
close'. I said 'Just go and get a pole'. It was about only a hundred yards from the
bush. In the meantime I took my snowshoes off, I had to reach down and that stuff
was warm. I untied my snowshoes, and leave that there. He got me out. And we
went in the bush and made a shelter, and camp there all night. I changed my
clothes, and it stink. 'Well' he says 'we learned a lesson, we got to listen to the old
people' [Nick laughs]. Yeah, they used to say 'the long way around is closer to
home.' That's a saying of the old people, they used to say that you know. Yeah,
there is a lot of things that we learn. Everyday was a learning process. We didn't
just go out there to trap, we went out there to learn. They were always teaching
(Nick Prince, personal communication, November 6, 1995).
Nick said he had learned an important lesson that day when he took a short cut
across the swamp and fell through the ice. The Elders taught him in his youth that "the
long way around is closer to home." 1 Conscious of this advice, I avoid short cuts when
describing and assigning possible meaning to tree carvings and paintings encountered on
our journey. My role as your guide is to avoid presenting meaning without knowing. In

1

'"We would have gotten here sooner,' said the Lone Ranger, ' but Coyote knew a short cut'" (King, 1994,
382).

1

other words, I must choose a path for our journey that avoids the swamp's thin ice, or else
I may muddy the waters of First Nations history. Many Elders have said they would "only
tell me what they knew," nothing more. They were not comfortable in guessing or telling
me second hand knowledge. The Elders respect their history. The Elders were also
reluctant to discuss other cultures, out of respect for the different lived experiences of their
neighbours. I will respect this wisdom by identifying the cultural perspective of people
who have shared their knowledge with me, because their perspective may be quite different
in some cases from other cultures.

My journey to learn about tree carvings and paintings was inspired by two events
that occurred in 1994. My first inspiration occurred in the summer of 1994 while reading a
paper by George F. MacDonald (1993 , 78). He discussed Gitxsan territories, significant
bridges, and main trading trails. He noted, "Trails and property boundaries were marked
with clan carvings on trees ..." I had never heard of carvings on trees before that moment.
It was a natural curiosity for me since I am a professional forester and I am a Gitxsan artist.

Later on that fall I asked my uncle, Walter Harris (Chief Geel), if he had heard of tree
carvings. Walter is a gifted master carver. He told me that a forestry crew found a blazed
tree on his territory a few years ago with a human form painted on the blaze. We walked
over to his studio workshop and he showed me the painting that had been cut out of the tree
(see Figure 1.1). I was fascinated. I had heard of petroglyphs and pictographs on rocks,
but I had never heard of tree carvings and paintings. Why hadn' t I heard of tree carvings?
This question was as equally intriguing as the tree images themselves. I decided at that
moment to study tree carvings for my master's thesis.

I am influenced by the Elders ' advice to avoid short cuts in developing an
understanding of tree art and to respect their history. Additionally, my first discovery of a
carved face in the forest (Figure 1.2) stirred a sense of responsibility in me because I felt a

2

strong spiritual power guiding me. The glance and gesture sculpted on the old hemlock
tree, created a face that stared at me down the old Gitxsan trail, from another era. The
glance stopped me dead in my tracks. I had never felt this power before, and there was no
doubt in my mind that I was looking at a living spirit. I felt excited by the opportunity to
learn more, and simultaneously, I felt the burden of responsibility associated with this
encounter. For I knew I must treat this gift with respect, especially because only a few tree
carvings and paintings have escaped the effects of industrial development. Some of these
old and wondrous creations still lay hidden in inaccessible pockets of the landscape.
Consequently, there is a paucity of knowledge regarding carvings and paintings on trees.
Only a few Elders can now recall the meaning and history of tree art. Investigation into the
history, meaning and significance of tree art will ensure that First Nations people can pass
on this important history about their land and art to the next generation.

My ensuing journey to find and learn about tree carvings and paintings was rich
with spiritual and cultural experiences. Rather than presenting only the ethnographic data
from my research, I have decided to guide you, as I retrace the path of my journey because
the journey itself was as important as the results. 2 The journey has four stages:
introduction and planning in Chapter One; having new eyes to interpret the intended
meaning of tree art and the First Nations landscape in Chapter Two; travelling in Chapter
Three; and reflecting on the journey around a campfire in Chapter Four. I tell my story
from a First Nations perspective, and I provide complementary Western academic concepts
to add depth and texture to the journey. I made this decision based on a discussion I had
with Nick Prince. I asked Nick to explain how he chose a style when he wrote his
manuscript on the history of Carrier people. He said:
There is always a story, it is the Indian way of telling things. They don't just say
'Oh, I met so-and-so over there,' they tell a story. It sticks with you that way.
2

"Alberta's father was a great believer in dreams ... 'It's all forest right up until you get to the mountains .... '
' What do you do, Dad?'
'Why, hell, you walk. That's half the doing, the walking"' (King, 1994, 255).

3

However, I do not expect you to have the same experience through the story, but rather
to share a sense of the journey. I also use oral history stories throughout the journey to
reinforce First Nations perspectives.

My hope is to achieve a balanced writing style similar to those of Hugh Brody and
Greg Sarris which appeals to the curious and contributes to reaffirming First Nations
history and world views. Hugh Brody (1988, xxiii) describes his book Maps and Dreams
as follows:

It is a book of anecdotes as well as a research report, its structure being the result of
an attempt to meet two different needs. The problem is one of audience; or an
awkward tension between a wish to maintain a sense of universal concern without
losing a feeling for a particular place. For writings that grow out of resistance to
colonialism, this problem can be overwhelming. There is a need for scientific
detail, evidence that must stand the test of scrutiny ...
Greg Sarris ( 1994, 3) reflected in his book Mabel Mckay: Weaving the Dream , "I kept
wondering how I was going to write about Mabel 's life." Mabel ' s advice to him after he
told her of his quandary was as follows (Sarris, 1994, 5):
'I don't know about no theme.'
I squirmed in my seat. Her hands didn't move. 'A theme is a point that connects
all the dots, ties up all the stories ... '
' That' s funny. Tying up all the stories. Why somebody want to do that?'
'When you write a book there has to be a story or idea, a theme ... '
'Well, theme I don't know anything about. That's somebody else's rule. Just do
the best way you know how. What you know from me.'
The theme of this thesis is our common journey across the First Nations landscape,
stopping along the way to listen to local Elders discuss the tree carvings and paintings as
markers of their history and culture. I define the First Nations landscape as the physical
and spiritual context of tree art: the physical and spiritual are at times one and at others are
worlds apart. We will be traveling along old trading and trapping trails which wind
through old growth forests. The destination of this journey is a place of shared experience
and knowledge regarding tree carvings and paintings.

4

As your guide, I choose to start the journey from the same point Edward Said
(1978, 25) started his book, Orientalism. He emphasized how important it was for him to
provide the reader with a cultural inventory of himself, as the "Oriental" author of
Orientalism, before he entered into his critical elaboration of how Western historical

traditions portrayed the "Orient." He wanted to clearly establish his cultural perspective for
the reader, and thus the reader could interpret Said's writing mindful of his perspective.
Said's critique made an impression upon my own mixture of academic and First Nations
philosophy. Therefore, I would like to provide you with a cultural inventory of myself
before I discuss my perspective or how I choose to interpret and communicate my study of
First Nations tree art.

I am a graduate student in First Nations Studies at the University of Northern
British Columbia, and a. professional forester. I am a status Indian with the Gitannmax
band in Hazelton, BC, and I sit as a guest of the Fireweed clan, Killer Whale House, at
feasts. I am married and have a young son. I was born in 1961 in Smithers, BC. My
father is Gitxsan and Scottish, and my mother is of Eastern European descent. I have two
younger sisters. I spent my childhood years growing up in small communities in British
Columbia like Telkwa, Topley, Bella Coola, Lowerpost and Summit Lake. I spent many
hours playing in the local bush, berry picking, camping, fishing and hunting. My parents
taught me to respect and enjoy nature because they grew up with nature in very small
villages in northern British Columbia.

I began exploring my native heritage through art in 1986. I am a self taught artist; I
like to express myself through painting, pen and ink, and photography. I have produced
nine limited edition prints, and original works. I firmly believe that the spirit of my art has .
always been with me, and that it comes from my First Nations heritage. My spirit is
attached to Earth Mother and I draw great inspiration from her. For example, I always take

the time to appreciate the plants, animals, light patterns, water movements, and to listen to
the Earth's messages when I am hiking. I also believe that First Nations culture is strong
and it has survived despite the oppressive effects of colonialism. On the other hand, I do
not believe that the culture can take the form it had prior to the influences of the European
cultures. I have found a way to feel comfortable in the Western culture and in the Gitxsan
culture.

I refer to my perspective as "ego-edgism" which I define as "a personal perspective
or world view, in which ones' ego is equal, but different among others." Ego-edgism
describes a conceptual model I developed to ensure that I present a balance between First
Nations and academic ways of knowing. My ego is not central to this thesis: my ego is on
the edge as I guide the reader to listen to Elders as local experts share their knowledge of
tree art. Ego-edgism can be visualized by thinking of a group of people from First Nations
and non First Nations cultures sitting around the edge of a circle sharing knowledge as
respected equals. As the guide I have invited them to a forum for discussion and my ego
can only influence the discussion to the degree that any other can. As we look at tree art,
for example, from a variety of First Nations perspectives, I encourage you to explore your
own views, and then to support others' perspectives as being equally valid. Ego-edgism is
not focused on deconstructing the centric qualities of Western Academia, but rather it is a
forum for sharing knowledge - a two way exchange ..

As anthropology matured, its modern day critics such as the postmodern author
Edward Said (1978, 160) warned Western anthropologists and historians against studying
for the sole benefit of European society .
... in a one-way exchange of knowledge: as they spoke and behaved, he observed
and wrote down. His power was to have existed amongst them as a native speaker,
as it were, and also as a secret writer. And what he wrote was intended as useful
knowledge, not for them, but for Europe and its various disseminative institutions.

6

Said's two-way exchange of the philosophy of knowledge greatly influenced how I
approached my study of tree art.

The Western scientific method has taught me to reduce the realm of possible truths
to a probable truth, to hypothesize, analyze and conclude. Valdes (1992) suggests that
multiple truths can exist simultaneously, which is a base precept of postmodem thought
and of my ego-edgism perspective. I find this suggestion useful in attempting to present a
First Nations perspective, because I believe there are many perspectives. In this early stage
of developing knowledge about tree art I want to expand, rather than reduce, the realm of
possible meanings because it will reflect the richness of First Nations culture. In the end, I
know it will be my people who will judge whether my study is a shared endeavour for the
benefit of First Nations and non-First Nations people.

I want to present a truthful perspective in respect for First Nations history and
culture. 3 Valdes (1992, 17) describes truth, from a postmodem perspective, as
"statements that purport to be true, that is, claim to stand independent of the maker of the
statement." He emphasizes that truth is judged based on:
... our concept of how things are in the world as a valid representation; more often
than not, most of us suspend judgment or give the maker the benefit of the doubt
until enough evidence has been gathered to move us to make a judgment (Valdes,
1992, 17).
A particular First Nation will have a defined world view which will have both significant
and minor differences as compared to other First Nations and non First Nations cultures.
These differences are fundamental to the different perceptions of truth. I have made every
effort to avoid "universalisms" which could minimize cultural differences by linking
specific beliefs, stories, or Elders with the First Nation of origin.

3

'I got back as soon as I could,' says Coyote. 'I was busy being a hero. "Thats unlikely,' I says.

7

I have learned that my own perspective will greatly influence the journey, and I
also realize that there is no singular First Nations perspective. I have enlisted the help of
Elders from many First Nations cultures through interviews and their stories recorded by
ethnographers. My interviews with Elders about tree art are shared as commentaries along
the journey. The recorded stories told by Elders generations ago are an important source of
teachings. The Gitxsan word for oral history is "adaawk." Many oral histories, or stories,
were recorded by people such as Marius Barbeau (1973), Franz Boas (1902, 1955, 1970),
William Benyon (1959), and James Teit (1906, 1909, 1956, 1973). I rely on recorded oral
history as a valuable information source because the stories reflect the spiritual beliefs and
values of Elders who lived in an earlier era. My rationale for presenting the stories is based
on Claude Levi-Strauss' (1995, 84) suggestion that there is a link between mythology and
ritual which "must be sought at a deeper level." I think that there is a link between oral
history and understanding the intended viewing context of tree art, as a manifestation of
ritual. However, I am not following Levi-Strauss' form of structuralism per se. I am
seeking to discern the many First Nations interpretations of the meaning of tree art rather
than trying to uncover unconscious structural relationships.

Paula Gunn Allen (1992, 241) compares "tribal literature" to a forest "in which all
elements coexist, where each is integral to the being of others." I interpret her meaning,
from an ego-edgism perspective, to be that all beings in the story are equal, all have spirits,
and none are purely heroic or evil. She explains that tribal stories have numerous points
and elements that may come in and out of focus as your environment changes. Paula Gunn
Allen warns the reader of tribal literature and oral histories to be aware that "as the old tales
are translated and rendered in English, the Western notion of proper fictional form takes
over the tribal narrative." She says the imposition of "western tastes in story crafting"
'No, no,' says Coyote. 'Its the truth.'

8

results in "a western story with Indian characters." Marius Barbeau's great unsung
Canadian classic The Downfall ofTemlaham4 is a good example of a Shakespearean-like
presentation of his carefully researched and translated oral histories. This book accurately
presents Gitxsan history and culture wrapped in a flamboyant Western style. Barbeau
(1973, 247-253) lists the many Gitxsan Elders who told him stories in the period 1920-24.
He translated and shaped these stories into his book. Unfortunately, at times, the style
masks important elements of Gitxsan culture. I take heed of Paula Gunn Allen's warning
by presenting many versions of a particular story, and by including as much of the story as
possible. My objective is to provide the reader with enough of a sense of the story to make
her/his own judgments about the impact of the translation.

An oral history is analogous to a tree in the forest. The roots and branches of each
tree intertwine in a forest of greater cultural meaning. I shall endeavour to present a forest
of meaning derived from a set of related individual stories, rather than isolating stories from
each other. I remind myself of the interrelated nature of stories by envisioning Elders
telling a story each night to children, and patiently offering teachings by relating them to the
previous night's story. Often I have heard Elders recount a story told to them by their
Elders, and they will end by saying something like "For years I think about what they says,
and now it makes sense. They know what they were talkin about." 5 Here lies the
enormous challenge of interpreting oral history, because there are no fast-food-like or takeout packages of knowledge. 6 The complexity of oral history forbids its quick

~

interpretation. Oral history presented in this thesis is as simple as my respect for its
'There are no truths, Coyote,' I says. 'Only stories' (King, 1994, 391).
An interesting aside for me is that the book is catalogued as a work of fiction. I lean towards labelling
this work as non-fiction.
5
I will often footnote information that I think may become very relevant to the understanding of tree art.
First Nations epistemology is so highly integrated that it becomes difficult to draw clear boundaries
around packages of knowledge.
6
"'And here at this restaurant that you own,' she said, raising her voice a notch,
'you serve dog?'

4

9

complexity will allow; furthermore, it is absolutely necessary to include it if I want to
present a sense of the spiritual viewing context. I face a dilemma when presenting oral
history since it is a highly interconnected art form, and it cannot be presented as snippets,
or modem sound bites. The stories are meant to be understood as a whole. Therefore, I
present one story and then allude to stories with a similar theme.

First Nations oral tradition is a verbal art form where symbols are created from
breath, speech, and memory (Ruoff, 1990, 6-7). Verbal art is complementary and
connected to visual art because visual art can act as a reminder or symbol for stories. For
example, the recorded Iroquois oral history about tree spirits is a verbal art form which
creates the context for visual art forms such as the Iroquois false face masks. The Navajo
sacred chants or "Ways" are a combination of chants, sand paintings, and the ceremonial
performance (Hausman, 1993, 15-16). The sand paintings are visual expressions of the
healing chant. The verbal, visual and performance arts are one. The Elders' stories and
commentary along our journey complement and enhance the visual experience of viewing
tree art.

We will approach the journey from a First Nations perspective because the artists'
world view and spiritual beliefs affect how and why they create tree art. For instance, First
Nations cultures emphasize that all beings: animals, fish, insects, rocks and trees are
physical and spiritual beings connected to Earth Mother. Thus I remind the reader of my
emphasis on ego-edgism and preparing to accept, and get a sense of, different First Nations
perspectives. I present three preparatory discussions in Chapter Two which will help the
reader prepare to understand First Nations perspectives on tree art and the sacred tree.
First, a discussion of the study and interpretation of art and First Nations art in general in
this postmodem age will help us to understand the meaning of tree art. Second, I provide
'That's correct... .It's a treaty right,' Latisha explained. 'There' s nothing wrong with it. It's one of our

10

background literature research on tree carvings and paintings which calls attention to the
impoverished state of knowledge of tree art. There has been no in-depth research on tree
carvings and paintings on living trees and there are only a few scattered accounts of these
trees by ethnographers such as James Teit. In addition, I will introduce related examples of
First Nations art forms which are manifestations of spiritual beliefs regarding the sacred
tree. I summarize how Iroquois, Dakota and Nootkan masks and carvings originated from
beliefs in tree spirits. The third and final preparatory concept involves an examination of
the important role of the sacred tree in First Nations spirituality, and how it relates to tree
art since the sacred tree is the artistic medium for tree art. 7 I will investigate why trees are
important cultural symbols, why trees have living spirits, why the supernatural tree plays a
strong role in oral history, and why there is a sacred relation between man and trees in life
and death rituals. The forest and trees, physically and spiritually, create the intended
viewing context for tree art, and they are crucial to the interpretation of the intended
meaning of these creations.

The journey and Nick's lesson motivated me to make careful preparations. Rather
than striking out on a short cut to look at the tree carvings and paintings, we will be
carefully preparing ourselves from a conceptual and spiritual point of view. In essence, by
carefully preparing for our journey we will be taking "the long way around." I believe the
preparations are necessary for undertaking the journey to explore First Nations tree art.

With preparations complete, in Chapter Three I will guide you to a number of tree
carving sites. We will make about a dozen stops in British Columbia and the Yukon, and
one in Manitoba. We will spend most of the time around Hazelton, BC. Other stops will

7

traditional foods"' (King, 1994, 132).
I footnote examples of the Australian Aboriginal art forms in this and following sections because there are
important spiritual similarities to tree art. Aboriginals paint masterful mosaics of their physical and
spiritual landscapes (Dreamings) on the sand, which is a poignant medium to express their attachment to
the land. Similarly trees are an equivalent medium of expressing attachment to the land.

11

include, Chilliwack, Phillips River which is north of Powell River, sites near Fraser Lake,
Whitehorse, and Haines Junction in the Yukon. At each site I discuss how I found the
tree, my first impressions, some important characteristics of the art form, and then with the
help of some Elders, I discuss some possible meanings. At each stop I conclude with a
discussion regarding the "second journey of meaning" which evolved from the artist's
intended meaning. The tree art takes on a second meaning as the intended viewing context
is transformed by the affects of colonialism and industrial development. We will meet
George at the first stop on the journey. He will help us understand the second journey of
meaning, and he will also put a mirror up to reflect our perspectives.

At the end of the journey please join me in Chapter Four around the campfire while
I tell of a Tsimshian story which will help us focus our reflections on the journey. As your
guide, I will also reflect on the commentary given by the Elders, discuss the First Nations
landscape, and explain the protection paradox. Finally, I will reflect on tree art from an
artist's perspective. It is here, at the discussion around the campfire, where I hope that you
can reflect on your experiences of the journey. I conclude our journey at the campfire
because it is a place of common experience for most cultures to tell stories, reflect on the
journey, and ponder the future.

Terminology and Definitions
Before we begin the preparations I will standardize my use of tree art terminology.
My focus is on carvings, etchings, paintings, drawings or writings done on the wood or
bark of living trees by First Nations people. I use the phrase "tree art" to describe this
practice as a whole and "tree carving" to describe a specific practice of incising. The term

arbrograph (Eldridge, 1991,7) has been used to describe a painting on a tree, and dendraglyph (MacDonald, 1993, 78) has been used to describe a carving on a tree. I standardize
the terminology as follows:
arborograph: a drawing or painting on the exposed wood of a tree.

12

arboroglyph: a carved image on the bark or exposed wood of a tree.
arboroscript: written or printed text on the bark or exposed wood of a tree.
The Gitxsan refer to carvings of a human-like face in trees as "Gyetim Gan" which means
"person in the tree or wood." I occasionally use the Gitxsan term when I talk about
arboroglyphs which are human-like faces.

I prefer the terminology "crest pole" instead of "totem pole" because First Nations
people do not "pray" to a crest pole as a totemic god. The crest pole is created from a tree
and the village is the intended viewing context. The intended viewing context of tree art is
the forest. Consequently, crest poles are familiar, easy to find, and well studied; tree art is
unfamiliar, hard to find and scarcely studied.

I do not discuss rock art, petroglyphs and pictographs on our journey, except for
one story, relevant to a possible meaning of tree art, about a pictograph commissioned by a
Tsimshian chiefnamedLegaix in the 19th century. The literature is voluminous regarding
painting, writing and incising on rock, and almost non-existent for the practice on trees. 8
Battiste ( 1985, 9-1 0) provides a summary of Algonquian rock art which will serve as
useful background information for our journey to learn about tree art.
For practical functions, Algonquian Indians used petroglyphs, pictographs, and
notched sticks to communicate information and messages to friends and relatives of
one's whereabouts or of routes and directions taken or to be taken, to relate stories
of the hunt, of battle or of individuals or heroes of ancient times, to enlist warriors
into battle, or to record historical events ...Algonquian Indians were known to have
used pictographs and petroglyphs for communicating with the spirit world or for
conveying individual visions and experiences with the spirit world. In effect, the
Native texts represented a Native theory of knowledge, predicated on the existence
of spirits, power, or medicine. Plants, animals, humans, and spirits of the universe
communicated in the spirit world as one. Thus many Micmac petroglyphs illustrate
the journeys of Micmacs to the world beyond.

8

However some unique types of rock art, such as the images inscribed on a rock by scraping away the
lichen which are called Iichenglyphs still need to be studied (MacDonald, 1995, personal communication,
March 27, 1995).

13

Communication with the spirit world and its relation to the trees will be an
important theme for our journey.

14

Chapter Two: Preparing For The Journey
"The real voyage of discovery consists not in seeking new landscapes but in
having new eyes" (Marcel Proust in Bartlett ( 1968, 907) ).

Tree art is a mystery to most people, even though it has existed for centuries.
Explorers, ethnographers, archaeologists, and forestry professionals have traversed a
landscape where tree art was unimagined, and consequently it remained unseen. On the
other hand, some First Nations Elders are keenly aware of tree art and its meaning. To see
the unseen one must have "new eyes." Hyemeyohsts Storm (1972, 78-80) tells a Plains
Indian story of how Jumping Mouse gave one of his tiny eyes to the ailing Buffalo. The
Buffalo recovered because of Jumping Mouse's gift, and then Buffalo became a great gift
for the Plains people. Hawk heard this story and he asked the chief why the mouse gave
away one of his eyes, and the chief responded: "This Mouse, must give up one of his
Mouse ways of seeing things in order that he may grow" (Storm, 1972, 80). As your
guide, I encourage you to see in new ways and grow from this journey as I did. I hope to
help you see with new eyes by introducing the artistic, historical, and cultural viewing
context for tree art, and to help prepare your spirit by introducing First Nations s i it ~ it
I place great importance on the preparations for this journey because it allows me to focus
light on the layers of the colorful spectl1l;m of meaning to be imparted by the Elders. I
invite you to join me in careful preparation by mapping out a route "the long way around"
because, as I discovered, the unprepared observer will be oblivious to the journey's
richness in visual experience and meaning.

The following three preparatory discussions will help the reader prepare for the
upcoming journey, and to "have visions of the spirit worlds" and "grasp the dictates of
unseen wisdom" (Barbeau, 1928, 198). The first preparation involves an examination of
Western postmodem and First Nations perspectives on First Nations art. The second

lS

preparation involves a review of the limited academic knowledge of tree art, and a look at
how beliefs in tree spirits can be manifested in First Nations art. The third and most
important preparation will help you to gain an appreciation for the First Nations perspective
on lessons taught in oral history about the sacred qualities of trees and the forest. The
adaawk (oral history) is an important container of First Nations epistemology. It is used to
pass on knowledge of how the sacred and secular worlds exist and coexist .

These preparations helped me to see with new eyes. They provide a cultural stance
to view tree art from, which was difficult for the early European explorers and researchers
of First Nations life to appreciate. The visual image is a poignant quality of tree art, but the
meaning of the image is equally important and it is deeply rooted in First Nations
philosophy, which was unclear or unknown to most Europeans. The preparation process
creates an understanding of the intended viewing context by preparing you for a visual
experience whereby meaning is derived from your cultural stance. Remember that as you
gaze upon the faces in the forest, the visual stimulation will trigger meaning based on your
cultural stance or gaze as the observer.

Preparation One: A Discussion on Interpreting First Nations

Art

I have chosen to treat tree paintings and carvings as an art form. Doreen Jensen, a
Git~san artist and cultural leader, says "Art can be a universal language which helps us

bridge the gaps between our different cultures. But attitudes towards Art reveal racism"
(Jensen, 1992, 18). The Western and First Nations perspectives on art are different. As
Doreen explains:
When the Europeans arrived, they found aboriginal Artists creating beauty, culture,
and historical memory. Art built bridges between human life and the natural world.
Art mediated between material and spiritual concerns. Art stimulated our
individuality, making us alert and alive. It affirmed our cultural identities (Jensen,
1992, 17-18).

16

Art is thought to have been first created about thirty thousand years ago in the limestone
caves of what is now France and Spain. In the beginning there was a strong connection
between art and spiritual practice: "By combining the mystery of prayer with the miracle of
graphic depiction man came to terms with his environment" (Bowers, 1987, 426). Antonia
Mills (personal communication, August 8, 1996) suggests that "The dialogue was not
between the artist's creation and a secular audience but between the object and the spirit
world and its human and animal viewers. 'Art' and music had their goals to connect the
human and the spirit worlds in a sacred manner." Although Bowers (1987, 430) goes on
to say that the specific purpose of connecting the sacred and the human through art has
dissipated over the centuries, especially in Western society. Doreen Jensen confirms that
this sacred connection is still strong in Git~san art.

Until quite recently, First Nations art has been viewed as "primitive art" rather than
"high art" by anthropologists and art-historians. Authors such as Larry Shiner (1994),
Marianna Torgovnick (1989), Joan Vastokas (1986 & 1992), and H. Gene Blocker (1991)
have all contributed to deconstructing the latent evolutionist view that First Nations art is
"primitive." Blocker's (1991, 88) discussion follows very similar lines of thought:
But the very term 'primitive art' indicates the problem involved in any cross-cultural
study-- that is, the problem of using 'our' concepts to study 'their' culture. It is a
Western cultural perspective to suppose there is an evolution of cultures from
'primitive' to 'advanced,' and the concept of 'art' in the sense of 'fine art' is
equally a Western designation and concept.
The meaning of First Nations art: is deep rather than primitive.

Postmodern and First Nations Artistic Perspectives on First Nations Art
Art is a wonderfully amorphous word, a word that defies universal definition by the
most able art historians, philosophers, critics, collectors, and theorists of aesthetics. The -·
Git~san people, my people, do not have a word in their language for art. Doreen Jensen

elaborates on the absence by saying "This is not because we are devoid of Art, but because

17

Art is so powetfully integrated with all aspects of life, we are replete with it" (Jensen,
1992, 17). Git~san artists, like First Nations people throughout the world, produce
powetful, spiritual and aesthetically beautiful art. I am not going to define "art" because as
an artist I enjoy the freedom resulting from its amorphous nature. This ambiguity
stimulates creative discourse. But most importantly, artists try to push the boundaries of
culture by redefining art; consequently, artists avoid being constricted by an imposed social
construct. Art has the ability to transform itself into new meaning and shape, just when it
seems to be defined. Bill Holm ( 1975, 108) describes the interpretation of Northwest
Coast art as "the most dangerous game." He warns that "Early anthropologists tried and
tried to get interpretations from the artists themselves, but got widely differing
interpretations from everybody. That's all right." Yes, I believe that a variety of
interpretations of the meaning are all right. Let us look at postmodem views of art, and
then at First Nations uses of trees in what others call art, before viewing the paucity of
written records of tree art.

The influential French postmodem philosopher Michel Foucault (1994, 10) believes
the meaning of a visual image can only emerge from the "grey" ambiguity of anonymous
language, rather than from the false clarity of a taxonomic description. Foucault
demonstrates the tension between language and the image in his description of a painting of
a painter painting a painting of himself painting the painting. The painter is Velazquez, and
the painting is Las Meninas. If one were to read Foucault' s discussion (Foucault, 1994, 516) on the painting of a painter at work, without the benefit of seeing the painting, his
words would only seem to spiral into an infinite abyss of confusion. On the other hand,
the conjunction of his ambiguous discussion with observation of the painting releases an
illumination upon the painting and upon Foucault's text. After all, the visual experience is
colotful and aesthetically powetful.

18

Our journey is a combination of the grey ambiguity of text describing tree art and
the rich colorful visual experience created by the photographs which will help you see the
First Nations intended meaning with new eyes, if you are aware of your cultural stance or
gaze. Foucault shows that the perception of truth is relative to one's stance and position as
an observer, and ultimately this gaze creates the discourse (Mills, personal communication,
February 6, 1996). 9 Antonia Mills (personal communication, August 8, 1996)
summarizes by saying the gaze affects the interpretation of art "What it communicates
depends not only on its own innate qualities, but also on the interaction with the viewer."
From an ego-edgism perspective, an observer from one culture would make an effort to
understand and respect the gaze of an observer from another culture and vice versa.
Doreen Jensen eloquently reinforces this point below.
If we pay attention, First Nations Art will remind us of this basic rule for being a
human being: When I diminish others' "belongingness" in the universe, my own
"belongingness" becomes uncertain (Jensen, 1992, 20).
Predominantly, Western academics write First Nations discourse while gazing at
the "other"; hopefully, I hope my ego-edgism perspective on tree art breaks from this
tradition. My desire to understand tree art has challenged me to know myself and my gaze,
and to try to understand the gaze of others. I want to present First Nations perspectives of
tree carvings and paintings to the larger public, who for me is the "other."

During the journey I avoid classifying tree art into categories of meaning by
assigning names based on a particular form, style or design because "it is in vain that we
say what we see; what we never see resides in what we say ... " (Foucault, 1994, 9).
Foucault describes the relationship between the visual image and language as infinite. I see
greater value in promoting a discourse on tree art rather than attempting to satiate the
curious with concrete answers. Because, in the end, there is only one person who can
9

Said defines discourse as a body of text which creates an academic tradition. Said (1978, 94) describes the
power and influence of text, or "the bookish tradition", in society as follows:

19

attach complete meaning to the art-- the artist. Elders have warned me about creating
meaning without knowing. They would not want me to create meaning for the sake of
order when it may not exist. Foucault (1994, 251) describes the appearance of visible
order as the "superficial glitter above the abyss." Foucault suggests that neither words nor
the visible image can be reduced to the other' s terms.
It is not that words are imperfect, or that, when confronted by the visible, they
prove insuperably inadequate... But if one wishes to keep the relation of language to
vision open, if one wishes to treat their incompatibility as a starting point for speech
instead of as an obstacle to be avoided, so as to stay as close as possible to both,
then one must erase those proper names and preserve the infinity of the task. It is
perhaps through the medium of this grey, anonymous language, always overmeticulous and repetitive because too broad, that painting may, little by little,
release its illuminations (Foucault, 1994, 9-1 0).

The French postmodern sociologist Pierre Bourdieu would point out that there is a
tension between the image and the lived experience of seeing the faces in the forest, in
addition to the tension Foucault describes between the image and text. For instance, there
is a difference between observing Las Meninas being painted, and reading Foucault's text
about the completed painting. The reader's experience during this journey of words would
be quite different from their experience observing tree art within the context of a forest, or
watching the artist carve the face in a tree centuries ago or today. Bourdieu (1977, 3)
emphasizes the phenomenological experience, or lived experience, as a means to "make
explicit the truth of primary experience of the social world." Interestingly, Bourdieu
(1977, 1-2) turns to art early in his explanation of the limits of objective observations, by
quoting Husserl.
To treat a work of plastic art as a discourse intended to be interpreted, decoded, by
reference to a transcendent code analogous to Saussurian "langue" is to forget that
artistic production is always ... pure practice without theory ... and it is also to forget
that the work of art always contains something ineffable, not by excess, as
hagiography would have it, but by default, something which communicates, so to
speak, from body to body, i.e. on the hither side of words or concepts, and which
pleases (or displeases) without concepts.

texts can create not only knowledge but also the very reality they appear to describe. In time such
knowledge and reality produce a tradition, or what Michel Foucault calls a discourse.

20

Joan Vastokas (1992, 17) views the artist as a performer and she describes art-

\

making as follows:
The artist is a performer. Art-making is thus a process of performance, an
engagement among self, product, and socio-environmental setting in all its
dimensions. Art in any culture is not an artifact. Above all, art is not like language,
not a ' text. '
Vastokas builds upon the work of the American philosopher John Dewey when she
investigates the concept of art being an aesthetic experience "rooted in the sensate human
body and its interactions with the natural and social environment." Art is a "lived
experience." Vastokas (1992, 33) says "the very experience of a visual art work is in itself
'performance': the art work and the observer engage in an active dialogue, even, a dance."

In Chapter Three I present a variety of First Nations perspectives from the Git~san ,
Tsimshian and Dene groups such as the Carrier, by citing first and second hand knowledge
provided by Elders through interviews and recorded stories. I also weave my own
perspective throughout as a First Nations artist, forester, student, and British Columbian. I
emphasize the First Nations perspective on this journey because of its impoverished
representation in Western discourse and because the art is created by First Nations peoples
largely, for First Nations audiences. However Western postmodernism is used to assist in
my interpretation because it values the ambiguity and complexity of the meaning of art. I
also draw upon linguistic concepts to present tree art as a communication system in the
following section.

Interpreting First Nations Art as a Visual Communication System
A common assumption about First Nations cultures is that knowledge is only
passed on through oral traditions. Non-native researchers and First Nations peoples voice
frustration because "there is no written record." However, there are some examples of
recorded portions of oral stories. For instance, Adams (1986, 1) contends the Git~san

21

crest pole "is a form of writing system based on a ritual language," and "every pole tells a
story." A figure on the pole may represent the story ofthe acquisition of a nox nox crest, a
clan crest or house crest. The placement of the pole figure is just as important as the
selection of the form, style and design. Adams (1986, 10) calls the integrated system of
crests and associated stories a language that represents the "magical geography." I refer to
the magical geography as the First Nations landscape. The Ojibway, as another example,
recorded portions of their Grand Medicine rituals as pictographic symbols on birch bark
scrolls (Ruoff, 1990, 11).

The lingering notion that First Nations art is "primitive" has, perhaps, forestalled
the perception of First Nations art as a communication system. For example, Garrick
Mallery made a significant contribution by collecting and describing pictographs and
petroglyphs found throughout the Americas in his two volumes entitled Picture Writing of
the American Indians (1972). However, he assumed that American Indians, specifically

the Maya, had only approached the use of "an alphabet or syllabary," and they "had
proceeded no further." He exclaims that only "Topers of the mysterious may delight in
such dazing infusions of perverted fancy, but they are repulsive to the sober student"
(Mallery, 1972, 773). Coe (1993, 280) has recently disproven Mallery's diatribe by
describing the Maya writing system as "a mix of logograms and syllabic signs; with the
latter, they could and often did write words purely phonetically." Mallery's brash
statement stands as a warning to researchers to avoid their ethnocentric assumptions about
First Nations art. One should assume that art may be a visual communication system like a
writing system. Even though further inquiry may disprove this hypothesis, at least it
should be considered to be within the realm of potential possibilities. For instance a good
example of Carrier tree art which functions as a visual communication system (reported by
Father A.G. Morice) is discussed in the upcoming section which reviews ethnographic
records regarding tree art.

22

Interpreting First Nations art in terms of a visual communication system can be a
dubious process without an appropriate theoretical framework or appropriate methodology.
Authors such as Boone (1994), Coe (1993), Morphy (1991) and Layton (1991) all seem to
be using Saussurian semiotics and the notion of semasiographics as a basis for interpreting
picture or visual writing systems. 10 The purpose of the following discussion is to provide
an overview of how these authors interpret the use of signs and particularly semasiographic
signs rather than to give an in-depth discussion of the theories.

Morphy (1991, 143-144) provides the most useful description of Saussurian
semiotics, and its application to the study of meaning in Aboriginal art.
The central idea behind the Saussurian sign is that it consists of two components,
the signifier and the signified, each of which has an independent existence in its
respective system of similarity and difference. The sign is the coming together of
the elements from these two systems of difference; it is not the representation of an
object that exists in the world outside. From a Saussurian perspective, the object
comes into being through its encoding in a sign system and can then be used in
communication by others who know the code. There is, of course, no limit to the
number of codes that an object may be encoded in, but in each case it involves a
conjunction between two different systems of similarity and difference .... The
importance of this Saussurian perspective to the anthropology of art is twofold.
The first is that it does not give priority to verbal language over other systems of
communication, but allows other systems an equally independent role in the
encoding and transmission of objects and ideas. Second, it allows for the fact that
different sign systems, by encoding things in different ways, may encode different
things (or the same thing with different values) and may have different
communicative potentials ...The search for a medium to communicate a message,
for a new conjunction of a set of signifiers with a set of signified, lies at the heart of
much artistic and technological creativity-- the discovery of ways to say what had
previously been unsayable.

10

Morphy's (1991) analysis of Australian Yolngu aboriginal paintings highlighted two important points.
First he stresses that the meaning of the paintings is dependent on the ceremonial context, the people,
past ceremonies, and on " the set of iconographic and sociological meanings encoded in them" (Morphy,
1991, 140). Secondly he suggests that the spiritual power of a painting can be enhanced by aesthetics.
For instance, he calls the shimmering effect of finely cross-hatched lines on paintings as representative of
the bright lights of the ancestors (Morphy, 1991, 138). Artists can enhance the spiritual power of their
work through their artistic finesse. Consequently, talented artists were recruited to create important tree
art, masks and poles.

23

Boone (1994) examines visual systems of recording and communicating
information in Pre-Columbian America. Boone ( 1994, 15) defines writing as "the
communication of relatively specific ideas in a conventional manner by means of permanent
visible marks." Within this definition of writing she uses Sampson's (1985, 26 &17)
glottographic and semasiographic systems of writing. Glottographic systems represent
speech that includes phonetic and syllabic systems. Semasiographic systems "convey ideas
independently from language and on the same logical level as spoken language rather than
being parasitic on them as ordinary scripts are" (Boone, 1994, 15). For example, the
international road-sign convention communicates with drivers independent of their native
language (Coe, 1993, 19). The semasiographic system includes a set of signs, or visual
marks, in which meanings are suggested, independent of words or sounds, which have
been previously agreed to by the encoder and decoder (Coe, 1993, 19 & Boone, 1994,
14). Boone (1994, 16) describes two kinds of semasiographic systems:
1) conventional: meaning is indicated by the interrelationship of arbitrary (nonintuitive) symbols, such as mathematical notation.
2) iconic: a intuitive logical system of symbols such as road signs.
The semasiographic system does not constitute a written language since it functions
independent of language. However, Coe (1993, 20) does give an example of a
semasiographic system devised by an Apache shaman called Silas John. He derived a
series of signs that were painted on buckskin and "read" in Apache, but they transmit no
phonetic data. Wong (1989, 295) also describes a symbolic language that may be a type of
semasiographic system used by Plains Indians in the late nineteenth-century to "read"
autobiographies painted on robes, tipis and shields. Wong suggests that pictographic
communication was commonly practised by the Plains people. Wong (1991, 297-98)
describes the pre-contact pictographs as follows:
Such 'picture writing' was meant to record and to communicate rather than to please
aesthetically. Before 1830 these pictographic narratives were a type of
shorthand...One well-known example is the pictographic robe of Mah-to-toh-pa
(The Four Bears), a Mandan chief. In 1832 George Catlin visited the Mandans and

24

reported that Mah-to-toh-pa wore a robe with 'the history of all battles on it, which
would fill a book.'
Wong focuses on the historic accounts and descriptions of pictographs rather than on
interpretation methodologies. Therefore, although the Plains pictographs appear to be
semasiographic, it is not possible to analyze the type of visual communication from
Wong's accounts. For example, it is not clear whether the pictographs can be interpreted
independent of the Plains language. Daly (1993, 223-24) summarizes his approach to
understanding the meaning of prehistoric Stein Valley pictographs as a visual
communication system or "non-alphabetic literacy" as follows:
As in art, the rock writing imagery is mnemonic and acts as a prompt to human
expression, both in the writer and the reader. Indeed, it is argued that early writing
in Ancient Greece -- as it had developed by 700 B.C. -- supplemented traditional
oral recitation, and only much later did it transform oral culture to 'literate' culture
(Havelock, 1986). The units of such writings are pictures and notations that often
possess common referents that pay little heed to linguistic boundaries. These
images can unite people from different languages by means of visual cultural
commonality, but unlike alphabetic writing, they do not unite a population
linguistically.
He suggests that rock art is a common visual rather than linguistic communication system
that can unite different language groups, since a decoder does not necessarily need to know
the language of the encoder to interpret a semasiographic system (Boone, 1994, 17). Coe
(1994, 43) suggests that knowledge oflanguage is a prerequisite to deciphering a writing
system. Salish Elder Annie York referred to the Stein rock art and a writing on a tree as
"writings" in the book They Write Their Dreams on the Rock Forever (Arnett et al., 1993,
3). Her descriptions of dreams portrayed in the rock paintings provide essential
information on the meaning of art; without her cultural insight the art would provide a
visual and artistic experience for the viewer but the artist's meaning would not be clear.
The semasiographic system is probably the most likely visual communication
system a First Nations art researcher would encounter. Their use as a trans4inguistic
system of communication may be likely. For example, Holm (1990, 602) groups the art of

25

First Nations in the Northwest into three major stylistic and conceptual divisions that were
expressed in the nineteenth century:
1) Northern province: Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, Haisla, Haihais and Bella Bella;
2) Central Province: Kwakiutl and Nootkans; and
3) Southern province: Coast Salish, Chinnookans, and people of the Oregon Coast.
The languages within these groups are quite different. However, I believe the consistent
stylistic forms may have functioned on a rudimentary level as a visual communication
system for marking and establishing territory for trade and brokering power relationships.
The relatively common intra-regional style and form of art could establish the pre-requisites
for an agreed upon convention for signs. For example, crest symbols are understood by
groups that cross trans-linguistic boundaries. It is crucial for clans and tribes to understand
and recognize the power associated with a crest pole or house front clan symbol.

I have presented these suppositions to provoke broader inquiry into the meaning of
tree art and First Nations art as a whole. Tree art's primary function is as a communication
system. The question is to whom does it communicate, what does it communicate, and for
what purpose? For instance, the audience of tree art could be animal spirits as we see on
our journey in Chapter Three, or a secular audience for the purpose of communicating
territorial boundaries. Additionally, the meaning inherent within tree art as a
communication system is probably highly dependent on the intended viewing context. For
example, this relationship between intended meaning and the intended viewing context is
similar to a map and the geography it represents -- the map makes sense within the
geographic context.

However, it is important to appreciate that only seeing the faces carved or painted in
the forest is not the same as understanding what the faces meant to their creators - the
intended meaning. In order to help you understand this concept, I will try to link the

26

meaning First Nations makers and viewers give to tree art with the images themselves and
to suggest the intended audience for the communication.

Joan Cardinal-Schubert (1992, 19), a Canadian First Nations artist, describes a
story which I think reflects the infancy of understanding First Nations art as a
communication system:
When I was a child, my father showed me the signs on the trees, old messages
emblazoned in the bark and grown out of sight. Out of reach .....There was a
preciousness in these hidden messages, available only to those who knew they
were there.
She hints of a precious hidden gift. Gaining a First Nations perspective will help us
understand hidden messages and bring this gift back into reach - out of hiding. In
preparation number two we learn how little information was available for the Western
World regarding tree art, and therefore about its hidden meaning as a communication
system.

Preparation Two: A Review of Academic Knowledge of Tree
Art and Related First Nations Art Forms.
I would like to review two importanttopics related to tree art, which are: the limited
written knowledge on tree art in acadeinic literature, and examples of how spiritual beliefs
in trees are manifested in other First Nations art forms such as masks. This preparation
'

will provide us with important background information on what has been written about tree
art and related art forms such as the Iroquois false face masks.

The Written Record on Tree Carvings and Paintings
Western discourse on First Nations art is practically barren of any accounts,
analysis or mere mention of the tree art form. As discussed in the first preparation,
Vastokas (1986, 7) points out that "As a field of art historical inquiry, native art of North

27

America is relatively neglected and underdeveloped." Often art historians have dismissed
Native art because they view it as a craft or a primitive expression. According to
Vastokas( 1986, 30):
... there is growing evidence that style transmits information about culture, and that
form and imagery conspire together to communicate latent cultural meaning, even
without the aid of written texts.
I suggest that early ethnographers and explorers did not view this art from a First Nations
perspective, and therefore the meaning of tree art was unseen. There were also probable
logistical reasons for their apparent lack of interest. For example, early explorers like
Simon Fraser, Samuel Black, and Alexander Mackenzie travelled primarily by river and not
along the forest trails. Therefore there were few early observations to spark interest. The
following accounts were recorded as curiosities rather than as serious inquiries into the art
form from a First Nations perspective.

My exploration of the written record moves through space and time from east to
west, and from the earliest accounts to the most recent. I begin my review of the written
record regarding tree art by starting with the earliest account from Eastern Canada, and then
I travel west to British Columbia, and conclude with a recent account from Tok, Alaska. I
remind you that my review of the written record does not represent the entire body of
knowledge on tree art because it does not explore the unwritten knowledge of all Elders.
Elders impart their knowledge in Chapter Three.

Batistte ( 1985, 9) introduced one of the earliest accounts of "trees bearing marks"
originally recorded by John Cabot in 1497.
In 1497 John Cabot's exploration uncovered 'fallen trees bearing marks" which
caught his attention.
We do not know the shape or meaning of these marks.

28

Garrick Mallery (1972, 213) in his comprehensive two volume book on Picture

Writing of the American Indians discussed tree art.
The Living Tree, of the use of which for pictographic purposes there are many
descriptions and illustrations in this paper. In addition to them may be noted the
remark made by Bishop DeSweinitz( a) in The Life and Times of Zeisberger, that in
1750 there were numerous tree carvings at a place on the eastern Shore of Cayuga
Lake, the meaning of which was known to and interpreted by the Cayuga
Indians ...The Abnaki and Ojibwa have been and yet continue to be in the habit of
incising pictographic characters and mnemonic marks upon birch bark.
I was not able to easily discern from Mallery's catalogue of pictographs which were on
rock as opposed to on living trees. Unfortunately, he did not clearly label his "descriptions
and illustrations" of pictographs on living trees. He does imply, however, that tree art was
common.

I followed up on Mallery's reference to De Schweinitz (1870, 160-62) for a more
detailed account of Zeisberger's trip to Cayuga Lake, New York, in 1750. Zeisberger
writes:
Advancing now along the eastern shore of the a~ , they forded numerous creeks,
and came to a spot which their guide approached with proud steps and glowing
eyes. It was the rude, but to him glorious, monument of the warlike deeds of his
nation. The trees [oak and ash] all around were full of figures and curious symbols
carved on the bark,- telling of battles fought and won, of scalps brought home, and
of prisoners taken. He [a Cayuga Chief] led them to one tree in particular, and
pointed out the history of his own exploits ... Man, in every age, and in all states of
civilization, is swayed by the same desire to leave to posterity the tokens of his
renown ... So in the remote wilderness, by the waters of Cayuga Lake, the trees of a
primeval forest published the fame of its children. But while Egypt, Greece, and
Rome still live in their memorials, broken though many of them be, and while the
monuments of our times are viewed by admiring thousands, the oak and the ash,
which recorded Cayuga greatness, have long since bowed under the white man's
axe, and the history which their bark unfolded, like the race that it concerned, is
well-nigh extinct.
This passage provides an early record of tree carvings and a possible meaning of the
carvings, and shows Zeisberger's egocentric perspective by his use of words such as
"rude," "children," and by prematurely declaring a race "well-nigh extinct."
Most of Mallery's references to tree art occur in his section on notices of direction,
maps, and health of a traveller (1972, 329-357). Mallery (1972, 337) describes three

29

human characters cut upon large jack pine trees created by Ojibway people near Red Lake,
Minnesota (see Figure 2.3 (a)). These figures indicate the direction a traveller took when
leaving the trail. According to Mallery (1972, 341), a Micmac scout would warn of an
approaching Passamaquoddy war party by drawing a notice on a tree which mapped the
war party's direction of approach and indicated their number (see Figure 2.3(b)). Mallery
reports that the Abnaki people would blaze a tree near the butt to indicate the health of a
traveller. For instance, a blaze on one side of the tree means that they have had poor luck
in gathering food and blazes on four sides mean they are starving (Mallery, 1972, 347).

I have not found descriptions of tree art between eastern North America and British
Columbia. James Alexander Teit, an ethnographer, provided some useful descriptions of
tree art while travelling through Lillooet, Shuswap and Chilcotin territories in the late
nineteenth-century as a member of the Jessup North Pacific Expedition. 11

Teit (1906, 282) described carved i

~s on trees, in the Lillooet territory, carved

by adolescent boys and girls as the "record of their observances." He is presumably
referring to the visions they experienced during their initiation to adulthood. He also cites
two more types of tree carvings and paintings.

1. In some places persons passing for the first time would paint or carve figures
on trees instead of rocks (Fig. 98). When a tree was to be painted, the bark
was removed (Teit, 1906, 282)
2. Trees by graves were sometimes stripped and painted by the Lillooet (Teit,
1906, 273).
Teit implies, in the first description, that the carved trees are markers. I would not want to
suppose any further and guess why the Lillooet chose to carve markers when persons are
"passing for the first time." I have reproduced Teit's figure 98 in Figure 2.4. He suggests,
11

The expedition was directed by Franz Boas, and it was funded by Morris K. Jessup, President of the
American Museum. They collected information on archaeology, linguistics, and anthropology (Suttles
and Jonaitis, 1990, 76). Teit's most detailed account was given in 1927 when he described the tree art
created by the Thompson people. Teit married an Interior Salish woman and thus became a member of
the Nation.

30

in his second description, that the Lillooet carved or painted images as burial markers. He
did not describe these images or their meaning.

Teit (1909) gave his second account oftree art in his ethnography on the Shuswap
people. He shows one example of a Shuswap carving on the bark of a cottonwood tree
(Teit, 1909, 591) (see Figure 2.5(a)). He also wrote about the Chilcotin people in a later
chapter of this book and he alludes to seeing tree art in both the Shuswap and Chilcotin
territories. I reproduced Teit's figure 281 here in Figure 2.5(b) which shows two humanlike images carved on trees near Anahem (Anaheim) Lake, BC.
Rock paintings (Fig. 280) appear to be very scarce in the Chilcotin country, but
carvings on the bark of trees may frequently be seen (Fig. 281). Those which I
have seen differ a good deal in style from those of the Shuswap.
The most detailed account of tree art by Teit (Teit & Boas, 1973) is in his Salishan
ethnography. His textual description is thin but he does reproduce a significant number of
the tree art images in his Figure 25, shown here in Figure 2.6. His account below refers to
the Thompson peoples and it is important because he describes how, in this particular
instance, the tree art was practiced when a suitable rock surface was not available.
Therefore he concluded the reasons for doing rock art and tree art were similar:
In connection with the training period, adolescents of both sexes made records of
remarkable dreams, pictures of what they desired or what they had seen, and events
com'lected with their training. These records were made with red paint on boulders
or cliffs, wherever the surface was suitable. (Figs. 20-24) Rock paintings in their
territory are plentiful; but I heard of no petroglyphs, except that sometimes figures
of various kinds were incised in hard clay. Rock paintings were made also by
adults as records of notable dreams, and more rarely of incidents in their lives.
Pictures were also cut into the bark of trees, and some were burned into the wood
of trees (Teit & Boas, 1973, 283-84).
The most significant point to be gleaned from Teit's accounts is that he described tree art in
the present tense. Tree art was a current practice when he observed it in the Lillooet,
Shuswap, Chilcotin and Thompson territories.

31

Hamlin Garland, a novelist and poet, travelled along the "poor man's route" to
Alaska during the goldrush and wrote a book about his adventures. The 1898 Gold Rush
Route or "Poor Man's Route" snaked its way overland from the southern interior of British
Columbia to the Klondike (Barbeau, 1958, 185-186). Garland (1899, 82) gave a relatively
detailed account of the tree carvings he saw as he passed through the Bulkley Valley on his
way to Alaska. Garland was traveling west between Bums Lake and Hazelton when he
described tree carvings.
All along the trail were tree trunks whereon some loitering youth Siwash had
delineated a human face by a few deft and powerful strokes of the axe, the
sculptural planes of cheeks, brow, and chin being indicated broadly but with truth
and decision. Often by some old camp a tree would bear on a planed surface the
rude pictographs, so that those coming after could read the number, size, sex and
success at hunting of those who had gone before. There is something Japanese, it
seems to me, in this natural taste for carving among all the Northwest people.
Garland was quite impressed by these carvings. I have checked the journals of other
explorers that

a ~ passed through the same area such as George Dawson and Peter Skene

Ogden. They made no mention of seeing the carvings, or for that matter very few
comments about First Nations culture. Garland, as a writer and adventurer, was probably
more curious than a goldseeker or surveyor, and consequently may have paid more
attention to tree art.

Father A. G. Morice established himself in the Fort St. James area, which is
relatively close to the Bulkley Valley, in the late nineteenth century. He had a strong
influence on the Carrier culture of the day. For instance, he introduced a modified form of
the Cree syllabics writing system. Morice (1893, 210) describes the tree drawings he
observed. I have quoted the entire passage and reproduced his Figure 197 here in Figure

2.7.
Fig 197 presents us with graphic signs used as means of communication between
different hunting parties. They alone might be pointed to as the elements of native
'writing.' The two last are taken from rock inscriptions. They are now
unintelligible to the Carriers. Here is the meaning of the others: -a, bird; b, lizard;

32

c, beaver; d, bear; e, lynx; f, cariboo; g, marten; h, canoe; i, woman; j , man; k,
snake.
These are generally drawn in charcoal on trees or, by exception stones, and as such
it must be confessed that they afford but very restricted medium of expression to the
native mind. It has therefore to call into requisition any other material means which
may be at hand, and it must be said that the use made of them is sometimes
wonderful. I was lately traveling in the forest at a time when the yearly
reappearance of the salmon was eagerly looked for. At a certain spot not very far
from a stream we came upon one of those aboriginal drawings made by an old man
who had no knowledge of the syllabic signs now used to write the Dene language.
The drawing represented a man with a woman, a horse with a burden, the emblem
of a bear with three marks underneath and a cariboo. Above the whole and hanging
from a broken branch were four pieces of young bark cut out in conventional form
of the fish. Now the message was instantly read by my companions and it ran thus:
'Such a one (whom they named) has passed here with his wife, and a good load of
furs, after having killed three bears and one cariboo; and furthermore he captured
four salmon two days ago. He is now gone in the direction that we follow
ourselves.' This date could evidently not have been told had the Indian marked
with charcoal the sign of the salmon. He was so well aware of this and was so
much intent upon fixing the time of the first appearance of the fish that he had
recourse to the pieces of bark, the relative degree of freshness of which he knew
could be easily be determined by the experienced eye of his fellow Carrier.

Morice suggests that images on trees were more common than the "last two" images
that were on rocks. Morice, as the inventor of a Carrier writing system, seems to
acknowledge that his was not the first written communication system after observing the
message tree. He suggests that hunters created images on trees to communicate to each
other. The Carrier person created the "wonderful" image in the forest to announce the first
catch of salmon for the season. The first catch was a very important event that marked the
end of the winter, and often of the scarcity of food. I think Morice's account is very
significant because it casts a shadow of doubt over the common perception that First
Nations would only communicate orally rather than through a symbol or writing system.

Marius Barbeau recorded a description of Indian signals through the native
informant Arthur Hankin in 1923 (Hankin, 1951 , Sec. 85). Hankin described how the
Babine Lake Indians, whom he called the "Sekanis" used smoke signals as a "means to join
his family or partners" and "to join him at a certain place," or to signal for more provisions.

33

Hankin concluded his description oflndian signals by giving a brief allusion to tree
paintings: "They also leave signs on trees by means of Indian paint." Hankin said, "They
readily understand the signals, with crests as signatures." Hankin does not elaborate
whether the crests were associated with the smoke signals or signs on trees. I assume he
meant signs on trees. Either way Hankin reinforced the idea that some First Nations had
developed non-oral communication systems.

Harland I. Smith, a Canadian ethnographer, photographed two tree carvings in
Bella Coola in 1920 (Figure 2.8) and in Kitwanga in 1926 (Figure 2.9). The archival
description of the tree in Bella Coola is, "Eyes and mouth carved in a tree, south of Bella
Coola that has since been cut." This photograph is remarkably similar to the Git~san tree
carving I photographed near Hazelton at the Deep Canoe site shown in Figure 3.23.
Smith's archival description of the Kitwanga tree is "Human face carved on the trunk of a
tree, about two miles south of Skeena River and Kitwanga, British Columbia."

John McMurdo (1975, 12), an archaeologist, found a grave site on the Stewart
Pack Trail near Van Dyke Island, north ofKitwancool (Gitanyow), in 1975. There were
two poplar trees with inscriptions of names and dates that said the child of Chief Wee-lezqu
of Kitwancool was buried here in 1891. The other names were of Wolf house members.
This account is the only arboroscript account which confirms its function as a burial
marker. The child was buried along the trail.

The previous descriptions are from the 19th century and southern and central BC.
The accounts of Garland, Morice and Hankin were closely related geographically to the
area between Prince George and Hazelton. I would now like to continue our journey
through time and space by discussing an account by Dorthea Calverley. She was an
important local historian for the Peace River area who lived in Dawson Creek. She willed

34

her voluminous collection of interviews and papers to the Dawson Creek Public Library. It
was there that I discovered the following account (Calverley, nd, 7-8).
A curious story, however, makes one wonder how close the totem-makers came to
our area. The late Mr. Allen Robinson of Bear Flat travelled with surveyors far up
several of our Peace River tributaries. Far up the Halfway he made his way to a
conspicuous clump of tall spruce in an area that had otherwise been burnt over, and
covered with lower second-growth forest. In the centre, one ancient tree had been
cut off sixty or seventy feet from the ground- far higher than any snowfall could
have given a man footing to stand on. The top of the tree bole had been carved into
an enormous totem-like face. It was weathered as if it had stood for many decades.
Mr. Robinson could discover no tradition whatsoever- it had 'always been there.'
Somehow it had escaped the fire ... Mr. Robinson became crippled due to his World
War I service, he could never go to these interesting finds ... he continued to think
about them for many years- wondering 'Who got up to that incredible height to
carve that totem-like countenance, and how and why? What unknown people
inhabited our outer fringes? Where did they go?
The Halfway River is north-west of Fort St. John. This area is Beaver territory. The
intriguing element in Dorthea's record is that the carved face seems to be quite high, as if it
were meant to be seen from a distance. I assume that the carver had to make a great effort
to carve the face and prepare the tree. It was, I am sure, a very important marker to warrant
such effort. And yet, in the end, we are still left with the poignant questions in the closing
of Dorthea's record. I deduce that Mr. Robinson saw this very old tree carving which "had
always been there" sometime just before he entered the service for World War I that began
in 1914.

Our next stop will be at Joseph Patsah' s father's medicine cross. Joseph the
pseudonym of a Beaver Elder who lives on the Halfway Reserve in northern British
Columbia, was introduced to me through Hugh Brody's (1988) Maps and Dreams. Brody
mentions the medicine cross occasionally throughout the book, and it becomes a
touchstone-like symbol, a place of constant meaning on the changing landscape. The first
account below is Joseph's recollection of what he saw as a fourteen year old boy when his
father created the medicine cross near Midden River. The family was searching for new
hunting territory "after several years of struggle and near starvation" (Brody, 1988, 7).

35

Yet Joseph's Daddy, along with the others, sought a confirmation of the new area's
potential. This was done by means of dream prophecy and the erection of a
medicine cross. They stripped a tall straight pine of all its bark and affixed a
crosspiece about four-fifths of the way along its length, then attached smaller
crosses to the crosspiece -- one at each end. They nailed a panel, also in cross
formation, close to the base of the pole. Even when its base was sunk into the
ground, this cross, or set of crosses, was twice the height of a tall man. When it
was in place, Patsah and others hung skin clothing and medicine bundles from the
main crosspiece, and on the panel near the base they inscribed 'all kinds of fancy"- drawings of anjmals that had figured in the people's dreams, animals of the place
that would make themselves available for the hunt.
The night the cross was completed, an augury came to one of the elders in a dream.
A young cow moose, moving to the Patsah Camp from the Bluestone Creek area,
circled the base of the cross, then went off in the direction from which she had
come from. Two days after this dream, hunters discovered the tracks of a young
cow moose, and, following these, recognized them to be the tracks of the dream
animal...The dream prediction had been auspiciously fulfilled. The new area would
provide abundantly (Brody, 1988, 8-9).
The medicine cross is made from a living tree, and inscribed with "all kinds of fancy" or
drawings. I assume, based on the information in the book, that the cross was created
about or sometime after 1914, when Joseph's father arrived in the area. The meaning
clearly originates from the spirit of Joseph's dad, and his desire for good luck as a hunter.
He is making an offering to the new land they wish to hunt; consequently, the spirits gave
him permission to use the land by means of a dream. The accounts I have presented should
only be interpreted as they relate to the culture of origin. I will return to Joseph's medicine
cross in Chapter Four, as a touchstone in the changing landscape along our journey.

Another account of tree drawings or aborographs was observed by Teit (1956, 140141) in the Tahltan and Kaska territories as markers of dreams by youth on vision quests:
Pubescents only rarely made paintings of any kind. A few of both sexes made rude
figures of animals etc., on blazed or peeled trunks. These had little meaning and it
is said were made for show much in the same way as whites do who cut their
initials, etc., on trees. A few of such pictures were representations of things seen
in dreams, which the boy or girl took a fancy to illustrate in this way.
Teit attaches the images' meaning to adolescents going through the initiation process.

36

The American frontiersman Addison M. Powell wrote a book about his ten years'
experience in Alaska beginning in 1898 (Powell, 1909). He observed cache posts or trees
that had maps drawn on them with charcoal or lead pencil. Powell refers to the Indians
who drew these maps as the Sticks or Ahtna's along the Copper River. 12 His reasoning for
the purpose of these maps was as follows (see Figure 2.10 for a reproduction of his
diagram):
This would mean that a man with a gun, a squaw, a little girl and a dog had left the
bank of the river, when the moon was half full; that their first day's travel will
terminate on the bank of a creek, where they will camp on the near shore; that their
next day's travel will terminate on the bank of another creek where they will camp
on the opposite shore; and that at noon of the next day, they will make their final
camp at the foot of the mountain (Powell, 1909, 287).
Powell's account is similar to Morice's Carrier message and Mallery's Micmac map
example because the primary purpose for these examples is to function as a visual
communication system along the trail.
I close my review of the ethnographic written record with an account of a tree
painting (arborograph) which was observed near Tok, Alaska, in the 1950's. The research
on the Tok arborograph, by anthropologists Olson and Vitt, is the most detailed research on
any arborograph or arboroglyph. They described the arborograph, which was in Tanana
territory, as follows.
Mr. Sterling True, while lumbering at mile 93.2 Tok cut-off on the Glenn
Highway, noticed a tree which had been blazed or the bark peeled off and the open
area painted with pictographic type figures ... The left half of the small human figure
on the left, and the left end of the animal figure have been covered over not only
with pitch and bark, but the new growth of the tree seems to have spread over and
covered them partially (Olson and Vitt, 1969, 77&ro).
They estimated the paintings were 122 years old. In other words the paintings were made
in 1847 (Olson & Vitt, 1969, 80). The researchers made an effort to consult the Tanana
Elders for possible explanations for the origin and meaning of the images. This is what
they learned:
12

"The Map. Bursom loved the sound of it. There was a majesty to the name. He stepped back from the
screens and looked at his creation. It was stupendous. It was more powerful than he thought. It was like

37

• He [Mr. Charlie David, Native informant] said that such paintings could be a

message to other band members to let them know people were moving somewhere
(Olson & Vitt, 1969, 81).

• Mrs. David said that she thought that the animal figure might indicate a dog packing
a load. The two curved vertical lines arising from the neck region may symbolize a
pack. Secondly, it was asked if the sign might have been made by a medicine
person. Mr. David was sure that a medicine person would not leave his 'mark' on
a tree. Both of the informants seemed sure that it was not done as a shamanistic
practice by the medicine person (Olson and Vitt, 1969, 81).

• He [Mr. David Paul, Native informant] mentioned that in former times a painting of
a human figure was made on a tree to indicate that someone had died. He said that
the work could be interpreted either way (Olson and Vitt, 1969, 81).

The Elders gave the researchers a variety of possible meanings for the tree painting.
They suggested that the images could be communications between band members or a
burial marker. They were quite sure that the images were not made by a medicine person.
I think the realm of possibilities presented is very helpful at this early stage, because it
expands our awareness of the possible meanings of tree art. Traditional science may have
judged this study as "inconclusive," but I see great value in the researchers' results because
they consulted the Elders.

I make the following important conclusions from the preceding review of the
written record. First, tree art existed across Canada and Alaska. Second, there seem to be
a variety of purposes for the tree art, including:

• records of vision quests or dreamings of new territory for family settlement;

•
•
•

records of war exploits;
traveller's messages along trails; and,
burial markers .

Third, the purpose of the practice seems to differ from nation to nation. Fourth, and
finally, my review ofthe ethnographic record shows that tree art was created in British

having the universe there on one wall..." (King, 1994, 128).

38

Columbia at least up until1910 or 1920, however, later in Chapter Three we see more
recent examples.

York, Daly and Arnett (Arnett et al., 1993, 10) have demonstrated that rock
writings "have been made from ancient times into the present century." I suspect the same
is true for tree art. While a number of accounts regarding tree art were recorded in the
1890's by Teit and others, the twentieth century is relatively barren of accounts. This void,
or lack of awareness of tree art by the First Nations and non-First Nations community is an
important signal or artifact regarding the effects of colonialism. I discuss these effects in
more detail when we reflect on our journey and the meaning of tree art at our campfire
discussion in Chapter Four. Let us now tum to consider analogous First Nations tree spirit
art forms which have been recorded by the academy, before moving on to preparation
number three which presents a more complete picture of First Nations appreciation of the
sacred nature of trees. Mter experiencing some of the richness of the oral traditions in
Chapter Two that refer to trees as sacred, and as the axis mundi, you, the reader, will be
ready to travel with new eyes and see the faces in the forest.

Art Forms Manifested from Tree Spirits
Three examples of First Nations masks and dolls are discussed in this section to
show how tree art could be manifested from spiritual beliefs regarding trees and the forest.
The Iroquois medicine mask is the first example of a manifestation of tree spirit beliefs. The
medicine mask is also known as the false face mask, but, I prefer the term medicine masks
because it is truer to their meaning. There has been exhaustive academic study of these
masks, most notably by Fenton (1987) and Parker (1923). The Iroquois, of the
Haudenosaunee Confederacy, have forbidden the public exhibition of the masks (Anon.,
1995 (a), 39). Therefore, out of respect for their wishes, I do not include images of these
beautiful masks here. The masks are very expressive, with exaggerated mouths, chins and

39

noses. Each mask is different in character, the mouth being the most variable form
(Fenton, 1987, 30).

Parker has documented the practice of carving the mask on a living tree, and then
remove it after a ceremony and thus becomes a mask rather than an in situ tree carving. The
earliest photograph of a person carving a medicine mask on a living tree was taken in 1905
by Arthur C. Parker (Fenton, 1987, 206). The more modem practice is to carve from
seasoned wood (Fenton, 1987, 209). The masks were carved in living trees because they
would subsequently imbue the life spirit of the tree; consequently, they were considered to
be more powerful than masks carved from seasoned wood (Fenton, 1987, 206-209). The
basswood tree was typically the tree of choice because "The absorbent quality of
basswood for drawing out diseases and for healing wounds is well known in Iroquois
medicine" (Fenton, 1987, 206). The carvers would offer the tree tobacco as part of a
three-day ritual of selecting and carving a mask from the living basswood tree (Fenton,
1987, 206-209). The Iroquois also carve the masks from hardwood trees such as elm,
cucumber and maple trees (Fenton, 1987, 128).

The oral history regarding the origin of the medicine mask is crucial to understand
because it provides the spiritual context for the medium, the tree. I have presented Parker's
(1923, 399) eloquent origin of the power of medicine masks below.
Unfolding from the trunk of the basswood, the great face stared out at the
spellbound hunter and opening wide its wide protruding lips began to speak. He
told of his wonderful eyesight, its blazing eyes could see behind the moon and
stars. His power could summon the storms or push a~i the clouds for the
sunshine. He knew all the virtues of roots and herbs, he knew all the diseases and
knew how to apply the remedies of herbs and roots. He was familiar with all the
poisons and could send them through the air and cure the sick. He could breathe
health or sickness. His power was mighty and could bring luck in battles. Evil and
poison and death fled when he looked, and good health and life came in its stead.
He told of the basswood and said that its soft wood was filled with medicine and
life. It contained the life of the wind and the life of the sunshine, and thus being
good, was the wood for the false-faces that the hunter must carve.

40

Long the hunter listened to the words of the giant false-face and then he wandered
far into the forest until the trees began to speak. Then he knew that there were trees
there in which the spirits of the beings of which he had dreamed and that the
Genonsgwa was speaking. He knew that now his task of carving must begin and
that the dream-beings, the voices, the birds and the animals that he saw must be
represented in the basswood masks that he must make.
Fenton (1987, 128) points out that "Not only are False Faces derived from trees,
but they can disappear into trees." The hunter's spiritual encounter occurs in the forest
where the supernatural being or false face unfolds before him on a tree. The face explains a
medicine ritual to the ancient hunter, and thus he began to carve the medicine masks from
the living tree. The hunter learned of the healing power of the tree spirit. The healing
tradition that developed from this original encounter is explained by Fenton (1987, 27).
The faces of the Forest have also claimed to possess the power to control sickness.
They have instructed dreamers to carve likeness in the form of masks, promising
that whenever anyone makes ready the feast, invokes their help while burning
tobacco, and sings the curing songs, supernatural power to cure disease will be
conferred on human beings who wear the masks ... Sick persons often dream of a
particular kind of mask, and the range of variation reflects artistic license of
individual carvers who sculpt the masks from single blocks of living basswood, or
some seasoned substitute.
Parker explains that a secret society called the False Face Company was responsible
for protecting and helping all living things. In return, the spirits of the Genonsgwa would
give healing powers to the medicine persons (Parker, 1923, 400).

There are many similarities between the Iroquois face that unfolds in the tree and the
Dakota Tree Dweller. The Tree Dweller belief manifests itself as an art form in the Tree
Dweller dolls, which have a much more haunting quality to them as compared to medicine
masks. Howard (1955, 169) says that the tree dweller appears in the form of a very small
man, an animal or a bird.
He dwells in the forest or in lonely places and is sometimes encountered by solitary
hunters or travellers. He is usually malevolent and often 'loses' people in the
woods or hills. He sometimes appears to people in visions, however, and if he is
secured by a person as a spirit helper in this manner he can be summoned to work
for the good of the visionary by performing the proper ceremony. Shamans with

41

tree dweller power usually made a small wooden image of him which they kept
along with their other medicines and paraphernalia (Howard, 1955, 170).
Like the tree face spirit, the Tree Dweller has the ability to grant "favored mortals the power
to cure certain diseases, the gift of clairvoyancy, and luck in hunting" (Howard, 1955,
169). Iroquois hunters would leave offerings of tobacco to the faces in the forest because
the spirits were feared if they were not shown respect, as is the case with the Dakota Tree
Dwellers. These spirits were both friend and foe.
The Nootka people, more properly known as the Nuu-Chah-Nulth, people believed
in tree and forest spirits, which manifested itself in art forms like masks. David Penney
(1981) did a detailed review of the Nootkan "Wild Man" forest spirit and its role in a winter
ceremonial called Tlokwalle. He suggests that the forest "functions as the common ground
between human and spirit, a zone where the mythic and social worlds overlap" (Penney,
1981, 95).1t is within this zone that anthropomorphic spirit beings live or come from their
home in the mountains. There are two types of spirit beings: 1) Almequo, he can be
dangerous to man and he can transfer power during the encounter; and 2) Puqmis, a former
human who became lost in the woods and died, subsequently becoming a ghost who could
not transfer power to humans (Penney, 1981, 95). Almequo is a supernatural being who
partially enters the human world through the forest and puqmis is a human who partially
enters the realm of the supernatural. Penney (1981, 97) describes how a Nootkan person
could anticipate two types of encounters in the forest.
The human, when entering the forest, was aware of two possible consequences:
that he would encounter a supernatural being, and, if he was spiritually prepared,
he would return to the village strengthened with supernatural power--or that he
would behave carelessly, be led astray by a puqmis, and lose his human identity.
Penney (1981, 99-107) describes some human-like masks which are common
manifestations of these forest spirits. For example he discusses the Makah (Neah Bay)
mask called Qualu bo quth (giant wild man of the woods), the Kwakiutl Bookwus mask

42

(wild man of the woods), Ts'onoqua (Cannibal Woman) masks and the Nootkan cedar
bark ogre mask.

The medicine masks, tree dweller carvings and Nootkan masks have all originated
from spiritual beliefs about the tree and forest. These examples open up potential
interpretations for tree art, and add to the realm of possible meanings. They also contribute
to our understanding of the intended viewing context of tree art by illustrating the spiritual
nature of trees and the forest. A common theme in these examples is the spiritual
encounters with supernatural beings who appear near "great trees" in the forest and either
empower the human character of the story or bring bad luck in hunting.

Preparation Three: The Sacred Tree
The tree in a forest, the medium for tree art, symbolizes a spiritual attachment to
earth in a very profound manner. 13 The tree, as a medium of expression, is a fundamental
element of the artists intended creation. First Nations art can convey power through its
aesthetics, especially when it is viewed in the intended viewing context. The intended
viewing context is simply where the artist envisioned his/her art to be viewed, and therefore
the context contributes to the intended meaning. For example, an artist may create a dance
mask which takes on meaning through performance. A museum goer cannot appreciate the
full meaning of this dance mask if it is viewed in a static state behind the museum glass
because it is not the intended viewing context. An artist can enhance spiritual power by
paying attention to the aesthetics of form and style. The master carver, for example, has
the ability to bring life to art work. For instance, a shaman could enlist the best carver to
13

The Australian Aborigines express their spiritual attachment to the Earth in a beautiful and fundamental
fashion through their sand paintings. The Earth is their medium. Geoffrey Bardon's (1991) book entitled
Modern Art - Ancient Icon: A gallery of Dreamings From Aboriginal Australia, displays the art within the
context of the Aborigines' spiritual beliefs and he describes their tie to the land as follows:

43

convey the spiritual power of his/her visions or travels between worlds. Tree art is a very
powerful art form because of its contextual and aesthetic power.

The forest, as a context from which inspiration could arise, is also a fundamental
characteristic of tree art. You can only understand the intended meaning of tree art when
you view it in the intended viewing context, including the physical and spiritual worlds
which I refer to as the First Nations landscape. Art manifests itself from the artist's spirit.
The artist, through performance, then creates the image (Vastokas, 1992, 17). My art
originates either from dreams, experiences with nature, or inspirations from oral histories.
Boas (1955, 349) concludes that art arises from the expression of emotions and thought. I
would suggest the spirit is a source of emotion and thought, and furthermore, the forest
context from which the inspirations arises also affects the artistic expression.

The sacred tree is an omnipresent symbol in cultures throughout the world. The
"sacred" use their power to manifest themselves in the profane world in the form of natural
objects such as rocks or trees (Eliade, 1963, 30). Mircea Eliade, in his study of world
religions (Eliade, 298-300), refers to the sacred tree as the "Tree of Life" or "Cosmic
Tree." He says "The myths and legends which relate to the Tree of Life there often include
the idea that it stands at the centre of the universe, binding together earth, heaven and hell."
14

For instance he refers to the Chinese miraculous tree at the centre of the universe called

"Kien-Mou" or standing-wood: "they say that at midday nothing upright standing near it
can cast a shadow" (Eliade, 1963, 299-300). Gupta (1980, 10) tells a story about Adam
and the "tree of life." The ailing Adam, the first man, sent his son Seth to ask the angel for
a branch from the tree of life. The branch was planted on Adam's grave and it grew into a

"The association with the land is basic to Aboriginal spiritual belief, and his recall and heritage explains
poetically his understanding of the land and nature" (Bardon, 1991,8).
14
First Nations do not have a "heaven and hell" concept in their cosmology, rather it is earth and the spirit
worlds.

44

tree. Eventually the wood from this tree was used to make the Holy Cross. Gupta (1980,
23) also tells an old Celtic legend about the trembling aspen tree.
It is said that during Christ's agony in the garden of Gethse [Gethsemanie ], he was
overshadowed by an aspen tree, which burst the fibers of its leaves on witnessing
the supernatural agony of its creator, and from that time, in memorium, it trembles
when even a breath of wind is not stirring.

Other cultural beliefs include the people of India saying that the Lord Vaishnu and other
deities reside on the top of the most sacred tree called Peepal. The Japanese believe that the
pine tree is a symbol oflongevity (Gupta, 1980, 10&32). Eliade (1963, 281) says that sapfilled trees symbolize motherhood in Mrica and India, "and are therefore venerated by
women, as well as sought out by the spirits of the dead who want to return to life."

First Nations such as the Dene believe they are protected against dangerous spirits if
they sleep beneath a large spruce tree (Dene Wodih Society, 1990, 30). The Seneca
creation stories tell of a great tree beside the great illustrious chief's lodge in the Sky World
or Heaven that bore com for food (Thompson, 1967, 14). There are many First Nations
sacred tree symbols such as the Five Nations Tree of Peace. The tree symbolizes a "Great
Peace" between the Five Nations. Colden (1866, 58) quotes a Mohawk Chief as saying:
We now plant a Tree who's tops will reach the Sun, and its Branches spread far
abroad, so that it shall be seen afar off; & we shall shelter ourselves under it, and
live in Peace, without molestation.
This Five Nations symbol of peace and law has endured since its creation in 1684 (Parker,
1923, 431 ). The sacred tree is a power symbol for Git~san because it represents the law.
Git~san

Chief Gwisqyen described how each successive generation draws its strength

from the land as a tree's roots sink deeper and deeper into the ground.
This is like an ancient tree that has grown the roots right deep ...into the ground.
lt's ... sunk. This big tree's roots are sunk deep into the ground and that's
how ... our law is ...The strength of our law is passed on from generation to
generation and each generation makes it stronger right to this day where I am now
(Rush et al, 1990, 1-2).

4S

The sacred tree is all trees, because all trees have a living spirit. Many First
Nations, such as the Carrier believe that animals and trees could talk to man a very long
time ago and still do in vision quest experiences. 15 The tree is a source of nourishment and
power, a source of life (Bopp et al., 1984, 7). I will be exploring the meaning of the
sacred tree by examining the spirit of trees. The tree is the artistic medium for tree art and
the forest its context. Therefore I believe as an artist that one should understand the artistic
medium and context to fully understand the art form.

Members of the Four Worlds Development project, based in Lethbridge, Alberta,
worked in cooperation with numerous Elders, to create a book on native spirituality. The
sacred tree is the main theme because "The Sacred Tree as a symbol oflife-giving meaning
is of vital importance to the indigenous people of the earth" (Bopp et al., 1984, 20). The
teachings in this book inspired me to structure my discussion of the sacred tree around their
four categories' of meaning which are: wholeness, protection, nourishment and growth. I
discuss these categories in the following sections: the spirit of trees, the supernatural tree,
the sustainer of life, and tree growth. By exploring the sacred tree concept I hope we
arrive at a place of better understanding of the sacred tree, tree spirits, the forest and
ultimately the intended viewing context for tree art.

Spirit of Trees
All things are interrelated. Everything in the universe is a part of the single whole.
Everything is connected in some way to everything else (Bopp et al, 1985, 26).

15

"Pardon me, says that Tree, maybe you would like something to eat.
That would be nice, says First Woman, and all sorts of good things to eat fall out of that Tree. Apples fall
out. Melons fall out. Bananas fall out. Hot dogs. Fry bread, corn, potatoes. Pizza. Extra-crispy fried
chicken.
Thank You, says First Woman, and she picks up all that food and brings it back to Ahdamn.
Talking trees! Talking trees! says GOD. What kind of a world is this?" (King, 1994, 40-41).

46

I am humbled by their presence, always, whether I am among the wise old Douglas
firs that edge the ridge parallelling the Blackwater River in Carrier country, or the misty
hemlock forests that protect Kuldo Creek in Git~san territory. Their spirits pulse through
the old growth forests. Trees seem immortal, because humans can only wish, at best, to
occupy a few centimeters of their ringed history. Perhaps it is their relative immortality that
humbles me?
Can these thoughts really be those of a professional forester, who was trained to
liquidate the negative mean annual increment of the decaying British Columbia old growth
forests? Yes, I was, as many others were, drawn to forestry because I enjoy being in the
forest for spiritual rather than economic pleasure. Unfortunately, this reverence for trees
and the forest can be trained or persuaded away.

I begin once again with another poignant story by Nick Prince because it flips the
western perspective to emphasize a Carrier perspective. Nick wrote a story called How I

Became a Dugout Canoe (Prince, nd). Nick told me that the story is autobiographical
(Nick Prince, personal communication, November 6, 1995). He made his first dugout
canoe when he was a teenager. I do not reproduce the whole story, instead I present some
relevant excerpts related to the tree spirit. 16

I came into being in the forests on
the south side of what is known
as Great Beaver Lake. This is an
area with some hills, but no
mountains; a region ideally suited
for my friends and I to grow up
in. I began my life as a tiny seed,
16

and took root in the damp dark
soil of the land ...As I grew taller,
I grew stronger. The wind and
storms provided the exercise I
needed to give my body the
resiliency to bend and sway with
my brothers. We enjoyed life

I use a two column presentation format for stories to remind the reader that the text is a translation of the
oral tradition. I previously discussed how Paula Gunn Allen cautioned the interpretation of text based on
oral history.

47

with the moose, grouse and bear
that fed around us. These
animals, we also recognized as

brothers and sisters (Prince, nd.,
1) .

Nick has written his story from the tree's perspective as a living spirit. Nick has been a
trapper, carpenter, head sawyer and tribal chief. His range of lived experience could have
lead him to a variety of perspectives but he has chosen a very spiritual one. The story
proceeds to the point where the Carrier choose the cottonwood tree for their dugout canoe.

They pointed out the tree for the
young boy who was with them,
and told him the funny tree was
calledT'soo, (Spruce) and they
pointed at me and called me Ts 'i
tel , ( Cottonwood). The young
boy came over to me and spoke
these words as he tapped on my
trunk with his hand; Nyun
atahat'sunyudanta:n, (You, we
have chosen) ...The men returned
[the following spring] at this same
time, only there were more of
them than before. They all
crowded around me and talked,
and I was proud to be so tall and

straight. They made a fire, and
camped away from us. We
noticed there were two families
this time, and their children
played in the woods around us.
Each day, the fathers of these two
families would bring some water
to throw on me, and they would
say some words to me.
Somehow the water seemed
different from what I had grown
up knowing! They did this for
four sunrises, and each day they
faced in a different direction after
they had thrown water on me
(Prince, nd., 5-6).

When Nick tells this story to a group of people, at this point in the story, he will
ask why the characters are putting water on the tree. The next passage answers this
question.
On the fifth day they cut Ts 'i tel
down and 'The following
morning they came early. One
old man walked up to me, threw
water on me, and said; Ts 'i
tanleh. Ndi too buhol 'eh, (You
are going to become a canoe.
Become accustomed to this

water)' ... 'Every day they worked
on me, they put some water on
me, and now I could sense the
water had come from this lake. I
no longer felt strange! It seemed I
was to become a part of the water
in this lake' (Prince, nd., 7&9).

Nick explains that they are introducing the spirit of the lake to the spirit of the tree. Nick' s
beautiful story is an example of what it means to have respect for the spirit of the tree.

48

My Elders have told me that the Git~san do not leave offerings to a tree when they
harvest its bark or choose it to make a canoe, house or crest pole. Instead they would talk
to the tree and explain why they would need its help. The Git~san and Witsuwit'en spiritual
belief is described in the opening statement of their land claims case (Anon., 1987, 18-19).
The Git~san and Witsuwit'en believe that both humans and animals, when they
die, have the potential to be reincarnated. But only if the spirit is treated with the
appropriate respect. If the bones of animals and fish are not treated with that
respect, thereby preventing their reincarnation, then they will not return to give
themselves up to humans. In this way, a person's actions not only interact with
those of the animals and the spirits, but also have repercussions for future
generations, deprived of the food that will ensure their survival.
Marius Barbeau (1973, 198) presented four precepts that a Git~san person
observed, and the first one reflects how strongly the Git~san believe in the "spirits-selves"
of all beings:
Do not abuse animals or ridicule them. Their lives are not unlike yours. Their
spirit-selves, unless propitiated, stand over them in readiness for the deed of
retaliation. Do not waste their flesh or scatter their bones. Above all, spare their
broods, lest they visit wrath upon you and migrate from your hunting territories,
leaving them barren and desolate for your own ruin.
Stanley Walens (1981, 116-117) suggested a similar Kwakiutl perspective on the
reincarnation of the tree sprits. The beaver and humans both have the ability to cut down
'

..

trees, and they have a responsibility to treat the tree with respect. Consequently the spirit
of the tree is properly released and reborn into another being. He said that "The Kwakiutl
see trees, especially cedars, as living beings with faces, arms, legs, and souls" (Walens,
1981, 116). Walens concludes that both the beaver and human share an important destiny
"because they alone can ensure the survival of the forest" (Walens, 1981, 117). 17

17

Trees were cut down with stone adzes in the "old days" prior to the introduction of the metal axe. The
Koyukon people used the "beaver style" method to fell a tree (Nelson, 1986, 35). John Brown (Brown,
1959, 775) a Tsimshian Elder recalled in 1927 that:
In the old days, the trees were cut down with stone axes, and the carvings were done with sharp
bones, the leg bones of the bear or the caribou. As for the finishing touches, the carver would use
beaver incisors tied together very tight, from beaver teeth lashed on a handle.
This passage from an oral history provides important clues to how trees were cut and carved. The passage
also reminds me of Walens' (1981) description of the close relationship between human beings and
beavers as the only beings that cut down trees.

49

Reincarnation is an important characteristic of Gi~san spiritual beliefs. Antonia
Mills ( 1988, 45-46) suggests that Git~san and other shamanistic peoples believe that the
soul or spirit can survive physical death and reanimate into another body through numerous
cycles. Mills (1988, 49) queried a Tsimshian Elder, "Reincarnation must give you a
different sense of self," to which the Elder replied "It gives us a different sense to be in
tune with spirit.." Mills (1994, 214) says that the Git~san watch for rebirth of their high
chiefs in particular. She suggests that rebirth can occur in some cases within nine months
after death. The Git~san belief in reincarnation manifests itself in everyday life through the
respect shown for all beings whether a tree, lynx or human. The Git~san have a
responsibility, as Walens describes it, to treat and care for the spirit so that it can continue
its cycle of reincarnation. Trees are no exception.

The Sustainer of Life
The ancient ones taught us that the life of the Tree
is the life of the people (Bopp et al 1985, 7).

The purpose of this section is to describe how important the tree is as a sustainer of
life, and to highlight examples of certain First Nations sacred regard for all trees because
they were guardians and protectors from birth, and could exhibit supernatural power. The
tree also sustains life as a source of food such as the inner bark, and as material for
baskets, canoes, crest poles, houses and fuel to name only a few of its uses. The tree was
a great provider. The

t

~ people, in the Fraser Valley, have a song about Hopai, the

Cedar (Street, 1974, 72).
There was one good man.
To him K'HHalls said:
'You shall be a tree;
You shall be Ho-pai, the cedar;
You shall be houses, beds, ropes;
You shall be baskets and blankets;
You shall be a strong boat
In the flood that I shall send

50

To show this Tsee-o-hil
That there is One other than he
In Schwail, the earth.'
The St6:lo people still live by this ancient song. In a story about cedar bark a young
Coast Salish girl (St6:lo Sitel Curriculum Committee, 1983, 15) tells of her experience
collecting cedar bark with her granny, and of how her granny chose a tree.
Then she spoke to the tree, 'We have come to honour you, mother cedar. We need
your help. We need your bark to make our clothing. We thank you for the many
gifts you give our people. We ask your help in the work ahead of us.' Then she
lay down a small weaving she had made, her gift to the cedar tree.
The inner bark of the lodgepole pine and hemlock trees was an important food in
the spring. Alexander Mackenzie (1970, 352) observed some "interior Indians" in 1793
eating a delicacy of the inner tegument of the bark of trees. He said that they used a thin
piece of bone for stripping the bark. He also describes (Mackenzie, 1970, 366) the Bella
Coola people eating the inner bark 'Of the hemlock tree.
The dish is considered by these people [Bella Coola] as a great delicacy; and on
examination, I discovered it to consist of the inner rind of the hemlock tree, taken
off early in summer, put into a frame, which shapes it into cakes of fifteen inches
long, ten broad, and half an inch thick: and in this form I should suppose it may be
preserved for a great length of time. This discovery satisfied me respecting the
many hemlock trees which I had observed stripped of their bark.
Garland (1899, 82) observed the same practice in June of 1898 while he travelled
through Carrier territory.
Like the Jicarilla Apaches, these people have discovered the virtues of the inner
bark of the black pine. All along the trail were trees from which wayfarers had
lunched, leaving a great strip of white inner wood exposed.
'Man heap dry -- this muck-a-muck heap good, ' said the young fellow, as he
handed me a long strip to taste. It was cool and sweet to the tongue, and on a hot
day would undoubtedly quench thirst. The boy took it from the tree by means of a
chisel-shaped iron after the heavy outer bark has been hewed away by the axe.
There is a description of Carrier women harvesting shavings of the pine cambium in a
"Carrier myth" recorded by Morice (1896, 22).

51

I have seen hemlock trees in the Kuldo area and lodgepole pine trees near Fraser
Lake that have rectangles of bark removed for about one-third of the circumference of the
tree (see Figures 1.3). Eldridge (1982) wrote an extensive paper on the topic of First
Nations people harvesting the inner bark, or cambium, of a tree. Eldridge ( 1982, 26)
supports the assertion that "Stripping for cambium is a logical interpretation of rectangular
wounds on hemlock, spruce, pines, aspens, and cottonwood." My observations are that
the scars are about one to two meters from the ground, and the scarred trees usually occur
in groups. She suggests that the cambium was a source of sugar, as a source of energy for
traveling and the hemlock cambium could be a source of calcium for children and pregnant
women (Eldridge, 1982, 24). Harvesting would occur in the spring when the peelability of
the bark is high due to the increased flow of sap in the tree.

There are many more uses for the tree. Hilary Stewart ( 1984) has described many
uses of the cedar tree, and Nancy Turner ( 1979) has published books of plant use,
including trees, by British Columbian First Nations people. There are also a few more
uses that may still be visible. For example, George Dawson (1891, 18) observed that the
Shuswap people used ponderosa pine (yellow pine) bark chips as a source of fuel. The
bark did not smolder for long; consequently, a pursuing war party would find "it is difficult
to tell by an ipspection of the embers how long ago the fire was made." I have observed
some Douglas-fir trees at the archaeological site between North and South Pender Islands
that have had the bark chipped off (see Figure 2.2). This site may have been a layover spot
where it was strategic to leave little trace.

George Dawson (1891, 14) also reported another unique use the Shuswap people
had for the bark of the western white pine tree to make small canoes. He explained that
"The inner side of the bark, stripped from the tree in one piece becomes the outer side of
the canoe .... " This case is somewhat unique because the canoe is made from white pine

52

bark rather than birch bark. The Okanagan people are well known for their birch bark
canoes (Turner, 1979, 199).

Foresters and archaeologists refer to cedar trees, for example, which have been
stripped of their bark by First Nations as "Culturally Modified Trees" Sophie Thomas, a
Carrier Elder and healer, told me that the British Columbia Forest Service had long since
prohibited their practice of harvesting the inner bark of pine trees as a source of food
(personal communication, October 17, 1995). This is an example of the "clash" of cultures
and the impact of colonialism on the traditional lifestyle of First Nations people.

The tree was a sustainer of spiritual and physical life. The results of First Nations
sustenance harvesting activities are still evident in that the scars from harvesting the
cambium and bark are still visible. Later I provide a brief discussion of the growth of a tree
and how scarring can affect a tree. This discussion will help us interpret the First Nations
landscape.

The tree was important to many First Nations throughout the cycle of their life. 18 In
the beginning a woman or a man, the mother or father of the newborn, would place the
afterbirth in a tree or bury it at the foot of a tree. This widespread practice has been
documented for the Sekani (Jenness, 1937, 54), Tahltan and Kaska (Teit, 1956, 101),
Kwakiutl (Walens, 1981, 110), Alkatcho Carrier (Goldman, 1940, 273) and the Bulkley
Carrier (Jenness, 1943, 530). Teit (1956, 104-105) gave a detailed description of a
Tahltan or Kaska ritual associated with a male newborn.
There was a custom if the infant was male for the father to repair to the confinement
lodge shortly after the afterbirth had come. He took with him a miniature bow and
18

In fact, the tree is believed to be a "protector" of newborn children in many religions around the world.
Fliade (1963, 306) says the tree can make the birth easy, and can also act as a guardian over the newborn.
He says that "direct contact with embodiments of power and life can be nothing but favourable to the
newborn child" (Eiiade, 1963, 307).

SJ

arrows, the latter about five inches long. These he made as soon as he had learned
his child was a boy.
Holding them in the infant's hands, he made motions as if the infant was shooting
the afterbirth with an arrow. Sometimes the arrow was actually shot at the
afterbirth. At the same time the father prayed aloud, saying "May my boy be a
good hunter and a good shot in after years." He then wrapped up the bow and
arrow and going to some tree in a secluded place (or any place near by, according to
some) hung the package up in the tree or hid it in the branches offoliage .. .It was
believed the conducting of this ceremony helped to make the boy become an expert
and lucky hunter...
Walens (1981, 110) also provides a detailed discussion about the Kwakiutl ritual.
Normally the afterbirth of a child, which is considered a part of its living flesh, is
ritually treated to prevent sorcerers from using it to bewitch the child. It is then
buried at the foot of a live cedar tree, where its substance is absorbed into the tree.
This ritual is believed to ensure the longevity of the child in three ways: first, the
tree becomes the guardian of the child; second, just as the tree lives a long time, so
too will t ~ child; and third, since children are considered to have a very tenuous
link to this world until they have been given their first name (at ten months), the
absorption of their living substance into that tree helps establish a firmer link to life.
Goldman (1940, 273) suggests that the practice ensured easier childbirth in the
future while Jenness (1943, 530) attributes it to ensuring fertility. Regardless of the
particular reason, the tree spirit has the power to bring good luck in future activities such as
conceiving, birthing, survival and hunting. My Great Aunt Sophia Mowatt told me that the
GitKsan would put the afterbirth of a boy in a tree to bring good luck in hunting and of a
girl in a berry bush to bring good luck in berry picking (Mowatt, personal communication,
July 24, 1995).

Simon Fraser (1960, 85-86) observed "many piles of sapin [fir branches] near the
road," and was informed by his guides that "they were birth places." This observation was
made at a place where the Thompson and Lillooet people mixed.

Many cultures including the Kwagulth (Dawson, 1887,348-349 and Walens,
1981, 60), and the Bella Coola or Nuxalk people (Mackenzie, 1970, 387) placed their

54

dead in trees, on poles or scaffolds. Dawson (1887, 348-349) gave a detailed account of
the Kwakiutl practice.
The graves of the kwakiool are of two principal kinds: little scaffolds to which the
cOffin-box is lashed, high upon the branches of fir trees, and known as tuh-pe-kh;
and tombs built of slabs of wood on the ground ... The trees used for the deposit of
the dead are often quite close to the village, but when a tomb is placed upon the
ground, it is generally on some rocky islet or insular rock... Graves in trees are
generally festooned with blankets or streamers of cloth and similar appendages are
affixed to poles in the vicinity of the graves on the ground. Roughly carved human
figures in the wood are also often added. These sometimes hold in their hands
wooden models of copper plates which are so much valued by these northern tribes
of the coast.

It is not entirely clear, based on this description, where the carvings were done.
George Dawson (1891, 10) gave a similar but unfortunately vague description of carved
figures at Shuswap burial sites.
Some years ago, carved or painted figures, generally representing men, were
commonly to be found about the graves along the Fraser and Thompson. The posts
of the enclosure were also not infrequently rudely carved and painted while kettles
and other articles of property were hung about the grave or in its vicinity. Horses
were in some cases killed, and the skins hung near the graves; but most of these
objects have now disappeared, and crosses are frequently substituted for the old
carvings.

It may be important to note that carvings of human figures or animals were used by
some First Nations such as the Shuswap to mark burial sites.

Alexander Mackenzie ( 1970, 387) observed "the remains of bones" near or beneath
large old cedar trees which sometimes measured "twenty-four feet in girth, and of a
proportionate height." Mackenzie surmised that the Bella Coola "natives may have
occasionally burned their dead in this wood."

Walens (1981, 60) attaches the following

meaning to the Kwakiutl practice.
A person who dies and is buried in a tree still resides in the world of humans; as his
body decomposes or is devoured by scavengers, his material existence disappears,
but his soul travels to other places in the world.
The theme I take from this passage is that the tree is a medium of travel for the spirit of the
dead person. Many First Nations believe the spirit can travel to the spirit world. My Great
Aunt Sophia (Mowatt, personal communication, July 24, 1995) told me that the

55

missionaries persuaded the Git~san to stop their cremation practices and bury their dead in
the ground. She said that there was a short transition period where the dead were wrapped
in birch bark, sat in bent boxes rather than coffins, and buried in a grave. I think the
Git~san originally placed the dead, wrapped in cedar or birch bark, in trees before they

were burnt. Boas (1970, 534) feels that Mr. Teit's version of the burial practice "seems
more plausible, because it agrees with the statement contained in traditions." Teit observed
that some First Nations removed the organs from the body before it was cremated, and "the
body was preserved for some time before being deposited in the grave-box, which was
placed on a tree." Burial posts or trees were commonly used as resting places for the
body. A story recorded by Benyon reporting Tsimshian burial practices supports Boas's
claim.
He placed her [the Chief's daughter] in a burial box which was the way people
disposed of their dead in olden times. They did not bury them in the ground but put
them on burial posts. Often guards were placed there to prevent the remains being
tampered with (Cove and MacDonald, 1987, 7).
People with higher names may have been placed on burial posts and people of
lower status may have been placed on trees. Perhaps lower status people did not warrant
the effort of making a pole. The carvings and cloth on the burial box and nearby posts or
trees may act as guardians to ensure the spirit is not disturbed while on its journey to the
spirit world. For example, Jonaitis describes carved figures placed against the trees
surrounding a Tlingit shaman's grave house. 19 She attributes the purpose of these carved
grave guardians to "protect the shaman's remains from evil forces" because the "power
lived ever after his remains" (Jonaitis, 1986, 26-27). Barbeau's third precept (Barbeau,
1973, 198-99) summarizes the Git~san belief in the soul's journey after death giving rise
to tree burials, as the axis mundi to the spirit world.
For the dead survive as ghosts, dwelling for a time in the air above their former
habitations, and they may cause injury to the living. Mourn their loss, however
lightly, cremate their remains and lay them on trees, that their souls may journey
abroad and cross the river of sighs in the end.
19

Mallery (1972, 409) shows an Australian native's grave surrounded by carved trees.

56

There is a close association of the tree with the life and death cycle. The genesis of
First Nations peoples' sacred regard for all trees may originate with their association with
birth and rebirth, the trees' ability to sustain life, and with power endowed to certain trees
by supernatural beings. Any tree can have one or all of these characteristics, and thus some
First Nations people respect each and every tree.

Supernatural Tree

The Sacred Tree represents the Great Spirit
as the center pole of creation ...
The physical world is real. The spiritual world is real.
These two are aspects of one reality. (Bopp et al, 1985, 23 & 27)

Many First Nations people believe that all trees have spirits. Additionally, a sacred
tree may also act as the axis mundi, "axis of the universe," which centers human

communication with the sky

~ Consequently, according to Eliade (1963, 300),

encounters with supernatural beings can only happen near the axis mundi or "by means of
it." The axis mundi theme as it relates to Sun Dance ceremonial poles is discussed in
Jorgensen's (1974) classic study of the Ute and Shoshone Sun Dance. He describes the
cottonwood tree centre pole, in the Sun Dance corral, as follows:
The center pole and the other ritual items of the [Sun Dance] corral have several
meanings for the dancers. At base, however, is the belief that the center pole is the
medium through which supernatural power is channeled. The center pole is also
believed to have supernatural power of its own. Power comes in the form of sun's
rays, but need not come only in this form. Power can also be channeled through
the pole at night, either through the moon or through the sacred fire (Jorgensen,
1974, 182).
The Sacred tree symbolizes the axis mundi or connection between the physical world and
the spiritual world. 20 I examine this theme in detail when I discuss the supernatural tree of

20

Australian aborigines have an analogous belief. Morphy (1991, 199-120, 130, & 138) describes the
djuwany post in the Australian Yolngu molk (initiation) ceremonial ground as a locus for the
transmission of ancestral power through and place. The ceremony reenacts the creation of a river, where
the ancestors chopped down a stringybark tree. When the tree fell it split into many pieces which became
djuwany posts, and it also spread honey and bees across the land.

57

oral history stories. I am going to explore this theme in oral history stories, primarily of
Git~san and Tsimshian origin.

The following oral history, recorded by Franz Boas, demonstrates the Tsimshian
belief that the sacred tree can act as a ladder or connection between earth world and the
supernatural sources of power who dwell in the sky world. Barbeau (1973, 185) describes
how the sky world, or sky country, "rests on the blue vault a very short distance above the
mountain peaks." 21 The tree ladder or axis mundi concept is similar to the Git~san
perception of the role of a crest pole which is analogous to the tree.
[The pole] re-creates, by reaching upwards, the link with the spirit forces that give
the people their power, while at the same time it is planted in the ground, where its
roots spread out in to the land, thereby linking man, spirit power and the land so
they form a living whole (Anon., 1987, 24).
Franz Boas recorded the following story about squirrels in his book Tsimshian

Texts (1902, 211-216). The story presents the concept of the Git~san teaching of respect
for all beings, the tree as a link to the supernatural, and the relationship between the tree
and the shaman's training. The entire story is presented below.
There were four children who
were always shooting squirrels.
They killed them all the time.
Then they dried their skins and
put away their meat. They did so
at the foot of a large spruce tree-they did so for a long time all the
year round. Then they had killed
all the squirrels. Only the chief of
the sq4irrels and his daughter
were left. She was very white.
Now, a boy went out and came to
the foot of the great spruce tree.
He looked upward, and saw a
little white squirrel running round

the tree. When it had gotten to the
other side of the tree, behold, he
saw that she was a young
woman. The boy saw her. The
woman called him. Then the boy
placed his bow at the foot of the
great tree.
The woman entered the house of
her father, who was the chief of
the squirrels. He was much
troubled, as all his people were
dead. Therefore he had sent his
child to call the boy. The chief
questioned his daughter, and she

21

"That Sky world has all sorts of things. Sky things. They got Sky Moose. They got Sky Bear. They
got Sky Elk. Sky Buffalo.
And Sky Coyotes?" says Coyote. (King, 1994, 38).

58

replied, 'The boy is standing
outside. ' Then the chief said,
'Come in, my dear, if it is you
who killed my people.' The
prince entered and sat down.
They gave him something to eat.
After he had finished, the chief
said, 'Why did you kill all my
people?' The prince replied, 'I
did not know that they were your
people, therefore I did so.' 'Take
pity on me,' said the chief to the
prince. 'When you return home,
bum the meat and the skins of all
the squirrels. I will make you a
shaman.' The chief did so; he
made the prince a shaman. Now
he was a great shaman. 'Your
name as a shaman shall be
Squirrel,' said the chief.
The prince lay down. Then the
chief rose and put on his dancing
apron. He painted his body red,
and put on a crown of bear claws.
Form his neck hung the skins of
squirrels. He held a rattle in his
hand and sang, 'Ia haa, ia nigua
iahae! I become accustomed to
this side, I become accustomed to
the other side.' Then the prince
became a great shaman. The chief
of the squirrels did so a whole
year. Then he sent the prince
home.
The chief, who had lost his son,
had almost forgotten him. Then
one of his other sons went to
shoot squirrels, and came to the
place where his brother had been.
He came to the great spruce tree.
he looked up, and, behold, the
skeleton of a man was hanging in
the branches. The bones were
held together by skin only. His
flesh was all gone.
The boy returned. He entered the
house and told his father about it.

The father sent the young men,
who saw where the body was
hanging. Then one young man
climbed the tree, took the body
down, and they carried it home.
They entered the house. Now the
chief's wife took a mat. She
spread it out and laid the body
down on it. She laid it down very
nicely. The young men placed his
hands, his feet, and his head in
the way they belonged, and laid
the head down face upward.
There were only bones. Then
they covered the mat with another
mat. They painted it red and
covered it with bird down. Then
they sacrificed. For four nights
and days his father and mother
did not stay in the home. They
had gone to another place, to
another house. Only four men,
his most intimate friends, watched
him. Then they sang 'Ae!'
accompanying their song with
batons. Then they spoke,
singing. Then the body came to
life again. The bones were
covered with flesh. Then he
sang. He invited the tribe of his
father in and the people came.
then the prince said, 'Bum the
meat of all the squirrels that I shot
during the past y<fars, and bum
their bones and the skins, which I
. am keeping in many boxes. ' The
people did so. They burnt it all.
Then the great master of the
squirrels was glad, because his
tribe had come to life again. Then
the prince sang, "Ia heiaha a,
heia' aya negwa iaha!' I become
accustomed to this side; I become
accustomed to the other side.' He
stood there, and was a great
shaman. Then he stopped. His
name as a shaman was Squirrel.
That is the end.

This story begins by telling of a young boy who did not respect squirrels and his
resulting encounter with the Chief of the Squirrels, from the other side (the spirit world),

S9

at "the foot of the great spruce tree." It is common for the supernatural being to be a white
animal, like the white squirrel that enticed the boy into the tree. The white squirrel
transformed into the Chief's daughter and led the boy to the Chief of the Squirrels.
Git~san, Tsimshian and many other First Nations stories have examples of characters

encountering supernatural beings at, or through the medium of a "great tree." For example,
Goldman (1940, 356-57) recorded a similar Southern Carrier story about respecting
squirrels where the boy entered the sky world or spirit world by climbing a tree.
Tsax'Kaps sister liked him.
Tsax'kap used to shoot squirrel
all the time. His sister told him,
'If you shoot at that squirrel and
you miss your arrow will go way
up.' Tsax'kap shot at a squirrel
and missed. The arrow started to
go up. He climbed a tree to catch
the arrow which appeared always

a little bit ahead of him. The tree
grew up higher and higher. In a
short time Tsax'kap looked
down. He saw like a smoke.
Above he could see a hole in the
sky. The tree was just a bit short
so Tsax' Kap climbed in [where
the sky God lived].

Morice (1896, 22) translated a Carrier oral history about a jealous husband who
followed his wife to a dead tree. She struck the trunk with a stick and "Soon a beautiful
young man, white as daylight, came out of the top of the tree and played with her." The
reoccurring theme of a white, supernatural being appearing from a tree is replicated in this
myth.

Charlie Mack, a Lillooet Elder, tells a Coyote story where Coyote tricks his son into
travelling into the "upper world." Coyote used his power to put dirt on a stump and then he
called it an eagle's nest. His son Yikw-OOSH-hin began to climb the stump to get the nest,
and "Coyote made the tree grow a little higher" (Mack, 1977, 20).
Boas's squirrel story also describes the training of a shaman, and explains how he
lives in both worlds, "I become accustomed to this side; I become accustomed to the other
side." This phrase is one of the most beautiful and expressive explanations of First
Nations cosmology. It describes the shaman's ability to let his spirit travel between the two

60

worlds. The youth's shriveled body was hung on a tree by the supernatural Chief, and the
youth came back as a shaman after the squirrel meat and bones were burned. The squirrel
spirits were properly released; consequently, they could be reincarnated back into squirrel
people. Diamond Jenness (1986, 65-70) recorded a similar story of Old Pierre, a Coast
Salish medicine man. The story explains how Pierre was chosen to be a medicine man and
his encounter with "the father of all trees."
My mind returned to my body and
I awoke, but now in my hands
and wrists I felt power. I rose up
and danced until I fell exhaustive
again and my mind left me once
more. Now I travelled to a huge
tree - the father of all trees,
invisible to mortal eyes; and
always behind me moved the
same being as before, though I
could not see him. As I stood
before the mighty trunk, he said:
'Listen, the tree will speak to
you.'
For a long time I stood there
waiting. Finally the tree spoke:
'0 poor boy. No living soul has
ever seen me before. Here I
stand, watching all the trees and
all the people throughout this
world, and no one knows me.

One power and one only I shall
grant you. When you are treating
the sick, you shall see over the
whole world; when the mind of
your patient is lost you shall see
and recapture it. Remain here for
awhile till someone comes with a
noise like the rushing of a great
wind- someone who always rests
on the top of this tree. Do not
look until I bid you.'
I waited. There came a sound as
of a great wind at the top of the
tree. 'Now look,' said the tree. I
looked. On its summit stood a
great white horse. Its hoofs were
red, and two persons sat on its
back. 'That horse flies all over
the world,' said the tree. 'I shall
not give you its power, for you
would not live long.'

This tree was a supernatural tree, and it was the messenger between the spirit world and
earth. The spirits used the tree as a connection. This tree played an important role in
training the medicine man.

TheTsimshian story called Guell Hast (Robinson and Wright, 1962, 35-36) is
very similar in the theme to Brody's ( 1988, 7) Beaver Indian story in the book Maps and

Dreams about a medicine cross. In both stories a man sets out to find new territory
because his people are starving. And, both stories talk of a spiritual marker. In Brody's
case Joseph's father carved a medicine cross in a living tree, whereas in the following case

61

a single fireweed placed by a supernatural tree that made a sudden mysterious appearance.
In both cases the "great tree" serves as a messenger from the spirit world that confirms the
right for the new family to use the discovered territory. Joseph's dad sought spiritual
support by erecting the medicine cross on the new fourid territory and the Tsimshian chief
also seeks support as described in the following excerpt.

Here he set his mark and claimed
the land. 'This country, ' he said,
' I take for the hunting grounds of
my people, the men of Medeek. I
take it that it may be used not
wastefully nor with wanton
destruction of the animals and the
birds and the fish that dwell
therein ... Here for the night he
stayed. His long ordeal was
over. The time of self-denial was
past. Taking such wood as came
to his hand he prepared to light a
fire and cook a little food. From
under his blanket coat he drew a
little pouch. In it he had finely
shredded cedar bark mixed with
powdered resin of the pine.
Taking his firesticks of
cottonwood roots he twirled until
a spark appeared. With this spark
he lit the mixture from his pouch
and a fire sprang up.
Fed and warmed, he made his bed
beneath a close-limbed spruce and
slept until the break of day.
Again he lit the fire. As he ate he
looked around. Close by stood a
giant tree. Strange! The night
before it had not been there. And

at the foot of that tree grew a
single haast, a fireweed. Tall and
slender it stood, its leaves
trembling in the breeze. A haast
growing out of the snow? Surely
some magic. Such a plant was far
ahead of the season of its kind.
His curiosity was aroused. He
left his food and moved closer to
the plant. It was fresh and green.
It still stirred with the breeze.
Still closer and closer he came to
it. At last his hand reached out to
touch the foliage and as his hand
came close the haast vanished.
Guell haast, the single fireweed,
he called that place. To this day
Guell Haast is the southern
boundary of the hunting grounds
of the Bear people. From that day
Guell Haast, the single fireweed,
has had its place on the totems to
tell of the time of famine and how
the people were saved from
starvation (Robinson and Wright,
1962, 35-36).

Mary MacKenzie (nd., 222-228) presented the following story to the court during
the Git~san Witsuwit'en land claims case. William Benyon (Williams, 1952, #76) and
Tens (Tens, 1952, #61) have recorded other versions of this story. This adaawk (oral
history) is important to the northern clans in Git~san territory. A significant number of the
tree carvings discussed along our journey are located in this area near the old village of

62

Kuldo (Qualdo). Therefore the following story provides some important context for our
journey as well as some insightful meaning regarding crests, trees and spirits. I chose to
present Mary's version because she offers some important interpretations about crests as
she tells the story. I have edited the court transcript version by eliminating the court's
interspersed questions and recording of administrative matters.
The adaawk of Gyluuget starts at
Gitan gasx. It's a village, and to
translate, the Gitan gasx is the
village of wild rice. It's been the
oldest village up north. The
location is near Bear Lake. In the
House of Gyoluugyat and Gitan
gasx we have a warrior, and the
name of our warrior in our
House, Gyoluugyat's House, is
Suuwiigos.
There is another group of native
people. They're called Tsi Tsa
wit, and they're further up north.
They came down to Gitan gasx,
and they had seen that the people
of Gitan gasx had quite a bit of
land, so they decided to raid the
village of Gitan gasx to get more
of their land. Suuwigos had a
brother by the names ofTsawaas.
While he was on the trapline, and
after he was discovered that
somebody had killed him, and
this made Suuwiigos furious, so
he started a group. He asked for
a group of people to go with him,
to go to the Tsi tsa wit territory.
They raided -- they came upon a
place where they only seen smoke
coming out from the ground, and
these were the people we call in
Git~san , Luu Tsobim Tsim yibit,
and it means the people
underground.
They had a very good idea of their
location of this village that they
came upon, so they returned, and
Suuwiigos prepared himself to

declare war with these people, so
he-- they killed a grizzly bear and
they took the hide, almost a whole
hide with the head and paws and
everything on it. Now, they
prepared this grizzly hide, they
cleaned it, scraped all the fat off
it. Now, they went and got pitch
from the jack pine trees, and they
rubbed it on this fur part of the
hide, and they covered it with
sand. Now, they had this -- had
this hide out, and the people had
bow and arrows. They shot at
this hide. If the arrow goes
through they have to put more
pitch and more sand to it for it to
be arrow proof, you would say.
Now, when this was ready,
Gyoluugyat knew that this armour
was ready for him, so they set off
again and they went to where this
village of the people that lived
underground. Now, he advised
his army that he-- they'll sneak
up to this place while he himself
draped in this grizzly bear skin,
and he walked down the opposite
of the village, the adaawk goes
like there was a gulley, a deep
gulley, and this is whert( the
grizzly bear with Suuwiigos in it
walked, and then the people of the
underground seen this grizzly
bear, and they went out, they
want to kill it, so they did. Now,
they took, all their arrows, they
shot at the bear and they didn't
penetrate at all, so all their arrows
were used up. This is when the
force came and went into dug up
the people, they killed them all.
Now, this is how Suuwiigos led

63

this group of people to fight off
these Tsi tsa wit. Now, when
this was over Suuwiigos returned
to Gitan gasx.
He returned to Gitan gasx. Now,
he knew that he had to have
someone with him to -- to help -to aid him or to -- he was to have
a brave person too, so that they
would do more raiding, because
they -- he knew that there were
still more Tsi tsa wit in other
places. He had -- now, this is not
clarified to me, but I'll say it both.
It's either Suuwiigos had a lovely
daughter or lovely sister, so he
sent word out that he had a
beautiful sister or beautiful
daughter, and the men of the-- of
other places, villages other than
outside of the Gitan gasx came,
and quite a few came. Suuwigos
didn't think that there were-- he
wasn't the man for his sister, so
one day this man came, he heard
about Suuwiigos and he beard
that he had this lovely lady. So
he went -- he went into
Gyoluugyat's House, and
Gyoluugyat never turned, and this
man by the name of
Kuutkunyxws came, and he seen
Gyoluugyat alongside the fire, so
he went over to the fire, of course
he was -- Suuwiigos was laying
alongside the fire putting the heat
on his back.
Now Kuutkunuxws went and
ruffled this fire, and there were
sparks come out, and it fell on
Suuwiigos' back. He never
turned, and again [Kuutkunuxws]
made the fire flare up, more
sparks. Suuwiigos never moved.
So Kuutkunuxws stepped back
towards the door and he stood
there. This is when Suuwiigos
got up with a club and he went to
Kuutkunuxws and asked him
what he was doing, and
Kuutkunuxws never said
anything. He said 'If you don't

tell me what you're doing here',
he said, 'I'll club you'. He raised
his club, Kuutkunuxws never
blinked, and that showed that he
was very brave, and Suuwiigos
knew too that Kuutkunuxws was
a very brave man. Right there he
said to Kuutkunuxws that he was
a brave man and that if he wanted
to marry his sister or daughter he
would let her marry him. Now,
so the two, Suuwigos and
Kuutkunuxws, travelled together,
after he married, Kuutkunxws
married Suuwigos' lady. Now,
they travelled together, and this is
when our crests came. While
going out looking for the Tsi tsa
wit they came across a big tree,
and they made their camp
underneath this tree, and during
the night they heard noises, and it
was coming out from the tree that
they were under. Now
Kuutkunuxws went up and to get
--to see what he-- what was
making this noise on this tree, and
he seen this thing, it was a human
being, but it was a giant human
being. Now, he came down and
told Suuwiigos about it. Now
Suuwiigos went up to see this big
human being. Now, this is when
Suuwiigos got to this figure, this
human figure, the giant one. He
took it and knocked it down and
swung it to the ground. So they
left, so when Suuwiigos, before
he left, he tell Kuutkunuxws
(currently William Morrison of
Kispiox) 'I will have that figure
for my crest'. Now, this is why
we have that figure for
Gyoluugyat's house of Gyadim
Lax ganit (the man of the tree) is
our crest.
They knew that they were on the
heels of some -- another group
maybe, and they knew that they
were near the place where they'll
meet with other group of people,
that there were going to have -we say in Gitxsan wil digitxw

64

(when a roup of people meet
together nd they have a war, or
they have a fight amongst the two
groups).
Now, again at nighttime they -well, at dawn they go,
Kuutkunuxws and Suuwiigos and
the people that are doing battle,
they camped again near a lake.
Now, they -- Suuwiigos didn't
know just how far ahead these
people were from where they
were, so anyway, he went down
to the lake to get some water.
Now, just when he got to the lake
he seen shadows on the surface of
this lake, and he looked, he
stopped, and he watched, and he
seen this movement, so he knew
that the people they were after
were up in the trees just above
them, so he went back to his -- to
Kuutkunuxws and to the other
people and told them 'Our
enemies are just above us', so this
is how they went, and of course
they fought the battle. Now then
again, this is how Gyoluugyat
received the crest of these
shadows. Now, on our blankets
and on our -- painting of our
Houses we have these figures.
They're a group of people, and
they come in a zig zag way on our
blankets. Now, this is 'Nii
tsabim lax gan. The first one was
Gyadim Lax ganit. Now there is
'Nii tsabim lax gan, when there's
a group of people. And this is

how we got our crest again.
Now, this is the way that the
Gitxsan people get their crests, is
anything unique that they come
across or they've seen they've
taken it as their crests. Now, the
people that travel, any more
unique things happening you will
find that in other House, Chief's
Houses. Our Chief has more
crests than the other House
because they go out to look for
these things so they will have a
crest, and who has the more
crests are the people it shows that
they work together, and they
make it very strong. And this is
how these crest mean so much to
·us, is by looking for it, and to
keep it as ourselves in on House.
Now, in another House a Chief
would have a crest. Now, we
can't borrow crest from other
Houses. What House belongs,
their crest belongs to one House,
is their property. Now, these are
how strong these crests stand in
the House of a Chief. No one can
use other Houses, Chief's
Houses' what crests they have. If
they do they -- there's
embarrassment of the Chief.
There has to be punishment. We
go to the House of that whoever
took another person's crest. So
this is very firm in our laws even
today, that we -- no one will use
another Chief's crest. That's their
title for that.

Mary describes how the braves encountered a large naked human in a tree, and the
spirits (shades) walking along the canopy. The warriors claimed these beings as crests
because of these encounters. Williams ( 1952, #76) in his version of Mary's story
describes the shadows that were encountered as follows:
They now went on, and arrived at a great lake. Gutkwinuhrs' [Kuutkunuxws]
father-in-law, Tsilaerentk from Kiskagas, was also with them, and he was a brave
warrior too. As they looked into this lake, the wind was blowing and they saw the
shades of the trees in the lake. And they took these shadows of trees as a crest and

6S

called them Qanhautsenrht, 'Tree-shadow-of', and they gave this crest to the
Larhkibu (Wolf) ...
Emmonds (1991, 102) explains the Tlingit view on tree shadows as "the shadow cast by
the tree in the sunshine [was its spirit] ... "

These encounters with spirits are called nox nox by the Git~san and other
Tsimshian groups. Marius Barbeau (1973, 71) describes nox nox as encounters with
spirits or "the spirits of nature, and the shades of our forebears." He explains they are
"unseen in daylight but ever present beyond sight" in places such as the sky and forest
(Barbeau, 1973, 179). Robinson (1976, xvii) describes nox nox as follows:

Nochnochs were also real entities with tremendous powers. Boas call them
nExno'x, helpers from Heaven, and points out that the term designates anything
mysterious. As well as being supernatural helpers, they are also the whistles used
in dances and the sleight-of-hand tricks of the dancer. Ken Harris says that they are
either persons or animals possessed by known spirits and used by the Heavenly
Father to punish or reward. The nochnoch, therefore, wields a large influence in
the Northwest Coast peoples lives. Any action of a nochlJ.och is interpreted as
either punishment or reward.
I like Robinson's explanation because he illuminates the point that nox nox are beings that
are "possessed by known spirits." Sacred trees are beings which have the potential, at any
time, to be possessed by the supernatural. Only those beings on earth that are being used
by the supernatural are nox nox.

Marsden (1987, 45) explains that one of the ways nox nox and crests are acquired
is while on a journey into battle. She says:
Tests of strength on the journey allow the warriors to experience their own power
before it is put to the greater test. They can precipitate an encounter with a
supernatural being. This spirit or being may be the ancestral power of the
wilnat'ahl already embodied in a crest or it may be a new one. In either case it
presents itself to the warriors before the battle as a promise of the supernatural
assistance he can draw upon in the war itself.
Kuutkunuxws and Suuwiigos acquired their crests when they encountered the "man in the
tree" and "shadows" nox nox while on their way to do battle with the Tsetsaut people.

66

The next set of stories are good examples of the relationship between purification,
and the supernatural tree. The Git~san call purification Si 'setxw, which can increase a
person's cbx_gyet. or spiritual power. The stories Am'ala, Very Dirty (Boas, 1970) and

Person of the Trees (Menisk and Benyon, 1987) both share the same theme. A young boy
who has unclean habits is purified by an encounter with a supernatural tree and he gains
great power. The boy Am' ala has such great power that he now holds the world up on a
pole. The other boy, Guxla becomes rich by supplying his people with scarce firewood. I
will present portions of the story of Am'ala (Boas, 1970, 117-121) and then ofGuxla
(Menisk and Benyon, 1987, 315-16).
The young man [Am' ala, (Very
Dirty)] went to the bay south of
their house, where a brook was
running down. He was full of
sorrow while going up the brook.
Then he met a young man whose
skin shone bright. He asked him,
'Why are you so sad this
morning, my dear!' The young
man answered, '0 supernatural
one! my three older brothers make
fun of me and laugh at me, and
they call me Very Dirty!' Then
the supernatural being replied,
'What do you wish of me? I will
grant you your wish.' Then the
young man said, You see that my
skin is not clean. I want to be
clean, and I want to be stronger
than any living being in the
country.' The supernatural being
replied, 'Go over there and gather
the leaves of the supernatural tree
and bring them to me.' So dirty
went to the great valley and tried
to find the leaves, but he could
not do it. He brought leaves of all

kinds, but the supernatural being
refused them. Then the
supernatural being went himself
and brought a bunch of leaves of
the supernatural tree. He said,
'Let us go down to that pool
yonder!' They went, and behold!
there was a good pond, and the
supernatural being washed Dirty
in the pool four times. He
washed him with the leaves of the
supernatural tree, and he became
very clean, and was a finelooking man, tall, and broad of
chest... Now, all the animals
heard that this young man was the
strongest person that ever
lived ... When all the animals had
failed, the strong trees came.
First the Crabapple Tree came to
his door and called him out to
fight with him. He came out and
pulled it out with the roots as one
plucks out grass; and thus all the
strongest and greatest trees came.
He pulled them out and broke
them to pieces ...

Dirty, with the aid of his slave, defeated all the living beings and the strong mountain. The
slave would rub the oil of wild ducks on Very Dirty's sore back to rejuvenate his power.

67

Finally Am' ala won the right to replace the ailing Chief who was supporting the world on
his chest with a pole.
Dirty is still holding the world on
his chest, and his slave is also
there. The oil of wild ducks is

nearly gone now; and as soon as
Dirty dies, the world will come to
an end (Boas, 1970, 121).

The story of the boy named Guxla who has unclean habits describes his encounter
with a supernatural tree and his resulting gain of daxgyet.
There was Chief who had a
grandson. The boy used to emit
noises through his hands that
annoyed the chief. The chief
thought that he was making a
mess all the time. The boy
developed that habit until he
actually defecated without a stop.
They chased him out of the
house, and built a house for
themselves at the end of the
village. Both he and his
grandmother stayed together.
They had a little chopping axe.
He was now pretty well grown
up, and strong. One night, a
stranger came into the house.
They did not know who he was.
They placed a mat at the back of
the house for him to sit on. The
grandmother took a spring salmon
and began to roast it. After that,
she crushed some berries in a
bowl. After she had finished
giving the berries, she gave him
highbush cranberries and
soapberries.
When the man had finished
eating, he asked the boy, 'Have
you not a chopping axe?' The
boy replied, 'Yes, I have one.'
The man said, 'Let me see it!'
The boy brought the axe, which
was made of stone. The stranger
looked at it. He took it, put it in
his mouth, and pulled it out.
They saw that the axe was
sharpened. In the path which the
people used to pack their wood

was a great spruce tree. They had
nothing to cut the spruce tree
with. The man then said to the
boy, 'You will cut the big spruce
tree, in the morning.' He added,
'Just before the tree falls, you
must shout, 'Amlan, wiliamlan!'
meaning that the tree will split
itself in small fragments.' The
man said, 'Do not leave a particle
of this tree. Take it all, even if it
requires all day taking it. My
name is Giskyila. You must not
leave a particle of that tree.
Immediately after the tree falls,
you must run to the top of it to the
very end.' After he had told the
boy his name, the stranger went
away. It was the tree itself that
had come to him after taking the
form of a man.
In the morning, the young boy
got up and began to chop the tree.
While he was doing this, the men
of the village saw him and made
fun of him, saying, 'Does this
boy who was always defecating
think that he can chop down this
big tree?' The boy kept up
chopping away, the axe not
penetrating very deep into the
wood. While he was chopping
this tree to pack it away, the
women saw him and laughed at
him, 'The young boy who was
always defecating thinks that he
can chop this tree down?' All
those that came by did the same
thing, especially the women; he
was the butt of ridicule, because

68

he messed himself and wanted to
show off. The boy kept chopping
and he was getting very
discouraged. He was about to
give up. Then the axe went right
into the wood. It was rapidly
chopping through the side of the
tree. What was corning out of the
tree was black, and different from
what it should have been. Then
the tree began to fall, and, as it
was falling, the boy shouted,
'Amlan, wiliamlan!' just as he
had been directed the night
before. As it carne down, it fell
into pieces, as if they had been cut
into fire lengths. He then ran
along the top of the tree to the
end. There he picked up a box.
When he opened the box he saw
that there was a garment in it. It
was very red, and it was called
Garment -of-Bright-Red on
account of the colour. There was
also another garment in there,
which was the Garment-of-WhiteHairs.
The boy Guxla, took these
garments into the house where his
grandmother was awaiting him.
They began to pack the wood he
had cut. They did not leave a
branch, as they had been
instructed. Now they had a big

pile of wood in the house.
During the night, a huge snow
storm carne upon the country and
buried all the houses. The snow
was very heavy, and the people
were unable to go and get their
wood, because of the deep snow.
The chiefs of the diverse Houses
began to buy wood, paying with
moose skins. This, from the boy
and his grandmother. They had
many moose skins, because of
their selling of the wood. They
were wealthy now, and he was
becoming a chief.
He was now grown up, a young
man, and the grandmother
retained all the moose skins.
Mter the snow was all gone, the
young man said that he would
have a feast. Mter his guests had
arrived, he began to give them all
presents. During this ceremony,
he announced that he wanted to
assume the name of Guxla, the
name that had been applied to him
in ridicule. He also assumed the
name of the man that had been in
to see him, Giskyila. At the same
time, he exhibited the Garmentof-Bright-Red and the big box
People-of-Tongues.

In these two stories the supernatural tree, or nox nox, gave Am' ala great power that
manifested itself into strength and gave Guxla great power that manifested itself into
wealth. The metamorphosis of a dirty boy into a powerful person was initiated by the
supernatural tree's ability to purify the boys and give them

a~

t

Again, I think a

supernatural being passed on power through the sacred tree. In these oral traditions the tree
symbolizes purification. There is a Tsirnshian story called The Widow and Her Daughter
(Boas, 1970, 172-177) which reinforces the symbolism: it describes the origin of the use
of devils club as a purifier. Tsimshian hunters and trappers use devils club to purify

69

themselves before they go hunting. A young boy met his supernatural father in the forest
one day, and the father said "I will teach you to obtain valuable animals by trapping them
without shooting them." The father showed the boy how to make traps and snares. The
father then said "And you shall eat the bark of devils club" and taught him purification
rituals. A year passed and the boy's luck turned for the worse--he could not catch any
animal. His supernatural father appeared again.
Early the next morning he went into the
woods, looking for devil's-club, but he
did not find any. Late in the evening he
came back home; and after he had washed
his body, he went up a little hill, and
behold! there was a large tree. He went
toward it; and before he reached the foot
of the large tree, a supernatural being
came around to meet him. When he saw
him, he said, "Is that you my son?
Tomorrow you shall cut down this large
tree, which will last you throughout your

lifetime." Mter he said this he
disappeared.The young man went home,
and early the next morning he went and
found the large tree. He went toward it,
and behold! there was a devil's-club tree
larger than any other tree in the whole
world. He took a stone axe and felled the
great devil's-club tree ...Then he started to
wash his body with the bark of the
devil's club and its sap, and he ate some
to purify himself. (Boas, 1970, 174-75).

The supernatural father appears from behind a "great tree" to pass on the power of the
devils club. The boy became very wealthy because of his renewed trapping success, "He
remained an expert hunter."

The final oral history story is about Tsauda and his slave Halus. Henry W. Tate
recorded this story and Franz Boas is the editor (1970, 297-306). This Tsimshian story, as
presented by Boas, is a poignant classic. The initial passages describe how Halus the slave
tricks Tsauda who is the son of a supernatural Chief-in-the-skies. Hal us was to arrange a
marriage between a beautiful girl on earth and Tsuada, but Hal us married her instead.
Tsuada was very angry and he cursed Halus. Tsauda said "Everything that you do in the
future will tum out badly, and you will be disappointed with your wife!" Tsuada then
married the princess's lame sister and exclaimed "she will have good fortune." In the
ensuing events Halus met with misfortune at every tum, when gathering firewood, fishing
70

or hunting. Tsuada's wife gave birth to two daughters. Supernatural beings, such as
Tsuada, have the ability to prevent a person from being able to succeed at hunting, fishing
and providing for their family. Supernatural beings ability to affect luck is discussed later
on when we look at some of the reasons why tree art was created. I will now present a
couple of passages from a story where Tsauda 's daughters and their spouses had
encounters with supernatural trees. I present more exerts from the story that relate to
ancient copper smelting methods at the Phillips River stop along the journey.
When the elder girl was married,
she told her husband that her
father, Tsauda, told her of a good
copper in the Copper Creek at the
head of the Skeena River.
Therefore the prince called his
three young men to go with him
to see the good copper at the head
of that creek; and when they were
going in their canoes up the river,
they smelled sweet-smelling
scents; and when they went
farther up, they smelled still more
fragrant odors; and they went on
and on, ahd the odor was sweeter
than ever. Before evening they
camped, and the prince went into
the woods; and as he went
through the valley, he saw
something standing in the middle
of a nice plain, moving and
waving. He went near it, and he
saw that it was a live tree of
odors. So he ran to it and
embraced it, and all the branches
of the tree also embraced him, and
the living tree pressed him hard
and squeezed him; and before he
lost consciousness, he shouted, to
call his men to come to his help.
They ran quickly, and saw the
prince and the living tree of odors

embracing each other. The prince
said to his men, 'Dig away the
earth from the roots quickly.'
The men dug away the earth
quickly; and when all the roots
were out of the ground and the
branches were dead, the prince
was released from the branches.
All the branches let go of his
body.
This is the tree of odors, or the
live tree.
This prince was very successful,
because he was married to the
daughter of a supernatural being.
He cut the tree into short pieces,
and he also cut the branches and
the rqots, and he gave to each of
his men one root; and his men
filled their bags with the soil from
the place where the tree of odors
had been, and when they came
back home, they sold them for a
high price. Then all the chiefs
from all the tribes came to buy
one of the short pieces at a high
price, and the princes and the
princesses came and bought
pieces of the tree of odors, and
the prince became a great chief.

The preceding oral histories demonstrate how the scared tree can act as the axis

mundi qualities whereby the tree becomes a locus of supernatural power. Human
encounters with supernatural trees or nox nox result in the acquisition of damet
71

manifested through a crest, purification and strength, medicine or good luck. All trees are
to be treated as sacred, and some become the axis mundi, the link to the supernatural or
spirit world, the bestower of power (Mills, Personal Communication, May 3, 1996).

Preparations Completed
Now that our preparations are complete, I hope that you will view tree art as more
than a static artifact. Rather you might think of tree art as a tableau vivant - silent and
motionless spirits arranged on the First Nations landscape to represent many things. The
trees and tree art images are frozen actors on a stage in a moment in time. the story and
context created in the frozen moment becomes the snapshot of history which is the source
for the story of each tree along the way. A tableau vivant is created by actors, who appear
lifeless to the audience because of their frozen gestures. The faces in the forest are tableau
vivants staged upon the spiritual First Nations landscape. These faces are alive, they age
as the tree ages, they gain power as the tree gains its power through Earth Mother, they
embody the artist's spirit and they embody the spirit of the forest. Tree art is a dynamic art
form and photographs of tree art are tableau vivants . This alternate perspective may help
inspirit you to seek new layers of experience and meaning, and to see the unseen. 22

22

"Is that a chicken hanging out of your mouth? says that GOD.
No, no, says Old Coyote. It must be my tongue. Sometimes it looks like a chicken" (King, 1994, 69).

72

Chapter Three: The Journey
Langdon Kihn was an American artist who travelled to Hazelton, BC, in the early
twentieth century.' He painted portraits of Git~san chiefs and landscapes. 23 He wrote a
short article in 1926 about his experiences with the Git~san, and he offered an invitation to
paradise.
I am neither a historian nor an ethnologist, just an artist pure and simple, and want
to take my reader into an artist's paradise. Not necessarily an artist's paradise but
any one's paradise (Kihn, 1926, 170).
As your guide I would like to offer you a similar invitation to discover tree art and guide its
impressions upon your spirit. Upon completing the journey I hope we will share a sense
of tree art, the forest context, and the realm of possible meanings. This textual and visual
journey across the First Nations landscape begins in southern British Columbia and
continues northward to Hazelton, Fraser Lake, Tumbler Ridge and then to the Yukon.
Finally, we will make a trip to Manitoba to complete the journey.

The knowledge imparted at each stop is meant to add meaning to the realm of
possible interpretations: the Elders will add shades of color to our perception of tree art, for
it is within the full spectrum that they exist. There is a story or history for each tree along
the way. The story will be told from my perspective, and from the perspective oflocal
Elders. Interviews with Elders, the verbal artists, in combination with photographs of the
visual art and background research will construct the story, for each tree art example.
These stories will encapsulate our knowledge of tree art at a moment in history, and I

23

The paintings of Kihn, Emily Carr, A. Y. Jackson, Edwin Holgate and ~ni Savage were used as
illustrations in Barbeau's Downfall ofTemlaham. These artists all visited the Gitxsan territory to paint
village life and the landscape.

73

sincerely hope that it will evolve and change with time-- the shades of muted meaning will
wax as our awareness of tree art grows.

Through our preparations you have been introduced to the artistic, historical and
spiritual context of tree art. Now I would like to begin our journey in the Lower Mainland
of British Columbia, and introduce you to George at the first stop. George was also my
first introduction to tree art. George changed my perspectives regarding living trees,
spirits, art and artists.

Lower Mainland
George
George lives in the reception area of the Coqualeetza Cultural Centre, Sardis, BC.
Richard Daly, co-author of They Write Their Dreams on the Rocks Forever, told me where
to find George, and so I travelled to Sardis in the spring of 1995. I met Frank Malloway,
a cultural advisor and a hereditary Chief in the St6:lt) nation. Frank is a humble and
knowledgeable person, with strong spiritual beliefs. I spent a memorable day with Frank
talking about George and his history.

George is very powerful in appearance. He was carved on a cedar hop pole circa
1920 (see Figure 3.1). You will learn more about George from my interview with Frank
Malloway. Frank begins telling me about the hop poles and hop picking history, and then
he describes George's genesis. I have interspersed my comments as the interview
progresses.

MICHAEL: If you could just recount the history of George for me ... He was on
the Hulbert farm on a hop pole?
FRANK: Yeah maybe I could take you down to the hop yard later. They are like a
bean, you know a lot of people are picking beans, say 'are these hops?' They stand

74

them up and string wires, the strings are attached to the wires down to the plant and
grow up to the top of the string. And the hops are hanging down there. And now
they cut them down and they lower the wires, or they use to, when they picked
them by hand, they lower the wires. But now they picked them by machine, they
cut them down and lower them into the wagon and take them to the kiln. There's
no hand picking any more.
MICHAEL: So they pick seasonally?
FRANK: Yeah, Usually the second week in August until the end of September,
anywhere from 4-6 weeks. We were just talking about that the other day. About
the migration of people, they used to pick strawberries, they start picking
strawberries, they go to raspberries and then go to hops, and after hop picking they
would go to the Okanagan to pick apples. Some even went as far as California to
pick grapes.
MICHAEL: So was this the St6:lo people?
FRANK: Yeah, it was the St6:lo people, and all the people on the coast. You
know. It was sort of the fun part of it, not everyone wanted to make a million, they
wanted to socialize. A lot of marriages occurred. A place to meet people, beginning
a new life with somebody. Just the other day we were talking with the Elders. I
guess what brought it up, was that there are so many of our young people marrying
their cousins. They say, well, we don't get to travel anymore. A long time ago we
used to travel to the States, we'd pick berries an~ then we'd come and pick hops,
then we'd pick apples you know. Meet people ftom a long ways away from your
village, you know, and you brought a woman home that was not related to you, but
now our people don't do that anymore, you know. Now were finding out that a lot
of our young people are marrying their cousins. It got really bad up in the
Shuswap area. We have a girl working for us, she married one of our boys across
the river, she told me that the Elders got all the young people together several years
ago, too many of you are marrying your cousins. We want all you girls to go to
school somewhere else. When they entered high school in different areas in BC,
you know, a lot of them went to Victoria, Duncan, Campbell River, she said 'I
came to Mission.' And met her husband there, or Abbotsford. I am not too sure
which. She said the Elders put their foot down, too many people inter-marrying.
What brought it up was our longhouse you know. She never ever was to our
longhouse dances you know, one of my cousins told me about it.
Figures 3.2 and 3.3 are photographs depicting the hop picking era. Figure 3.2
shows the First Nations hop pickers, St6:lo and many others. Figure 3.3 shows a
woman picking hops at the Hulbert hop farm. The history of the hop picking era in the
Chilliwack valley becomes important for understanding George's historical context.
FRANK: But, uh, going back to George, this hop pole, I guess it is about 15 ft
long you know. He used to see this big knot in the pole and he could see a face in
there, and he used to talk to it you know. Nobody else could see that face so he
decided to get his little hatchet out and break the face out so everyone could see it.
So after that pole needed to be replaced the Hulbert family who owned that hop

75

yard, they took it down and planted it in their garden. When the hop yard was
sold, I guess they got attached to it, the totem pole, its not really a totem pole, the
face. They took it with them when they moved to Vancouver and put it in their
garden. I guess the lady who Reuben Ware interviewed about the hop yard, she
said she was worried it would deteriorate, she was very careful with it, she gave,
when she showed it and told him to take it back to Chilliwack. She gave him a quart
of preservative, 'You brush this on George, and make sure you brush this on
George.' Then we gave him a quart of that every year. George came home, he
wasn't christened George until Rueben Ware in the history he got from this lady,
was that George Yutslick was the one that carved the face in this pole. So we just
dubbed him George because we didn't have any other name , and that was about ,
gee I must be getting old, it was 20 years ago. George came back, I think it was in
'76,or '77. You know and it is '95 right now. So its quite a few years now, but
he doesn't really have a permanent place to sit. That's why the Elders were really
upset by it, he was laying in the longhouse, nobody really respected him, there was
so much change in staff here. The cultural centre was the one looking after him and
they put him in the longhouse. He was removed from there when we had the
opening for the new building. The elder said we had to have a permanent place for
him so. That the only history I know of George. George Yutslick carved the face
so everyone could see it.
MICHAEL: When you said you blessed it at the ceremony [opening the
Coqualeetza building, spring 95], what was the process?
FRANK: Well we have among the Coast Salish people, the Coast Salish People we
only have one mask, the swaihwe mask, at the ceremony we use the swaihwe mask
for a lot of for marriages, uh, funerals just before the burial they brush the casket,
they wave the spirit into the other world. Naming ceremonies, bless longhouses.
So when we opened the new building. We call it the new building but it was
renovated from the old hospital [tuberculosis], we bless it in our own way, so there
was no other way we could of done it, though our swaihwe mask. We had
thought it would do two jobs. And that was to name two children, with the name
St6:1() , they were supposed to be living markers of that day. So we just changed
the ending of their names, it was the female and this is the male, Stak: lia for the
female and Stak: alak for the boy. Stak: alak verifies that person being the male,
and Stalak:lia or, something like that, I can't remember. See that picture up there
up there it my wifes Aunt, she has the name Sta...... my wife carries the name .... So
her children. While they were blessing the children, Stephen Hom was saying we
should get George up here, he needs to be blessed too. So three things took place
at once. We blessed the building, we blessed the children, we blessed George. We
had a lot of mask dancers. They were all lined up, they did three jobs at once. It is
a great honour to be a mask dancer. It is strict. Not everybody can use it. You have
to belong to the mask family. We lost it for 1.50 years. And it just came back. But
that's the early missionaries, they made you bum your masks, bum everything.
They gave them up. One we know of, we burned it, the others gave them up, or
the others hid them away. We just lost one a few years ago, one of our Elders was
moving from Laidlaw to Boston Bar to his daughter's home. And they had it in the
back of the station wagon. It was so hot that day, they had the tailgate open. And
the mask was just inside there, they stopped at a restaurant and they went inside to
eat and they came out and the mask was gone. Someone reached in and took it. It
was one of the old carvings the old masks were not really fancy the way you see the
carvers doing the face masks now, it was what George looked like. They have
protruding eyes, a crooked nose and a protruding tongue. That's what really

76

identified the swaihwe mask, the protruding tongue. In our area they didn't have
the bird as the nose. They had a great big nose. I didn't see that mask, but Mark
seen it, he said that's the old mask.
MICHAEL: What do you think of George becoming so important to the Elders,
what do you think it represents to them?
FRANK: I think it represents part of their history, as the hop yards, and keeps
them attached to the past. Like what we were doing with the children, like I
mentioned, we christened them, they are living markers. It's their job to tell other
people what happened that day. I think George was representing the hopyard and
when you talk about the hopyard it brings a lot of memories back for the old
people, they start remembering things that happened. Like 'Oh that's were I got my
wife.' Brings back happy memories. Its just like something that happened, you
respect it, also you take something that's your own way. Like the man I was
asking he said 'that's our history, we've got to have George up here, we got to
show respect to him, we've got to put him in a place that everybody can look at
him. And then when people ask about it, like you coming along and asked about
George, and saying 'well what is the hop yards?' You don't know anything about
the hop yards. Our kids here are like that here. They don't know anything about
the hopyards. Because the last time they picked hops by hand here was in 1953.
So that's 42 years. We've got kids that are 18 that never hear about it. So that's
why I think its so important to our Elders, its just like a book you know. Oral
history, you ask questions about it, and a whole bunch of stories comes out. Its
like I was saying earlier that you respect things that you make, you don't just cast it
aside. It has a certain life to it, then you return it to nature. George is not ready yet
to return to nature. He has still got a long life ahead of him.
MICHAEL: Important work ahead of him?
FRANK: Yeah, I think a lot of Elders are attached to things like that, it reminds
them of the past and the stories that come out of it you know. Like George
Yutslick, there are no Yutslicks left in this area they have all died away. You talk
about, well who made that, 'George Yutslick', well who arc( the Yutslicks? So that
where it will come out. There are descendants of the Yutslicks, but they do not
carry that name.
MICHAEL: When you talk about markers, what are the markers?
FRANK: Well, that's the term that Steven Point first brought out, that was Arnold
Richie, he was the one who reminded me, you got to have a living marker. A
marker could be translated as an informant, somebody who remembers that day,
usually we call witnesses and they have to remember what took place, but we refer
to these children as living markers, they began their life as Stal:lak and Stalak:lia on
that day. You can't take that away, as their new life. That's the only way I can
translate it as what Arnold and Stephen referred to them as living markers.
MICHAEL: Do you think George is a living marker?
FRANK: I think he would be also, its the second journey that he's taken, the first
journey was just coming back home. · By waking up those stories, it came at a time
when a lot of our Elders knew the carver. A lot of the Elders in our area knew the
carver so they started telling stories about George Yutslick. But today even our 60
year olds don't remember George Yutslick.

77

MICHAEL: So it sounds like it would be an important part of this research to get a
picture of George Yutslick?
FRANK: Yeah maybe I could take you over to look for one...The Yutslicks
originated in the Cultus Lake reserve. And some of them were living on this
property when they surveyed the reserves. There was a village here along Lukakuk
creek. One of the ladies at Nuksack, just passed away, she was the last one born
here. Mamy Cooper, she was from this reserve. Harry Yutslick, I think he was
the son of George Yutslick. He the last Yutslick that I knew of. His grandson and
wife's grandson I believe they raised him and put him through highschool. He
married a lady from Shuswap, she's the only one that carries the name Yutslick,
through marriage. Mary Yutslick. She teaches a lot of her culture, the sweat lodge.
She was working for the prisons for quite awhile. Medicine woman, putting them
through their fasts. She was busy over the weekend. I went to see her.
George is a historical marker, an informant who wakes up stories for the Elders and
connects them to their past. George was created by George Yutslickin the 1920's. He
remained on the Hulbert hop farm functioning as a hop pole and a garden marker until the
Hulbert family sold their farm. 24 They moved to Vancouver and took George with them.
George returned to his rightful home in Sardis where he was blessed with cedar boughs
and given the name "George" in the spring of 1995. This was, as Frank points out, his
first journey. George Yutslick's intended meaning was to unfold the spirit of the tree in the
knot of the hop pole. He wanted to share his insight with the other hop pickers. George
was a very good carver, and his carving reminds me of a False Face mask because of the
exaggerated facial features. The intended viewing context for George was the hop yard, as
shown in the old archival photographs. But, George travelled, sat in gardens and
basements, and finally in the reception area. Frank calls George's new journey as a
historical marker in the reception area, the "second journey" of meaning. George is a
historical marker, a memorial, and a reminder for Elders about stories of the hop picking
era when marriages resulted from the gathering of many peoples. George has awakened
faded memories, and the Elders are now passing them on in the oral tradition.

24

A shopping mall was built on the Hulbert hop farm property.

78

MICHAEL: George is interesting, I guess as an artist it is interesting to see how a,
how a piece of art goes through history, and picks up its own history and how
people relate to it. George is coming back on a new journey. It's a powerful
carving, George Yutslick is a very good carver. Its powerful.
FRANK: I think it takes artists to appreciate it too you know, the ordinary people
they come and look at it. You have to be an artist or have that feeling to appreciate
it. I was walking by there the first week he was put there -- 'Hi George.' The
receptionist was looking around, she thought somebody got by her.
I developed the notion of the "intended meaning" (first journey) and the "second
journey of meaning" from my conversation with Frank. Both Frank and George taught me
the importance of history and how the meaning of art is dynamic. The artist creates the
intended meaning within the intended viewing context. The "second journey of meaning"
develops over time through changing circumstances or changes to the intended viewing
context. The hop yard was George's intended viewing context, and the intended meaning
was artistic and spiritual. Now the viewing context is the reception area of the Coqualeetza
Cultural Center , and the second journey of meaning is as a historical marker. George's
role is the same as the two young children who were blessed along with George--to
witness and preserve St6:lr> history.

George is an excellent example of the interconnected nature between verbal art and
visual art. When George embarked on his second journey of meaning he awakened old
stories through his presence. George symbolized an era and all the associated people.
George helped the St6:lr> Elders recapture and pass on important history through their
story telling.

I learned another important lesson from George and Frank regarding how I define
the living tree as a medium for tree art. Frank mentioned that he said "Hi" to George as he
walked by, as he would to an old friend in passing. The following discussion helped me
define "living" trees.

79

MICHAEL: If you were to write a history of George, what things do you think
would be important?
FRANK: The important things about, at the beginning is the spirit of the tree itself,
how it comes out, and how the old man seen this and want everyone else to share
it.
MICHAEL: The interesting thing about this one is, that from a Western
perspective, that the tree is dead, its just a board standing there, a piece of dead tree
standing in the field. But George saw it as alive.
FRANK: Yeah. Well one of our teachings is anything that you make out of a living
thing like a tree, like the canoe, you start using it, that piece of wood comes alive,
even the paddles come alive. Maybe its a teaching that was given to our people so
they respect everything they own. I don't know, to the old people everything was
alive. I was telling you earlier I went back to school in the 70's to get my grade
twelve, and while I was in my biology class my instructor said you know this desk
here is made of atoms, and you know those atoms constitute wood. It could be
bullshit. Well that's the same thing that if someone says you know this log here is
a canoe. Well that's the same thing that the biology teacher told me, you got to
believe it.
MICHAEL: When I look at George I believe that he is alive. George Yutslick did a
very good job.
FRANK: We lost a young boy a few years ago, we had a burning for him. We
burned his belongings his clothes and stuff you know. His grandmother had a
paddle, one of those bent paddles. She had it up on the wall. She said 'He made
that for me, I want him to take it with him.' So he [a friend of the boy's] went
outside. During the ceremony, there was a fire you know. He turned around, and
the whole pile that was on there flipped over and the paddle came flying off. You
know, and he picked it up, and then he said 'You know everything that we use has
a spirit, and you know when we offered the paddle he took the spirit of the paddle,
and kicked the paddle out, he took the spirit of the paddle, that's all he needed.'
The hop pole, like the canoe paddle, is a living spirit, which may not have water or
sugar coursing through its veins, but nevertheless, George Yutslick unmasked the living
spirit by carving George. Frank, in a traditional way, answered my belief that George is
alive with the poignant paddle story. The paddle, as a wooden utilitarian tool, had a spirit.
The deceased young boy took the spirit from the paddle as he began his second journey.
Frank emphasized the respect the Elders show for their belongings, because they were
made from earth's gifts, such as the sacred Hopai, the St6:lt) cedar spirit. They would

80

care for their baskets, paddles and canoes until they were ready to return to nature. Their
belongings had a spirit, "you got to believe it," says Frank.

George was the first stop on my tree art journey and now it's yours. George and
Frank taught me some very important lessons that guided me throughout my research.
George fulfills an important role in this journey by reinforcing some of the important
concepts I discussed in the preparation stages. For First Nations "art" is alive with spirit
and spiritual meaning.

Discovery Passage and Phillips River
Phillips River flows into Phillips Arm along the west coast of British Columbia,
north of Powell River. Somewhere along the River there is a tree carving as shown in
Figure 3.4. It took me almost a year to track down this photograph. My search started
when I was trying to locate the originator of an archaeological report regarding a tree
carving in the Discovery passage (Borden number: EbSi-9). A Mr. T. Peterson filed a
report in 1973 of a human face carved on a fir tree which "appears to be Indian." The tree
is located on Vancouver Island along the Discovery Passage. I took a chance and called the
T. Petersons listed in the Campbell River area, and Thor Peterson was the first person I
called. He had filed the report in 1973.

Thor told me of his find, but originally he thought I was interested in the Phillips
River tree carvings. He had submitted an archaeological report on these trees, but the
report was lost somehow. Once we cleared up the confusion over the two sites we began
to discuss each one and how he discovered them. I spent a few days in May of 1995
looking for the Discovery Passage tree carving based on Thor's recollection, but to no
avail. I did, however, find a scar, created by human activity some time ago, on a large

81

cedar tree (see Figure 3.5). Bob Pollard of the Campbell River band assisted me in my
search.

Thor also told me that he had visited the Phillips River site in 1973 as well. He
flew in by helicopter with an old prospector named Bob Hart, who has since passed away.
They were looking for an old Indian copper smelting site that Bob Hart had discovered
along the Phillips River, near some big flat rocks. Thor remembers 8-12 carved faces in
the trees around the old smelting site. Apparently Bob Hart cut into old scars and found the
faces under the wood still in good condition, and there was a mirror image on the cut
pieces. Thor said that Bob Hart had a theory about the tree carvings. Bob figured that tree
carvings marked copper deposits or old smelting sites, and therefore he followed a hunch,
as this was his successful prospecting style. Tsimshian oral history about Tsuada and
Halus offered some insight to the Tsimshian perspective on copper as a salmon spirit, and
how the smelting process could produce dangerous fumes. The Tsimshian are close
northern neighbours of the Kwaikah people of Phillips River.
Then the younger daughter of
Tsauda said to her husband, ' My
dear, my father has told me that
there is a good copper at the head
of a creek;' and the husband of
the younger one called his young
men to go with him up there. The
following day they set out and
went up that creek, and night after
night they camped. That young
prince went walking along the
bank of a River, searching for
smooth copper pebbles; but he
could not find any, because the
time had not come yet. They
travelled on many days, until they
reached a place way up the River,
and toward evening they camped
there. There was not much water
in the River, and they could not
travel on by canoe, because three
small brooks joined where they
camped, and at this place the deep
water ended. The young prince

walked along the bank of the
River. Then he saw many
salmon. He hastened back to his
men, and told them that many
salmon were in the deep water
there. Therefore he took his
salmon-spear and went down
again, while his men started to
light a fire in the camp. He went
down, and stood there ready.
When he saw a large salmon
come up, he struck it and took
hold of it. He dragged it up the
shore and clubbed it. Then he
took out his dart and threw the
salmon backward. So the salmon
struck the smooth stones of the
River bank. It sounded like
copper. Then the young prince
went to the place where he had
thrown the salmon. He took it up
again to see if anything was under
it and behold! the salmon was
transformed into copper. So he

82

took it up to the camp of his men
and showed it to them, and they
were all very happy. In the night
they got ready for the next
morning. They spent the whole
night making a new pole and new
darts to be used the next day.
Before daylight they all went to
sleep, and the prince took his
copper and put it under his head
as his pillow. Late on the
following morning, when the sun
was high in the sky, the
steersman woke up and aroused
his fellows; and when the
breakfast was ready they called
the prince. Then they found that
he was dead. They wept over
him; but the wise man said to his
fellows, 'He died because the live
coppers killed him. Let us bum
it!' Thus said the st~ s an
They threw the copper into the
fire to be burned, took the bark of
a dried spruce tree, and started a
large fire, and the live copper was
melting; and when the fire had
gone out, the pure copper
remained in the ashes like a pole.
They saw that the copper was
very good and soft. They took it
and put it into a bark bag,·took the
prince's body down to the canoe,
wrapped him in a new cedar-bark
mat, and carried him in their
canoe down the River.
When they arrived at home, and
the prince's wife saw him dead
and saw the melted copper, she
felt very sad. She went into the
woods weeping for her husband.
While she was sitting at the foot
of a large white-pine tree, she
heard a noise on the tree above,
and saw a shining light. There
was a man who came Qown from
the top of the white-pine tree and
smiled at her, and said, 'My dear
daughter, what ails you?' She
said, 'My beloved husband is
dead.' And Tsauda replied,

'Don't feel sorry for him! If you
want him alive again, I will
resuscitate him, my dear
daughter!'
Now, Moon knew that her father
had come down to visit her.
Therefore she stopped crying, and
said, 'Bring him back to life for
my sake!' Tsauda said, 'Call out
all the people, and I will bring
him back to life.' So she went
into the house. She sent out all
the people. Tsauda came in and
took the cold water of life from
the spring and sprinkled his face
with the water. He slapped the
dead man on both cheeks with the
palms of his hands, and said,
'Come back to life from death,
son-in-law!' and the prince sat
up, and his wife came to him and
embraced him.
Then Tsauda said, when the
young man was alive again, and
when all the people had come into
the house, 'Be careful of the
living copper of that River! Let
nobody go there, but my son-inlaw and his descendants! I shall
teach them how to kill the live
copper and how to make costly
coppers. Then he shall teach his
children as I taught him!' thus
spoke Tsauda to the people; and
when his speech was at an end,
he called his son-in-law aside,
and also his youngest daughter,
and told them how to kill the live
copper. He said, 'As soon as you
catch the salmon coppers or live
coppers, make a large fire and
throw the salmon coppers into it,
as many as you caught in one
evening at your camp. You must
throw them all into the fire, and
the fumes will not hurt you, but it
will make you richer than any
chief in the whole world; but if
you tell these high commands to
some of your relatives or friends
or to your tribe, you shall become
poorer than ever, and those to
83

whom you have told my secret
shall become rich. Let nobody go
with you to that River!-- only you
two, you and my dear daughter.
She shall take them with you; and
whoever goes there without your
consent, he shall die by the fume
of the live coppers.'
AfterTsauda had given this
advice to them, he said to his
favorite daughter, 'Now, my
dear, go with me to the foot of
that white-pine tree!' and when
they reached there, he told his
daughter, 'You shall eat the pitch
that covers this white-pine bark as
a medicine against the influence of
your copper-work. You shall rub
it over your hands and face before
you take the live copper.' As
soon as Tsauda said this, he flew
up to his supernatural home.

Then the prince and his wife went
up for the coppers. He did all that
his father-in-law had commanded
him to do, and he was the first
copper-worker among the natives.
He became richer than any chief
around about, and his fame
spread all over the country.
Chiefs from all different tribes
came to buy his costly coppers
with many thousands of costly
animal skins, and canoes, slaves,
boxes of grease, costly abalone
shells, and all kinds of things. So
this prince was great among all
the chiefs. He gave away many
times costly coppers, male and
female slaves, elk skins, and all
kinds of goods. At his last great
feast he invited the chiefs of all
the tribes, and they proclaimed
that he should take his great
grandfather's name, Around The
Heavens, and all the chiefs said
that he should be the head chief.

The husband of Tsuada' s eldest daughter became powerful as a result of his
embracing encounter with the "tree of odors," as did Guxla when he encountered the
supernatural tree that provided firewood. 25 Tsauda' s youngest daughter and her husband
became powerful because Tsuada gave them the protection of the white pine sap when they
were smelting the live coppers. This protection allowed them to make copper and become
powerful. I decided to present the entire reference to live coppers because it is important
when I try to decipher the intended meaning of the Phillips River tree carving. The
Tsimshian oral history about Tsuada and Halus offered some insight to the Tsimshian
perspective on copper as a salmon spirit, and how the smelting process could produce
dangerous fumes. The white pine tree offered protection from the fumes. The people who
had the ability or talent to smelt the copper became very rich and therefore gained much

25

The rocky mountain juniper (Juniperous scopulorum) is an aromatic tree still found in this area. For
instance there is a small stand on the southern edge of Telkwa, BC.

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power. Bob Hart' s theory is certainly plausible. For instance, John Meares (1790, 247)
made the following observation regarding native copper mining along the Northwest coast:
The pure malleable hnnps of copper ore seen in possession of the natives convince
us that there are mines of this metal in the vicinity of this part of the western coast.
We once saw a piece of it which appeared to weigh about a pound, through which
an hole had been perforated.
There once was a village at the mouth of the Phillips River where the Kwaikah
(mainland Coast Salish) people lived (Assu, 1989, 14). They moved to Campbell River
late in the nineteenth century or early twentieth century, and joined the We-Wai-Kum
people (Assu, 1989, 16). They were mainland Salish (Assu, 1989, 14). The Kwaikah
people were known to be warriors (Assu, 1989, 16). I suspect it was the Kwaikah people
who carved the Phillips River arboroglyphs.

Even though I did not have the fmancial resources to look for the carvings on
Phillips River, I have located photographs of the tree carvings. Additionally, I have
interviewed two people who have seen the carvings. It seems as if there may be a strong

link between the tree carvings and the copper smelting process, of which very little is
known. Copper was an extremely important metal to most Northwest Coast people, and
therefore the location of deposits and the copper smelting sites would have been very
informative from a secular and spiritual point of view. Enough so to warrant tree carving
markers, but for what reason may never be known. This site is extremely significant,
because it could reveal not only the hidden secrets of the beautiful tree carvings, but it may
also enlighten the impoverished knowledge regarding the mining and smelting of copper
prior to contact. This site warrants a serious investment in time and money to unlock its
precious history.

Before we move on to visit the face in the forest carved by Art Wilson in 1988 I
will describe how a tree grows so that we can interpret scars and carvings on trees. Thor

85

mentioned that Bob Hart cut away old scars and found carvings underneath.
Understanding how a tree grows and how a scar is formed will help us search for carvings
hidden by the tree' s scar.

Once a seedling is established whether coniferous (evergreen) or deciduous it
grows from the tips and adds girth (circumference) starting in the spring and finishing up in
the early fall. The growth slows to a sustaining growth where the roots will be the only
active growth in the winter months. There are three kinds of buds on a tree: the lateral,
flower and terminal buds. The lateral bud produces the extensions to branches and the
flower bud produces male, or female flowers called cones. The terminal bud bursts into a
leader and grows from the previous years stem. Therefore, it produces an additional
segment for the stem or trunk. This bud is responsible for the increase of height in the tree
or the lengthening of branches. A professor in my first year forestry class put a cartoon up
on his overhead projector of a cowboy sitting under a tree with a noose tied around his
neck and then tied to a branch on the tree. He then asked us "How many years of growth
will it take to hang the cowboy?" The answer, now that you know how a tree grows, is that
the cowboy will not hang. The tree only grows from the tips. If you put a chalk line on
the trunk of a tree 1 meter above the ground this year it will still be 1 meter above the
ground 25 years later.

The tree puts on its circumference because the work of the very small but very
important layer called the cambium Energy created through photosynthesis and liquids
containing minerals gathered by the roots travel up and down the cambium and inner bark,
and this is why it was harvested as a food source. If we could travel from the outside of a
tree to the centre we would go through the outer bark, the inner bark, the cambium, the
sapwood and the heartwood Note that softwood or conifers are the only species that
differentiate between sapwood and heartwood, the heartwood being darker. The cambium

86

produces inner bark on the outside and sapwood on the inside. You can kill a tree by
girdling it or, in other words, by removing the cambium layer from the complete
circumference of the tree. However if you were to remove the cambium while harvesting it
for food and you only took a rectangle from the tree, what would happen? The remaining
cambium layer would start to grow over the scar from the edges, producing sapwood and
inner bark. Each year the scar becomes smaller and the tree girth increases. Many years
later the scar will be smaller in width and deeper because the tree grew in circumference
while the bare inner wood of the scar did not until it was covered by new cambium. When
the scar is completely covered by new wood and bark it is commonly known as a "cat
face." The photograph in Figure 2.3 illustrates the progressive growth over a survey tag
that was nailed to a blaze on an aspen tree. The scar is roughly 20-25 years old. The scar
closed over the sign as if someone slowly pulled a drawstring around the edge of the blaze.

Hazelton

Hazelton, BC, rests in the shadow of the great mountain Stekyawden (Painted Goat
Mountain) at the junction of the Skeena and Bulkley rivers. I will guide you to a number of
tree art sites in the Gi~san territory surrounding Hazelton. The first stop will be at a
carved tree where Sam Greene Creek flows into the Skeena River.

Art Wilson's Tree Carving

Don Ryan, Chief Negotiator for the Gi~san , suggested that I call Art Wilson about
his tree carving. I called Art, whose hereditary chiefs name is 'Wii Muk' wilixw, in July of
1995 to ask him if he would guide me to the site of his tree carving. He graciously offered
his services, and we arranged to drive to the site on July 16, 1995. As I drove, Art

87

explained the history of the tree carving and how it relates to a blockade that was
established by the Git~san in 1988 to stop logging in the Sam Greene Creek area. Westar,
a forest company, applied for an injunction to stop the blockade, but the court upheld the
legitimacy of the chiefs request to suspend logging until the question of aboriginal
ownership was addressed. Art is a GifKsan artist and leader among his people. He created
a print called Precedence that tells the story of the Sam Greene blockade, and he also carved
a face in a tree at the blockade camp (Figure 3.6, 3. 7 & 3.8). My on-site interview with
Art begins with his description of why he carved the face in the tree.

MICHAEL: Maybe you could start out by saying why you did the carving.
ART: I was mainly thinking about the sacrifice that we were doing at that time, and
I was thinking like anything else, it has to be something that reminds us of what
happened. I very reluctantly carved the face in this tree, the chances of killing the
tree. I stood here and talked awhile, just letting the trees know I was very
reluctantly doing it. We were brought up, we were taught that everything is alive, I
guess it was part of the sacrifice. What I tried to signify was tears here, an
expression of sadness of what was going on. Just like this tree, it sacrificed its life
for all the trees across the road. So I guess between us and the tree, we have a sad
story to tell. Anytime anyone comes along, they ask themselves, why is this face
here, and fmd out who did it, and why it was done? I feel badly that the tree dies.
Maybe it had a purpose I guess.
MICHAEL: Why did you choose a face?
ART: I chose a face because when people see a face it just naturally draws their
attention. If I had to do this all over again I think I would have done a smaller face.
The main reason I did a big face is because it would be hard to miss. This tree has
made a very big contribution to educating people, just by surviving these last years.
MICHAEL: Have you ever done any other tree carvings?
ART: No.
MICHAEL: Have you ever seen any others?
ART: I saw one in the last Dayzyet [a GifKsan nation newsletter] , I heard about the
ones at Kuldo, but I have not seen them first hand. But I have been told about
these carvings and why people do them. Most of the reasons are because it is like a
memorial, remembering. There are probably other reasons, I don' t know. This
was the particular reason I did this one. People would ask me about it and why did
I do it. Basically it, I thought at the time when the sap was starting to flow, put an
expression on the face.
MICHAEL: Why were you here at the Sam Greene blockade?

88

ART: I was here to support the actions of the chiefs across the River there, save the
land, sacrificed a lot of time in different fights about the land. It takes a lot of time
to live it down and I think the public has forgotten now. It is a good thing that
people have short memories.
MICHAEL: You say that this is a memorial for the sacrifice that people made here,
what do you mean by sacrifice?
ART: Sacrifice, this tree basically, from my view, sacrificed its life to pass on the
message on behalf of other trees. This situation is a sad situation, it deserves the
attention of people so they can do something about it. That is partly what I was
thinking.
MICHAEL: Why did you pick this tree?
ART: Well, I thought it was a tree that was in a place where everybody who came
by would not miss it.
MICHAEL: How many people were at the blockade?
ART: It went down to three of us, and at the height probably about fifty. It was
really amazing at that time, the people that were here heard some singing up in the
bush there. Singing and drums. We ask at the time what do you think that was?
The ancestors in the spirit world were happy with what we were doing.
MICHAEL: Do you think they asked you to do this carving?
ART: I don't know, I just felt compelled to do it. People will see it and ask
questions.
MICHAEL: You heard people talking about other tree carvings and the idea of
memorial, what do you mean?
ART: It is similar to the whole idea of totem poles I guess. I think some of the tree
carvings from what I understand are significant to the other house groups. I think
just seeing the actual carving will tell you something about it. This for example, it
looks like a tear.
·
MICHAEL: It is a beautiful carving.
ART: For some reason I quit over here, for some reason I must of got distracted.
MICHAEL: How may years ago did you carve this tree?
ART: Eight years ago maybe, it might be that long, time goes so darn fast.
MICHAEL: I think it does its job, you notice it right away.
ART: I guess the other thing with this is the scars of the chainsaw. I wanted to do
something that says something.
MICHAEL: To mark the period of history?

89

ART: To remind us that this kind of equipment causes a lot of destruction.
Especially down the middle of his eyebrows. Just to say it is a cause of a lot of
pain. It is getting there now. The Forest Practices Code. The forestry and mines.
I actually went to forestry class at UBC, and told them what was happening and its
time they practice what they learn, and things would be different. I don't know. At
least I hope to hell they will be different.
MICHAEL: This was a successful blockade wasn't it?
ART: Oh yeah, yeah. I did a print on it called 'Precedence.' Fireweed [clan] on that
side [Wolf on the other side of the Skeena].
MICHAEL: Are you happy with this when you look at it eight years later?
ART: Oh yeah, I am surprised it is kind of. ...
MICHAEL: Do you think it has taken on a different life?
ART: I think so, there is a better expression in his face. The weathering has done
the final touches.
MICHAEL: Have you heard about people who talk about the living spirit of the
tree?
ART: Oh yeah, anytime you go to get trees you have to talk to them first, and tell
them why you are doing what you are doing. If it means that your life depends on
it, and you have to stay warm. It is a good thing to let the trees know why you are
doing it for whatever reason.
MICHAEL: Are there any ceremonies or offerings?
ART: The only thing that I know is that people say you make sure you talk to the
trees. I think other tribal groups they do that, they go that one step further. It is
possible we may have done that, I don't know. Be respectful that we are possibly
killing a tree. That tree is not quite dead, it looks like there is some green on top. It
makes me feel a little bit better.

Art created a historical marker for the successful blockade. The tree carving marks
the location, and also acts as a memorial, to help people remember, or to spark questions
from following generations. It was with great sadness that Art cut into the tree to create his
marker because it went against his nature. Art chose to carve a face as it was a natural
attention grabber to passers-by because a face with tears expresses sadness. 26

26

Art Wilson lives at Kispiox almost in the shadow of Mary Johnson' s pole which shows the sister who
holds a grouse, too late to nourish her brother who has just died of starvation. Tears stream down her
face and the pole.

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Art's commentary on his tree carving provides useful insight to the reasons why an
artist creates tree art, because there are very few examples of recent tree art. Most carvings
are like the Phillips River example where the intended meaning is much more difficult to
determine since the artist is unknown. Both of the recent examples, Art and George' s
carvings, are memorials or historical markers. Art Wilson's tree carving is in situ, in the
intended viewing context. The intended meaning which Art attributes to his carving is
highly dependent on the viewing context. Art's tree carving is still on the first and intended
journey of meaning but is gaining a secondary meaning; as he says the face has weathered
and aged so it is less sad. The sacrifice made by the tree and Gi~san has contributed to
highlight the need for the involvement of First Nations in land use planning and the
establishment of the Forest Practices Code Act. The Act provides for protection of the
heritage resource such as tree art. These provisions are discussed in Chapter Four.

Tree Painting on Geel's Territory
I was convinced that tree art still exists on the First Nations landscape when Walter

Harris, Chief Geel, told me of the tree painting that was found on his territory during the
winter of 1988-89. While visiting Walter, we walked over to his Hiding Place gallery to
see the cut out image from the decayed tree (see Figure 3.9). Walter knew little about the
tree painting or its history. Eldridge (1991 , 7), an archaeologist, summarized his
impressions of the tree.
The tree painting or ' arborograph' was located on a 1-m-diameter dead hemlock tree
that leaned heavily to one side. The base of the tree was hollow, with only a thin
shell of wood remaining behind the bark. The tree had been blazed on four sides,
but three of the scars were completely overgrown. Tool marks in the bark indicated
that, probably, a metal axe or adze had been used to remove the bark. The fourth
side has a 70-cm-long open scar-face near the base of the tree with a 46-cm-long
painting, in black, on the exposed wood. The pigment may be charcoal mixed with
grease, although this has not been confirmed by laboratory tests.

91

The scar and the associated painting were made between 1826 and 1836 (Eldridge, 1991 ,
8), as discussed below. This was the approximate time of the arrival of the Hudson's Bay
Company in the area. The age was determined using dendrochronology (tree ring dating.
Eldridge speculates that the arborograph may be an ownership marker for a trading trail
(1991 , 8). I asked my Great Aunt Sophia Mowatt (age 95) whether she knew of the tree.
She said she knew of the tree and she thought it was a territorial marker (Mowatt, personal
communication, July 24, 1995).

The Tsimshian and Giqsan geopolitical system, or House and Clan territorial
system, which was and still is governed through the feast, was in great turmoil from 17ffl
onwards (Marsden and Galois, 1995, 169-170). The early maritime fur trade economy
created imbalances of power." Chief Legaix took advantage of his coastal access to the
European fur traders by monopolizing the access to interior fur supply areas, such as the
Git_!san territory. James McDonald (1985, 42) suggests that the Git_!san were "already
trading at inland markets with the Coastal Tsimshian for European commodities from
American sailing ships when the Hudson's Bay Company trader explorers reached them,
arriving from the East in 1826. House chiefs realigned their connections with the more
powerful coastal chiefs through marriage and conflict. One possible outcome of the flux in
power was that house chiefs found it necessary to reaffirm their territorial boundaries or
control over trading trails by using markers such as tree art. I will examine the geopolitical
dynamic again in detail at the Kholkux tree carving stop in the Yukon.

little is known about Geel' s tree painting except that it is unique. Arborographs are
very rare because they are more sensitive to weathering than arboroglyphs. I have referred
to the territorial meaning that Sophia attributes to the tree painting, but in the end, little will
ever be known about this unique creation. However the very fact that it exists and was
created in the early nineteenth century adds important depth to Git_!san history.

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Anspayaxw - Kuldo Trail Tree Carvings
The next leg of our journey is to view tree art along the trail which connects
Kispiox (Anspayaxw) and the now deserted village of Kuldo. Kuldo was a thriving and
important northern village in Git~san tenitory. People still inhabited the village as the
goldseekers rushed by in 1898. But the flu, the influences of the church, and the
establishment of reserves all depleted the village to its abandoned self. However, it is still
used in the swnmers when the Git~san go there to fish. The trail between the two villages
was used by Klondike goldseekers to access the Yukon along the overland route that
Barbeau (1958, 185-86) calls the "Poor Mans Route." Cattle were driven along the trail
north to feed the goldseekers. Adventurers such as Hamlin Garland passed along the trail

in the gold rush, and he wrote about the village of Kuldo:
There was a fork in the trail here [about three miles north of Kuldo Creek], and
another notice informed us that the trail to the right ran to the Indian village of
Kuldo ... Turning to the right down a tremendously steep path (the horses sliding on
their haunches), we came to an old Indian fishing village built on a green shelf high
above the roaring water of the Skeena... There were some eight or ten families in the
canon... (Garland, 1899, 121).
Barbeau (1958, 191) describes how the Gi~san people were enlisted to widen the

trail to meet the needs of the goldseekers.
Jimmy Deacon, a wild and woolly woodsman, anived at Hazelton from the south
in the spring, with the news that the trails to the north must be cleared at once. He
hired many Indians for the work. ' We started from our village here and improved
the old Indian trail. ' Gamanut [the Outlaw Simon Gunanoot], one of his Skeena
men, still remembered well many years later at Hazelton.
The Dominion Telegraph trail was established in 1899 along the widened AnspayaxwKuldo trail. In 1961 the Forest Service constructed a forest road following the trail up the
valley. Old survey markers can still be found beside the forest road. This trail is layered
with history, but still the Git~san purpose for the trail predominates because of the
exquisite tree art creations that have the survived inroads of progress.

93

We begin our journey at Deadhorse Lake, our southern most stop along the trail.
We then travel along the trail to Deep Canoe Creek and view a number of examples of tree
art. Finally, we continue across Kuldo Creek where a few tree carvings matk the main and
side trails.

Deadhorse Lake

Walter Blackwater, a Gitxsan Elder, told me of the tree carvings at the camp along
Deadhorse Lake (Blackwater, personal communication, July 27, 1995). The camp is about
50 meters from the lake shore (Figure 3 .10). There are numerous initials and messages
carved and written on the surrounding trees (Figure 3.11). The dates on some of the tree
writings were 1929, 1944, 1955, and 1977. The camp is about30 meters off the
Anspayaxw-Kuldo trail along a spur trail. The three carvings (Figure 3.12) are on two
hemlock trees at the trail junction. They are rough carvings of faces and the single carving
looks to be newer and done with an axe. There are a few old leg-hold traps still hanging
from the trees in the area. I know nothing more about this particular site.

Deep Canoe Creek
The Deep Canoe site is about 5 kilometers north of Deadhorse Lake along the trail.
During my initial research I discovered an archaeological site report (Borden number: Gk
Ta-l) which Doug Anweiller had filed with the Archaeology Branch in 1991. The site
description said there were nine trees, and each had a "face" carved on the trunk. My first
trip to this site was on June 22, 1995, accompanied by Darlene Veigh and Russell Collier
from the Gitxsan Treaty Office. We split up into two groups and started to look for the trail

94

and the carvings. I wo:rked my way up to the steep ridge along Deep Canoe, and I found
the old trail. The trail is worn to a 30 em depth in places. It appeared and disappeared
through the windfall like a breaching killer whale. There were signs of the old telegraph
wire, a telegraph cabin, blazed trees, old cavity traps in stumps and kindling trees along the
trail (Figures 3.13-3.16). I felt the trodden history beneath my feet as I anxiously followed
the trail.

I ducked under a windfall and started off again, and then I saw a glimpse of
something -- a face! I was so excited I could hardly breathe. I walked a few more steps
and there it was, a face carved in the trunk of a hemlock tree. I rushed back to find Russell
and Darlene. They had found the trail and were making their way to my location. I
showed them the carving (see Figure 3.17 & 3.18). This carving is deceiving in
appearance because it looks like a rough carving on the bark, but it is actually carved on the
overgrown scar of another carving. You can see the measuring tape in the photograph goes
10 em in under the overgrown bark into the mouth opening of the original carving.
Someone had recarved an old carving once the scar had overgrown the original.

We made our way further along the trail after viewing and recording our first fmd.
Shortly, we all stopped dead in our tracks as we noticed a very powerful face staring at us
from the trunk of an old growth hemlock tree (Figure 3.19). Its charcoal eyes fixed upon
our arrival, as it had with generations of GitKsan , goldseekers, and telegraph workers.
You can see it as you walk up the trail. It was placed in an obvious place for a reason. We
reacted with "Wow." This word aptly summed up our feeling , "Wow." I had not seen tree
art, in situ, up until that memorable day.

I showed a photograph of this tree to Walter Blackwater, a GifKsan trapper now in
his seventies. He was born in Kuldo and he has travelled most of the Northern GitKsan

95

trails as trapper. Walter begins the interview (Blackwater, personal communication, July
27, 1995) by describing some of the locations where he has seen the tree carvings.
WALTER: I know where this one is.
This one here is where the telegraph trail is. I have seen this one. It is right on the
telegraph trail. But the one that's up in the mountain, the Kuldo people, that's
marking their trapline that goes up in the mountain. That's way up there. But the
telegraph line that's down on the Skeena River. You see the flats right there, that's
where the trail is that trail. I will show you the pack trail. That's where they camped
right there. They let the horses feed on the flats there. That's how I know this one
here. I know its right on top of the hill, that's this one here. I know exactly where
it is.
When you first asked me about this one, I could not figure it out. I thought you
were talking about real totem poles. This is a different one. This is totem pole,
what do they call them, its more like a Gyetim Gan, that's what it is. I forgot what
it is. This one, you could see all the way. The other side Kuldo. What do you call
that creek on the other side of Kuldo. You can see a whole bunch of them along
side the telegraph trail, maybe about 20 of them. The creek runs this way and it
goes up the hill. Right on top of the hill that's where they are. They call that place
....... Smak la hant. And the other side, and you got that flat over there, they got a
camp there. There' s another one there. Full of them there. All over the place.
And you go to Poison Mountain. You can see them there. The last time I was up
there was 1958. The trail was still really good. The last time the govt. used that
trail was 1936. That's the last time the government used that trail. You know that
trail they call it the Telegraph trail. They take the horses up there and take the
winter supplies up there for the lineman they call it. They drop the winter supplies
at every main cabin. There is 2,3,4 ,5,6,7,8,9 cabin. Telegraph Creek supplies the
other side. That's why I know this one. From the sixth cabin is our trapline to the
9th cabin about 30 miles. Like my own trapline goes up to 20-30 miles after this
trail. Another creek goes running that way. They call it ...... There' s no trees in
there. Just once in a while you can see trees over there. That's where they camp.
If you miss that one there is not another one for 15 miles. That's were they went to
trap beavers in the winter time. You can see the Gyetim Gan in there.
MICHAEL: So why did they carve those?
WALTER: Just like in the olden days, you know . While just like the totem pole
over there. The earlier people they gone ask the other people ' what does that
mean?' , the Gyetim Gan, you know the totem pole, they gone a say ' what does that
mean?' Some of them gone to see that big eagle over here [he points to where a
totem pole is located in Kispiox] , what do they call that big eagle, Lax Muuxs,
that's a big. This one is only the Gyetim Gan, the face of the man, they say that,
Gyetim Gan. The totem pole is different. Some of them got the big canoe some of
them down here. You can see all kinds of them in the village here. There are
different meanings on each one of them.
Walter explains that the GitKsan name for these faces in the forest is "Gyetim
Gan." He told me the trappers would occasionally carve tree art for something to do and
that they were not territorial markers. Walter implies that the location of a Gyetim Gan is
96

often associated with a camp. He explains how Gyetim Gan can be similar to crest poles
(totem poles) because people will ask "what does that mean?'' and there will be a story for
each one. Adams (1986, 2) quoted a Git_!san Flder as saying that "Totem poles are the
Indian' s book about traplines." The crest pole in many ways represents the house terntory ,
the word "trapline" is also a modem representation of the territory. Some tree carvings
were meant to act as a marker for a story, similar to the crest acquisition and ancestral
journey stories associated with crest poles. Walter told me of a specific example of a tree
carving which was recently carved to mark a trapline in the following excerpt.

WALTER: Past old Kuldo, there is really lots of them there, especially up on top
of the hill there, talkin about that little creek on the other side of Kuldo. There' s a
big creek coming down there, not the deep one. The deep one is a small little one,
the other one got a flat, on one side the other side is flat. The one I am talkin about
there is a whole bunch of them. There is a whole bunch of those. I know one they
making one of them, related to Steve Morrison. They went with Pete Muldoe ...
MICHAEL: Why did Steve Morrison carve that one?
WALTER: He was with Pete, they say that's his trapline. I know its Giskasst
tenitory .... That ladies name Lay gum Slaks, Indian name hey, chief. That's the
one that owned that place. After that lady died, Pete went up there with Steve
Morrison. Steve got nothing to do, you know they just carving them. That's the
funny looking one, funny looking Gyetim Gan. My mother is related to the old
people, its written on the bottom, that's his picture.
MICHAEL: That's what it says?
WALTER: Yeah that' s what it says. Oh, its a really bad one, I told them you
know.
MICHAEL: They carved right on the tree?
WALTER: Yeah they carve right on the tree. Written with who' s picture is there.
The other one they call him my mum' s 'u si wiks. ' They related to you guys, I
guess, Walter Harris. That's mums, that why they do that. That's mums 'u siwiks'
hey, they come out, they mark it right there, they put a name there. It had a big pipe
in there. You know the old people had a pipe there. That' s how they draw, just
like that, they carve a pipe right in there.
MICHAEL: Why did they carve his face in there?
WALTER: They make a mark, they cut in there, they had a limb like a pipe.
MICHAEL: That's supposed to be Jay Powell?

97

WALTER: Yeah, that's how I know about this one. And, this one was a really
funny picture. There is no trail there. You can find a trail in the fall , its easy to
fmd. You can see what I am talking about.
Walter described how Steve Morrison carved a Gyetim Gan to mark a trapline after
a Chief had died. He said it represented someone called Jay Powell, his mom' s relative.
The carving has a pipe in its mouth and writing below it explaining its purpose.

Walter turns his attention to the tree carving at our earlier stop (see Figure 3.19) and
begins to explain how old he thinks the carving is based on a feather-like form above the
forehead of the face. Remember that Art Wilson hinted that "I think just seeing the actual
carving will tell you something about it," and he went on to explain the significance of the
tears on his carving. The form above the forehead is very significant as Walter explains in
the following exert.

WALTER: This one here you know the old Indians had a feather on their head.
That's what it is this one here, its a feather, like that. Before that, they would make
cuts in feather [in the wood] to make it look, but you won't see that now because it
is really old. That's a Indian with a feather in its head.
MICHAEL: Why do you think they did that?
WALTER: It's a, Indian styles you know. In the olden days, that one there, they
had no clothing there. When they go up in the mountain they got their hides. They
cover themselves. That's before the clothing came around That's when this one,
just imagine the people they are thinken back in the olden days. They say in the
pictures in the olden days, like in the book there, that how I fmd out, this one. But
this one here he just look like Am halait, but it is an Indian feather. This one here,
it like a totem pole, but we still call it Gyetim Gan. That's the older people that
make it like it, but it is not dressed like an Indian.
Do you understand what I am talking about?
Walter believes the carved form on top center of the head represents a feather, and therefore
he thinks the carving is quite old since it was only the "Old People" who wore the head
feather. Walter said this carving was done "way before the white man." The second tree
carving that Walter is referring to is just up the trail a few meters (see Figure 3.20). Walter
is quite sure there is a story behind this carving.

98

WALTER: Some of them are meaning something. Like this one, it looks like
horns. This Gyetim Gan they make horns over here. The older people can tell the
stories as soon as they see the pictures. As soon as they see pictures of Gyetim
Gan, they know all about the stories. And their and meanings. But me, I can' t tell
you anything, but I just say I don' t know anything. I did see this one, really good.
I know this one.
But now I don't even know where the trail is now.
:MICHAEL: So that's important, they are not boundary marlcers, and they are not
like totem poles, but some of them have stories,
WAL1ER: Yeah some of them have stories.
:MICHAEL: And the thing at the top that looks like a Am Halait, is actually a
feather.
WAL'IER: Yeah, that's a feather, yeah, its more like Am Halait, in Indian
its .... This is not an Am Halait. They call it ~st , now I remember.
:MICHAEL: All the peoples did Gyetem Gan, Kuldo, Blackwater?
WAL1ER: Yeah, Kisagas too. You can see on top of the hill above the village
there. You can see them all, maybe they fell down, or whatever. There's lots over
there. I don' t know if you are going to find a trail anymore.
:MICHAEL: What village are you talking about?
WALTER: Kisagas. Now right across from Kisagas village. Old village. You
ever see that village? 18 km from here, up the Salmon River road.
MICHAEL:

Would people down here in Gitannmax and Gitanyow do carvings?

WAL'IER: Yeah, they do it on their own territory. They call that River towards
Smithers, that trail that goes across the Bulkley, there is a creek running down that
way. You can see those carvings there too. That's the Hazelton territory. Not
only us, its all over. Gitsugukla do the same thing, but we don't know where they
are. We don' t know where the trapline is.
:MICHAEL: Now I am trying to summarize this. Trappers would do this right.
WAL1ER: Yeah some of them, and people traveling along them.
MICHAEL: Could you tell the difference between the ones done in Kuldo
compared to Hazelton?
WALTER: No, they look the same.
:MICHAEL: I have a theory that this is like the spirit of the tree, this is alive this
GyetimGan?
WALTER: Yeah this is alive, that's what it means, that's alive. That's living, you
know what I mean it's a spirit. That's not only Kuldo that does that. I went up to

99

take my Grandfather to Ski dims Lake, I seen some of them like that, but they were
small ones. They are all logged off now you can' t fmd any now. It is in Kispiox
territory.
According to Walter Blackwater, Gyetim Gans were common throughout the Gi~san
territory, and the style was similar enough that one could not discern any regional
differences. He also suggested that a person would only carve trees in their 0\\'11 territory,
probably on a trapline trail.

I also interviewed Sophia Mowatt about these tree carvings and she called them
Gyetim Ganas well. Her daughter-in-law, Norma Mowatt, translated the conversation.
This is what Sophia, age 95, had to say about the meaning (Mowatt, personal
communication, July 24, 1995):

MICHAEL: These are carvings, Sophia.
NORMA: [Interpreting the question]
SOPHIA: [She answers in Git_!san and refers to the carvings as Gyetim Gan.].
NORMA: [Interpreting Sophia's response] They carved trees and get the lynx to go
over there so they could trap them.
MICHAEL: Some of them have a human face. Was that part of it?
NORMA: [Interpreting the question and Sophia' s response] They carved it right in
there, yeah. They carved the tree and it attracts the lynx. You can use a deck of
cards too, Queen, Jack and King, that's what she said. They like the color. It
attracts them to the color.
MICHAEL: Does the face attract?
NORMA: [Interpreting the question and Sophia's response] Yeah, that's what she
called, it attracted them there, they scare off easy. They will stand and watch you.
MICHAEL: So they were not boundary malkers?
NORMA: [Interpreting the question and Sophia's response] No they are not
boundary markers. It is to attract lynx if you want to trap them.
Sophia is an Elder, age 95, who is respected in the Gi~san community for her
memory of the old times and people (Figure 3.21). She attributes the meaning of Gyetim

100

Gan to attracting lynx because lynx are curious. I was surprised by this explanation
because it had not occurred to me that the intended audience for some Gyetim Gans were
animals rather than humans. I asked Walter Blackwater about this practice and he
answered as follows :
MICHAEL: Do you know about trapping lynx?
WALTER: That's a nice story for that one. They not going to make a Gyetim Gan,
they make baby pictures, very beautiful and you put it in the back of the deadfall
[trap]. And that's where the lynx get after it, they go around it and armmd it,
before they get there, hey. And finally they get into the trap and they going to bite
that thing. They got him. They want to get that, they don't eat it. He just going to
take it away, like a pack rat. He just like the way the picture is. The people making
the hair, on a doll. They paint it, they call it Mas. Like hemlock they got a big
thing on the trees [fungus], the old people knock it off and put it in the fire. Burns
all around and cooks right inside. They scrape it and comes out like a powder.
There's no paint. like a powder. And that's what they use to make the doll, its
pretty, they dye the hair. The old people make basket for berries, they die that, they
use that for die. Not only the red. They make a died mud and mix it with this one.
MICHAEL: These dolls would they carve them on trees?
WALTER: No, they carve it out of wood and put it in the trap. The lynx is going
to get that thing, they goin to get it. They step on that thing and, that trap, they got
it. They did not sold the furs , they eat it
MICHAEL: They eat the lynx?
WALTER: They eat it, lynx.
MICHAEL: So they trap lynx before white man came?
WALTER: Oh, they trap the lynx because they say that lynx, "weex", in Indian
language. It taste like rabbit they say. They don't sell that fur, they make a hat.
That's why they do that. That's before the white man came along.
Walter had not heard of carvings on the trees to attract the lynx. However, he did
know of the practice of carving little "dolls" heads and placing them in the deadfall trap to
attract the lynx into the trap. Sophia, who is about 20 years older than Walter, says the
carvings were done on the tree to attract the lynx to the trap. I believe that both reasons are
correct because I have found references to both types of practices in other nations. Sullivan
(1942, 99) interviewed a Tena Elder about lynx trapping methods.

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'That's why,' concluded Ambrose, ' when they put out snares for lynx in the ' old
times,' they make a little house and put bait in the middle, and then make some kind
of doll cut out of rotten wood and put it on each side of the bait. They represent the
two wives. Everytime they put snares, they do that. '
Nelson (1983, 155) describes how the Koyukon trappers from the village of Koyukuk,
Alaska, draw faces on the blazed tree to attract the curious lynx to their trap. Nelson
(1986, 228) made a similar observation for the Huslia Koyukon practice. The trappers
desire to attract the lynx to his/her trap is the common connection in Sophia' s, Walter' s and
Nelson' s accounts.
The Huslia Koyukon rely almost exclusively on visual attractants. Most commonly
they draw a little face on a blazed tree behind the trap, or on a piece of wood that is
put in the set.
Additionally, the lynx was central to the meaning of some Carrier tree art. I will discuss
the Carrier practice and the spiritual significance of the lynx in detail at the Hallett Lake
stop.

Now we look to a number of other tree carvings nearby (Figures 3.22, 3.23, &
3.24). Note how the scar tissue has grown over some, where only an eye or mouth can be
still seen (Figure 3.22). This tree carving is a good example of the dynamic nature of the
art form due to weathering and the growth of the scar tissue. The journey for this tree
carving is almost complete as nature has all but refolded over the image.

Walter Blackwater recognized the carving in Figure 3.23 (nymph like). He said "I
know this one, it was made a long time ago. Is this tree still standing?" I told him the tree
was completely dead now. He said that it was dead when he saw it last. This example is
also very similar to the one photographed in Bella Coola by Harland I. Smith (Figure 2.8).

102

Kuldo Roadside

Norm Larson, an employee of the Ministry of Forests and a long time resident of
Hazelton, guided me to another two tree carvings along the Kuldo forest road. My wife
and I followed Norm up the busy logging road that follows the trail. We arrived at the first
tree just across the Kuldo bridge at about the 34 km mark of the Kuldo forest road. We
walked up the road bank and into the forest. The tree carving is shown in Figure 3.25. It
is carved on a hemlock tree, and it is right beside the trail overlooking the logging road, and
the Skeena River. Norm shows great concern for protecting the trees since they are an
important part of his heritage as he was born and raised in the area. As a non-First Nations
person he shared the pride and concern of the Git_!san people. The second journey for this
Gyetim Gan has been to help young Git,!san children learn about their heritage. Groups of
children have travelled to this site to see the Gyetim Gan.

The next stop is up the road about five kilometers. Norm showed me this tree as
well, and he said it had been found when the forest road was being constructed. The tree is
about 5 m from the roadside. The carving faces the road, witnessing the push of
development past its once tranquil setting (see Figure 3.26). This example was carved with
the same fmesse as a master carver would show carving a ceremonial mask or crest pole.
The nose is fmely sculpted since it is only millimeters thick at its fmest point. This carving
taught me two important lessons. The first lesson, was to be mindful of Art's advice, "I
think just seeing the actual carving will tell you something about it." I visited this tree four
times, but I did not notice the cross carved above the head (see Figure 3.28) until my
Uncle, Walter Harris, pointed it out to me. This cross "tells something about it." Walter
suggested this carving might be a burial marker. The carving was created with great
attention by a person with the abilities of a master carver, and thus the aesthetic power of

103

the caiYing could signify a headstone mruker of an important person. Walter Harris is a
master carver with great talent. He was impressed with the ability of the caiYer who carved
this tree. If this is a burial marker, the carving was probably done shortly after the initial
influence of the Chm·ch in the nineteenth century. My Great Aunt Sophia told me that there
was a short transition period when the Git~san buried their dead, sitting in a bent box.
The Church forbid cremation and encouraged "proper" bwial in a casket and grave.

I learned my second lesson when I brought Walter to see the caiYing. During my
previous visits there was an old growth hemlock forest on the opposite side of the road
from the carving. But, as Figure 3.27 shows, the forest had been logged. The face on the
tree seemed lonely. The forest and trees it had been facing for so long, had now
disappeared in a few short weeks. This Gyetim Gan had just embarked on its second
journey. It is a witness to the disrespect being shown to Git~san history and territory, and
for that matter the history of all British Columbians. The first journey may have been a
memorial for an important Git~san person, and the second journey, similarly, is a memorial
for the sacrifice of the forest in Git~san territory. The second journey is similar to the
intended meaning of Art Wilson's tree carving. I will discuss the concept of new layers of
meaning on the First Nations landscape and how that relates to the second journey at our
campfire discussion in Chapter Four.

There is another Gyetim Gan about one hundred meters south along the trail (see
Figure 3.29). The scar has all but covered this carving and it was very difficult to fmd. I
found it because I was carefully checking every tree in the vicinity of the carving shown in
Figure 3.26. The brush had grown thick around the base of the tree as can be seen in the
photograph. I show this carving to stress how easy it is to walk by these carvings if you
are not looking for them.

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Gi~san

Compensation Tree Carving

We are now travelling up to the headwaters of the Kispiox River, along the Xsi Wis
An Skit tributary. Mary Johnson is a Gi~san hereditary chief of the house of Antguulibix,
Giskaast (Fireweed) clan. She testified as a witness in the DelgaMuukw land claims case,
and she retold a oral history about a compensation tree carving and the murder of Y al. The
murder was resolved through the feast system by awarding compensation tenitory to the
victims house by the offenders house. The new tenitory was marked by a crest on a tree
along the new boundary. I have presented exceq>ts from her testimony below.
MARY: At the end of the Xsi Wis An Skit (Kispiox River) grandmother told me,
and great, both of them, and at the end they climb the -- where the ridge is, and the
ridge is their boundary, but the other side of the ridge is given to-- to the-- to both
Antgulilbix and Tsibassaa as a compensation because Y al is murdered on the ice
where -- where Xsagangaxda runs into Skeena River, that's where it
happened ... And I wouldn' t say it was in my grandmother' s time or greatgrandmother, it happened thousands of years ago ... And they climb after the end of
Xsi Wis An Skit [Kispiox River] ... And there was a ridge and on that-- the other
side the ridge, they said there was a tree standing there and they -- they smear this

tree with blood that's their own paint, and there was a crest on the tree, a
sun ... Because it belongs to the Giskasst, that's the crest. That's the Giskaast crest,

yeah, and that tree represents compensation that's in exchange of blood and it won' t
be taken back from us until the end of the world. It will be there. [Italics added by

autlwr]

LAWYER: Now, did your grandmother or your aunt see this tree?
MARY: She said she sees it, that's why she told me .. .I mean great-greatgrandmother [saw this tree] (Johnson (a), V13 , 800-01).
The lawyers asked Mary for some clarification about this compensation tree a short
time later.
LAWYER: So the murder of Y al took place outside your territory?
MARY: Yes.

105

LAWYER: Now, can you tell me whether there is anything more mentioned in the
adaawk of your House for the northern territory?
MARY: Yes, grandmother told me and great-great grandmother that at the end of
Xsi Wis An Skit there is a hill and they climb the hill, and there is a ridge there, and
on -- that's a boundary they said is the ridge. And on the other side the ridge, that's
the land that they gave our ancestors compensation for murdering Y al. And
grandmother said there is a tree standing there, and it's smeared with blood. And
there is a sun on the tree, and that's what Giskaast crest, is the sun. So that shows
the exchange of blood. And they won 't take it back from the family crest until the
end of the world... They just say he was murdered and they give the land as an
exchange for blood. If they don 't do that, they will return the blood...
[Italics added by author].
LAWYER: So before the territory was given to Antgulilbix as compensation for the
murder of Y al, it belonged to somebody in the Village of Kuldo?
MARY: Yes.
LAWYER: Because your territory marked the boundary between Kispiox and
Kuldo?
MARY: Yes, yes (Johnson (b), V 14, 872-73).
Mary' s testimony links the Antgubilix' s adaawk to the creation of tree art. She
testified that the murder of Y al happened thousands of years ago. Consequently, her
testimony demonstrates that tree art is a very old art form, and in this case, the tree art is a
boundary marker "till the end of the world." If this were the case, it is conceivable that the
image would be re-carved as the original tree carving rotted. The tree was also smeared
with blood. It may have been real blood and perhaps later with "Mas" which as Walter
Blackwater explained was a powder from a tree fungus or red ochre mud

I will now explain the Gi~san house system and how they mark and govern their
house territories as it helps to understand the practice of compensation. The "wilp" or
house is the primary biologic, political, geographic and economic unit of Git~san society.
There are about 42 houses within the Gi~san territory. Each wilp belongs to only one clan.
There are four clans: Giskaast (Fire weed), Lax SkiiK (Eagle), Lax Ganada or Ganeda
(Frog), and Lax Gibuu (Wolf).

106

Each house is lead by a hereditary head chief and one or more assistants or wing
chiefs. The house name is usually based on the hereditary chiefs Git~san name. However,
traditionally the Chiefs name and house name were different. Each house is responsible
for one or more territories that are defmed by boundaries such as lakes, creeks, mountains,
rivers, trails, which are recorded and reaffirmed in the adaawk. Each territory has its own
GitKsan name. A house will also have access to specific fishing sites (Anon. , 1991 , 127129).

There are very specific and strict laws governing the use of house territories. Olive
Mulwain (1982 (a), 1-2), a GifKsan Elder, explained the law to a land claims researcher in
the following passage:
All these people knew which territory is theirs. They turned off at the proper trail,
they didn' t trespass on each others territory. They don' t camp on someone' s
territory just because it is a good place, they go on ... Our people of old days had a
law, if a thoughtless person went to another territory and trapped/hunted it is
considered stealing. He didn' t get permission from the owner. The law of the
ancient people is that they kill that thoughtless person, his blood is spilled on the
ground The reason they enforced the law is so that the thoughtless person doesn' t
set a precedent of trespassing, it also enable the owner to show his strength and
discourage others from trespassing on his territory if they know the law will be
enforced. Then follows another law, the law of ' Shiisw' (territory settlement) the
white people call it peacemaking.
She also explains that a person from another house "can pass through, but they
don' t camp on it, they just pass through to get to their own territory. " Everyone knows
each others boundaries and she says they are called 'Anliit'iisxw' (blazing marie or post
marking boundary of a territory)" (Mulwain (b), 1982, 1). For example, Stanley Williams
(1983 , 2), a GifKsan Elder, talks about a pole with a rock on top of it which marked the
boundary between the GitKsan and Nisga' a people near Blackwater Lake. Richard Benson
(Affidavit, 2) gave evidence of 'red blazes on trees which marked a boundary between two
houses.

107

This Lake [Dam ansa Angwas] is a boundary, and only the east half of it is owned
by the House of Gylogyet. Two trees, on either side of the Lake, were marked
with Mas (red ochre) to show this was a boundary.
This Lake is very near the compensation tree site that Mary talked in her testimony. Olive
Ryan testified in the DelgaMuukw case that the Gi~san marked trees for boundary
markers and they were called "an lay tix" (Ryan, Vol. 17, 1131). Clearly tree carvings and
blazes are a type of boundary marker, or comer post called "an lix tiks." However, I
caution against assuming that all tree art is meant to be a boundary marker because there are
a wide variety of intended meanings as we have seen in Gyetim Gan along the AnspayaxwKuldo trail.

The compensation tree carving's intended meaning was to mark compensation
territory which was agreed to at a "Shiisw" feast thousands of years ago. Mary' s great
great grandmother was the last person to see the tree, and I hope to be the next. If I fmd
the tree, the second journey of meaning will provide additional evidence that the adaawk
can be linked to the existence and persistence of house territory boundaries. Chief Justice
Allan McEachern gave an opposing opinion that the Gi~san did not have internal house
boundaries:
The weight of evidence is overwhelmingly against the validity of these internal
boundaries as definitions of discreet areas used just by the ancestors of the present
members of the various Houses (McEachern, 1991 , 277).
The previous example of the compensation tree can be used to refute McEachern's errant
view.

Wiiminoosik Lake Tree Carving
Neil John Sterritt, Madeegam Gyamk, has travelled across most of the Git!San
territory conducting Gi~san place name research with the Elders. I interviewed him on
July 21 , 1995, and he told me about two interesting tree carvings, or Gyetim Gans. The
first example he talked about is at a camp along the Telegraph Trail on the east side of

108

Wiiminoosik Lake, which is in the northern reaches of Git~san territory, north of the
Kuldo village site (see Figure 3.30).
NEIL: The most recent one I saw was on the trail six miles east of Blackwater
Lake. Was there about a month ago, our camp was there. We had a camp there, it
was a former camp. Someone else had camped there, it was a very old tree
carving. It was a stump, somebody had cut the tree down. The stump had a face
on it. It was about a 3 ft stump, perhaps 15-20 inches in diameter. Years ago in
the early fifties, there was one just this side of first cabin, right along side the road.
It was actually called Green's campsite, it appeared to have been created in the 2030 years prior to then. I don' t think it is there anymore, I see a gravel pit in that
area there now. And the creation of gravel pit may have led to its destruction. That
was quite a good one actually. That's about it.
The people we were with Blackwater: on the question of whether there is
any significance to these, were they declarations of land, and they were born at
Blackwater, these two individuals. Their name is Blackwater. They said no, not to
their knowledge [is there any significance].
I am trying to remember if I took one [photograph] last month at
Blackwater. I know I was going to, I think we were packing up and I wanted to
get a photograph of that one before we left. I wanted to get a photograph of that
stump. I can' t remember if I took one or not. I took one of the one my son did,
with the Blackwaters standing around it. ..
There is another one [carving] right beside it [the one at Blackwater Lake].
My son carved it, Gyetim Gan, Wood man. Gan is wood or tree, Gyed is man.
Gyedim Gan eh. Man of wood or tree (See figure 3.30).
Neil later sent me a copy of the photograph showing the new carving his son,
Gordon, had carved at the east end of Wiimi woosik Lake in June 1995. 27 There is an old
carving on a stump about 15 feet from Gordon's new one. Neil told me that he is not
aware of any territorial significance to this old Gyetim Gan. He felt the carvings were more
like an art form and people would just carve them for something to do at camp, as Neil's
son had done on their trip.

NEIL: The tree carvings that I have seen were along trails. Mainly a trail from
Hazelton to Blackwater, and generally called the Telegraph trail today, and also the
Kispiox trail, the trail from Kispiox to Hazelton. I seen others on trails farther in
the bush. They are called Gyetim Gan. What they are at a campsite, what I have
been told, by people who were there, is that they were made by people who were
whiling away their time. Any of those along that trail, they do not have any spiritual
27

The Gitksan name for "Wiiminasik Lake" is T' amuumxswt. It gets its name not from the Gitksan name
for Devil' s Club (as most people assume), but from a plentiful grub or larvae in the lake.

109

or territorial significance. And I have been advised that by several people who walk
the trails and were there as much as sixty years ago.
The new Gyetim Gan carved by Gordon and Art Wilson, demonstrate that some GitKsan
still create tree art. My interview with Art Wilson indicates that new Gyetim Gan are
probably created for quite different reasons than those that inspired the old faces in the
forest. I did not get a chance to interview Gordon about his reasons for carving Gyetim
Gan.

Neil mentioned a second tree carving along the Kispiox main forest road. I
searched for it, but as Neil suggests, it was cut down when the gravel pit was constructed.

I would like to move on to the last stop in GitKsan territory, at the northern border
of GifKsan territory. Here Neil tells us about a tree with "Chinese-like" symbols written on
the trunk.

"Chinese-like" Symbol Tree
In the excerpt below Neil describes a tree which is in the middle of a swamp just
north of Panorama Creek. This tree could provide some very significant information on
inter-tribal boundaries, and on late nineteenth century writing systems.
NEIL: Somewhere up here, there' s a big swamp, I think you can see it on the
1:2500000 [map]. Somewhere in the middle of that swamp there's a tree with a
blaze, fairly large. And it had almost like Chinese writing on it, all over it. And my
Uncle was told by his uncle that was kind a marker between the Tahltan and the
GitKsan. It was on a tree that was leaning, it was like in the middle of this swamp.
Percy and his cousin were walking across the swamp and the ice was crunchy. It
was almost like the whole swamp was moving, the water moved under the ice.
They stopped under this big balsam and this was on it, it just like Chinese writing,
like hieroglyphics. Walter Blackwater referred to the same tree.
MICHAEL: He said it was a marker between the Tahltan?
NEIL: Well he [Percy Sterritt and George Brown] told his uncle about it and his
uncle said it was a boundary marker. Its not a face just Chinese-like writing.

110

MICHAEL: It might be syllabics used by the Dene and Father Morice in the
interior. How old was the tree when he saw it?
NEIL: It was about 1930 when he saw it, he thought it was pretty old, but I do not
know. Could have been syllabics.
MICHAEL: It would have been interesting to know if the Tahltan used syllabics.
NEIL: I don't think it would have been the Tahltan, as you are going to fmd this
out at my presentation. We think that the head of the Nass, the whole area here was
occupied by the Long Grass band or people. And the Tahltan were down here.
This group of people were here from 1830 and 1890. And there was tremendous
battles during that period between us and them. And they moved to Fort Ware in
about 1890. And then to Telegraph Creek after 1900 and in particular in about
1940, and then some of them went to Iskut. They are collectively called Bear
Lakers, some of them were, and some of them from Kispiox. So the Long Grass
people, in this period, these people came from Fort St. James, they came from,
could have been by marriage, or could have been back and forth to Peace River. So
you don't have to look to the Tahltan to see if they were into syllabics. This was a
mixed group, they were Git_!san , Tahltan, people from the east, it is called the
Long Grass people.

It is a long helicopter ride from here. It is a complex area there.
MICHAEL: It definitely sounds like syllabics.
NEIL: I never thought of that angle that people came from that way.
Cause I was always thinking this way. And they were connected some of those
people came this way. Fort St. James way, I never thought of that. And if that's
the case, there was a whole bunch of things that happened there. There was killing
and compensation going on from about 1840 on. Some in Walter Harris' s house,
some that Walter does even know about, and I told him about I have no doubt that
the territory came into our hands at the same time. They were part of the same
incident. This is in Wolf side, Fireweed on the Skeena, Wolf on the Nass.
Neil is referring to the Long Grass people who occupied the land north of Git_!san
territory in the mid to late nineteenth century. The Long Grass people are a sulrgroup of
the Sekanis (Sterritt, personal communication, July 21 , 1995). Neil suggests that there
was a lot of fighting between the House of Geel and the Long Grass people during this
period. The tree in the swamp may be a territorial marker that matks compensation
territory, to the benefit of the houses of Geel and Xhliiyeemlaxhan. I suggested to Neil that
the Chinese-like writing on the tree may be syllabics. Father Morice introduced a modified
form of syllabics to the Carrier in the Fort St. James area in the later nineteenth century
(Suttill, 1994, 4). Neil thought it was quite probable because some Carrier from the Fort
St. James area did join the Long Grass people. Neil Sterritt (19%) authored Tribal
111

Boundaries in the Nass Watershed in which he discusses the history of the interaction
between the Long Grass and GitEsan people. Again, it would be helpful for the GitEsan if
the tree could be located because it may mark important boundaries.

This stop completes our journey through GitEsan territory, and now we will travel
into Carrier territory to the Fraser Lake area where Nick Prince will provide commentary on
a tree carving near Hallett Lake and Carrier syllabics written on a tree near Klez Lake.

Fraser Lake
Hallett Lake
The story of how I found the carving at Hallett Lake is typical of how I relied on a
combination of luck, persistence, and, most importantly, the help of other people to locate
examples of these rare art forms.
The story of how a network of people is required to locate a tree carving begins
with a conversation about my research topic with Dr. Bill Poser, a professor at the
University of Northern British Columbia. He suggested I talk to Graig Hooper, Ministry
of Forests, in Vanderhoof about the message tree at Klez Lake, which we will see at our
next stop. During my discussion with Craig about the Klez Lake tree he said someone had
told him there was a face carved in a tree at Hallett Lake. My

at

~ and I went to Hallett

Lake in the fall of 1995 to look for the carving. All we found was a dilapidated cabin that
was used by hunting guides. The hunters wrote, on the plywood walls, about their
success, "One bull moose, November 1958, E. Fudd, guided by Ray's." I mentioned our
search to my brother-in-law, John Thiessen, and he said that he would ask his friend
Leonard if he knew who the Ray' s were. A couple of weeks later John called me and said
that Leonard suggested that I call Stewart Ray, a retired hunting guide. I called Stewart
right away, and he knew exactly where the tree was. He described the location in great

112

detail. The following weekend I set out for Hallett Lake accompanied by my friend Joey
Himmelspach. We followed Stewart' s directions and walked through the forest along
Hallett Lake for about an hour. We stopped for a moment to re-check the directions and at
that moment Joey calls out "Here it is!" This story typifies the networking process that I
relied upon to find the tree art. The carving is shown in Figure 3.31 and the forest context
is shown in Figure 3.32.

I interviewed the Carrier Elder named Nicolas Prince, who I introduced at the very
beginning of our journey, about a Carrier tree carving. I interviewed him at his island
home on Stuart Lake on November 6, 1995. He is a spiritual person who has walked,
snowshoed, canoed, and trapped throughout the Fort St. James area. He has also
interviewed many Carrier Elders in the process of writing his book on Carrier history prior
to 1793, when Simon Fraser "discovered" Carrier territory. Nick connects two worlds,
like the footbridge that connects his island to the shore of Stuart Lake. Nick has lived a
traditional Carrier lifestyle as a trapper and hunter for his family, and he has also been
successful in the modem world as a carpenter, a tribal leader and a writer.
I showed him the photograph of the Hallett Lake carving, and he said he did not
know why that particular carving was carved, but he did know about other Carrier tree
carvings. My interview with him begins with a description of how the Carrier would
inscribe a burial marker on trees using syllabics. He then discusses other purposes such as
marking "meeting place" camps and carvings as apologies to the lynx spirit. I will present
the entire interview and then I will provide a detailed explanation of the lynx as a powerful
spirit.
NICK: When you see carvings out there on the traplines, while you are out on the
traplines, someone will put a small carving like this, of a face you know. It is a
message left that somebody died, you know, usually there is a name written in
syllabics. Sometimes when the owner of a trapline dies, they carve, you see they
have what they call a meeting place. Different areas of the country, for the

113

traplines, one family here, one family there. And one place where the invisible
place is they call that the meeting place, ..... , And that's the boundary you know,
each camp you see north, south, east, west around it eh, in some points of that
trapline they have these meeting places which is an invisible boundary eh, and each
one of them has a carved face on it. See that supposed to be the guardian of your
boundary eh, and everybody respected that. And the different marks that they put
on there eh, you know like they left messages it meant a lot of things, they left
sticks. They can put axe marks and drive a small wedge into the bottom part of it
and leave a piece of birch bark with something written in syllabics about who died
or what's happening. Its like passing on news to each other. You know and they
use to be thought of as being sacred by all the people, not in a religious sense, but it
is something done by the people with sincerity and people look as it being sacred in
that respect.
MICHAEL: Who would carve that?
NICK: Well it would be one of the relatives, or whoever traplines that was left,
one of his sons or uncle who was part owner of that trapline, like a company.
Maybe two brothers would own a trapline.
MICHAEL: Was it a traditional practice?
NICK: Yeah its been in practice for many years. Like when I started up west of
here near Sutherland River that goes right to Babine Lake, between here and Fort
Fraser there is a River, that Sutherland River, that goes right to Lake Babine. That
used to be a boundary of a guy who I used to trap with. We used to trap right
along that River and there is two places that I know. One on the south end of his
boundary and the north end you know, he has carvings there he said his
grandfather made it.
MICHAEL: Would you be able to fmd them today do you think?
NICK: I don' t know if they are even still standing there has been so much logging
you know. I go through that area you know, of course I flew over that area in a
helicopter one time I could not even fmd any landmarks. Everything is just about
gone, even the meadows you know, meadows are drained out. Like in the spring
they used to be flooded, but they are just meadows now, trees are starting to grow
because they are not flooded. How are you going to find them 40 years later?
MICHAEL: Some were carved at meeting places as boundaries of traplines. When
we are talking traplines, does this mean the before fur trade traplines as well?
NICK: Yeah, they were not called traplines, they were called, like they say "Khe
yoh", his country, Khe yoh. They use that word quite a bit, they would say that's
the end of your grandfather's country. That's what use, it means they use that land
for hunting they use that land for trapping they use that land for fishing. Anyway
you look at it is part of their livelihood.
MICHAEL: Maybe I will get you to write that word "Kye yah" so that I get it right.
NICK: See like they talk about that. See down the River, my grandfather's trapline
is under chief Quaw' s trapline. It has been in our family for all these years. Now
we have it. They call it "sii anu Khe yoh," your grandfathers trapline. They
express it like that. It takes many years for them to say, in the Indian way of
114

talking, you really say right out, even if your grandfather has been dead for 20
years. They still say that is your grandfather' s land. And it takes many years when
you get older, now that I am getting older they starting to tell me 'your Khe yoh
down there', your country. They always said to me your grandfather' s country.
The way I look at it you have to earn the right for it to be called your country for so
many years before they actually say your country. They will tell my grandchildren
that's your grandfather' s country, for years .
.MICHAEL: To be an Elder you have to earn the right for it to be called your
country.
NICK: You see how it is, lands were given out by years ago by people like chief
Quaw, Gwes was his name. That's a form of self government. They have the clan
system, beaver, frogs whatever. Each one had a head person, maybe one of two, if
they were a smaller clan they would have one. Each one is traditionally handed
down to the next generation. You see Gwes was what you called the 'Ne za cho',
the head of all the clans, leader of all the 'ne za', clan leaders. He was like a prime
minister and the 'ne za' were like ministers . You see the form of government
system that they actually had was copied. The same thing in the United States they
copied the league of nations.
Gwes, or somebody high up, would allotted the land to different clans. Like east
of here belongs to the beaver clan, and west it belongs to the grouse and caribou,
and north it belongs to the frog. Different areas are bear and wolf. Each area was
allotted to different clans. You know like boundaries were defined by the size of
the family, like the Prince family have good strong generations following eh. They
get traplines, Khe yoh. They acquire that line through the ne za .
.MICHAEL: These meeting places would be meeting places of families between
clans or within clans?
NICK: It does not matter, they could be right next door to another clan eh. But still
it is their meeting place, they respect each others invisible boundary. Even if they
had a camp where they meet, and their trapline is divided like this, but if they have
a dinner camp here that's supposed to be in their boundary. These people respect
their dinner camp. And maybe these other guys, and they can cross trails and go to
their dinner camp.
.MICHAEL: What do you mean by dinner camp?
NICK: Each camp that was put in there was given a name. There was a place were
you sleep, camps where they have lunch, camps where they stop at night. Each
camp was a half a days travel from the other one. Each one had a name, so if these
guys had a trapline on that side and they had to go through to get to their dinner
camp on your line. They had the right to go through and eat there you know. And
go back this way because it better traveling to avoid a mountain or a swamp. So the
dinner camp belongs to them, you can' t use it. And you do the same thing, you got
your dinner camp on their territory because it is easier to go around to your line. So
that's the way they worked it eh .
.MICHAEL: Would these carvings only be at the meeting place camps?
NICK: Yeah, just at the meeting places.

115

MICHAEL: They would actually meet there as families?
NICK: Yeah it depends, there might be two Lakes close together, one Lake down
on their trapline. Another family might be one days travel apart. When they are
finished hunting over there, they might get together and spend two or three days
socializing. Before they head for home. They share stories and they know how
much each other has got, and what they left Especially they talk about what they
left, they did not go out and kill everything they see. Like they say in one place the
family say ' geez we saw some moose, three or four moose
in~ in that swamp
or Lake. ' They will kill one only. And they say we left that there. 8
MICHAEL: So they take pride in what they left rather than what they took?
NICK: Yeah, because they were more conservationist. They were the true
conservationists. Today I do not know what the hell is going on.
MICHAEL: So would they pick any tree or just one near the camp?
NICK: They give the tree a name and that's the name of that camp. Each dinner
camp or any camp that you go to has a name. You know I can name all the camps
between here and Mcleod Lake. There must be 30 or 40 of them. I know each
camp. I used to know each camp.
MICHAEL: What would be a name of a meeting place camp that you know of?
NICK: Well there is ...... which means the ' water runs right through the pines' ,
that's one camp that they use in the winter, that's a winter camp. Or ' where the trail
splits', one families goes there together, there is a camp there. Ok the family is one
days travel from here. They go there in a wagon. They go there with a team of
horses and that's were it ends, they start packing. That's why it means 'it splits.'
You see, names like that is very important. You know because of if you were here
and I am going out to check my lines eh, you know I will tell you, tomorrow I will
be in 'Ba' nal yeh', that's a camp a day and a half travel from here. That's where I
will be tomorrow. The next day you will know where I am, and every day that I
am gone you will know where I am. So if somebody comes along and they say we
got to see him, they got to see that person. Because maybe his mother or father
died or something. Where do I fmd him. You know where he is, exactly.
MICHAEL: When they name that tree, is that like naming someone at a potlatch?
NICK: No, they just put a name to it, they think of a name, especially the Elders.
They will look around and see what the country is like.
MICHAEL: Is there a ceremony giving the tree a name?
NICK: No, they just carve. They just carve it that is all they do. Unless they plant
another tree beside it you know.
MICHAEL: Why would they do that?

28

This story is an excellent comparison between the First Nations meaning of conservation and the Western
notion of regulating how many animals are killed

116

NICK: Second generation. You see if I find one of those trees now, on the
traplines that I have been on, on the River. You know if there is another tree
beside, which is fully grown, 30 or 40 years old, I would plant another tree beside
it. The camp will still be t n~ ninety years from now.
MICHAEL: If that tree fell down would they recarve it again on another tree?
NICK: No they, what they do then, they just cut it off, dig a hole and stick it in the
ground They leave it there until that one rots before they, it has to be close by,
they pick a tree where there is another tree close by you see. If that tree goes down
they just carve it on the next one.
MICHAEL: Do they have trained carvers?
NICK: No, not really they, most of the carvings done around here in that time, in
them days, were just rough. They were not artists like the northwest coast people,
it was just rough carvings that they did. They used to have carvings on their little
grave house. Even their smokehouses used to have a carving on it, to bring luck.
To keep bad luck away, and stufflike that, any animal, a beaver or a crow. They
put it up there to ward off bad luck.
When you go these camps, you look around, you' ll fmd carcass. I don' t know if
you can fmd them now, there have been so many years since the practice has been
abandoned, I think. You know you'll find carcass of otters and wolverines and
different things. And you will notice that each carcass is pointed towards that tree.
It don' t matter which direction the carcass is. They either put it on the branches or
on the ground eh, and they point it toward the tree. They believe by doing so, the
spirits of their animals is going to come to you or your camp eh.
MICHAEL: Why would they carve a human face?
NICK: I think it is more or less it was meant to know it was done by their own
people. I don' t know if it had any significance, except to use it as a marker.
Sometimes they will put a name in syllabics on it you know, what camp it is. There
is a lot of things that is dying out today.
MICHAEL: With lynx, my great aunt told me the Gi~san would carve a face on
the tree to attract the lynx to the area?
NICK: Yeah, well I don' t know. The story about the lynx is different in different
areas, you know we have the same thing. But in our stories, people would put a
face on the tree in respect to the lynx, ' wasi' they call it, they carve, you know like
a caricature of a face you know, it would mean that a lynx was caught there eh.
You know they are apologizing to the lynx by carving a face on that tree where it
was caught. When the next lynx come along it sees these people they apologize for
what they done. They say a lynx is just like a human being, you know he
memorize everything he sees. If a lynx was caught right there in that trap, the lynx
would know that and he looks around see that little face on the tree where it was
caught, and he says ' they apologize, I have no grudge against them. ' That's their
beliefs you know. That's what we have in the Carrier stories. I don't know about
the Git_!san people, it might be different.

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:MICHAEL: So a lynx gets trapped there and they carve a face there to apologize.
Was the belief that the lynx spirit would come back into another lynx and then that
spirit would see that they had apologized?
NICK: Yeah, it is the continuation.
:MICHAEL: like a reincarnation?
NICK: Yeah, their belief is that you never actually kill the lynx, the spirit is there,
that's where the face, the spirit is in the face eh, an apology to the lynx. There is
quite a lot of things that is interesting. It wasn't till I was about forty years old that
I started thinking about these things. A lot of things are going to die out unless you
start writing. [Italics added for emphasis by author].
:MICHAEL: The lynx was a powerful spirit?
NICK: Yeah, he was a helper toE' stas, he is the Creator, in our stories and that
lynx, Wasi he help him put people together. So he knows everything about people
hey. They say he even knows whose gone nuts, people go like this [he points his
fmger, and laughs].
:MICHAEL: I have never seen a lynx in the wild, or a wolverine.
NICK: You know my dad he caught a few of them in his trap, but some of them he
caught in his traps eh, but some of them he caught in his snares he let loose, the
ones in his traps he had to kill. The ones he caught in the snares there was no
damage to them, it was around the neck. But there was something he had about his
animal, that I can never understand. I never really understood what it was. You
know, I used to trap, just a little kid you know, on the old telegraph trail they call it
near Fort Fraser. We used to set snares for coyote and fox. Sometimes we caught
a lynx you know, the lynx was still alive. But there was something I could not
understand how he did it. He talked to the lynx and the lynx would lie down there
while he loosened the wire around his neck and the lynx he would not move. I still
don't know what he does because I tried and the lynx would scare the hell out of
me, the claws would come right out. He would talk to it and walk right up to it, and
turn it loose.
:MICHAEL: Would they trap lynx on pmpose of were they caught just by accident?
NICK: Well, lots of people trap it you know because it is part of their kill. My dad
you know was one of them guys that never trapped lynx and never trapped wolf.
Wolf was a spirit brother to my grandfather and lynx was his own spirit brother
you know. They tried not to harm the animals. I never killed a wolf. I caught a
lynx in my snares you know but I turned it loose after a struggle.

Nick's commentary is rich with meaning: as a verbal artist, historian and storyteller
he connects the spiritual and physical landscapes. Although he did not know the meaning
of the Hallett Lake tree carving, he provides an insight to the realm of possible intended
meanings for Carrier tree art. He gave three possible meanings:

118

1. They are bmial markers inscribed with a syllabic message.
2. They mark a "meeting place" camp which marks the invisible boundary between
two families "Khe yoh."
3. They are small carvings of faces that are apologies to the lynx spirit.

Fliade (1963, 1) alludes to the ambiguous boundary that separates the sacred and
profane worlds, "as soon as you start to fix limits to the notion of the sacred you come
upon difficulties." Nick attributes multiple meanings to the meeting place tree carvings that
acts as a congruence of the sacred and profane. The tree acted as a locus of spiritual
power, and as the guardian of the invisible boundary. The carcasses of animals, like the
otter and wolverine, were placed around the camp, on the ground or in the branches of
trees. 29 They face the tree carving so their spirits would "come to your camp" and go into
the tree. Consequently this practice would ensure good luck in hunting and trapping. The
tree was the spiritual centre of the camp, and it acted as tl1e axis mundi for the animal spirits
to return to the spirit world. The Carrier regenerated the tree guardian function over
hundreds of years by planting a tree seedling beside the tree carving to make ready for the
time when the tree returned to nature, and a new carving would have to be created. The
Carrier trappers and hunters would always use the same spot as a camp, and thus it was
necessary to keep regenerating the art form - by regenerating the forest around the camp.

Nick described how Elders gave the tree carving and camp a name, such as "water
runs through the pines," which reflected the physical landscape surrounding the "meeting
place" camp 30 • That name would become the name for the camp. The chiefs who testified
in the DelgaMuukw land claims case and also Adams (1986, 2) suggest there is an
association between the Git_!san totem pole and the "trapline" because the oral history
29

Sullivan (1942 , 102-03) reports that if the Tena caught a wolverine they would prop it up in their cabin
or camp and make offerings of food to it.

119

represented by the pole reaffirms a house's claim to a trap line or territory. The meeting
place tree carving acts in a similar way for the CaiTier. The meeting place tree reaffinns the
boundary between families' territories or traplines called "Khe yo h. " 31

The lynx once again has been linked to the practice of tree art The carvings which
were apologies to the lynx acted in a similar way to the meeting place's axis mundi tree.
The spirit of the physically dead lynx entered the tree and travelled back to the spirit world,
ready to be reincarnated. The other lynx would see this carving and because they have
such good memories and they know humans so well they would realize that the Carrier had
apologized to him. Consequently, the lynx would see this and forgive the person,
otherwise the lynx would make the person very unlucky as a trapper. I am compelled to
provide a survey, in the following section, of First Nations lynx spiritual beliefs because it
has become a recUITing figure in the study of tree art.

The Lynx
The lynx is a mysterious and powe1ful being. I am including a discussion of lynx
because some Elders have associated the lynx with the intended meaning of some tree
carvings. The lynx, or wild cat, hunts the hare at the night in coniferous forests throughout
British Columbia, and boreal forests throughout Canada. The bobcat and cougar are close
relatives of lynx. The adult lynx can weigh between 15 and 30 pounds and it has relatively
long legs (Nelson, 1986, 225). Their partially webbed paws help them run on the snow. It
has a fine grey-brown fur and long ear tufts which amplify the sounds of its prey (Anon. ,

1995 (c), 44&48).

°Carrier places names, as with most First Nations, reflect the landscape and its history , and this is one of

3

31

the reasons why the language is so important in maintaining the connection to the land.
The British Columbia government implemented a trapline registration system in 1925. The system is
patrilineal and it created a lot of confusion in First Nations communities because the definition of a
trapline was not consistent with that of a house territory or family hunting cn1 trapping area. The use of
trapline and house territory are not synonymous, but they are associated

120

There is a Git_!san story about how lynx was given the tufts on his ears after he
helped Wegyet (Big Man) free himself from a rock that had wrapped around his legs
(Anon. , 1977, 46).
We-gyet was giving up all hope of
escaping from the rock when Lynx, who
was always curious, came along. Wegyet knew that Lynx owned a tongue like
a rasp. The Big Man decided to bribe the
creature to use that rasp-like tongue to
free him from the rocky trap.
'Help me, Great Lynx,' he begged. 'I
will reward you with whatever gift you
choose.'

We-gyet hesitated. Freedom, however
painful was essential. We-gyet agreed to
Lynx' s price.
Patient Lynx began to lick the rock with
his rough tongue. He worked day after
day. Finally one ofWe-gyet's legs was
free. Then the other leg. Then an arm.
Then the other arm. Much, much later
We-gyet' s whole body could move out of
the rock. Only his head was anchored.
At last Lynx loosened it and We-gyet was
free to travel again.

Lynx could see that if he succeeded in
freeing We-gyet it would happen only
after hours and hours of tedious work.
Therefore Lynx decided to ask for a
~
nt that We-gyet might not want to
gtve.

The delighted We-gyet kept his promise.
He pulled his body hairs and stuck them
jauntily on the ears of Lynx.

'I will try to set you free if you will give
me the longest hairs on your body but not
those of your head,' said Lynx.

To this day Lynx walks with the hair
standing out on his ears, a payment of
gratitude from the Big Man of long ago.

Claude Levi-Strauss (1995) dedicated an entire book to defining the lynx within
First Nations cosmology. He summarized one of his mythical perceptions of the lynx as
follows:
Considered as a whole, the mythical field [of lynx] seems to be the locus of a
double pendulum swing. One oscillation pertains to the sweat lodge--at times a
supernatural mediator with a place in the pantheon, at others a hygienic practice
whose legendary origin is narrated in one version. The other oscillation pertains to
Lynx's character, which has varying connotations ranging from the negative mode
(when he causes famine through fog, making it impossible to hunt, or when he
imprisons all the animals, which amounts to the same thing) to the positive mode
(as a creator of a new humankind and the arts of civilization) (Levi-Strauss, 1995,
15).
Levi-Struass' work, although relatively comprehensive, did not include references to
Haida, Tsimshian, and Git_!san lynx beliefs. Additionally there is no mention of the lynx
in Boas' s Tsimshian Mythology or in Barbeau' s manuscripts. Consequently, LeviStrauss concentrated on Athapaskan, Nez Perce, and Salish beliefs. I surmise that the lynx

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did not play as important a role in Tsimshian oral histories compared to the Carrier or Nez
Perce. Levi-Strauss interpreted the lynx in Nez Perce legends as follows:
... Lynx appears as the master of the fog: he can bring it on and lift it at will. And it
is yet another kind of fog, one that is beneficial rather than harmful, warm rather
than cold-- namely steam --that heals Lynx and gives him youth and
handsomeness. To these paired elements the second version adds the earth oven,
dug into the ground and heated with hot stones(like the warm water bath, thus
replacing the sweat lodge also mentioned in this version). Fog, sweat lodge and the
earth oven thus form a triangle in which fog, in the realm of nature, corresponds to
the sweat lodge and the earth oven in the realm of culture (Levi-Strauss, 1995, 6).

In Western terms lynx has both positive and negative powers (First Nations people do not
judge power relationships using this dichotomy). Lynx can create bad luck and heal the
sick. These powers are quite similar to the Iroquois faces in the trees and the Dakota Tree
Dweller spirits.

The Athapaskan and Salish cultures also have high regard for lynx's spiritual
power. For instance, Richard K. Nelson (1983 , 140) explains that the Athapaskan
Koyukon people consider the lynx to be second only to the wolverine in spiritual power. 32
The Koyukon people treat lynx with the utmost respect because ''This animal can afflict a
person with a more complete and lasting alienation than any other" which can result in
sickness or they will "permanently lose their luck in catching this animal" (Nelson, 1983,
156). Nelson (1983, 156) includes a story about lynx and bear.

In the Distant Time, the bear and
lynx were talking. The bear said
32

that when humans began hunting
him they would have to treat him

Nelson (1983 , 140) states that :
The most spiritually powerful of the predators is the wolverine , and it is followed by the wolf, lynx , and
otter. Taken collectively, these animals are a greater locus of power than any other group of animals.
Mills (personal communication, May 3, 1996) suggests that Nelson may be using the Western notion of
a hierarchy of power; something she learned was not analogous to the Beaver Indians view of spiritual
power relationships.

122

right. If he was mistreated by
someone, that person would get
no bears until he had gray hairs
on his head. But the lynx said

that people who mistreated him
would never get a lynx again in
their lives ...

Father Morice (1893 , 108-110) translated a Carrier legend about lynx to illustrate
his point about how the Carrier respected lynx' s power. He tells of Carrier men lowering
the carcass of a lynx through the smoke hole of the lodge. The lynx was only touched and
eaten by men. The story begins as follows:
A young couple of Indians was
·
living in the woods. One
morning, as the husband was
absent chasing large animals, a
stranger of surprising beauty and
was apparently endowed with
superlmman powers came upon
the young woman. "Follow me:
you shall be my wife," he said to
her. But as she was very much
attached to her husband, she
strove hard not to harken him

Yet such were the stranger' s
charms and hidden powers that
her mind was as if paralyzed in
his presence. As she pretended
that she had no provisions for the
journey, he told her that the
distance was short, and that he
had plenty in his own place.
Whereupon he seized her and she
had to follow him Now the
stranger was no other than the
lynx.

They arrived at lynx's lodge, and the husband followed by tracking the trail of grouse
feathers left by his wife. The husband and wife strategized over how they would trick lynx
rather than fight him because he was so powerful. The wife told lynx she was having her
menses, and he was afraid of her because he feared ''you will throw a spell on my arms. "
The lynx lost interest in the wife and the couple killed lynx while he slept (Morice,
1893,109-110). Morice (1893 , 94) mentions that lynx had two Carrier names, "washi"
and "sunte" or "my first cousin." Remember that Nick Prince (personal communication,
November 6, 1995) told me the Carrier respected " wasi' because "he was a helper to
E' stas, he is the Creator, in our stories and that lynx , Wasi, he help him put people
together. So he knows everything about people hey. They say he even knows whose
gone nuts. "

123

The Nez Perce story called "How Bobcat Found a Wife" is very similar to the
Carrier story translated by Morice. The Nez Perce version tells of how Bobcat impregnated
a girl called Pine Squirrel. He urinated on the same spot as she, and that is how she
became pregnant. There was a great mystery in the camp about who the father was. The
people discovered that Bobcat was the father and they became angry and killed him His
wife stayed after the people moved and resurrected Bobcat by placing his bones under her
pillow and healed him in a sweatbath. A magpie told the people that Bobcat had "come
back" and the people "went to see and apologize. They sort of repented him .. They had
happy days from then on" (Aoki and Walker, 1989, 541-542).

The Tena story of lynx is also similar in theme to the Carrier and Nez Perce.
Sullivan (1942, 97-99) retells a Tena story about lynx. This version begins as follows:
Once the lynx [who was a man at
first] had two wives, and he
stayed alone with them on a
mountain. For may years they
stayed there. He was trapping
every day in the winter and the
two women stayed at home. One
time he went out again. Usually
he would be out only during the
day and come back at night But

this time he did not come back at
night When he returned the next
day, his wife asked him, "What
was the reason you stayed out?"
"Oh, I was tired," he answered,
"and I couldn't come back so I
stayed out.. .After two or three
days he went out to hunt again.
That night he didn' t come back,
nor the next. ..

Eventually the man leaves his two wives and boys for good They try and follow him but
he left no trail. Eventually a bird told them "Your husband has two wives back in the
mountain. " The first wife found the husband's new home in a valley. She tricked his new
wives and killed them. She also tricked her husband into holding a hot rock and his hands
and feet shriveled, and then his face.
He did it --and then he turned into a lynx and went outside. And after that the three
boys were turned into lynx, young ones, and the two women turned into lynx too.
That's all (Sullivan, 1942, 99).
Sullivan (1942, 99) relates this story to the Tena practice of placing carved dolls on either
side of a lynx snare. The Tena also observed taboos similar to the Carrier and Git,!Sail.

124

For instance, women are not allowed to mention the lynx' s proper name "otherwise its

yega [spirit power] would prevent any more lynx being caught by the men in the
household," and unmarried girls were not allowed to eat its meat. Sullivan (1942, 99)
emphasizes that the lynx was an important food source and "they cautiously avoid doing
anything that would make its capture more difficult or deprive them of it entirely."
The Carrier, Nez Perce, and Tena stories suggest that lynx and bobcat will try and
impregnate the women, and they must apologize to lynx or bobcat, otherwise he could use
his power to create bad luck. The lynx has a good memory and will remember if someone
has tried to harm him. 33 Consequently, the hunter would not be able to feed and support
his family: the family's very survival was at stake. Nelson (1983, 26) suggests that a
hunter's good luck is based on the support or blessing of something or someone who
"created the world." Luck is not a fitting term because it is not a random turn of fate that a
hunter has good luck, but rather it is with the spiritual support of the lynx that the hunter
can support his community. The spiritual support results from the hunter' s respect for his
environment. There are many Git:Ksan stories which demonstrate the fate of those who do
not respect the salmon people or goats, for example. The punishment is severe. Barbeau
(1973, 198) warns in his Git~san precept number two, previously presented, that 'Their
lives are not unlike yours. Their spirit-selves, unless propitiated, stand over them in
readiness for the deed of retaliation."

The lynx were trapped for their fur and as a source of food long before the arrival
of the white man (Blackwater, personal communication, July 27, 1995). Alexander
Mackenzie ( 1970, 368) observed a patient being covered with a lynx robe and he showed
33

Margaret Gagnon (personal communication, November 28, 1995) told me a story about the wolverine.
She said if you tease or shoot the wolverine he will get back at you. She knew of a trapper that teased a
wolverine and up to that point he had been very lucky in trapping beaver. But after that he did not get
any. The wolverine sprang the beaver traps, pulled them up and pooped on them It is common for
wolverine to urinate and defecate on traps. Margaret described a remedy for this situation which involved

125

records of 6000 lynx skins being shipped to Britain in the autmnn of 1798 (1970, 82).
Father Morice (1893 , 97) describes the Carrier use of a deadfall trap to catch lynx. The
trap design is often specific to the animal such as lynx or marten. Figure 3.33 is a
reproduction of Morice's figure 81 which portrays the lynx deadfall trap. This design is
very similar to the GitKsan trap design for lynx described to me by the GitKsan trapper
Walter Blackwater.
Nelson (1986, 226-227) describes the trappers landscape and how it is interpreted
when deciding where to set traps. For example, he points out that ''Trap sites are usually
associated with some geographic peculiarity that tends to funnel lynx through a certain
place, such as a narrow isthmus of forest between open areas, or at the end of a forested
point jutting out into a lake or meadow." Nelson also suggests that the presence of a trail in
combination of a natural feature of the landscape creates an important "crossroad" for the
lynx's routes of travel. The lynx, its power, and routes of travel are important clues to the
placement of some of the Carrier, Koyukon and GitKsan tree art.

Klez Lake
Klez Lake is about 8 km south of Fraser Lake, BC, and south of Dry William Lake.
Highway 16 west passes by Dry William Lake. The Klez Lake arboroscript tree is shown
in Figures 3.34 and 3.35 (Borden number: Ga Se-11). The tree was found by a forestry
crew surveying pest damage in 1994. The archaeological site report says that the tree is on
a spur trail of the Cheslatta Indian trail. There are syllabic characters written in pencil on
the blaze of the tree, as shown in Figure 3.35. Dr. Bill Poser, Nick Prince, and Ed Kettle
deciphered the message. Bill Poser's translation is "Corpse there is, Pierre, Hello I am
saying this, Antoine." Nick Prince's translation is "Body there is, at house, Hello I am
saying this, Antoine." Ed Kettle' s translation is ''Trail there is, house, Hello I am saying
washing the traps and hanging them in balsam smoke. She ended her story by saying "If you tease one
wolverine, other wolverines will know, like all the family and they will all get mad at you."

126

this, Antoine. " The message was prefaced with the characters " 1877" which appears to be
the year. The site report says "Morice [Father] according to current info. did not introduce
syllabics until1885. Poser says that they are definitely Morice's syllabics and not earlier
1847 Cree syllabics" (Suttill, 1994, 4). Suttill infers this may be a message regarding a
death rather than a burial marker.

I have encountered a similar, more recent, example of a message about a death
written on a tree. This arboroscript tree was at the Deep Canoe site and is shown in Figure
3.36. Neil Sterritt (personal communication, July 21 , 1995) interpreted this message.
NEIL: You know what this is, its almost a message to get their stuff. May the
27th, he died on May 27th, he must of been trapping there. Somebody walked in
there and on June 4th they told them to get their stuff and come to town. You read
that. Chief Aleast died on May 27th, they sent a runner right away to tell them to
come in. Grab your stuff and come to town.
MICHAEL: Oh, somebody from his house was out there trapping and they told
them to come in.
NEIL: That's what that message is, that is exactly what it is. Now what is this age
5 yrs? Maybe 75 yrs, doesn' t matter, that is what it is. They got there on June 4th,
grab your stuff, that's all you have to say. You know that if you have been in the
bush. You know you don' t have to say much. That is what it is. Now, why the
cat, there is a reason for the cat? 'Oh no he I still alive chasing squirrels and girls.'
Did it look fresh to you?
MICHAEL: Pretty recent.
NEIL: They are making a joke about it, Chief Aleast is still alive.
They would have taken a horse in four days.
That's my view of it.
The possible intended meaning of the Klez Lake arboroscript is a message to a
hunter or trapper about the death of Pierre. Neil suggests it was common to leave written
messages on trees for trappers, for instance. This tree gives us some insight to the life of a
trapper and how connections to the village were maintained regarding important events. I
have now finished the Fraser Lake portion of our journey so we will now travel to Tumbler
Ridge in north eastern BC.

127

Tumbler Ridge
While researching the provincial archaeological records, I found the site report for a
tree carving near Tumbler Ridge, BC (Borden number: Gg Rg- 1). Tumbler Ridge, a coal
mining town, lies at the foot of the Rocky Mountains, about one hundred and seventy
kilometers east of Chetwynd, BC. The site report was ftled in 1976 just prior to the
establishment of Tumbler Ridge. The site report included photographs of a face carved on
a tree, and of the specific and general site. There was also a map showing the location of
the arboroglyph. Figure 3.37 is a pen-and-ink reproduction of the photograph, and Figure
3.38 shows the site in 1995. I travelled to the site on three different occasions to look for
the tree carving, but finally resigned myself to the fact that the tree had been removed. The
Tumbler Ridge municipal campsite is located in the spot where the tree was reported.
Unfortunately, the report designating the tree as an archaeological site was filed after the
campsite was established.

I followed up with a phone call toW. Warn (personal communication, September
16, 1995), who was one of the original informants, in Dawson Creek. His frrst visit to the
area was in 1937, and he saw the tree carving, two graves and Indian buildings on the east
side of Flatbed Creek. They were about 50-100 meters from the steep hill along the creek.
The carving was on a poplar tree about 10-15 meters from the creek bank.

The Ratbed Creek area would have been used by the Cree from Moberly Lake, or
by the Beaver Indians. The carving there is a beautiful and well-carved piece, which is
surprising because of the popular belief that only the Northwest Coast people had mastered
the art of carving (see Figure 3.37). The carving seems to be looking downward, and it

128

was beside two graves. I did find a very roughly carved face on a snag along the creek
shore (Figure 3.39), about a hundred meters from the reported location. This carving may
be related to the original, as it may be a rough replacement.

The intended meaning of this carving is unknown. However, its unfmtunate
demise represents to me how these wondrous art forms have been all too often, and
probably unwittingly destroyed. This sad history is the second journey of meaning for the
Gg Rg -1 arboroglyph. A similar story will unfold regarding the Blanshard River tree
carving at our next stop in the Yukon.

Yukon
Kholkux Tree Carvings

I found myself in the Yukon with my friend Joey Himmelspach after following up
on leads from Mike Murtha, in Prince George, and Sarah Gaunt in Whitehorse. Sarah
suggested that I talk to Ron Chambers, the Deputy Chief Councilor of the Champagne and
Aishihik First Nation. Ron lives in Haines Junction just a few hours west of Whitehorse,
and this is the next stop on our journey. He is a First Nations artist, and a retired Kluane
Park Warden. He is knowledgeable of the arts and the land, and he has taken a special
interest in tree art.

I interviewed Ron about tree carvings, and he discussed two carvings (see Figures
3.40, 3.41 , 3.42, 3.43, and 3 .44) as described below (Chambers, personal
communication, September 12, 1995):

129

l\1ICHAEL: Maybe I will just get you to explain what tree carvings are for.
RON: What I kind of thought they were for, and my understanding of it, they are
trail markers, and they are usually about a distance either from major crossing or a
travel distance from each other of a day. I would think they would come to these
certain markers, they already knew ahead of time what each one is. They get to a
certain place and they see that marker and they knew something about it, and they
go on to the next place and they see another marker with a design on it They also
again knew there was a certain kind of fish there, or it a good camp spot. Or they
might be a day or so from another village. Or they also indicated the ownership of
the trail. Chief Kohklux or Chartrich, from Klukwon, did most of the trading in
the 1800' s. It may be some of his symbols, dan symbols. These are definitely
Tlingit trail markers. I think if the information gathered on them, the type of
carvings for example. There would be some explanation of the symbols. Like I
was saying, the two carvings, the one on the tree at Blanshard [Figure 3.42], and
the one at Frederick Lake [Figure 3.40], the one at the parks office. The carvings,
the style and the eyes is about similar. I would expect they were done by the same
carver. The time is the same, on either one of those trees. They are not rotten
trees, they are old trees. So the carver probably did it about the same time. I don't
know how far back in history they do them. Once the fur trade came along it
created a bigger spark between the interior. So it maybe started with the fur trade.
While they pushed the routes even stronger. In the past they had contact they might
have had contact, but a bits and pieces type of thing. Because they did not have to,
other than moose hides and that type of thing. But once the fur trade started it was
very important to mark your turf. That was done by the Tahltans as well.
l\1ICHAEL: The people that they were trading with in the interior, what were they
called?
RON: The southern Tutchone. The people down Tatensheni, there is a real mix of
names there, Tatensheni-Alsek, they are called Gonenough, they traded with the
Y akatak, but also with the Klukwon. There is a three way meeting place area there.
So this is going towards Klukwon, Chilkat The Y akatak did not go very far in the
interior. The Chilkat Tlingits went all the way to Fort Selkirk. They sent Robert
Campbell packing down the River. Did you hear that story?
l\1ICHAEL: No.
RON: He was a Hudson' s Bay trader, he established a trading post down on the
Yukon River. While again you see how important it was to the Tlingit. That's
about, gee I don't know what it is in distance, but I guess it is about 250 miles from
the coast, they went all the way up, burnt the place down, put him in a boat, and
sent him down the River. Now that's what I call taking care of your turf, am I
right.
l\1ICHAEL: Yeah.
RON: It's a hell of a long ways to go, and you ain' t going for nothing. So that' s
how important it was. They did they sent him down the River, that's Robert
Campbell. There' s a Campbell River now, and a Campbell bridge across the street
in Whitehorse, a Campbell this and a Campbell that. That's the same guy, but this
Shartrich is the guy that sent him down the River. A Tlingit chief.
l\1ICHAEL: Your feeling is when you find these trees is to leave them there eh?

130

I

RON: Yeah, I'd say leave them there, record everything you can, the area,
photograph the whole dog-gone wmks. And if there is a problem with the tree
surviving, then that's the next question but up till them document them real well.
Also we need to put them in a reference you know. Photos only do one thing, they
show you it was there. Its something to see something in reality. If you have to
move them, then have a place to put them. Like that one over at the parks, its an
information, but it does not have any background or nothing. Its just a carving.
What's poor about that, people come look at and say ' oh that's neat' and walk off.
Its more than neat! There is a whole lifestyle to that.
Cbartricb is Wolf, that's important to note because it might affect what the designs
are. That's important to what you do there. If you go back to Hazelton, and you
got those 20 some [carvings]. Find out who were the chiefs at the time, who were
the leaders at the time and what were their clan symbols. Now with him being
Wolf, I would almost wonder about that design, the raven or owl. I can' t
remember what moiety the Owl is under, make a note to yourself, do you know
what I mean. If it doesn' t fit in, I mean again I am just speculating. If he is Wolf
and it has wolf indicator things in it, then he may not have a raven on the tree. If
that's him. And if he defmitely has a raven then you say how comes that. But if this
is an owl and the owl is tied in to that moiety, then it could still tie back to
Shartrich. A bit of detective work.
MICHAEL: What do you guys believe about a tree, do you believe that a tree bas a
living spirit?
RON: Well, I don' t know for sure how powerful that would be. I could not tell.
That' s one of those things, I would not want to speculate of something, if I was not
sure. That's the thing that does get me, some people would say 'oh yeah it does
that' you know when they are not sure.
MICHAEL: The raven [or owl] one was found 10 years ago at Frederick Lake
[Figure 3.40], and Paul Berkel was the Chief that cut it down.
RON: Yeah, if it was a raven
MICHAEL: What would be the most important piece of advice for me when
researching these trees?
RON: Well, the thing is to nail down more of why they were made, what the
reasons are. If you learn the reasons. And the other part is to nail the common part
of it. I mean that these two were so close together, If you did a study on these
carvings you may find that they belonged to the same artist, the same carver.
Thaf s important to get continuity. Rather than a tree carving is just a tree carving,
while it's not, there is more to it. So that and uh, the date. Because it is very
important. We are theorizing that these were done by and for Shartrich, Kohklux.
While if they are not that puts another light on it again. I suspect though it has his
influence on it though. That would also indicate the differences in styles from place
to place. Because he would have his carvers doing his signs, right. My sign, my
carver. You go down the coast and you will find somebody in the Tahltan' s did the
same type of thing. They have another carver, different style, different chief and
clan symbols would show up. And right on down the coast, because these thing do
have a co111l11on , same as these rock carvings you know. You go right down the
coast and they have siniilar themes. The style changes a bit from part of the country
131

to part of the country. They have a lot in common in that aspect, the Northwest
Coast. The style all the way up to Washington state and California even. You will
find similarities, big change, but similarities. There is differences, but a good idea
is a good idea, you know what I mean. So trail marker, maybe there is some in
California for all we know. Totally different kind of carving, but the same
principles behind it.
WCHAEL: Y eal1, that's why I came up here to talk to you, because we need as
many clues as we can get.
As an artist what do you think of these, as an art form?
RON: Well this guy, I mean that's a carver there. You know and the tools back
then, he probably had some good tools with him. For him to carry, to come up on
a packing trail with the big loads they carried, coming and going, they traded. You
take stuff in you take stuff out. This guy is like bringing a photographer along on a
mountain clinlb. I think he had to carry a smaller load than the next guy, because
he had a purpose. That's important. The quality and the style and the ability. This
is harder wood to carve than cedar. The tree is more dense. It's a spruce. These
interior spruce is harder wood to carve, he had to of had good tools. They are not
going to wait forever for him to carve. So the guy had to have a really good
carving ability. I mean I would not even want to take that on in a few days. I mean
if you give me enough time I could do a design like that. I can't do that in two days,
this guy could more than likely. That tells me a lot, it tells me that there is a lot of
thought behind what those are for. They didn't just bring anybody to hack away.
They brought somebody in who was an intelligent carver who did that design. You
don' t do all that detail for nothing. You want to blaze a trail, you blaze a trail, you
know. Three chops of the axe tells you something too. There is more to that, it's
establishing a trail.
And the next step, here for example, they call it the Dalton trail. Dalton came in
with a pack train and everything else. This tells you they were here before Dalton,
well everyone knows that, it's history. The thing is if you go through this amount
of trouble to show you are using the trail, it sure as hell is not a fly by night trail.
So when they come along and put a name like Dalton's name over it, arbitrarily
like, because he bought some horses over it. He used the same danm trail, to me I
say you got you priorities backward. This guy went to a hell of a lot more trouble
than Dalton ever did to think about the trail. Dalton did not ever carve a totem pole
design on the tree. Ok, then I say lets put the importance of the trail back to where
it belongs. And if you find it that this is Kohklux' s symbol and design, you can call
it the Kohklux trail, the trading trail, the Tlingit trail, the Tutchone trail. There is
some concern about the Tutchone, and calling it that. There was some animosity
between them and the Tlingit. But if that's what it was, that's what it was, its
history The Tlingit were notorious traders. You had to count your change after
they left, you know. But that's their business, that's what they did But the people
up here they more or less lived off the land. They did not spend their time trying to
squeeze the extra dollar out of you. They traded for what they thought was fair
enough. Tlingits were pretty fast and powerful. But they did have respect for the
people up here, they protected them. It was very important to maintain contacts
here. By enlarge they treated the people up here not too bad. They had battles
down south and made slaves of them. I don' t know of any slaves from here. They
valued their trading contacts.

132

Ron' s insightful commentary began with a discussion of tree art fimctioning as trail
markers. He said the markers are about a day' s travel apart, and located at major junctions
or water crossings. The traveller associated knowledge of the landscape, or hunting and
fishing prospects with each marker. For instance, the fishing may be very good at a
particular marker, or it may be a good river crossing site. Ron suggested tree carvings
could also indicate trail ownership. The Tlingit Chief Kohklux, also known as Shartrich,
from Klukwon, Alaska, was a powerful chief, similar to the southern Tsimshian Chief
Legaix. Ron believes that the Blanshard River and Frederick Lake carvings were of Tiingit
origin based on the style. The geopolitical consequences of the European fur trade
strengthen the practice of creating trail markers to "mark your turf." Evidently Chief
Kohklux knew his territory very well because he drew a detailed map of it in 1869 for a
visiting astronomer named George Davidson.
When asked by George Davidson, visiting scientist, about his travels, Kohklux and
his two wives were able to draw a map for him, although they had never used paper
or pencils. It is the earliest known map of the southern Yukon and the first known
map to be committed to paper by a First Nations person in this part of the
world ... [and it] is a tangible symbol of the cultural links among the Tlingit of the
coast, and the Tagish and Tutchone people of the interior (Anon., 1995 (b), 1).
Ron told a story about the ousting of the Hudson's Bay trader Robert Campbell by
ChiefKohklux. The Chief travelled 250 miles inland to Campbell's post to assert his claim
over the trading rights with the interior peoples like the Tutchone.
The Chilkat guarded the few mountain passes that gave access to the interior. The
people of the Yukon were not allowed to come to the coast except under very
special circumstances.. .Similarly, traders on the coast were not allowed access to
the interior where they could trade directly for furs, thus bypassing the Chilkat
(Anon. , 1995 (b), 8).
As Ron stressed, "It' s a hell of a long ways to go, and you ain' t going for nothing.
So that's how important it was. " He told this story to emphasize how important it was to
lay clain1 over trading rights, and therefore, it is conceivable Kohklux would mark his
interior trading trail. Ron pointed to the high quality in style of the carvings, combined with

133

the difficulty of carving the spruce wood, as reasons to believe that there was an important
purpose for the carvings.
That tells me a lot, it tells me that there is a lot of thought behind what those are
for. .. You want to blaze a trail, you blaze a trail, you know. Three chops of the axe
tells you something too. There is more to that, its establishing a trail.
I followed up on Ron's suggestion to research the Wolf clan's crest to see if the
owl was a crest design associated with Kohklux. Emmonds (1991 , 117 & 441)
says that Chief Chartrich was chief of the Wolf of Klukwan and the owl is a crest of the
Wolf clan. Thus, the association of the owl crest with Kohklux reinforces Ron' s belief that
Kohklux may have had the carving done.

Chief Legaix commissioned one of his artists to mark his trading route as shown in
Figure 3.45. Barbeau and Benyon recorded an oral history story of the Legaix pictograph
in 1952 from John Tate of Gispaxloats (Barbeau and Benyon, 1987, 64-65).
Suddenly a thought occurred to him
[Legaix], and he called out his chief
spokesman, 'Kawela, come here! I want
to discuss with you something which I
think very important. In Order to show
to all my people and all the other
Tsimshian that I control not only the
Skeena River, but also the Nass, I am
going to paint my picture on the sides of
the cliff at Ktsiyamxl, now known as Ten
Mile Point. This will show that I control
this River, as well as knowing that I
control the Nass.' .. .When they got to the
place where he had chosen to be the place
to paint his picture, he and his men
climbed to the top of the cliff, and getting
a very strong wicker-like basket, they
lowered the man down in the basket.
When he was at the right spot, he began
his paintings of a face which was to
symbolize Legaix and the twelve copper

shields, each of which had a name and
were very valuable ... Then he spoke [at a
later feast]. 'Chiefs, chiefs, and princes
and chief women, and all the great
spokesmen for the chiefs, and tribesmen
of the chiefs! I have acquired greater
power, now that my face is painted on the
walls of the cliff which you will see as
you go past (and he pointed to the cliff).
This is to signify that I control these
waters. Even though there are those
among my own tribe who are trying to
overcome me and belittle me, I can still
overcome them. This place will be
known from now as 'The picture place of
Legaix. ' It also shows my wealth... It is
the name of this place to this day. Thus it
was that Legaix overcame his enemies
and put them to great shame.

Marsden and Galois (1995, 172) mapped out Legaix' s trading route prerogatives in
the period of 1787-1830. He was a successful trader because "he controlled three of the

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four main routes by which interior furs reached the coast. " They also say Chief Shakes
controlled the fourth route, the Stikine River. Chief Kohklux controlled the area north of
Chief Shakes territory. Ron told me of how Chief Shakes scared Robert Campbell away
after he fled from Kohklux at Fort Selkirk. These three Chiefs controlled fur trading with
the European traders by restricting European access from the coast and the eastern overland
routes, and by establishing trade protocols with the interior peoples regarding their access
to the European traders along the coast. The oral history story tells of a feast that Legaix
held to settle the internal and external strife. He asked the chiefs to come and witness the
rock painting and thereby agree to the control Legaix was asserting through the creation of
the painting. This example is important because it supports Ron' s theory that Kohklux was
asserting his control of trails by carving trail markers on trees.

I know of a Git~san story, recorded by Barbeau and Benyon (1959 (a), #71),
which exemplifies the creation of carvings to signify access and control. However, the
access was restricted for more spiritual pmposes.
Over towards the bridge
[Kiskgas] at the other end,
Meluleq had a carving of the
Mawdzeks {eagle like bird,
sometimes called hawk}, which
he used as a charm. He, at that
time, was a great halaeit [healer].
He made it a ruling that no
woman was to go across the
bridge when she was in her
monthlies. And this was
observed by all women... At one
time, a woman named
Qaspegwilarhaitu, the Wolfhowls-about-at-random, forgot

this rule and stepped across.
Meluleq heard the voice of his
Mawdzeks {charm} warning him.
It was not possible for the others
to hear it, but only for him. The
one {Mawdzeks} on the opposite
side also spoke to him, saying
'There is a woman in her
monthlies going over the bridge. '
He found out who was that
woman, and they summoned her
to his house ... There seems to
have been two Mawdzeks
carvings, one at each end of the
suspension bridge.

It is not clear to me whether the guardian carvings were carved on a tree or on the
bridge. However this example is a good reminder of the spiritual nature of First Nations

135

art. Legaix's and Kohklux's carvings may also be spiritual guardians of the trade routes,
but I have no evidence that this is the case.

The Frederick Lake tree carving now resides in the Kluane National Park
Interpretation Centre in Haines Junction (Figure 3.41). It was cut out of the tree circa
1985. Ron stresses that people don't appreciate the carving in its current context, "What's
poor about that, people come and look at, and say 'oh that's neat' and walk off. Its more
that neat!" He believes tree art should be left in its intended context because "It's
something to see something in reality." I felt saddened by the sight of the Frederick Lake
tree carving squeezed in between other displays in the centre. It was invisible because it
did look like a tree carving - it was treated as an artifact. Consequently, I stress the
importance of trying to understand tree art in its intended viewing context, which, in this
case, Ron provided us through his verbal artistry.

The Blanshard River carving does not exist today. Ron feels it was removed or
damaged when a bridge was located at the site in the 1950's. The first photographs (see
Figure 3.42 and 3.43) that I saw of this carving were in a set of photographs sent to me by
Janet R. Klein. Frederica de Laguna (personal communication, June 7, 1995) remembered
seeing a copy of Janet's photographs and gave me Janet' s address. Janet kindly gave me
permission to use the photographs from the Della Banks collection (Klein, personal
communication, June 27, 1995). Janet estimates that the photographs were taken in 1944.
The second photograph I saw was taken about ten years later (see Figure 3.44) in Julie
Cruikshank's book entitled Reading Voices (1991 , 97). These two sets of photographs
provide a poignant look into the history of this arboroglyph. They show the intended
viewing context (1944) and then the disturbed viewing context at the bridge site (circa
1954),just before the tree was removed or destroyed. I am very impressed by the original

136

image of the carved person looking across the snow covered River through the old trees.
This context sparks imaginations of the old ways and ofKohklux passing by as he heads
up to Fort Selkirk to oust Robert Campbell. The second photograph instills a sense of
nostalgic sorrow in me. I am very lucky to be able to piece together the story of this
carving because it deserves a respected place in First Nations history.

Other Images of the Yukon
I was able to visit the sites of other tree carvings, or gain access to photographs of
tree carvings because of the generous help of Mike McFadden, Willie Smarch, Larry Fault
and Sarah Gaunt. I know very little about these examples, however, I have presented them
in Figures 3.46, 3.47, and 3.48 for your enjoyment. The general locations of the carvings
are provided in the photograph captions. These images conclude our visit to the Yukon,
and lead in to our final destination, Manitoba.

Manitoba Kapuchlhagan
This last stop is at Early Morning rapids on the Churchill River, Manitoba.
I want to complete our journey with an emphasis on the sacred nature of tree art. There is a
face carved on a tree along the River's edge upstream of the rapids (see Figure 3.49).
David Riddle, Manitoba Historic Resources Branch, introduced me to this site (Borden
number: Gj Lq -1) and forwarded a photograph and his explanation of the carving.
The reassessment of the site at Early Morning Rapids (GjLq-1) confirmed the
presence of a Kapuchihagan, or 'Fart-Person', being used by members of the
Nelson House community. Here, near the head of the east side of the rapids, a
zoomorphic figure has been carved into a tree. Such figures are votive objects,
where gifts are placed to ensure safe passage past a dangerous rapid. Several
hundred offerings, ranging from cigarettes to sparkplugs to coins, have been placed
on and at the foot of the tree below the figure by travellers from Nelson House First
Nation (Riddle, 1994, 9).

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David's commentary on the photograph (Riddle, Personal Communication, January 27,
1995) is given below.
In case it is hard to see [the photograph], the cigarettes are in his mouth with the
eyes and nose cut into the poplar above the mouth. There is a deep band cut into
the tree above the eyes. As you can see much of the stuff surrounding the base of
the tree in junk. However, money, nails and other things are also present. From
what Felix Spence, aged about 38, from Nelson House First Nation told me it's
more the giving of a gift than its value that is important.
Alexander Mackenzie observed painted figures on a rock, in the late 1700's, in
close vicinity to the Early Morning rapids tree carving. Offerings were also left at this site
along the Churchill River.
At some distance from the silent rapid, is a narrow strait, where the Indians have
painted red figures on the face of a rock, and where it was their custom formerly to
make an offering of some of the articles which they had with them, on their way to
and from Churchhill (Mackenzie, 1970, 122).
The practice of making offerings to ensure safe passage, at an offering site such as
an arboroglyph or pictograph is a common practice for many First Nations. The Tsimshian
made offerings of mountain goat fat by spreading it on the turbulent waters of rapids and
whirlpools (Benyon, 1987, 22).
There were many abodes of monsters from the mouth of the Nass River right to the
head, and the most feared was Skacol, which seemed to be angry at all times.
When anybody approached, the water would seem to boil and the current was very
treacherous and although the people always put much mountain goat fat upon these
waters to appease the constant anger of this monster, many people would perish.
Now there were other monster' s abodes all along the Nass River, but these were
not angry ones and they never caused any harm to the people and were always
pacified when given offerings of mountain goat kidney fat (Benyon, 1987, 22 &
66).
Weisel (1951) gives a very interesting account of the Flathead people's practice of
making offerings at a medicine tree called the Ram's Hom tree. The ponderosa pine
(Yellow pine) tree is located on the east bank of the East Fork of the Bitter Root River,
beside highway 93 in Montana (Weisel, 1951, 5). Weisel provides an account of a fur
trader, Warren A. Ferris, in 1833.

138

...The tree is unusually large and flourishing, and the hom is in it some seven feet
above the ground. It appears to be very ancient, and is gradually decomposing on
the outside, which has assumed a reddish cast...The oldest Indians can give no
other account of it, than it was there precisely as at present, before their father's
great grandfathers were born. They seldom pass it without leaving some trifling
offering, as beads, shells, or other omaments...(Weisel, 1951, 6).
Weise} (1951, 9) tells of Ellen Big Sam's yearly visits to the tree, and her practice of
leaving some of her hair on the tree to ensure she lived to an old age. The oral history tells
of Coyote tricking a pursuing Ram, Mountain Sheep, and the Ram got one of his horns
stuck in the tree (Weisel, 1951, 7).

I have presented examples of offering sites to show that they are common to many
First Nations, and to suggest that tree art may function as sacred offering sites. The Early
Morning site is a good example of the practice, and it adds to the realm of possible intended
meanings of tree art. This example also reinforces the importance of interpreting the
intended meaning based on the intended viewing context, which is beside one of the
strongest rapids along the Churchill River.

Alexander Mackenzie observed the practice of leaving offerings at a pictograph site
in the 1700's, and, today offerings are being left at the Early Morning site. It is appropriate
to end our journey with this site since it represents continuity of practice to the present, the
sacred nature of tree art, and its relationship to the First Nations landscape. And now we
retire to the campfire to reflect on the experiences of the journey and the teachings of the
Elders. The campfire has been a central focus for storytelling for endless generations. The
flames twist and tum, dim and flare, and court the mind's eye to open the doors to many
dimensions. The smoke curls and swirls from this world, through the smoke hole, to the
world of the ancestors. What better place to reflect on the journey than the campfire?

139

Chapter Four: Campfire Reflections on the
Journey
As I gaze into the flickering flames of the sparking campfire and reflect on our
journey I remember a Tsimshian oral history about a man who carved a wooden image of
his lost child. 34 Boas (1902, 86-93) recorded the story told by Moses. 35 The story
begins when a young boy is taken by a star. The boy's father cried and sought help from a
woman shaman. She told him the star took his son and tied him to the edge of his smokehole; consequently, the son was being burned by the sparks. A person gave the father the
following advice:
"Carve a piece of wood so that it will
look just like your child." He gave to this
person tobacco, red paint, and slingstones in return for his advice. Then the
person was very glad. The man made a
figure of spruce, one of hemlock, one of
balsam fir, and one of red cedar, and one
of yellow cedar, all as large as his boy.
Then he made a great fire. He built a
pyre of slender trees, which he placed
crosswise, and placed fire underneath.
He hung his wooden images to a tree
over the fire. He poked the fire, so that
the sparks burned the body of the
wooden figure. Then the latter cried
aloud, but after a short time it stopped.
Then he took it off, and took another one.
It did the same. The figure stopped
crying after a short time. He took it
down. Then he tied the red cedar to the
tree and poked the fire. There were very
many sparks. The figure cried for a long

time, and then stopped. He took it down
and hung up the yellow cedar. It did not
stop. Then he took the image of yellow
cedar.
He went on, and came to a place where
he heard a man splitting firewood with
his wedge and hammer. His name was
G·ix•sats'a'ntx.•. When he came near,
he asked him, "Where is the house?" At
the same time he gave him tobacco. Then
G·ix·sats'a'ntx.• began to swell when he
tasted the tobacco. (the people of olden
times called it "being troubled.") He also
gave him red paint and sling-stones.
Then G· ix • sats' a 'ntx. • told him where
the child was. He said. "Wait in the
woods until they are all asleep, then go
up to the roof of the house." The man
went, and when he came nearer, he heard

Boas gives the Tsimshian equivalent for a wooden image "g • atl Em ga'ng • e,". His literal translation is
the "person of wood." Note that this is very similar to the modem Gitxsan spelling "Gyetim Gao."
35
Boas (1970, 161-166) recorded a similar story about a lost daughter that was found by her brother. He
carved a spiritually powerful wooden eagle with "a body of red cedar; the head, and also the tail, of white
pine; the legs and beak of yellow cedar; and the claws, of mountain goat hom."
34

140

the voice of his boy, who was crying; but
as soon as the boy stopped, the chief
ordered his men to poke the fire until
many sparks flew up. When all the
people were asleep, the man went to the
roof of the house where the child was.
The child recognized his father and cried;
but his father rebuked him, saying,
"Don't cry, don't cry! They might hear
you in the house." The boy stopped and
the man took him off. In his place he tied
the wooden image to the smoke hole.
Then he went down. Early in the
morning the chief ordered his people to

poke the fire. The wooden image cried
while the man and his son were making
their escape. But the wooden image did
not cry long. Then it stopped. The chief
became suspicious, and sent a man to the
roof. He went up, and, behold, there
was a stick. The boy was lost, and the
wooden image was on the roof. The
chief said, "Pursue them!" The people
did so. The man heard them
approaching. When they were close
behind him, he threw tobacco, red paint,
and sling-stones in their way. The paint
was red; the sling-stones were blue.

The story is an important reminder of the sacred purpose and audience of First
Nations art. The audience for the wooden image was the stars. The father's purpose was
to establish a sacred connection (axis mundi) to communicate with the spirits to ask for
their help in locating his son. Since Western society has strayed from the sacred purposes
of art, I feel it is important to be mindful of this story as we reflect on our journey to
understand and experience tree art. I reflect on the Elders' commentary, questions
answered and born, and the future. Questions such as: what are the purposes of tree art?;
who is the audience?; why has tree art been so invisible to the colonizer?; how can tree art
be protected?; and why were faces a common image carved in trees? I offer my reflections
as a guide and an artist to my travelling companions as food for thought at the journey's
end. As your guide I have chosen to begin by reflecting on the insightful commentary
given by the Elders at the tree art sites. The Elder's knowledge imparted during the site
visits helped provide a sense of the realm of possible intended meanings. Next, I reflect on
the curious question as to why tree art has been hidden for so long and as a means to
answering this question, I discuss the concept of the First Nations landscape. I then
ponder over how a renewed appreciation of tree art, and a desire to protect it will change
the path of the second journey of meaning for tree art. Finally, as an artist, I reflect on tree
art as a uniquely beautiful and meaningful art form.

141

Reflections on the Elders' Commentary
The Elders have shared their wisdom regarding tree art and the First Nations
landscape. I ponder their advice because it will reduce our risk of falling through "thin ice"
by guiding our appreciation, interpretation and preservation of tree art along a wise path,
guiding us to take the "long way around." George, the hop pole carving, and Frank
Malloway, a St6:lo Elder, both taught me the importance of the second journey of
meaning. George's second journey inspires Elders to reflect on the hop picking era, and
pass this history onto the next generation. The St6:lo believe there is a living spirit in all
belongings, materials, and tools made from trees. George Yutslick, who carved George,
saw a living spirit in the knot of the hop pole. The pole was "living." This is an important
teaching about the First Nations perspective because it expands the scientific Western
notion of a "living" tree. For example, there is a Git~san story about "stump" who tricks
Wegyet the trickster and eats all his food (Anon., 1977, 58). George is a "living" marker
recently blessed with a name. Frank introduced the concept of a marker as an informant or
witness to the past.

Art Wilson spoke of his carving as a memorial to the Sam Greene blockade.
Doreen Jensen ( 1992, 17) calls this type of art "historical memory." Art hopes people will
see his carving and ask questions about the carving and why it was created. The art form
will help future generations access their history through the visual and verbal art forms. As
an artist, he felt it was important to look for clues to the meaning of tree art by carefully
observing the creation, because "it will tell you something." Art's advice helped me to
understand the feather inscribed on one of the Deep Canoe Creek carvings and the cross on
the Kuldo carving.

142

Walter Blackwater was careful in his explanation of Gyetim Gan because he wanted
to tell me only what he knew. He teaches, through his own cautious approach, that it is
important to avoid speculation as much as possible because it may muddy the waters for the
next generation. Once again, that is why I have concentrated on presenting the realm of
possible meaning and carefully differentiating between the intended meaning and the
second journey of meaning. I have constructed the realm of possible meanings by
acknowledging the amorphous nature of visual art and by building upon Foucault's
suggestion that text describing art has grey meaning. Translating this to faces in the forest,
perhaps we should say that visual images·evoke the whole spectrum of colours of meaning.
I prefer to add grey tones, or new possible meanings, to the realm because I want to
promote discourse on tree art. Additionally, I want to avoid relying on textual taxonomic
classification of tree art because this would risk giving a false sense of clarity while
teetering on the abyss of ignorance and risking falling through thin ice. Walter is careful to
say that some carvings may have stories and are similar to crest poles while others may
have just been carved by a trapper at a camp to pass time.

Walter knows and respects Sophia Mowatt's knowledge, but he had not seen the
practice of carving faces in trees to attract the lynx as Sophia had witnessed. However, he
had seen doll's heads carved and placed in a trap at the base of a tree to attract the lynx.
Sophia is about 20 years older than Walter, and I believe the practice she describes
probably pre-dates Walter's experience, as she is keenly aware of the transitional practices
that emerged as a result of early European contact. Additionally, I was able to show that
the Koyukon trappers also created images on trees to attract the lynx.

Both Walter and Neil Sterritt confirmed that Gyetim Gan could be found throughout
Gitxsan territory. They are particularly abundant along what is now called the Telegraph

143

trail. The style of Gyetim Gan, as Walter points out, was consistent as well. Walter,

Sophia, and Neil all independently referred to human faces carved in trees as Gyetim Gan
(person in tree or wood). Neil Sterritt told us how his son Gordon carved a new face
beside an old Gyetim Gan; consequently the practice is regenerated. Gordon carved his
image while on a trip sponsored by the Git~san nation to retrace an important trail, and thus
his Gyetim Gan is a historical marker for their trip. Art Wilson's carving has recently
contributed to Git~san historical memory by marking a successful blockade. The Git~san
still continue to create Gyetim Gan, although the reasons for the contemporary markers are
varied and reflect the Gi~san culture of today.

Nick Prince, through his vast experience as a Carrier trapper and historian, tied
together numerous concepts. His "the long way round is closer to home" story acted as a
motto because it reinforced the need for care and respect. I was given a gift when I saw
Gyetim Gan for the first time, and I knew I must respect that gift. Nick offered a path for
the journey. His story of the dugout canoe introduced the importance of perspective and
how it influences the interpretation of meaning. He intentionally flipped the storytelling
perspective by telling the story from the canoe's perspective as a living spirit, rather than
from the perspective of the young boy making the canoe.

Next, Nick expanded the realm of possible intended meanings with three important
possibilities: 1) a burial marker, 2) a meeting place camp marker and axis mundi, and 3) an
apology to the lynx. 36 Nick was careful to qualify his commentary to the Carrier, because
36

"Apologize for what?" says Coyote.
"In case we hurt anyone's feelings," said Hawkeye.
"Oh, okay," says Coyote. "I'm sorry."
"That didn't sound very sorry, Coyote," said the Lone Ranger. "Remember what happened the last time
you rushed through a story and didn't apologize?"...
"Sorry, sorry, sorry, sorry," says Coyote.

144

he knew that other peoples may have different interpretations. I have been cautious as well
regarding this point, and that is why, where possible, I always clarify what First Nations I
am referring to in my research. A First Nations perspective is multidimensional. Nick's
commentary also reinforces the point that many First Nations created tree art, and this
practice predates European contact.

Nick and Walter Blackwater, as verbal artists, create vivid images of the First
Nations landscape. Both of these men know their territory, its meeting places, dinner, and
lunch camps. The camps were in the same spot for generations, as trappers commonly
used the same spot to avoid leaving their sign for the animals to discover. They both
describe distances travelled in days rather than miles or kilometers. They know the names,
in their own language, of the mountains, rivers, lakes, creeks and other families'
territories. They know the oral history about the migration of their ancestors across the
landscape. First Nations names of places are reflections of the landscape, such as "water
running through pines," rather than the imposition of human names for posterity's sake.

I will expand the concept of the First Nations landscape in the following section.
Ron Chambers was also able to create this sense of landscape in his commentary. Ron
eloquently lead us across the landscape by describing it as trails that weave the villages
together. The Tlingit marked their association with important trading trails to the interior.
Ron described the political economy of the Tlingit and Totchone people. He described how
the political connections were marked with tree carvings to reaffirm economic access for
both trading parties, and also to the exclusion of European traders, especially during the
early phases of the fur trade. Chief Legaix marked his connections through pictographs in
the same period. As an artist, Ron paints a picture of the role of the Tlingit artist as one of
"Okay," said the Lone Ranger. "We believe you."
"Hee-hee," says Coyote. "Hee-hee." (King, 1994, 430).

145

marking the landscape communicating power and trading relationships. Ron had given a
lot of thought to the meaning of the two tree carvings discussed. He knows the landscape,
history and art form, and yet he points out that his theory is only learned speculation in the
end. Mter all, the artist, from another era, cannot explain their intended meaning to us. I
am, however, impressed with Ron's theory as an addition to the realm of possible intended
meanings of tree art. Ron appreciated the art form and admired the artist And, in the end,
I wonder if appreciating the beauty of tree art is the most important experience of the
journey.

The Elders' commentary and advice are invaluable because it marries the verbal art
form with the visual to create meaning and provide a First Nations perspective. The
concept of a First Nations perspective within the context of tree art evolved into the broader
concept of the First Nations landscape. I use this concept as cmitext to discuss the stories
of Elders such as Ron Chambers in the following section.

A Curious Question
The concept of a First Nations landscape includes having new eyes for appreciating
the viewing context for tree art, acknowledging the coexistence of the sacred and profane
landscapes, and recognizing the effects of colonialism on First Nations people and their
land. The discussion in this section addresses my deep curiosity regarding why so little is
known about tree art, particularly in the colonial consciousness of British Columbia. I am
drawn to the concept of the First Nations landscape over and over, regardless of my path of
approach, because fundamentally, tree art is connected to the landscape and it is,
simultaneously, a profound expression of the physical and spiritual landscape. Tree art is
a First Nations landscape marker and it symbolizes the relationship between people and the
land.

146

Rena Bolton, a St6:lo Elder, advises younger generations to "go back into the
history of your people to where your ancestors travelled on the River, and in the
mountains" (Daly, 1993, xv). Rena advises the young people to travel across the First
Nations landscape in order to understand their history. The trees and forest, rocks and
mountains, are part of the physical or profane landscape. The oral history, Elder's
teachings, crest poles, and tree art, are forms of the verbal and visual arts that create the
sacred landscape. During the journey's preparation I concentrated on trying to describe the
context of tree art through the use of recorded adaawk and an examination of the sacred
First Nations perspective. The sacred landscape can be the sky world or underground
world, the salmon people's world or world of the squirrel people. The sacred and profane
landscapes combine, coexist, interrelate, exist as one and at other times are worlds apart.
To have a First Nations perspective one should be familiar with the existence of both
worlds. A shaman, accustomed to both worlds, has mastered travel between the two
landscapes. The axis mundi, as a locus of power, is a ladder between the two worlds, a
connection where interaction between the sacred and profane occur. The axis mundi can
take many forms including tree art, a hole in the sky, or a centre pole of a Sun Dance
ground. Eliade (1963, 30) noted the sacred often manifests itself in profane forms such as
rocks and trees. Yet the dichotomy or division into sacred and profane are partofEliade's
perspective, not that of the First Nations viewer. Everything is not as it seems on the First
Nations landscape. Barbeau's (1973, 198) second precept, as passed down to the GitKsan
from the Chief-of-the-Skies says:
The man who never seeks restraint shall never know endurance and fortitude; he
shall never have visions of the spirit worlds, never grasp the dictates of unseen
wisdom.

147

In other words, a person who does not prepare her/himself spiritually, will not see
the "unseen wisdom." The First Nations landscape and tree art will not come into complete
focus unless one has a First Nations perspective. Meinig (1979, 3), a geographer, says
landscape is defined by our vision and interpreted by our mind. The interpretation of
landscape is based on the viewer's cultural perspective. The cultural geographer
Lowenthal links history and cultural perspective as follows:
Today's past is an accumulation of mankind's memories, seen through our own
generation's particular perspectives. What we know of history differs from what
actually happened not merely because evidence of past events has been lost or
tampered with, or because the task of sifting through it is unending, but also
because the changing present continually requires new interpretations of what has
takenplace(Lowenthal, 1979, 103).

Western definitions of cultural landscape stem from geographers such as Carl
Sauer's (1963, 333) definition of the cultural landscape.
The works of man express themselves in cultural landscape. There may be a
succession of these landscapes of cultures. They are derived in each case from
natural landscape, man expressing his place in nature as a distinct agent of
modification.

Elspeth Young (1992) developed Sauer's concept of a succession, or linear
ryplacement of landscapes, into a concept of "layers" of landscapes. 37 Young's approach
recognizes that each era of history does not subsume the previous era.
The landscape also consists of 'layers,' reflecting historical processes which have
resulted in its continuous transformation, and which stem from changing economic,
political, cultural, and demographic factors affecting a particular society. Visible
evidence for the existence of these factors may almost be non-existent, and hence
people tend to ignore their presence in the landscape (Young, 1992, 255).

37

Young (1992, 264-266) gives an excellent example of how a sand painting of a Yurnipirli, Northern
is interpreted as a Dreaming track and then she overlays it upon a Western
Territory, Australia, a~
territorial map. She shows how the art form reflects the Dreaming and how that compares to the Western
perception of the land. The painting shows significant trees, a camp, a waterhole, and animal and human
tracks.

148

The Western capitalist's industrial landscape is layered upon the First Nations landscape,
and both are defined by cultural perspectives and vision. Young hints that the Australian
Aboriginal landscape is ignored and therefore remains unseen. Young (1992, 259)
contrasts the Aboriginal spiritual perspective of the landscape with the Western economic
worth perspective of industrialized capitalist societies. Young (1992, 256) concludes "A
major cosmological contrast concerns the perceived relationship of people and land." The
First Nations landscape has become submerged below the capitalist colonial landscape
because the colonizer's economic and political power has redefined the relationship
between people and the land.38

Ron Chambers told a story of how the name "Dalton trail" came to be, as an
example of how colonizers have redefined the First Nations landscape. Dalton brought his
horses overChiefKohklux's trading trail; consequently the trail was named the Dalton
trail. Ron is frustrated with the name "Dalton trail" because he thinks that Kohklux went
through "a hell of a lot more trouble [than Dalton]" to establish and mark the trail with tree
carvings. The "Telegraph Trail" in Gitxsan territory and the Nuxalk-Carrier grease trail,
now named the Alexander Mackenzie Grease Trail, are further examples of First Nations
trails being renamed. First Nations people are concerned that more recognition is being
given to "white" explorers rather than to First Nations history (Birchwater, 1993, 2).

First Nations place names help define First Nations peoples' relationship to the
land. For example, place names such as "where the Rivers meet," "Lake of many

38

"In a democracy, everyone gets a turn," says Coyote.
"Nonsense," I says. "In a democracy, only people who can
afford it get a turn."
"How about half a turn?" says Coyote. (King, 1994, 327)

149

beavers," "where the ancestors tied the canoe to the mountain in the flood," or "Painted
Goat Mountain" were created to reflect the physical and sacred landscape.39
Often, place names were not just labels but descriptions of features that would
enable travellers to orient themselves. The mountain now known as the Three
Guardsmen is called Nanda duiyakhache in Tlingit --'facing North the wind is to
your back' (Anon., 1995 (b), 25).

Actually, early explorers relied on the First Nations people as guides in a foreign
land. 40 I am reminded of a passage in Alexander Mackenzie's journal where he meets a
Native person near Alexandria who drew a map showing a route to the ocean.
I now proceeded to request the native, whom I had particularly selected, to
commence his information, by drawing a sketch of the country upon a large piece
of bark, and he immediately entered on the work, frequently appealing to, and
sometimes asking the advice of, those around him ...These people describe the
distance across the country as very short to the Western Ocean .. .It occupied them,
they said, no more than six nights, to go to where they meet the people who barter
iron, brass, copper, beads, &c. with them, for dressed leather, and beaver, bear,
lynx, fox, and marten skins (Mackenzie, 1970, 319-20).
Tuan (1991, 688), a cultural geographer, shows how European explorers have presumed
the right to name geographical features in lands they have discovered, and thereby
submerge First Nations place names. Tuan refers to naming geographical features as a
creative power to impart a certain character to the landscape. Present day British
Columbian topographical maps hardly refer to First Nations place names or trails anymore,
and consequently the First Nations landscape is submerged below the coloniallandscape.41
The Inuits in the Northwest Territories are reclaiming their traditional place names. This
activity is sanctioned by the territorial government (Necheff, 1996, 15).

39

"My name is Glimmerglass, says that Lake. What's yours?
I'm Old Woman, says Old woman. And I am floating.
It's a nice day for that, says that Lake" (King, 1994, 391.
40
Alexander Mackenzie clearly alludes to his reliance on the Carrier-Chilkotin guides in his journal.
"As for attempting the woods, without a [Indian] guide, to introduce us to the first inhabitants, such a
determination would be little short of absolute madness" (Mackenzie, 1970, 337).
41
"It doesn't look like an Indian dam," said Hawkeye. "It doesn't look like an Indian Lake." Perhaps it's a
Coyote dam." says Coyote. "Perhaps it's a Coyote Lake." (King, 1994, 409)

150

Until recently, as the cultural geographer Wagner (1994, 5) points out,
archaeologists and anthropologists have neglected paying attention to the cultural landscape
aspect of their study sites. For instance, James A. McDonald (1983, 27) has written one of
the few descriptions ofTsimshian landscape and place names. Consequently, there is a
paucity of knowledge regarding the First Nations landscape, as exemplified by the
invisibility of tree art in archaeological and anthropological discourse. I believe these fields
have historically had a "McKenna-McBride" resolution or perspective of the landscape.
The McKenna-McBride Royal Commission travelled throughout British Columbia from
1913-1916 determining the number and size of the Indian reserves (Duff, 1980, 68). My
perception of their process is that they drew small boxes on a map around the location
where they found the Indians, regardless of whether they were at their summer, winter,
fishing, trapping or hunting camp. These small boxes, called reserves, redefined the First
Nations landscape into a much narrower view. The commissioners did not seem to '
understand the great extent to which First Nations people travelled and modified the
landscape. More important!y they had no concept of the sacred landscape. I believe
anthropologists and archaeologists have usually and unconsciously adopted this narrow
perspective of the First Nations landscape centered on the reserve or village site.
Consequently, they had little exposure to the broader First Nations landscape and they
never encountered tree art.

It was a revelation for me to discover how extensive signs of First Nations travel

and use are in the forest, as I learned to interpret the First Nations landscape, while
searching for tree art. A "land without history" came into focus as a landscape rich in
history: I began to notice the deep trodden trails, trees scarred from bark harvesting,
camps, deadfall traps, and tree art. I learned to look and see the "unseen." I learned that

151

First Nations travellers followed ridge tops, hogsbacks, and trails that linked lakes and
paralleled watercourses.

Ernest Hyzims, a Git~san Elder, describes the trailscape as an ancient connection,
marked with blazes, between the village and the land.
We follow the trail, blazes notched out on the trees by our grandfathers and follow
the trails to our trapping grounds, hunting grounds, berry patches. As a rule, if
someone got lost on the trail, they would break twigs to show which way they
went, they didn't notch out trees as not to scare away the animals (Hyzims, 1983,
13).
I define a trailscape as the system of trails that connects camps, villages, trap lines, and
trading partners including the associated camps, markers, traps, food gathering sites and
water crossings. MacDonald and Cove (1987, xii-xvii), Birchwater (1993 , 3&13),
(Anon., 1995 (b), 15) describe Tsimshianl Git~san, Carrier/Nuxalk, and Tlingitlfsoshone
trail systems. Birchwater (1993 , 24) quotes a Carrier Elder as saying, "Them old people
had trails all over the place ... People lived all over."

Nelson (1986,183), one of the few anthropologists to study the First Nations
landscape, describes how the Alaskan Kutchin peoples mark their trailscape.
Trails are often very easy to follow because they are clearly defined corridors
through dense vegetation. In some areas, however, it is hard to find a trail in
untracked snow without some kind of markers. In open spruce forests, for
example, the trees are blazed at frequent intervals by chopping a narrow strip of
bark from a tree trunk, leaving a white mark which is easily seen. Markers are very
important at places where a trail opens onto a River, Lake, slough, or meadow,
where travellers may have difficulty finding the trail's opening when they reach the
other side. Large blazes are used here if there are big trees at the trail's edge, but
the margins of Lakes and meadows are often fringed with scrub, so instead of
making blazes the Indians often hang something like a tin can or shred of cloth in
the brush.
Dorthea Calverley (nd., 4) observed "Today many of these old trails [Indian] are the routes
of our railways, highways, and forestry roads." Thus, the First Nations trailscape has

152

been submerged by the colonial road system. The road engineers probably found the First
Nations trails convenient routes across the landscape.

So, for me, tree art symbolizes the lack of awareness of the First Nations landscape
which still exists, pocketed by clearcuts, roads and seismic lines. Tree art marks the
remnants of the trailscape, reminding us of the existence of another layer of history and
perception. The signs can still be interpreted by younger generations. Elders who have
lived on the First Nations landscape are still keenly aware of the physical and spiritual
places and the associated stories. Some of them have helped us interpret tree art on this
journey in the First Nations landscape viewing context.

Through my reflections I have partially satisfied my curiosity over why tree art has
remained relatively invisible. First, the colonial process, through its many effects, has
submerged the First Nations landscape below the capitalist colonial landscape.
Additionally, the Western perception of the First Nations landscape is a narrow McKennaMcBride perspective. Second, to see the unseen, one must have the willingness to see with
new eyes. As your guide I have encouraged you to appreciate the First Nations
perspective; consequently, you may be able to bring the First Nations landscape into focus
as the intended viewing context for tree art. I call this perspective "ego-edgism" because all
perspectives of landscapes are equally valid, but different, and one cannot submerge the
other.

At present the colonial landscape is layered upon the First Nations landscape.
Consequently, the capitalist colonizer has transformed and submerged the artist's intended
viewing context. This transformed and layered landscape becomes the viewing context for
the second journey of meaning for tree art.

153

The Second Journey
Earlier in the preparation stage of the journey I established the medicine cross
described by Hugh Brody (1988) as a touchstone from which to reflect on the transformed
landscape. Joseph Patsah's Dad established a medicine cross on a tree to seek spiritual
support for the family's new found territory. Brody (1988, 107) tells of his "pilgrimage"
many years later to see the medicine cross.
The importance of the cross permeated everything that he and others had been
trying to explain about their feelings for and use of the land ...ln fact, the cross had
rotted at its base and fallen back to lean, precarious and dilapidated, into the pines
that surrounded it. ..It would be quite easy to pass the cross, unnoticing, so nearly
did it merge with the woodland around ... Once noticed, however, its presence could
be felt.
He knew that a logging road was scheduled to be built and "It would probably follow the

trail that led us from the camp to the cross." Moreover, because it was so inconspicuous it
"would all too easily be bulldozed into the ragged brush piles that lie alongside new roads
on the frontier" (Brody, 1988, 108). As they left, one of the Beaver members in the party
remarked "Sometime we better put up a new cross. That one's getting old now" (Brody,
1988, 108).

We have also witnessed how the Kuldo Gyetim Gan came to look across the road at
the new clearcut only meters away (Figures 3.26 and3.27), and the destruction of the
Tumbler Ridge tree carving. Doubtless many examples of tree art have ended up in brush
piles or the sawmill. I am sad because of the loss of these evocative art forms. Should tree
art be protected? And, if so, how should it be protected? The cultural geographer
Lowenthal offers some interesting discussion relevant to these questions.

Lowenthal's protection paradox says that ''To realize that something stems from the
past is actively to alter it" (1979, 109). He recognizes the need for "reminders of our

154

heritage in our memory, our literature, and our landscapes" (Lowenthal, 1979, 125). But
efforts to preserve artifacts and landscapes will affect the nature of the past by altering its
meaning (Lowenthal, 1979, 124). I have named this altered state of meaning resulting
from the preservation and appreciation of tree art the second journey of meaning.
Preservation includes three types of activity: 1) recognition and celebration, 2) maintenance
and preservation, and 3) enrichment and enhancement (Lowenthal, 1979, 109). So, a
paradox exists between protecting tree art without altering its intended meaning.

1) Recognition and Celebration
Tree art should be recognized and celebrated. Few First Nations people, and
practically no non-First Nations people are aware of tree art. Tree art can teach us about its
intended viewing context, and the First Nations landscape and its meaning. I debated
whether or not I should publicize the existence of tree art because I was afraid of what may
happen to tree art once people become more aware of its existence. I decided to carefully
increase the awareness of tree art for two reasons. First, I believe the younger generations
of First Nations people should have access to the knowledge the Elders shared with me
about tree art. Ron Chambers comments on this point as follows: 42
Oh somebody will come along and see it and say 'Oh that's that' , 'Oh is that right',
you know all of a sudden they knew but didn't know to say. And there it is now
you know. That's the other part of why you need that [information] out, because
people can say, 'Oh yeah', somebody will know, but nobody asked. You didn't
know that they know, so you did not ask, it goes on like that (Chambers, personal
communication, September 12, 1995).
Awareness of tree art may motivate younger generations to ask their Elders if they know of
any other examples and their meaning. Consequently, this generation may be able to save
the old examples of tree art and continue its practice if they so desire. Second, sharing this
information may increase the awareness of archaeologists, anthropologists and forestry
workers. These people are responsible for conducting and managing cultural and heritage
"Silly Coyote," I says. "There are good points and there are bad points, but there are never all good
points or all bad points" (King, 1994, 324).

42

155

site inventory. Consequently, they must be aware of tree art in order to identify it and
protect it from logging.
First Nations people should be responsible for locating tree art by interviewing their
Elders, especially Elders who know the landscape and trailscape well, such as trappers,
hunters, gathers of medicine, berries and other forest foods.

2) Protection and Maintenance
I have demonstrated that tree art can be found throughout British Columbia, the
Yukon and Manitoba. Tree art can be difficult to see because the tree scar may partially or
almost entirely cover the image. Archaeologists and Professional Foresters have an ethical
responsibility to become aware of the tree art and its prevalence. Additionally, in British
Columbia they have a legal responsibility under the Heritage Conservation Act and the

Forest Practices Code ofBritish Columbia Act to identify and protect tree art from logging
or other forms of destructive development. I encourage these professionals to learn about
tree art and the First Nations landscape.

A date for when tree art was created can be established by using tree ring dating
(dendrochronological) methods. I have not employed the use of these methods in my study
to date because I had not secured permission from the appropriate First Nation. But I hope
to date the tree carvings in the Git~san territory. Hicks (1976, 3) describes the tree ring
dating procedure from an archaeological perspective.
Dendrochronology, in most archaeological areas where it is practiced, involves the
construction of tree-ring chronologies through crossdating. Crossdating hinges on
the presence of relatively small rings, compared to their neighbours, resulting from
water deprivation to the tree in a given year. These patterns in a series of rings,
constitutes a distinctive 'signature' that can then be matched to the other like
patterns in older wood. The process allows wood that has no reference to a cutting
date to be dated by the cutting date of other trees.

156

Ron Chambers adamantly says tree art should be left, in situ, where it's created. It
should not be cut from the tree and put on exhibit. I agree with Ron because the intended
viewing context is so important to the intended meaning of tree art. The audience for tree
art is often the spirits of animals who live in the forests rather than patrons of art galleries
or museums. Nick Prince said that the Carrier would maintain the meeting place tree
carving by planting a new tree beside it in anticipation of the tree rotting and falling. We
also observed a tree carving at Deep Canoe Creek which was recarved after the scar grew
over the original carving. Some First Nations people, such as the Carrier, have regenerated
trees to replace the decaying "meeting place" tree carving for instance, and therefore, it
seems appropriate to continue the practice for future generations.

The Forest Practices Code ofBritish Columbia Act and Heritage Conservation Act
together have provisions for the preservation of cultural heritage resources such as tree art.
A requirement of the Code is that a forest company must do an archaeological assessment
to determine if there are any cultural heritage resources, as defined in the Heritage
Conservation Act, that could be detrimentally affected by a proposed logging plan.

Section 51 of the Code also protects cultural heritage resources even after a logging plan is
approved. If a person who carries out a forest practice finds an unidentified resource such
as an arboroglyph, for example, they must modify or stop that practice in the immediate
vicinity and then promptly advise the Ministry of Forests. Tree art, however, requires
protection than is provided for under these acts because of its cultural importance and its
rarity.

Additional protection of tree art and its intended viewing context could be
accomplished by designating a cultural reserve around tree art sites. This can be
accomplished through a number of mechanisms. For instance, the Ministry of Forests can
recommend that ecological reserves be designated under the Land Act around unique or

157

rare forest ecosystems. The Ministry of Forests forest district manager could similarly
designate the area around a culturally significant site as a "sensitive area" under section 5 of
the Code because the argument can be made that the area should be treated differently from
adjacent lands. Another protective measure is available under section 6 of the Code
whereby the Chief Forester could designate the site as an "interpretive forest site."
Regardless of the legal mechanism the tree art sites should be designated and protected. I
believe that a ten hectare area surrounding the tree art would be the minimum size necessary
to protect the art and the important forest viewing context. Trail corridor reserves (250
meters wide) would also be appropriate, since tree art usually exists along trails and at
camp sites.

3) Enhancement and Enrichment
I would advise against the enhancement or enrichment of tree art sites into tourist
attractions. The forest context should be left untouched and low impact trails and signage
should be used. Great care should be taken to preserve the intended viewing context.
Awareness of tree art could be ~n an

through other means such as publications or

multimedia presentations which are less intrusive to the site.

An Artist's Reflections on Tree Art
Something stirred in me the moment I saw my first Gyetim Gan. I learned that the
aesthetic beauty and spiritual power of tree art is greatly enhanced by the forest context.
That face in the forest is so anonymous and humble (see Figure 3.19), so distant from
gallery walls and so hidden from the view of the colonizer. The forest, its context,
connects the carved face to Earth Mother in such a profound way. This connection is
similar to how the Australian Aborigines connect their Dreamings to the sands of the desert,
or how Navajo artists connect, through their paintings on the desert sand, with supernatural

158

healing powers. Tree art connects us to Earth Mother through its roots, to the sacred world
as an axis mundi, and to the past through stories. Gyetim Gan has witnessed tremendous
change since the artist unfolded their spirit in the tree as guardians of territory, trails, or
burials; as apologies to the lynx; as visual attractants to the lynx; as an axis mundi for
returning spirits at the meeting place camp, or as historical markers. The second journey of
meaning for all tree art, as introduced by George, regardless of the intended meaning, is to
act as a historical marker, and a reminder of stories. In this way, tree art is similar to crest
poles because both art forms are meant to be reminders of stories or visual cues for the
verbal art form. The oral tradition or adaawk are the dialogue, the auditory and conceptual
framework that gives meaning to the visual experience of seeing faces in the forest. This
encounter echoes Foucault's textual description of the experience of viewing Las Meninas.
Foucault's gaze is from the profane world while the First Nations gaze of tree art is sacred.
The question of who the intended audience is allows us to differentiate between the profane
and sacred gaze.

As an artist I ask "Why are most of the carvings of human faces?" Tree carvings,
from the southern coast of British Columbia to the Yukon, seem to share an important
characteristic, the carvings are of human faces. Art Wilson's (personal communication,
July 16, 1995) reason for carving a face as a possible answer to my question:
MICHAEL: Why did you choose a face?
ART: I chose a face because when people see a face it just naturally draws their
attention.

Eliade (1963, 300) in his review of world religions found that some people believe
that "The tree or bush is held to be the mythical ancestor of the tribe." Many First Nations
associate birth and death with the power of the sacred tree. Eliade (1963, 300) refers to
this as the "mystical relations between trees and men." I wonder whether the face is a
159

reflection and the tree a mirror of our own spirits? Yes, the face naturally draws our
attention. There is a self reflective quality to the faces in the forest, similar to Velazquez's
reflection in Las Meninas . Who is the intended audience for the faces of the forest? The
story of the father carving a wooden image of his son reminds me that art is not always
created for the human audience. In some ways, as an artist I was fascinated by the humble
essence of tree art because it was never intended to be viewed by the masses, nor was it
important for the artist to affix his/her name to their creation. This isolated quality makes
the art very powerful for me. Yet, is tree art really isolated in the forest, or is the audience
the forest and its spirit? I am not used to thinking about the sacred audience, but it is
crucial to remember that in some cases the artist created the art for the lynx and its spirit, for
example.
Who are these artists? Some may be master carvers employed by great chiefs to
communicate ownership of important trails or territory. Some may be trappers apologizing
to the lynx, or trying to attract a lynx to their trap. Some may be trappers who whiled away
their time in their camp by creating human faces to attract a 1ynx to their traps. Some may
be mourning a lost relative by creating a memorial on a tree. Some may be like Art Wilson
who wanted to create a reminder, a marker, or a memorial of an important story. Finally,
some may be like George Yutslick, who saw the spirit of the tree and felt great inspiration
to share his vision. The artists were many and so were their motivations for creating tree
art, yet all felt the living spirit of the tree.

I hope that people will appreciate tree art for its beauty and power. I believe I was
given a gift. It was to play a role in making people aware of tree art and its teachings. We
need to see with new eyes the sacred audience in the forest and to pay them more respect.
The artists of long ago and a few contemporary First Nations artists have created these
markers. Now the purpose of their second journey is to cause us to reflect on our
perception of the forest and on how little respect we show its spirit. Tree art, was

160

unimagined by most people. Now that I have shared this gift I hope that more people will
I

reflect on why the spirits of the forest chose this time to reveal tree art now to the colonial
consciousness of British Columbia. Have they come out of hiding to signify their
disappointment over the disrespect being shown by industrial society to the forest and its
spirit? I am optimistic about the future of our forests and the future role that First Nations
people will play in leading the industrial society into a balanced state with nature and her
spirits. 43 The Forest Practices Code was the first step towards responsible forest
management. The next step is to show respect to the forest by acknowledging the spiritual
qualities that First Nations people respect.

Our journey has now come to an end. As your guide I have shared my knowledge
with you so that we can share a common sense of tree art. I have reflected on my own
perspective, world view, and values, as I hope you have, my fellow traveller. That is all.

43

"Its a lot of work fixing up this world, you know," said the Lone Ranger.
"Yes," said Ishmael. "And we can use all the help we can get."
"The last time you fooled around like this," said Robinson Cursoe, "the world got very wet."...
"I didn 't do anything," says Coyote. "I just sang a little .. .! just danced a little, too.. .But I was helpful ,
too.. .." (King, 1993, 416).

161

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170

Figure 1.1: Chief Gee/, Walter Harris, holding an example of a Gitxsan
arborograph.

c

Figure 1.2: Gitxsan arboroglyph near Deep Canoe Creek

d

Figure 2.l(a): Gitxsan bark harvesting scar on a hemlock tree.

e

Figure 2.l(b): Carrier bark harvesting scar on a lodgepole pine tree.

f

Figure 2.2 Bark chip scar on a Douglas-fir tree, Pender Island.

g

Figure 2.3(a): Ojibway figures drawn on jack pine trees (Mallery, 1972, 337).

Figure 2.3(b):Micmac map drawn on tree (Mallery, 1972. 341 ).

h

Figure 2.4: Teit's (1906, 283) Fig. 98 of a Lilloet carving of a human on the bark
of a tree.

i

Figure 2.5(a): Teit's (1909, 591) image of a Shuswap carving on a cottonwood
tree.

Figure 2.5(b): Teit 's (1909, 789) Fig. 281 of Chilcotin carvings on trees in
Anahem Lake. Left: height about 160 em. Right: height about 60 Jm.

j

I

•

Figure 2.6: Teit's (1973, 288) Figure 25 showing Okanagan images incised in the
bark of trees: a) girl, b) man, c) perhaps ribs, d) woman, e) perhaps an animal, f)
perhaps a woman's cap.

k

:\

~

t

a

(('
9

t ~ tT
tl ·

c

"

J

~tt
'

i

(1'T'TT"

./

I

rr
f

~
711

Figure 2.7: Morice's (1893) Fig. 197 showing images drawn on trees with
charcoal or stone.

I

Figure 2.8: Harland I. Smith's photograph (1920) of eyes and mouth carved in a
tree, south of Bella Coo/a, which has since been cut (MCCICMC photo. no.
50151).

m

Figure 2.9: Harland I. Smith's photograph (1926) of a human face carved on the
trunk of a tree about two miles south of the Skeena River and Kitwanga
(MCCICMC photo. no. 68485).

n

Figure 2.10: Powell's (1909, 2S7) reproduction of a map drawn on a tree.

0

Figure 3.1: George, a carving on a hop pole, Sardis, BC.

p

Figure 3.2: Native hop pickers, Chilliwack BC (Chilliwack Archives: photo. no.

3564).

q

Figure 3.3: First Nation's woman, hop picking on the Hulbert farm (Courtesy of
the Coqualeetza Cultural Education Centre).

r

Figure 3.4: Carving of a face on a tree along the Phillips River taken in 1973
(courtesy ofT. Dixon).

s

Figure 3.4(b): Carving ofaface on a tree along the Phillips River taken inl973
(courtesy ofT. Dixon).

t

Figure 3.5: Scar on a cedar tree along Discovery Channel.

t

Figure 3.6: Art Wilson looking at his carving of a face on a hemlock tree at the
Sam Greene blockade camp.

u

Figure 3.7: Art Wilson's tree carving in the intended viewing context.

v

Figure 3.8: Sam Greene blockade camp.

w

Figure 3.9: Gee/'s arborograph in situ (courtesy of M. Eldridge).

X

Figure 3.10: Deadhorse lake camp.

y

Figure 3.11: Initials in tree at Deadhorse lake.

z

Figure 3.12: Tree carvings of faces at the Deadhorse lake camp. Two in
foreground_and one behind author on a separate tree.

aa

Figure 3.13: Kindling tree at Deep Canoe site. Note how kindling for afire was
chipped off the dry standing tree.

bb

Figure 3.14: Anspayaxw- Kuldo trail showing Charlene Levis standing on the
trail, which is up to 30 em deep in places.

cc

Figure 3.15: Old stump trap along the Anspayaxw - Kuldo trail. Darlene Veigh is
pointing to the trap entrance.

dd

Figure 3.16: Old telegraph cabin along Anspayaxw- Kuldo trail, near Deep
Canoe Creek.

ee

Figure 3.17: Darlene Veigh standing beside tree carving at Deep Canoe site
along the Anspayaxw - Kuldo trail.

ff

\

Figure 3.18: Tape measure is showing a 10 em depression of old carving beneath
recarved image on scar.

gg

fV>VD

v'-"'t '

Figure 3.19: Powerful arboroglyph carved in hemlock tree at the Deep Canoe site.
/1

hh

Figure 3.20: Darlene Veigh standing beside "totem-like" tree carving at Deep
Canoe site.

ii

Figure 3.21 :Gitxsan Elder, Sophia Mowatt, age 95.

jj

Figure 3.22: Carved face very close to Gyetim Gan in Figure 3.19.

kk

Figure 3.23: Very old carving of face similar to photograph taken by Harland I.
Smith (Figure 2.8). Deep Canoe site.

II

Figure 3.24: Tree carving with scar grown over one eye at Deep Canoe site.

mm

Figure 3.25: Tree carving along roadside north of Kuldo creek.

nn

Figure 3.26: Gitxsan tree carving overlooking the Kuldo forest road, June, 1995.

Figure 3.27: Kuldo roadside carving, October, 1995.

00

Figure 3.28: Cross above the face of the carving in Figure 3.26.

pp

Figure 3.29: Charlene Levis moving brush away from the Gyetim Gan. It is almost
completely overgrown with a scar.

qq

Figure 3.30: Wiiminoosik Lake Gyetim Gan, new and old.

IT

Figure 3.31: Carrier tree carving at Hallett Lake.

ss

Figure 3.32(a): Hallett lake carving shown in the intended viewing context.

tt

Figure 3.32(b): Nick Prince, Carrier Elder and historian.

uu

Figure 3.33: Morice's (1893, 96) drawing of a Carrier deadfall trap for lynx.

vv

Figure 3.34: Carrier arboroscript tree near Klez Lake .

ww

Figure 3.35: Carrier syllabics on Klez lake tree.

XX

Figure 3.36: Gitxsan arboroscript at the Deep Canoe site.

yy

Figure 3.37: Pen & ink reproduction of a photograph of the tree carving at
Tumbler Ridge (Gg Rg-1).

zz

Figure 3.38: Tumbler ridge site showing campsite and bridge location where the
tree carving was reported.

aaa

Figure 3,39: Roughly carved face on a snag very near the Tumbler Ridge site, BC.
It may or may not be of First Nation's origin.

bbb

Figure 3.40: Tlingit tree carving shown after it was cut from the tree near
Frederick Lake, Yukon (courtesy of Sarah Gaunt per the Champagne and Aishihik
First Nation).

CCC

Figure 3.41: Frederick Lake Tlingit tree carving shown in the Kluane
Interpretation centre.

ddd

Figure 3.42: Tlingit tree carving at Blanshard River in 1944 (photograph by
Conrad Hug. From the Della Murray Banks Collection. Courtesy of Janet R.
Klein).

eee

Figure 3.43: Tlingit tree carving in the intended viewing context at Blanshard
River in 1944 (photograph by Conrad Hug. From the Della Murray Banks
Collection. Courtesy of Janet R. Klein).

fff

Figure 3.44: Blanshard river tree carving in 1950's, in a modified viewing context
(courtesty of the Yukon Archives, photo. no. 783 ).

Figure 3.45: Tsimshian Chief Legaix's rock painting (courtesy MCCICMC photo
no. 64381).

hhh

Figure 3.46(a): Tree carving near Marsh Lake, Yukon.

iii

Figure 3.46(b): Joe Himmelspach standing beside Marsh lake carving in the
intended viewing context.

ill

Figure 3.47: Tree carving in the Yukon (courtesy of Sarah Gaunt, per the
Champagne and Aishihik First Nation).

kkk

Figure 3.48: Rough tree carving in Yukon (courtesy of Sarah Gaunt, per the
Champagne and Aishihik First Nation).

Ill

Figure 3.49: Tree carving offering site along the Churhill river, Manitoba
(courtesy of David Riddle).

nunm