Transition Houses: Safety, Security, And Compassion Amanda Alexander B.A., University of British Columbia, 1992 B.S.W., University of Victoria, 1995 Thesis Submitted In Partial Fulfillment Of The Requirements For The Degree Of Master Of Social Work The University Of Northern British Columbia December 2008 © Amanda Alexander, 2008 1*1 Library and Archives Canada Bibliotheque et Archives Canada Published Heritage Branch Direction du Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-48768-6 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-48768-6 NOTICE: The author has granted a nonexclusive license allowing Library and Archives Canada to reproduce, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, communicate to the public by telecommunication or on the Internet, loan, distribute and sell theses worldwide, for commercial or noncommercial purposes, in microform, paper, electronic and/or any other formats. AVIS: L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou autres formats. The author retains copyright ownership and moral rights in this thesis. Neither the thesis nor substantial extracts from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced without the author's permission. L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement reproduits sans son autorisation. In compliance with the Canadian Privacy Act some supporting forms may have been removed from this thesis. Conformement a la loi canadienne sur la protection de la vie privee, quelques formulaires secondaires ont ete enleves de cette these. While these forms may be included in the document page count, their removal does not represent any loss of content from the thesis. Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu manquant. Canada Safety, Security, and Compassion 2 Abstract The purpose of this research is to examine service efficacy in northern British Columbian transition houses. My research will attempt to examine what services women have found valuable to making their lives safe, what services could be offered to improve the quality of service provision in transition houses, and any recommendations for change that women have for service providers. Eight women were interviewed in a northern community in order to identify which services were most helpful to themselves and their children. A thematic analysis was applied to the data which yielded five main themes of importance: safety, support, creative service delivery, internal challenges, and external influences. From the analysis, it is evident that women find the transition house a valuable service, one that has assisted them in their healing journey. Safety, Security, and Compassion 3 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction 7 Rationale 8 Definition of Terms 11 Chapter 2: Literature Review 14 Women Identify the Pros and Cons of Current Service Delivery 14 An American Perspective 19 A Northern Context 20 Service Pressures 27 Creative Service Delivery 32 Chapter 3: Research Methodology and Design 39 Methodology 39 Research Methods and Design 43 Sample Selection 43 Data Collection 44 Data Analysis 48 Chapter 4: Research Findings Introduction Demographics 50 50 50 Findings 52 Safety 53 Support 55 Creative Service Delivery and Programs 59 Safety, Security, and Compassion 4 Internal Challenges 62 External Influences 66 Summary 71 Chapter 5: Summary and Recommendations 72 An Understanding of a Northern Context 72 Specialized Services 75 Adequate Funding 77 Final Thoughts 80 References 81 Appendix A: Participant Information Sheet 87 Appendix B: Informed Consent 91 Appendix C: Research Questions 93 Safety, Security, and Compassion 5 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr Si Transken for believing both in the importance of my research and my capacity to do this research authentically. I would like to thank my committee, Dr Judy Hughes and Dr Theresa Healy, for their support, insightful feedback, and their passion for my work. Thank you to The First Friday Group for supporting my journey through our mutual learning. Thank you to my near and dear friend, Lani, for providing your valued suggestions and impressions. I would like to thank my employer, the Elizabeth Fry Society, for knowing and supporting higher education. I appreciate having an employer who believes that research is both a key way to improving your practice and a way to ensure that clients get the best service delivery possible. And most importantly, thank you to my partner, Craig, and my daughters, Alicia and Isabel. Thank you Craig for all the times you took on the parenting so that I could do my school work. Craig, I've always so appreciated your interest and enthusiasm in the work that I was engaging in. Alicia and Isabel, thank you for playing with Dad, coming with me when I needed you to come to school, and letting Mom get her school work done! Safety, Security, and Compassion 6 Dedication This thesis is dedicated to all the women who survive emotional, sexual, physical spiritual and/or financial violence. You are amazing women with undeniable strength, determination, and courage. Witnessing your journey has inspired me to make transition house services the best that they can be. In addition, thank you to all the amazing women that I have had the privilege of working with in the women services sector. Your dedication, beliefs, and compassion are truly inspirational. Safety, Security, and Compassion 7 Chapter 1: Introduction Women who experience violence need safety. This is a human rights issue - one embedded in the legal and social systems that inhibit and erode women's equality rights (Tutty, 2006). Violence against women and children is inexcusable. Yet, until violence is eradicated, shelters must be supported in providing women and children a safe place to go. Transition houses provide a depth and breadth of service, and are committed to women and children who need safety. Transition houses navigate complex systems; they provide safety and security. Yet the work done in transition houses is rarely recognized for its importance and value or funded to a level that allows the service to meet all the demands placed on it. Transition houses have been providing safety and refuge to women survivors of violence for over thirty years. Beginning with the first shelter, Chiswick Women's Aid, in England, 1971 (Shostack, 2001), transition houses quickly spread to Canada. The first shelter in B.C. and Canada, Ishtar Transition House, opened in 1973 in Langley, B.C. (Tutty, 2006). Since then, transition houses have been providing women and children a safe place to stay to consider their options. Currently, the number of transition houses that provide services to women in Canada totals 543 (Tutty, 2006). Given the vast number of transition houses and the large number of women and children who access these vital services, it is important to identify the main services that make a difference. The purpose of this thesis will be to reveal key services that women and children, who access transition houses find most helpful to their healing. Specifically, services will be highlighted that are effective and creative in assisting women and children. Safety, Security, and Compassion 8 My research topic is service excellence in Transition Houses from a northern BC client's perspective. I wish to gain qualitative data from women who have, in the past, accessed transition house services in the north. My research will examine specific services that women and their children have found valuable for making their lives safe, what services could have been offered to improve the quality of service provision in transition houses, and any recommendations for change that women have for service providers. Rationale In my employment, I am a program manager for a women-serving, feminist organization. In my portfolio, I work with two transition houses in northern BC. We offer a wide variety of services to women and children in crisis. Our agency typically requests client feedback when clients depart a transition house. Nonetheless, feedback can be challenging to obtain, as women do not often plan their departure. Women often need to leave the transition house quickly, or do not have time to provide in depth feedback on our services. Thus, a lack of systematic feedback from our clients means that our service delivery might not be on track. Therefore, most of our service delivery is based on our feminist values and beliefs, what staff and management feel are important resources for women to have, finances available for service, and what women have randomly told us they need. This research has been inspired by a desire to prioritize funding allocations in a way that makes most sense to the women and children who access transition houses. In March 2005, the government of British Columbia provided transition houses with their first funding increase unrelated to collective agreement bargaining in many years (BC Safety, Security, and Compassion 9 Liberals, 2005). This has been the first time that transition houses have had some choice as to how to prioritize funding dollars. Prior to this funding enhancement, dollars have been allocated strictly to essential services such as wages for minimal staff coverage, benefits, heat, hydro, phone, house maintenance, and perhaps some token dollars for training. Having some funding flexibility allows service providers to better meet the needs of women and their children. An additional inspiration for this research is the length of transition house service provision in British Columbia. Transition houses have been in operation in British Columbia since the 1970's with little opportunity to reflect on what is effective service delivery for women and children. This research topic provides an opportunity for a snapshot of the services that are being delivered, and what is truly valuable to the women and children that access these services. In the transition house, one often sees similar clients, who are repeatedly struggling with the same challenges, accessing, and re-accessing services. Often, our service does not see where we have made a difference to women and children's lives because the clients who have experienced change in their lives do not come back to the transition house. This leads to a lack of concrete feedback regarding quality service provision that is effective, valuable, and meaningful. In addition, working with clients that do return time frequently can often leave staff questioning if they, or the transition house, are making a difference. Therefore, another purpose to this research is to validate the dedication and skill of the transition house worker. Asking clients after they have used transition house services what was helpful will be useful information in order to plan relevant services that make a significant difference to women and children. Research Safety, Security, and Compassion 10 will help validate what services are important to women and their children, as well as, provide insight as to how service delivery could better meet their needs. Feminist service delivery in transition houses has been resistant to standards, norms, and/or service requirements. Service providers have requested the ability to provide services in a unique manner that fits the needs of the individual community, and adheres to individual feminist philosophies. This has been valuable in that communities and agencies have had the flexibility in providing services to best meet the needs of their communities, given rural, urban, northern, southern, and political nuances. Yet, the fall out for this flexibility is the lack of consistency of services between transition houses. This is an ongoing debate, with pros and cons to each side. Nonetheless, outcomes of this study may yield a middle ground that may allow for suggestions and/or recommendations for quality service, while not requiring all transition houses to conform. Finally, given that my work experience has been primarily focused in northern British Columbia, I am inspired to have a greater understanding of the unique needs of women in the north. Women in the north experience personal and professional isolation, unique social, economic, political and environmental stressors, sporadic and limited resources, low population density, life in single industry towns, as well as, a lack of sufficient social services (Fuchs, 1997) that are unique to northern circumstances and different from urban lower mainland. Therefore, it is my desire to examine quality service provision within a northern context in order to provide voice to the women and children who access these necessary services. Safety, Security, and Compassion 11 Definition of Terms In conducting research and examining the literature, it is important to define specific terms of the research study. In the above stated research question, there are a number of key concepts to define. Transition houses are defined as short or moderate term residences (1 day to 11 weeks) that house women and their children who experience violence or are at risk of experiencing violence (Ministry of Community Services, 2006). Transition comes from the Latin word, transitionem, meaning a going across or over. The origin of house is unknown; yet, connected to the root hide meaning a dwelling or shelter. A house is defined as a building in which people live (Harper, 2001). The literature uses shelter and transition house interchangeably. Typically in a transition house in British Columbia, one would find support workers who would be able to assist women with crisis counseling and referrals. Female staff provide a secure environment, counseling for residents, linkages to community agencies, crisis telephone lines services for former or non-residents, and training for other professionals (Paled & Edleson, 1994). There may be an outreach worker who assists women who are not in the transition house or who are transitioning out of the house, and there may be a part time child-care worker. A child care worker may provide respite for the moms, activities for the children, parenting support, and or she may be able to engage in safety planning/crisis support with the children. There may or may not be 24 hour staff coverage. Thus, transition house services vary from house to house, and community to community. Access comes from the Latin word accessus meaning a coming to, an approach (Harper, 2001). For the purposes of my research, access is defined as coming to the transition house to engage in services. Safety, Security, and Compassion 12 Service originates from the Latin word servitum meaning to perform work (Harper, 2001). Services in the transition house include some or all of the following: support, child care, parenting support, information on community and provincial resources, in-house therapy, accompaniment to appointments or court, outreach, referrals, shelter, clothing, community education and awareness, crisis lines, crises counseling, crises intervention, and transportation (BC and Yukon Society of Transition Houses, 2007). Value comes from the Latin word, valere meaning be worth, be strong, be well. Valuable services in the transition house are those that have worth, merit and or importance (Harper, 2001). Creative service delivery is "the application of divergent and convergent thinking in the problem solving process.. .the trademarks of creative practice are spontaneous flexibility, originality, ease of expression and an ability to redefine situations (Turner, 1999, p.95). North can be defined by latitude, the presence or absence of trees and or levels of solar energy (Graham, 1990). Specific to this study, northern British Columbia will be defined by latitude and include all communities east, west, and north of Prince George, in the province of British Columbia. Woman comes from the old English word wimman meaning an adult human female (Harper, 2001). Women are defined as those that identify and live as women who have stayed at a transition house. Child comes from the Gothic word kilpei meaning womb (Harper, 2001). Children who access transition houses are defined as boys and girls under the age of 19 who have stayed at a transition house. Safety, Security, and Compassion 13 Transition houses provide a wide range of services for women and children. It is vital that given the meager funding that transition houses services receive, that the most valuable services are prioritized. In the upcoming chapter, the literature on transition house service provision will be reviewed in order to review the previous research on this topic. Safety, Security, and Compassion 14 Chapter 2: Literature Review Since the 1970s, there has been a growing body of research on violence against women. Research has been conducted on the dynamics of violence, why violence occurs, the effects of violence, children who witness violence, and why men abuse. Although the shelter movement has been instrumental in assisting abused women, there is a gap in the research on shelter experience from the resident's perspective. The bulk of research on women in shelters has been conducted to raise awareness about woman abuse by identifying common characteristics of the residents, their partners, and the form and severity of the abusive behaviors (Tutty, Weaver, & Rothery, 1999). In the following literature review, the themes that will be covered are the pros and cons of transition house services, an American perspective, a northern context, service pressures to transition houses, and creative service delivery. Women Identify the Pros and Cons of Current Service Delivery Research indicates that the current services that women and children receive in transition houses are both helpful and frustrating. Overall, minimal research conducted on women's shelters indicates that women who have used a shelter have found it helpful. As stated by a woman who provided feedback on her transition house experience in Manitoba, "These places are here for a reason and I am so grateful that they exist...they help me, it makes you strong and it makes you live again, gives you hope" (Hagedorn, 2005, p. 17). Across the literature, there is consistency in what women have suggested are the helpful as well as the challenging aspects of transition houses, suggesting that women across the country have had similar experiences when accessing services. Safety, Security, and Compassion 15 Tutty et al (1999), for example, studied residents' views of the efficacy of shelter services for women who accessed transition houses. Women reported that the major benefits of staying in a shelter include emotional support from staff, safety, informal support from other residents, child support programs, information and connections to community resources, and the shelter facility itself. Moreover, women described the transition house staff as skilled, non-judgmental listeners. Women also saw benefits in living with other women, as they could exchange information and advice, and support one another in practical ways. Women noted that the childcare was helpful in that it provided time to relax and reflect. However, observed the authors, the women interviewed also expressed concerns about the shelter, which included the confusion of having different counselors, causing women have to repeatedly tell their stories, as well as feeling restricted by the rule bound environment. Women do experience some key frustrations staying in transition houses. Women note challenges around communal living including women not doing their chores, the perceived level of cleanliness, the conflict between residents, and being exposed to children who displayed problematic behaviors. Some note suggestions for improvements to the shelter include select women being referred to other shelter services, a longer time frame to be able to make major life decisions, programs and services to meet cultural and spiritual needs, and more support groups (Tutty et al., 1999). The above noted findings were affirmed by a recent study which examined YWCA transition house service efficacy. This study is unique in that the research speaks to women's experiences of shelters across Canada (Tutty, 2006). Upon reflection, the researchers found that of the women's stay at the transition house, again, the most helpful Safety, Security, and Compassion 16 aspect that was identified was having a place to stay, followed by having a break from the abusive partner. Women identified that they valued staff support, and that children's services were helpful. Concerns included challenges with aspects of the communal living environment such as managing children's behavior, other resident's behaviour, including substance use and mental health issues, and not liking the food provided. Interestingly, what some women found problematic, others found a strength. For example, some women appreciated connections with other women to reduce their sense of isolation. Others found some residents hard to cohabite with. An important observation of Tutty's research is that challenges observed by women were often a result of limited funding resources. For example, having access to staff, shelters being over crowded, and catering to multiple client needs often occur because there is not enough money to have more staff and there is no other specialized services to refer (Tutty, 2006). A local, northern BC study conducted by the Elizabeth Fry Society Shelter in Prince George affirmed similar service successes and challenges (Healy, 2006). Healy observed, The women, for the most part had nothing but praise for the staff. Staff were compassionate, caring, flexible, and supportive. Women recognized the staff support as key in being able to make change and to move on in their lives. The knowledge the staff had and shared also helped women understand what they were going through (Healy, 2006, p.8). Safety and security were again addressed in this study. When asked to identify which factors contributed to the sense of safety and the capacity to move on, the women in Healy's study were very clear: It may take time for women to trust the confidentiality and security at the house, but once they see they can rely on staff, the sense of safety is the cornerstone to everything else (2006). They also appreciated meeting other women in similar circumstances. Noted suggestions for improvement included having reasonable, Safety, Security, and Compassion 17 consistent and fair rules, staff being more available for client contact, as well as, a desire to see specialized transition house mandates (Healy, 2006). A Manitoba study of women's experience in transition houses speaks the challenges that women experience with rules that appear to be more about controlling the women and making the job of staff easier. It is noted that the women were more satisfied with smaller shelters where there might have been less need for a rule based environment (Hagedorn, 2005). Overall, women believed that shelters were helpful, as they provided emotional support from staff, safety, support from other residents, child support programs, information and connections to community resources (Tutty & Goard, 2002). Women stated that they felt safe and that this feeling was something they had rarely experienced. Women spoke to the connections that they made with other women and how normalizing it felt to be able to talk through what they were experiencing with some one else who could relate. Melbin's (2003) study on the importance of transitional supportive housing programs also sheds light on the perspective of women regarding shelter services. Women indicated that emergency shelters and transitional housing programs were important resources; yet, some were critical of the services that were offered. Women explained that mandated rules limited their freedom and felt that this may re-enforce society's message to these women that they were inadequate (Melbin, 2003). Women struggled with services being mandated rather than having services be strongly recommended. Moreover, staff indicated a need to monitor and ensure that women complied with rules and attended programming. Therefore, one must ask, do these rules serve organizational interest rather than be in the woman's best interest? Melbin's (2003) Safety, Security, and Compassion 18 research reflects a negative relationship between service provider and client and may reflect the somewhat contradictory requirements of the service provider to ensure both a safe environment while empowering women to make their own choices. In addition to the residential supports described in the preceding studies, some transition houses also offer outreach services. Women have described how important it is to get connected to support people in the community who can help them navigate the systems that they are trying to access (Tutty & Goard, 2002). In these cases a specific transition house worker will assist a woman with accompaniment and advocacy not only while in the transition house, but also following her stay at the shelter. The worker may help women find housing, navigate the criminal justice system and/ or provide accompaniment to various appointments. Accompaniment might include assistance navigating systems such as income assistance or child protection. The importance of parallel children's services in transition houses has been addressed throughout the literature. Women clearly identify a need for a break, for their children to have some good quality counselling, given the long lists for children's counsellors, as well as, the women in Hagedorn's study also stated that they needed to have care for kids when going to appointments that may not be appropriate to take children to (2005). The children who were interviewed around their experiences in a shelter were generally positive with 90% of those interviewed liking the shelter. Children indicated that the reasons they appreciate the shelter were that they were happy to be away from the abuser, the staff were nice and the shelter was fun (Jarvis, Gordon, & Novaco, 2005). In addition, this study identified that the facilitation of positive mother Safety, Security, and Compassion 19 child interactions and parent education may provide a crucial buffer against adverse outcomes for mothers and children. An American Perspective American studies that look at transition house efficacy appear to differ from the feminist philosophies adopted in most Canadian transition houses. One study conducted on services that assist abused women had scholars and professors propose theoretical recommendations for service delivery. Services recommended by scholars for transition houses included crisis intervention and cognitive behavioral techniques. The purpose of crisis intervention was stated as assisting the woman to deal effectively with the crisis, to increase her control over her situation, and to gain greater self awareness. Cognitive behavioral techniques were suggested in order to change women's thoughts around women's low self worth and their responsibility to their partner (Roberts, 1996). This research appeared to focus on how best to motivate women to be safe by leaving her abusive partner. This philosophical difference is again noted in another national study of shelters for American women (Roberts & Lewis, 2000). The authors state that if the goal is to assist the battered women to gain independence from the abuser, it is necessary that professionals working within the shelters provide treatment modalities that have been shown to be effective. This is a divergence from the feminist practice integral to most Canadian transition house services that promote women being the best person to make their own choices regarding their relationship. Another American piece of research reflects both on the positive contributions of transition houses and on a differing philosophy on service delivery. Vinton (1992) conducted some unique research on the experience of older women accessing transition Safety, Security, and Compassion 20 houses in Florida and while most of the results of this research are beyond the scope of this particular project, Vinton notes that success of transition houses has previously had methodological limitations given the definition of success of service delivery being the discontinuation of violence (Vinton, 1992). It is further identified that good service delivery should be measured by women's level of internal control and social independence. It appears as though this is an American context for quality service delivery, as this philosophy may impact how other pieces of research are conducted and/or evaluated. A Northern Context A significant gap in Canadian research around violence against women concerns the unique experiences of women in the north. Women in the north experience both geographic and economic isolation, a lack of anonymity in typically small communities, and little access to community resources. Most of the minimal research to date has primarily focused on women's experiences in urban centers. There are complexities and nuances to British Columbia and more specifically, to the north. Women who access transition houses in the north will be challenged by geography, climate, isolation, the acceptance of violence against women, and the lack of services available (Schmidt, 2000). The problem of woman abuse is experienced very differently by women who have northern, rural and remote lifestyles, and perhaps even more severely. Understanding the differences that set the north apart from the south is essential to any analysis of service provision (Sellick & Delaney, 1999). The limited literature on women in northern and remote communities suggests that women who are abused in relationships tend to be even more isolated than their Safety, Security, and Compassion 21 urban counterparts (Schmidt, 2000). Geographic isolation can also increase the lack of power that a woman may have in an abusive situation. For example, not having neighbors that may be close enough to hear the abuse, or the yelling, may prevent external assistance, as well as, may reduce the knowledge that others have of the abuse actually occurring. Some individuals might choose rural, non farm areas because of this isolation, and one reason to prefer isolation is to hide abusive behavior (Murty, 2003). Women who live in the north are not always from the town that they are currently residing in. Women are further isolated as their support systems, like the extended family, are hard to contact and may not be available when needed (Schmidt, 2000). Isolation has repeatedly been stated as an issue that puts women in the north at greater risk. In a study of two northern, remote aboriginal communities, women frequently responded that they had no place to go and that a few beatings were the norm (Durst, 1991). Furthermore, it was suggested that beatings only occurred in town but several women from both communities emphasized that the abuse occurred out on the land leaving women even more isolated and vulnerable (Durst, 1991). Aside from geographic isolation, there is an increased possibility in the north that women may be isolated from the work force. This is due to the work in single industry towns being predominately male dominated with jobs available such as mining, heavy equipment operation and construction (Schmidt, 2000). As a result, women are often excluded from employment, and are obligated to remain in the home. This can lead to further isolation for a woman who is experiencing violence. Not only does she not have as many opportunities for social support, she is often financially dependent on her partner. Furthermore, if she chooses to leave the relationship, she may have little hope of Safety, Security, and Compassion 22 financial independence as career opportunities are limited in these single industry towns without leaving the community. The violence experienced in rural and northern communities can be more severe and more violent. The use of guns and weapons is more prevalent due to the increased numbers of those involved in hunting and farming in the north (Grama, 2000). Rural and northern communities are also harder hit by poverty due to their reliance on single industry economies. Thus, increased levels of poverty in rural, northern communities in combination with stress, boredom, and alcohol and drug use may contribute to the overall stresses on the family creating conditions that promote increased levels of violence (Grama, 2000). Women in the north experience more severe violence. For example, women in Alaska face a much higher rate of homicide than women nationwide (Shepherd, 2001). Non-Native Alaskan women are killed 1.5 times more often than the average American women and Native women are killed 4.5 times more often. In 1995, 80% of homicides in Alaska were domestic violence related. In 1996,4 out of the 16 domestic violence related deaths in Alaska were children (Shepherd, 2001). This astounding rate of violence against women speaks to the vulnerability of women and children who live in northern, rural, and remote areas. Specifically, Alaskan women were identified by Shepherd (2001) as being vulnerable due to the following factors: the isolation of the communities, severe weather, lack of adequate law enforcement, the prevalence of alcohol and other drugs, the prevalence of weapons, the absence of many basic public services such as low income housing and transportation, a lack of jobs and consequential dependence on public assistance, infrequent visits by mental health professionals, and lack of treatment Safety, Security, and Compassion 23 programs for abusers (Shepherd, 2001). Coming from an aboriginal cultural context, it is important to note that traditionally, violence was not a part of traditional culture and that much of the violence has been caused by assimilation. Culture does have an impact on women who experience violence. For example, the strong value placed on family can make it difficult for the abused woman to seek help, because it is the abuser's village, the woman's confidence that she can get help is minimized, and for many aboriginal women, drawing attention to themselves and causing conflict are the last things they want to do. Furthermore, often, women do not want to leave their home villages as their village is the home of family, friends, and traditions (Shepherd, 2001). Lack of anonymity for both rural and northern women has been well documented. The backlash and rumors in a small community can paralyze a person. Pressure from the abusive partner, family and even friends, even when it is well meaning, is difficult to avoid (Seychuk, 2004). Coupled with the personal shame that can come from everyone knowing your problems, this lack of anonymity can serve to truly isolate rural and northern women (Grama, 2000). If a woman speaks about her experience of violence, because of the close nature of the community, she may not be believed, particularly when the perpetrator is a respected member of the community (Cox, Cash, Hanna, D'ArcyTehan & Adams, 2001). Furthermore, patriarchal attitudes can be alive and well in rural and northern environments, which often means that the police will not intervene in domestic affairs; they believe that the man knows best, and/ or they may be connected to the abuser himself (Grama, 2000). With respect to services in the north, it is generally agreed upon that there are fewer social service resources which have lower levels of funding and which may Safety, Security, and Compassion 24 struggle in hiring or having volunteers that are educated and aware of the dynamics of violence. Out of necessity, people often wear several hats in smaller communities, leading to confusion as well as a frantic pace in sparsely populated service areas (Chamberlain, 2001). As identified in the Nuluaq Project, a National Inuit Strategy for Abuse Prevention: The major root cause of abuse as it relates to crisis/ emergency services is the need to provide after care and follow up to victims and abusers after the initial intervention. The lack of treatment after the crisis is a root cause of future abuse according to Inuit front line workers. Gaps in services include periodic unfulfilled positions which inhibit probation/ parole supervision; not enough victim advocates; and a dearth of trained Inuit front line workers in police, social services, and health care field. (Pauktuutit Inuit Women's Association, 2004, p.5). As a result of unfilled positions, or positions that may be filled with under-qualified employees, survivors of violence in the north may not be exposed to the same level of qualified and knowledgeable support as their urban counterparts. Many professionals connected to women who experience violence feel hindered by a lack of knowledge. Nurses in the north, for example, talked about their frustration, feeling helpless, and unskilled in their roles dealing with the complexities of family violence and yet, were aware that other health professionals, such as general practitioners were equally helpless (Cox et al., 2001). Another complexity for service providers in the north is the increased incidence of conflict of interest. In small communities, there is a greater likelihood that staff may have a relationship with family or a friend who is wanting to access services (Hagedora, 2005). This can lead to women being hesitant to access services; as well it presents a challenge for staff to provide service to a woman that she knows (Haledon, 2005). According to Statistics Canada, national victimization surveys have found that aboriginal women are of greater risk of experiencing domestic violence than non- Safety, Security, and Compassion 25 aboriginal women. It is noted that the spousal assault rate for aboriginal men is nearly double that of non-aboriginal men, and that aboriginal victims experienced more severe forms of violence with nearly half of victims reporting being beaten, choked, threatened with a gun or knife, or sexually assaulted. Furthermore, the spousal homicide rate from 1991 to 1999 was more than eight times higher for aboriginal women compared to nonaboriginal women (Statistics Canada, 2004). This is important to note, in a northern context, as the north has a higher proportion of aboriginal peoples than the south. This results in a greater demand for services from a smaller population. Further, aboriginal women from northern and remote communities often face the additional challenge of finding services specific to their culture (Tutty, 2006). A review of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC) shelters was undertaken because of concerns of low levels of funding which may result in shelters closing their doors permanently (Johnston, 2006). Research findings identified what resources shelters need to operate effectively including core services, staff resources, and management structures. A current description of First Nations on reserve shelters is provided in this report as well as the implications of under funding is discussed. In conclusion, it was recommended that INAC introduce a new funding formula that takes into account the province of operation, size of shelter, and remoteness of shelter (Johnston, 2006). Other recommendations included monies to upgrade staff training and shelter facilities, standards to be developed for shelter service provision, a review of shelter reporting requirements to take place, as well as written maintenance and operational plans. (Johnston, 2006). Safety, Security, and Compassion 26 On average, Canadian shelters use 65 - 75% of their operating budget for wages with the remaining 25-35% for operational costs. INAC shelters use 75-95% of their operational budget on wages with the remaining 5-25% left to cover operational costs. Thus, it is clear that INAC is under-funding the transition houses for First Nations peoples on reserves, and that in order for this necessary service to be viable, increased funding must occur. Considering a northern, rural context, there are some interesting suggestions identified for recognizing these additional costs: The geographic location of a shelter affects its operating costs in several ways...The higher cost of living is not related to food and basic supplies alone in isolated and remote areas. Cost and access make living in these areas a challenge, with higher priced utilities...transportation costs are more expensive with higher priced gas and significantly increased wear and tear on vehicles...shelters may not have access to public transportation and health and social services needed by shelter clients (Johnston, 2006, p. 16). Additional costs that I believe northern, rural shelters incur are the costs of recruitment and retention associated with a high staff turnover, monies for recruitment, additional costs in providing staff training, additional costs in providing transportation of clients to access the transition house, costs associated with doing outreach to outlying areas, a higher cost of groceries and shelter supplies, and costs associated with the cold and snowy conditions including snow removal and heating and so on. In the province of Quebec, an additional 10% is added into the budget for remote regions. This recognition of the additional costs associated with northern and rural living is an important one, which is not recognized in British Columbia. Thus, there are a number of transition houses in British Columbia that are not equitably funded given the additional costs associated with their geographical location. Safety, Security, and Compassion 27 Service Pressures Financial pressures to women's services, especially crisis intervention services like transition houses has been well documented (BC Coalition of Women Centres, 2003, Johnston, 2006). Service pressures to transition houses require that service providers are wise in how they allocate funds and prioritize services so that women and children's needs are best met. Despite the fact that women in BC report the highest rates of violence in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2000), the province of BC is the most recent to implement budgetary measures that have dramatically cut social spending and radically altered social policy (Morrow, Hankivsy & Varcoe, 2004). As a result of funding cutbacks announced on "Black Thursday," January 17,2002, service pressures have been immense for remaining women-servicing agencies, including transition houses (BC Coalition of Women Centers, 2003). Women-serving agencies have reported to the Liberal government that they are busier than ever as a direct result of cuts to income assistance, legal aid, disability benefits, employment standards, health rights, health education, and jobs (BC Coalition of Women Centres, 2003). The impact of funding cuts in British Columbia has also been stated by the Poverty and Human Rights Centre. In a 2005 report identifying these impacts, it is noted that the United Nations Committee is, concerned about a number of recent changes in British Columbia which have disproportionate negative impacts on women, particularly aboriginal women. Among these changes are: a cut in funds for legal aid and welfare assistance...the incorporation of the Ministry of Women's Equality under the Ministry of Community Services...the closing of a number of courthouses, the proposed changes regarding the prosecution of domestic violence as well as a cut in support programs for victims of domestic violence (Poverty and Human Rights Centre Submission, 2005, p.5). Safety, Security, and Compassion 28 Coupled with the financial impacts of government cutbacks, the changes to social welfare policy have significantly impacted how systems respond to violence against women (Murrow et al., 2004). British Columbia has implemented budgetary measures that have dramatically cut social spending and radically altered social policy. This has increased the emphasis on private solutions to social problems and has resulted in fiscalizing social policy where financial considerations trump all others (Morrow et al., 2004). Specifically, this has resulted in cuts and policy changes to legal aid, social assistance, child care, schools, housing, mental health, counseling, the criminal justice system, women's centres, and criminal and family courts (Research Advisory on the Provincial Cuts and Violence Against Women, 2002). Have these cuts have created more homelessness and violence with less resources for women and children to access? These cuts can only increase the usage of the services that are left intact, thereby increasing service pressures on transition houses. On a national level, Canada has been criticized by the United Nations for not providing statistics on homelessness, having punitive social policies, and the lack of provincial and national willingness to address the shelter needs of its most vulnerable citizens. It is further noted in this study that the problem of homelessness has been attributed to unemployment and poverty (Du Mont & Miller, 2000). Thus, increased homelessness creates greater need for women and children needing temporary housing, which in turn leads to increased service pressures. Further to the connection between social policy and funding cuts impacting women is research that indicates a relationship between domestic violence and female homelessness (Baker, Cook, & Norris, 2003). Often, women may have to find new housing to escape their partners' abuse, and particularly for low income women, the Safety, Security, and Compassion 29 search for new housing is increasingly difficult because few low income housing units are available and federal housing programs have long waiting lists (Baker, Cook & Norris, 2003). Therefore, if women can't afford their own housing, women will require longer periods in temporary shelters in order to find affordable accommodation, and may often be forced to return to their partner which in turn, may lead to an increase in the number of times accessing temporary services at the transition house. This is another source of increasing service pressures in transition houses. These increased service pressures mean that there is a real need to make wise funding choices in order to best meet women and children's needs. In terms of funding allocation, British Columbia has recently developed a funding formula for transition houses based on the number of beds and the number of full time equivalencies in the transition house. Prior to 2004, when contracts were initially awarded, funding was negotiated on an individual basis leading to funding inconsistencies. In the United States, a national service tracking transition house funding identified that funding formulas were most often based on the area's population size, the geographic area served, and the number of clients served (Davis, Hagen & Early, 1994). It is interesting to note that in comparison to the United States, British Columbia does not take into account service usage and geographic area served which begs the question, are transition houses fairly and reasonably funded? Adequate funding impacts the amount of work that transition houses can do (Tutty, 2006). With adequate funding, the staff to resident ratio would provide options for women seeking support. In addition, there would be adequate child care for women to get time out to consider their options and rest, as well as, programs to support parenting, and Safety, Security, and Compassion 30 programs to provide children fun activities to do. Women would not need to share rooms, there would be choice around menu items, and there would be a capacity for specialization regarding mental health and addictions issues. Transition houses provide women and children safety, security, and support; yet, if adequately resourced, transition houses could do even more. Women need post shelter support to be able to navigate the huge number of systems and challenges presented. Women also need ongoing emotional support to assist healing from the abuse. Women need and deserve continuity of service; anti violence programs should continue to support a client's journey, as the violence and resulting issues do not go away just because she leaves the shelter. An interesting complexity of service pressures is noted in terms of transition houses limiting their mandate to domestic violence. Workers vigilance in screening out homeless women presents many issues...the women whom workers are hoping to screen out are simply homeless, but rather women who are chronically destitute or women resistant to the discipline and structure that workers enforce in shelters...many women experience extreme violence when living on the street...much of this violence involves brutality from intimates and includes chronic coercion and tactics of power and control (VanNatta, 2005, p.8). Thus, service pressures may result in transition houses trying to prioritize needs and as a result, marginalizing and re-victimizing homeless women who are in real need of support services. In Alberta, a study was conducted with shelter residents to glean a better understanding of what percentage of shelter residents present with mental health concerns and/or drug and alcohol issues (Tutty, 1998). 23 out of 30 shelters in Alberta participated in the above study, and the results found that almost half of the residents have substance abuse issues and almost one third of residents presented with mental health problems. Furthermore, over 80% of staff felt that there has been an increase of residents presenting Safety, Security, and Compassion 31 with mental health and or addictions issues (Tutty, 1998). From a systems perspective, in 1998, Alberta was on the re-bound from some radical cutbacks. Thus, similar to what we have recently witnessed in BC, cutbacks in services increase pressures to transition houses, as there are fewer specialized services to access, and more marginalized peoples living in dire conditions. Therefore, one would expect to witness an increase in the number of women who have multiple issues in a transition house as the transition house is one of the few services left standing during periods of economic decline and cutbacks. Tutty (1998) reported, "The most often reported inappropriate referral is when clients experience a significant shortage of food or housing and are referred to the shelter as an emergency placement rather than because of partner abuse. While many of these women have a past abuse history, if the shelter is full or nearly full, their admittance poses a dilemma" (p.92). This thought process suggests differing opinions on the mandate of shelters. Some feel passionately that shelters should be exclusively for women who have experienced violence, and others feel that the issues of violence, substance use, and mental health are all too entwined to separate. Currently, given the non-existent funding for specialized services, how do we begin to provide adequate services to women who experience violence without adequate training and support? Perhaps this suggests a need for funding specialized services for women survivors of violence specific to mental health and addictions. Yet, realistically, this specialization can only occur in communities that are large enough to warrant multiple transition houses. For much of northern, rural British Columbia, specialization is not an option. Safety, Security, and Compassion 32 The Manitoba Association of Women's Shelters under took an analysis of women's reasons for accessing transition houses, and surveyed women as to how women felt about their experience in the transition house (Hagedon, 2005). Hagedorn (2005) identified that the women who accessed shelters are marginalized, and face a multitude of barriers including physical ailments, mental health issues, poverty, and low education levels. This leaves shelters in Manitoba struggling to meet the needs of their clients while maintaining their mandate, which exclusively focuses on domestic violence. Shelters that are narrow in their mandate often preclude women who live on the margins, and may have a deeper, longer history of violence in their lives. Service delivery that caters specifically to women who are currently survivors of violence, in my opinion, is taking the easy way out. It is easier to service the clients that are both easy for staff to work with, and appear more "deserving" than those that have addictions issues, mental health challenges and so on. This does not foster creative practice, and fails to address the needs of the most vulnerable. Often, those that access transition houses do so because they have no other resources; thus, in order to be relevant and really meet women's needs, transition houses need to be flexible and innovative in how they serve women who present with multiple issues. Creative Service Delivery Creative social work, including transition house work, is more than crayons and art therapy. Creative service delivery is "the applicant of divergent and convergent thinking in the problem solving process...the trademarks of creative practice are spontaneous flexibility, originality, ease of expression and an ability to redefine situations (Turner, 1999, p.92). Turner identifies five different forms of creativity in social work: Safety, Security, and Compassion 33 creative expression, creative presentation of self by the social worker, creative conceptualization at a direct practice level, creative conceptualization at a community practice level, and creative cosmology. Service excellence in transition houses requires that we, as social workers, come up with novel deviations and changes which adds a distinctive touch to the schemas, or ultimately results in a new schema, doing something better, or doing something quite different (Turner, 1999). What factors comprise the art of social work? There are numerous components: the courage to confront human suffering; the capacity to build a meaningful and productive helping relationship; the creativity to overcome barriers to change; the ability to infuse the change process with hopefulness and energy; the infusion of sound judgment; holding appropriate personal values, which include self-awareness and self discipline; and the formation of an effective professional style (Sheafor & Horejsi, 1994). Transition house workers are creative in a number of important ways. Women who access transition houses present with a wide variety of issues, and require the social worker to assist in problem solving. Transition house workers need to be creative in how they help women to navigate complex and challenging systems such as the criminal justice, income assistance, the Ministry for Children and Family Development and so on. Transition house workers also need to be creative in how they facilitate a positive, communal living environment under high stress conditions, with many women and children from diverse backgrounds. In addition, creativity is required in transition house work in order to improve the transition house program in order to better meet the needs of women, children, and staff. One needs to be creative in order to manage staff self care with shift work, to bring about programs such as how to bring pets to the shelter, and how Safety, Security, and Compassion 34 budgets can be manipulated so that a child care program can exist. Creativity requires flexibility and thinking outside of the box, all of which is vital for effective transition house work. Shelters are described as agents of change, the aim being to empower women who are survivors of violence to enhance their self esteem, hope, and life satisfaction (Itzhaky & Porat, 2005). Shelters were originally founded on the feminist principles of equality, client participation, and empowerment. The authors argue that currently, shelters do not do this as effectively as they could as they do not allow women to participate in decision making or in planning. Participation through integration into the shelter includes the women's level of participation in decisions made at the shelter, as well as, involvement in the organization. Itzhaky and Porat (2005) suggest that with longer client stays at a shelter, clients would have a greater increase in participation in the shelter, clients would have time to increase their self esteem, and this would ultimately lead to better outcomes for women experiencing violence. The strategy recommended by Itzhaky and Porat (2005) involves creative conceptualization at a community practice level. Typically, transition houses have focused on being short term, crisis services that specifically focus on a woman having a safe place to stay in order to examine her options. The authors are suggesting that there could be a different approach to structuring the transition house program in order to encourage the growth and empowerment of women. Thus, if practitioners were to think outside of the box, flexible timelines would allow for women to do some long term healing that might build self esteem and empower women to grow and feel enough strength to make positive change. Safety, Security, and Compassion 35 In terms of recommendations that the women who accessed the transition houses made (Tutty, 2006), they clearly highlighted the importance of culture and were both creative at a community practice level as well as their recommendations have elements of creative cosmology (Turner, 1999). Shelters were seen to be most effective if locally based and culturally appropriate; thus, abandoning the model of large transition houses and looking at smaller homes within villages. In one shelter studied by Shepherd (2001), all permanent staff members were native women. One employee's job description included subsistence hunting and fishing for the shelter. There was a fish camp built for the residents to spend time in the summer, safe home providers were elders, and cultural healing and strengthening of families was the underlying philosophy (Shepherd, 2001). This speaks to cultural cosmology as the potential long term outcome looks like bringing back the traditional culture and helping families to get strong. Thus, the change that occurs may not reflect the change we anticipate, but may nonetheless represent growth and positive development for the clients (Turner, 1999). Transition houses mainly focus on helping women to become strong. It is rare that the transition house moves beyond the safety of the women to looking at creating healthy families that are safe and violence free. The women in Manitoba had some excellent recommendations for creative transition house service delivery (Hagedorn, 2005). In all houses, women identified that staff were very helpful, empathetic, and sensitive to their needs. It is interesting to note, that in almost all houses, there were one or two staff members that clients found particularly hard to work with, and one or two staff members who really made a difference to their healing. In terms of staff relationships with the clients, this suggests Safety, Security, and Compassion 36 some kind of creativity on behalf of the transition house worker. The transition house worker may have been creative in their presentation through story telling, being insightful in their conceptualization of problems and solutions, and or the transition house worker may have used creative expression, leading the client in a variety of healing techniques such as journaling or writing poetry. Whatever the technique, the important aspect is that in someway, the transition house worker made a difference to the woman, and this is the key to women's healing. It is important to note that services around violence against women require more than just keeping women in transition houses. Services require a more holistic, creative approach. One of the traditional principles that guides us is the recognition that healing is a systemic process. In other words, our healing is affected by, and limited to, the level of health exhibited by our families and close relations (Henderson, Peters, & Oates, 1994). The Circle of Harmony Healing Society operates an innovative mental health service that merges a traditional First Nations approach to healing with non-native mental health services to produce effective long term healing (Henderson, Peters, & Oates, 1994). The Circle of Harmony Healing Society operates a creative anti-violence program that works to promote long term healing of families rather than short term crisis intervention with individuals. This program recognizes that survivors of violence do not live in a vacuum, and that in order for true healing to occur, the whole family needs to be involved. First Nations culture recognizes and values the importance of more than just the individual and sees that families and communities need to be healthy in order for long term growth to occur. This fits in with creative cosmology (Turner, 1999) which requires a switch in paradigms, and within such a paradigm, change may occur in a creative Safety, Security, and Compassion 37 manner over a longer period than is evident in our time limited encounters with clients (Turner, 1999). Thus, preventing abuse requires more than individual treatment, it demands a holistic approach. Further dialogue around men's and family programs is beyond the scope of this thesis and the work of transition houses, but is important to note. Another example of creative practice is a study involving a state wide evaluation on 54 Illinois domestic violence agencies. The initial results found that clients who accessed transition houses and other domestic violence programs all had increased knowledge and felt supported (Bennett, Riger, Schewe, Howard, & Wasco, 2004). In addition, programs were found to have assisted with improved decision making through counseling and advocacy, self efficacy, goal setting, coping, a safety plan, the extent of the client viewing the personal as the political, and specifically at the shelter, feeling safe (Bennett et al., 2004). Interestingly, the authors were required to do an analysis of the domestic violence programs, which they did. Yet, creatively, they chose to delve deeper and discuss the implications of their findings, which pointed to the role of systems and government regarding change for women who experience violence. Rather than remaining focused on the programs' success or failure to meet the women's needs, the authors highlighted the bigger picture of social change and how in order for really substantive change to happen, large scale government and social commitment is required to issues such as child care, employment, transportation, affordable housing, and social justice (Bennett et al., 2004). This literature review has covered aspects of transition house services that women find both helpful and challenging, an American perspective on transition house service delivery, the particular challenges of providing transition housing and support in northern Safety, Security, and Compassion 38 contexts, service pressures to transition houses, and some examples of creative service delivery. In conclusion, this research indicates that women find transition houses vital for a number of reasons. Women need a safe place to stay, women need someone to listen to their stories, women need services for their children, and women need a place to explore their options. Women in transition houses are challenged by communal living, rules, and multiple client needs. Research on a northern context indicates a need to take into consideration geography, isolation, lack of specialization of services, severity of violence, climate, and additional service pressures from running a service in the north. Funding continually impacts the services that transition houses can offer. Finally, creative service delivery can make a significant difference in stretching transition house funding dollars, ensuring that clients feel welcomed, and developing programs that are holistic and empowering. Safety, Security, and Compassion 39 Chapter 3: Research Methodology and Design This chapter will outline the philosophical underpinnings of the research and will outline the research design. Methodology This research is based on a feminist perspective. The approach is qualitative, in order to provide an in depth understanding of the study participants (Peplau & Conrad, 1989). The intent of the study is to tell a story rather than to quantify an issue. Ontological beliefs guide my research. Theories of woman abuse, power, structural oppression, and gendered socialization that inform this study are drawn generally from a feminist, anti-oppressive perspective. Feminism can be defined as an ideology about women and gender relations, and a social political movement for social change (Peplau & Conrad, 1989). As an ideology, feminism emphasizes the goal of gender equality, and recognizes the traditional oppression of women and their historical exclusion from public lives (Peplau & Conrad, 1989). From a feminist perspective, root causes of violence include the impact of the hierarchal society on gendered behavior, socialization of males, structural oppression of women, and the systemic devaluation of women (Greenard-Smith, 2002). Moreover, from this perspective, male dominance coupled with male aggression, in a societal context, condones violence. This acceptance of male dominance and aggression permits and somewhat encourages violence against women to occur (Greenard-Smith, 2002). Given my feminist beliefs, women are not to blamed for violence; thus, they never want the abuse to occur, and they should never be blamed for staying in a relationship that is violent. There are additional risk factors that exacerbate or co-occur in violent relationships. These risk factors include young Safety, Security, and Compassion 40 adulthood, poverty, low educational achievements, being part of an ethno-cultural minority, substance use, and witnessing violence as a child (Greenard-Smith, 2002). Along with a feminist approach, I am incorporating a strengths-based approach. This means not only drawing on strengths, abilities and attributes to overcome or address issues and oppression, but also to recognize, affirm and cultivate strengths in order to create a new context within which change may occur (McLennan, 2004). I believe that much of social work draws from a problem focused paradigm, and often, people and systems can really benefit from knowing where their strengths lie. In my research, I affirm women as survivors of violence. As well, I affirm the dedicated and quality work that many transition houses provide. Often in transition houses, staff work with clients that come back for services because their issues are still present rather than have an opportunity to experience the rewards to their work. In sharing my research, transition house staff has an opportunity to have their energy, work, and dedication validated. In my research, I bring women's voices to the center of understanding (Williams, Banyard, & Aoudeh, 2005). Bringing voice means revealing women's lived experience through researching issues that relate to women's lives. In order to capture women's voices, methodologies and methods should provide a medium for direct documentation of women's experiences as they perceive them (Campbell & Salem, 1999). Research on services that abused women have found helpful has supported the need to incorporate women's views in determining the type and degree of services to be offered (Melbin, Sullivan, & Cain, 2003). I bring voice to my research by examining violence against women, an issue that specifically impacts women, and tell this story through the documentation and analysis of interviews with women who are directly impacted by this Safety, Security, and Compassion 41 issue. Women's voices are emphasized by quoting women to ensure that their voices remain the central focus of my analysis. I believe that telling a story about a survivor of violence's experience can be very powerful in bringing about understanding of the realities of women's experiences in transition houses. Personal reflexivity is a part of my methodology. Meanings made of the data are deeply connected to my own values and self interest (Crawford & Kimmel, 1999). As a woman working in the anti-violence field, I have a developed a passion and strong convictions about the injustices of gendered violence. It is unrealistic for me to think that I can separate my research entirely from these passions and beliefs. Thus, it is important for me to examine and identify how these values and beliefs affect my research. Specifically, I come to my research with some pre-established beliefs - that women have the right to safety, and that they require transition houses because of gendered violence and oppressive social policies. Also, I use personal reflexivity in examining the results of my research and comparing these to the personal interviews and identifying whether the analysis is inclusive of the personal stories that I have witnessed as part of this study. My research considers geographical and social contexts and how these impact violence against women. It considers social status, history, beliefs, and values (Riger, 1992). I believe that it is important to see the cultural context in which violence against women occurs. I see this as a need to be aware of small town beliefs, the history of gendered, political, and economic oppression in First Nations communities, geographical and climatic isolation, and how women in the north have unique challenges when facing violence in their relationships. Safety, Security, and Compassion 42 Social change orientation is an important aspect of my feminist methodology. Feminist researchers do not just collect data, they create knowledge, make social judgments about the applicability of that knowledge, and advocate for social change to benefit girls and women (Crawford & Kimmel, 1999). Thus, in my research, it is my intention to ensure a gendered lens is always present in my work, and to use this analysis to recommend changes that will positively impact women. For me, this means highlighting the root causes and prevalence of violence against women. Furthermore, it means that the outcomes of my research will somehow benefit and give voice to women. Specifically, this research will lead a more informed knowledge around service provision for women in transition houses in order that the thousands of women and children who access these services will experience a quality service that they deserve. My research comes from a feminist epistemology. Participants, not researchers, are considered the experts at making sense of their world (Riger, 1992). This belief is why I have chosen to use qualitative interviewing of women who have experienced violence. It is my belief that the women who experience the services provided by transition houses should be those primarily recommending changes to transition house service delivery rather than the women who are responsible for the service delivery. Ethical considerations must be seriously considered when examining vulnerable populations such as women who experience violence in their relationship. Furthermore, with the 'smallness' that exists with communities in the north, every detail must be considered in protecting women's identities. As such, any identifying information about the women that have been interviewed has been removed. In the place of real names, pseudonyms are used. I have communicated to the research participants that the Safety, Security, and Compassion 43 interviews and transcriptions are locked up in a private office, and that the woman can choose to have these interviews destroyed or returned to her. Furthermore, at any point in the interview, women had the option of recording over a piece of the interview if they were not comfortable with what they had said. Women were also given the option of removing themselves from the research process at any point in the process. Research Methods and Design Sample Selection The participant sample for this study was obtained from one social service agency in the north. Therefore, my sampling technique was strategic. Theoretical sampling, a type of strategic sampling, means selecting groups on the basis of their relevance to one's research questions. This means that I selected contexts and phenomenon that enabled me to make key comparisons and allowed me to research in order to understand what was complex, nuanced, situated, and contextual (Mason, 2002). I conducted my research with a non profit agency, located in northern BC, and interviewed clients who have previously accessed their transition house. The community has a population of under 10,000 and is an industry based/ government services community. The economy is described as booming, specifically as a result of the increases to the mining industry. The implications of the economy include challenges in finding affordable housing, homelessness, and seasonal industry impacts such as breakup, creating a high demand of service for the transition house. In addition, the community experiences a high turnover of professionals as many urban peoples move to the community in order to gain experience and climb the career ladder. Often, once Safety, Security, and Compassion 44 experience in the sector or promotions are obtained, professionals often move south to a more desirable climate. I recruited nine women who were willing to speak with me on my topic, eight of whom completed interviews. The one woman I was not able to interview showed up late and unfortunately, given time constraints, I was unable to re-schedule. In order to recruit participants, I e-mailed a poster to the agency that they then posted both at the Society office and at the transition house. In addition, society counsellors distributed my information to their clients. Clients signed up with the agency administrator for my research project. I provided information sheets outlining the objectives of my research. The advantage of recruitment through this strategy is that generally speaking, I connected with women who had enough distance from their transition house experiences to be able to reflect on what was most meaningful to them. From this sample, I restricted myself to northern, rural, BC residents. I am aware of this with regard to generalizability; the information that I obtained may be more reflective of one specific town's experiences rather than those of all northern communities. In addition, all the women that I interviewed lived in the centre of the community, within walking distance of the transition house, and had successfully accessed services, so I am not able to fully speak to all the challenges of accessing services in northern remote communities. Nonetheless, by limiting my interviews to one community, I was able to interview a number of women in order to provide a rich account of one transition house's services. Data Collection. My choice for my data collection was qualitative, semi-structured interviewing. This involves an interactional exchange of dialogue, with an informal style ensuring a Safety, Security, and Compassion 45 conversation with a purpose (Mason, 2002). As my area of interest involves knowledge that is situated and contextual, through the interview, it was my task to ensure that the relevant contexts were brought into focus so that situated knowledge would be produced (Mason, 2002). Therefore, as it was my interest to understand more about efficacy of transition houses in northern British Columbia, it was my job to bring the participants in my research to the context of transition houses and service delivery. I asked a few closed ended questions in order to obtain some basic demographical data. I included in my closed ended questions the participants' age range and ethnicity, as I believe this to be important in terms of the generalizability of my research. I also identified how long ago the women accessed the transition house, how many times they accessed it, and if they had children who stayed at the transition house with them. My interview questions were predominately open ended. Open-ended questions are advantageous when the researcher is interested in hearing the respondents' opinions in their own words (Palys, 1997). As a result of the large quantity of data that this can generate, I limited my sample size. I began my interview with some closed-ended questions that aimed at setting the research participants at ease and to generate rapport (See Appendix C). To begin with, I explained to the participants the purposes of my research. I specifically indicated that the research is to guide my practice of transition house operations and that I am keenly interested in the women who have accessed services providing me this expert information. After my introduction, and the previously stated closed ended questions, I asked the women to tell me a bit about why they needed to stay at the transition house. This was important information, as women access transition house services for a number of reasons including domestic violence, Safety, Security, and Compassion 46 homelessness, at risk, medical issues, addictions, youth services etc. The woman's reason for access may effect her perceptions on what services were helpful. I then asked the women my interview questions aimed at gathering information about each woman's perceptions of the ways in which the shelter staff, facilities, and other residents were helpful. I asked questions regarding the woman's perspective of what services were available to her and what she found to be most meaningful. This included specific questions regarding what was helpful for her at the transition house, if and how she got the information that she needed, if and how she got the support that she needed, her perceptions of safety, if and how she was made to feel comfortable, and so on. I also asked if there was one thing that she could change about the house, what would it be, if she was starting a transition house for women in similar circumstances, what would be the top three things that you would want so that women could take their next steps, and if she could say one thing that helped her take her next steps, what it would be. In conclusion, I asked a broad open ended question, 'Are there are any thoughts or feelings that she would like to share regarding her transition house experience'? This ended the interview in a manner which enabled the woman (the interviewee) to add ideas that were not specifically prompted during the interview. Face to face interviews allowed me to develop a rich in depth view of women's perspectives on accessing transition houses. Furthermore, face to face interviews provide a humanizing process to the research. They allowed me to develop rapport; yet, I needed to be aware of reactive bias, as interviews can be very attentive to cues that the interviewer emits (Palys, 1997). For example, coming to the research, I had the preconceived notion that accessing services in northern communities would be Safety, Security, and Compassion 47 challenging due to climate and geography. None of my interviews specifically spoke to this challenge. In addition, considering my involvement in the delivery of women's and transition houses services, I needed to be aware of my bias and how this might come across to the women that I interviewed. For example, I am aware that women can access transition houses for more than a month if needed. Yet, some women were under the perception that they could only stay for a specific time frame. In the interviews, I needed to remind myself that even though this is not what I know to be true, it was still that woman's reality. All interviews were taped. Two tape recorders were set at different places in the room for two purposes. First, having two locations of the tape recorder allowed me to have one recorder closer to myself and one closer to the woman. Secondly, if there were technological challenges with one of the tape recordings, either in the interview, or during the transcription process, I would have a back up copy. I believe that recording the interviews was a better choice than attempting to write down verbatim responses, as this could have been quite tedious, and may have really interrupted the flow of the interview. Taped interviews can be intimidating to the person being interviewed, but this can be minimized by starting the interview with some questions to set the interviewee at ease as well as ensuring that confidentiality issues have been addressed thoroughly. I wrote down key points or thoughts during the interview in order to retain the flow of the interview and to serve as back up in case there was any glitch in the technological process of taping. In light of time and energy costs, I paid for the transcriptions of the interviews. Safety, Security, and Compassion 48 Data Analysis I used thematic analysis to interpret my data. I believe this was a good choice, as I was not interested in the frequency of answers given, but in the themes that came forth from the data. After transcription, I coded each of the women's answer with a word to represent what she was saying. For example, if she was describing the physical nature of the abuse that she had experienced, I coded it 'severity of violence' or, if she was identifying how she liked to be able to call the house at any time of day, I coded it 'outreach'. I then grouped each of these codes into themes. For example, statements that were coded alarm system, police response, fence, and doorbell buzzers were grouped under the theme physical safety. Themes are identified as bringing together components or fragments of ideas or experiences, which often are meaningless when viewed alone (Aronson, 1994). Themes that emerge from participants stories are pieced together to form a comprehensive picture of their collective experience (Aronson, 1994). Then, each of the major themes was broken down into sub themes. For example, safety was broken down into physical and emotional safety. I broke themes into sub themes in order to thoroughly explore all the aspects of safety that were important to the women. In terms of dependability of my data, I have been explicit in my data documentation and I have used quotes within my text to support the study findings. I cross referenced each theme and ensured that there was a minimum of two quotes to support each sub theme. To ensure the credibility and accuracy of my analysis, I provided interested participants a copy of my themes and asked them for feedback as to whether these captured the essence of what they had discussed with me. I also ensured validity by referring back to the literature in order to interweave it with my findings (Aronson, Safety, Security, and Compassion 49 1994). Furthermore, I enhanced the reliability of my analysis by being reflexive. In my analysis, I thought about my own experience in relation to transition house service delivery and I thought about my interaction with my research participants. Thus, in being reflexive, I considered whether my thematic analysis fit with my own understanding of efficacy in transition house service delivery and with my own understanding of the research interviews that I have conducted. Safety, Security, and Compassion 50 Chapter 4: Research Findings The following chapter outlines the results of eight qualitative interviews conducted for the purpose of identifying quality service provision in northern British Columbia transition houses. Questions were asked in order to gain knowledge and understanding of what services in a transition house women and children found helpful. Introduction Nine interviews were scheduled. Eight interviews took place with one woman showing up late. Due to my own time constraints, I was not able to re-schedule this interview. This interviewee was given the option of contacting me directly to provide feedback, which she chose not to do. All interviews took place in the community were the women currently reside, and had accessed services. Demographics Of the eight women interviewed, three identified as aboriginal. One woman identified as an immigrant woman. The age range of the women interviewed were from a 23 year old, who had accessed services both a child and as a minor youth (under 19), to a senior woman who experienced elder abuse. All women, except for the one youth, had children, and had at times accessed the transition house with their children. Reasons for not accessing with their children included children being in care of a relative, children being over 19, and/ or having a male child over the age of 14. The ages of the children of the interviewed women ranged at time of access from infancy to eighteen. Each woman accessed the house for a variety of reasons, and the same woman may have accessed for different reasons on different occasions. For example, one woman may have accessed due to being new in the community and then may have accessed due Safety, Security, and Compassion 51 to violence in her relationship. Every woman had accessed the house more than once. Most women could not identify the specific number of times that they accessed services; on the other hand, some women were able to state the specific dates that they stayed at the house. Six women accessed for reasons of abuse, one for elder abuse, one under a Ministry for Children and Family Development (MCFD) contract, one for medical issues, one for assault, one for relocation to the community, and one accessed as a child when her mother sought support. Women accessed the transition house in a variety of ways. Most women used more than one method of access. For example, one woman had the RCMP accompany her to the transition house and on other occasions, she had walked to the house. All women did not identify physical challenges in getting to the house except for one woman who overdosed while walking. All women identified as being in physical proximity to the house such that if they needed to access the house, they would be able to walk to it. The following chart outlines all methods for accessing the transition house: Table 1: Accessing Transition House Means of Accessing House RCMP Walked to house Friend or family member accompanied Unknown Number of Women 4 5 2 1 All women experienced some form if not multiple forms of marginalization. All women experienced challenges as a result of their gender, race, socio-economic status, and/ or age. All women have suffered unnecessarily because of violence in their relationships. Safety, Security, and Compassion 52 Findings "TLC, for me it always feels like they have my heart in the palm of their hands and they treat it with respect, that's what I have experienced myself (Marilyn, personal conversation, March 2008). All women who were interviewed stated that their stay at the transition house was helpful. All women overwhelmingly stated that they needed the transition house for their personal physical safety, and that they appreciated the warmth, care, and support they received at the house. Women were keen to tell their stories in order to identify how the transition house had made a difference to them, as well to provide suggestions for how service delivery could be even better. All the women were affected by violence in a relationship at some point in their lives, and have experienced significant forms of social and economic marginalization. All of the women showed courage in the face of adversity. For the most part, the women that I interviewed took the information and support that was provided to them, and made significant changes in their lives. This partnership between the women and the transition house services speaks to the immense strength of both. From the data collected in the eight interviews, five main themes were identified: safety, support, creative service delivery, internal challenges, and external influences. Each of these themes is divided into the following sub themes: Safety, Security, and Compassion 53 Table 2: Study Themes Safety Support Creative Service Delivery Challenges External Influences Physical Safety Staff Groups Drug& Alcohol Use Partner's addiction Emotional Safety Residents Structured interventions Length of Stay Housing Comfort Activities Mandates Racism Children's programs Privacy Funding External support Communal living Access of other systems Outreach Safety Safety was the most often mentioned necessary service that the transition house provided. Safety came from being both physically and emotionally safe. Physical safety. Physical safety from a partner or family member was mentioned in seven out of the eight interviews. Sarah described, Yeah, I up and left the man after 11 years of abuse, just about twelve, four cracked ribs, he used steel toed work boots on me, all over my body, I had bruises the size of the top and bottom of cans of pop, the round part, all over my head and all over by body. Eventually, I had to go to Vancouver because I needed a CAT scan because I was pregnant and they found trauma to much of my head and seventh cranial nerve muscle. My left ear is very low on hearing. I can barely hear, so that's way I turn my head when I listen to somebody and my memory is not as good as it used to be (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). Wendy also needed physical safety. "I had bruising and my lip was punched, I went there and I stayed at the transition house as I didn't want to be around him" Safety, Security, and Compassion 54 (Wendy, personal conversation, March 2008). Julia required physical safety from her daughter and her family: It was my daughter. I came to be with my grandkids and she started being really mean to me...she would hide food on me, she would put it in her bedroom and she would lock the door...my brother sent everybody a present and she gave me $50 from him...I called my brother up and I thanked him for the $50 and my brother said, 'You didn't get $50, you got $100'(Julia, personal conversation, March 2008) Trista did not speak to current violence in a relationship and thus shelter for physical safety, but accessed the transition house as a child of a mother experiencing violence in a relationship. I have stayed at the house, like I don't know how many times, but if I had a guess, I'd have to say over 20 times...my mom brought me there when I was 4 years old and now I'm just about 23 (Trista, personal conversation, March 2008). Women identified many aspects of the transition house that helped them feel physically safe. Security cameras, doorbell buzzers, visitors being let in by a worker, and doors being locked all provide physical safety. Staff answered the phone if someone was harassing a resident, and they screened calls. There is also a fence surrounding the house. Women also felt physically safe because the transition house was able to directly call the RCMP. Describing her (former) partner, Tania stated, "he would follow me to the residence, stalking...parked in the (transition house) parking lot...[the] cops came and told him he wasn't supposed to be around the area...the staff called the RCMP" (Tania, personal conversation, March 2008). Emotional safety. Having a place to go where a partner can't access a woman provides emotional safety. Women identified that they needed a place to go "where you can go where he Safety, Security, and Compassion 55 can't bother you" (Tania, personal conversation, March 2008). Anna also identified with the need for a quiet place to think and consider her options. What I like is [the transition house was] very not stressful. You are out of stress, and very quiet. What you need in the house is quiet time and yes...you have time to relax...it made me so upset that I couldn't sleep so I went to the transition house. I had a short nap and oh my gosh, believe me it was only for half an hour and it then I had the chance to have a coffee and feel better (Anna, personal conversation, March 2008). Women need a place to rest, think and also consider their next steps. Evelyn states that the transition house has been helpful to her as she has been able to "go there and to know that I am safe, just to be able to sit there and think, by yourself and just clear your head (Evelyn, personal conversation, March 2008). For women, being able to be by themselves and have time to think is conducive to seeing things more clearly, and therefore, be more able to make plans about their next steps. Support The transition house provided women with much needed support. Women felt supported through their interactions with transition house staff, meeting other residents of the transition house, feeling comfortable, children's programs, and outreach services. Staff. Women appreciated having someone to talk to who understood their situation. "It's good to have people who know what you're talking about...they were staff, people that can really relate to you and can help get you through your crap" (Wendy, personal conversation, March 2008). Anna also spoke of feeling supported. "You have someone to listen to you and the fact that they are dealing with many women that are coming from the same situation as mine, they have more knowledge, they know the right thing to say, they know the right direction to send you" (Anna, personal conversation, March 2008). Safety, Security, and Compassion 56 Someone to talk to also means hearing someone calling you on your 'stuff in a supportive and effective way. Sarah speaks to a turning point that she had when a transition house worker respectfully suggested that she if she chose to continue her relationship with her abusive partner, she might not live to see her daughter grow up. But something the transition house really told me was like a real eye opener, a real slap in the face, made me stay away for good, and I'm glad she told me that because I would have gone back...I couldn't sleep (in the transition house).It was one or two in the morning and I went downstairs to get something to drink...we sat there and we were talking, talking about my situation, and my story put her into tears and she said, 'You want to watch your daughter walk down the aisle right?' And I said, 'Of course I do' and then she said, 'There's two aisles, one aisle that you can watch her walk down in her wedding dress, but there's going to be another aisle where she's walking behind your casket'...I never went back after that conversation. I have so much to live for, that was my real eye opener...the one that talked to me, she was always so kind...the ones that (made a difference) were actually sitting beside you, treating you kind (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). Predominantly, women talked about how supported they felt by staff, although occasionally, women stated that they did not feel genuinely heard. Trista shared, "There are a few staff members there that seem like they don't really care. ..most of the time you can tell as the people ignore you. Like there is one person there that does nothing but watch TV" (Trista, personal conversation, March 2008). Sarah had a similar observation: "They couldn't be bothered by you, they talk to you in a way of 'hey I have to ask', I have to talk to you, it's my job. They just ride your case for no stupid reason at all. You're already hurting so you don't need their nonchalant look (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). Women also felt supported when they got the information they needed. Marilyn said it was helpful when "they directed me to a counselor here about domestic abuse...so that was good for myself, that was all I needed (Marilyn, personal conversation, March 2008). Information that was given was also practical. Julia found it helpful when, "they Safety, Security, and Compassion 57 helped mefinda place...They helped me get a bed and stuff. I got a mattress and my income taxes are coming soon so I can get a box spring for it instead of lying it on the floor" (Julia, personal conversation, March 2008). Residents. Residents of the transition house were also a source of support for the women. For some women, meeting others in similar situations was something they felt they needed. Marilyn said, "A lot of times, the women up there are pretty much supportive towards other women, so that was good. For myself, that was what I needed (Marilyn, personal conversation, March 2008). Also, women were able to break their isolation and make new friendships at the transition house. Julia commented, "There was another lady there I liked and she was really nice. I think she was going to Prince George, she gave me her number, she was really nice" (Julia, personal conversation, March 2008). Comfort. The women felt comfortable at the transition house. Feeling comfortable came from feeling welcomed to the house. Wendy commented, "Oh yeah, I felt comfortable, they make you feel warm and welcome, you're still scared, not in your own environment, but it felt comfortable." (Wendy, personal conversation, March 2008). Women appreciated having a tour of the house, being able to have friends visit, watching what you wanted on TV and being able to select the food they wanted, when they wanted it. "They made me feel comfortable, they showed me around the house, they introduced me to the other ladies in the house, the ones who were there and the other workers, they took me in the kitchen, said I can get food whenever I want, get something to eat or snacks, someone always asking me if I want anything or need to talk" (Julia, personal Safety, Security, and Compassion 58 conversation, March 2008). The variety of food available and the freedom to eat when they wanted assisted women in feeling comfortable. Like from my household to theirs, like we're living on bread and water, cereal and water, because that was how we lived. Up there, man you had all the food groups, it was like Christmas...I went there and saw the freezers and stuff, opened them up and my mouth dropped, and was like oh my god, they got real food here. It's not fricken Ichiban and bologna and stuff like that, it's real food, so it was wonderful, it was really awesome...That's why here at the transition house, I was blown away. My kids and I mouth dropped open, we never knew it could be like that. I was surprised how beautiful it was up there, it was like so comfortable (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). Children's programs. The children's programs were identified by the women as another source of support. Women liked the house facilities, including a playroom, playground, and toys for the children. Women really appreciated having a child care worker either to give them respite from their children, and/ or to allow them to go to appointments without their children. "You have the staff looking after kids when you have to do your stuff...you can go to court, or have a meeting with lawyers, you can have personal time for little stuff (Anna, personal conversation, March 2008). Other women commented that they wished they had more respite from their children. What appear to be conflicting comments may be a result of childcare being available only during certain times of the day. In addition to respite, women welcomed assistance with supportive parenting. Marilyn commented, "There was a childcare worker that my kids liked to play with. A lot of time, they would sit and would help me deal with the children in a way that I was not venting on the kids" (Marilyn, personal conversation, March 2008). Safety, Security, and Compassion 59 Outreach. Women liked that services (Outreach) did not stop when they were not staying at the transition house. Women identified that it was helpful to be able to call the house and get the information that they needed. I called the house and cried in desperation for somebody who would listen to me while I felt guilty. You knew they were always there. I started going to meetings and they had the days and times and numbers and contacts that I needed. So, I called them for the resource which is really good they had that" (Wendy, personal conversation, March 2008). Women also noted that being able to stay connected with the house was beneficial. Marilyn stated, "The one thing I like about it is that I can just go there and have coffee with the women, which is a really good feeling. This day and age, it is not like that no more" (Marilyn, personal conversation, March 2008). Creative Service Delivery and Programs The women interviewed had some fabulous affirmations and recommendations for creative service delivery. These suggestions for service delivery included groups, structured one on one interventions, activities for women and children, and privacy. It should be noted that some of these services are offered, although many are not, most often due to funding limitations. Groups. All women interviewed recommended having a group format available to them in the transition house. "I would like different talks, sessions should be once or twice a week. Just pick a topic that they want to know about, give resources and where they can find it" (Anna, personal conversations, March 2008). Marilyn suggested, "I would like group time, probably an everyday kind of thing with different women that could come in and talk. We would talk about what we go through and the relationship and why we Safety, Security, and Compassion 60 needed to go to the house and anything that we could do different" (Marilyn, personal conversation, March 2008). Some women identified that the amount of information that they received one on one was overwhelming, and thus would appreciate information in a different format that would help them to make better sense of it. There is a lot of information, maybe you need to have more groups...if people want to sign up and take part because there's so much information there that you're kind of bombarded and scared at the same time...(groups about) safety plan, NA or AA, because people are so scared (Wendy, personal conversation, March 2008). Women suggested groups as a means of support and/or learning. "Programs, teaching something, maybe even upgrading. That'd be really good for people so they won't be the same person when they go back out there again unprepared (Julia, personal conversation, March 2008). Structured one on one interventions. The women also suggested structured, one-on-one interventions. Meeting one-onone was suggested as a means of transition house staff assisting women with identifying goals. Maybe when someone stays at the house, have one meeting a week or a day to see where they're at, what's their plan, or make a plan, where do they want to go, where they see themselves, what are you going to do about it, you know just to help them. Figure out what their goals are in life or what they're going to do, because there's only a limited amount of time to stay there at these places (Wendy, personal conversation, March 2008). Anna also stated that personal interventions would be helpful. Having somebody who will work with (you) because when you have experience, you see that we are all mixed up, and really mixed up, and we need someone who is proficient at this and sit down with you and make a plan (Anna, personal conversation, March 2008). For Jane, talking and planning would be optional. "[Transition house staff] need to care, and [women need] to know that they're going to safe there and would have no Safety, Security, and Compassion 61 worries...they could talk if they wanted to, and if they didn't want to, then to let them be" (Jane, personal conversation, March 2008). Activities. Many women want to have activities for themselves and their children to do. Sarah suggests: A communications worker to go out there and find some stuff for the parents and the children to do in the community, because, you're just twiddling your thumbs up there and there's nothing to do, and you feel so bottled up...there is somebody that's got to go out there and do something so the moms keep busy...they've got something to look forward to. I know they are thinking about their future, but they also need a break, a mind break. Something to clear their minds, so they can enjoy their time with their children (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). Marilyn re-iterated this suggestion. "I would have an outing with the women and children. And it wouldn't be an in town outing either. I would just take them out" (Marilyn, personal conversation, March 2008). Privacy. Women suggested that privacy was also important to their healing. Sarah suggested: A private room to talk. There are so many times I wanted to talk, but the door's wide open, because you (staff) have to keep an eye on the whole building. There's no way you can speak or say anything about your situation, interruptions, because the doors are wide open...there is no way to vent your anger, there's no where to speak without interruption (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). Trista also suggested that privacy is important to her. Trista reflected what it was like as a child accessing the transition house: "Like I saw everyone crying all the time, and that was really hard" (Trista, personal correspondence, March 2008). As an adult, Trista states that privacy is important in terms of not having to share a room with another woman. Safety, Security, and Compassion 62 I think I had to share a room with my mom once or twice, they actually asked me if I wanted to share a room because all the rooms were filled, but I refused. I would much rather leave. Just the idea of sharing with a complete stranger is not really considered an idea in my mind (Trista, personal conversation, March 2008). Internal Challenges. In addition to the excellent service that the woman spoke about, they also identified certain challenges as a result of staying at the transition house. These challenges included either their own drug and alcohol use or that of other residents, limitations to the length of stay available at the transition house, the broad mandate of the transition house, limitations to funding, and communal living. Drug and alcohol use. Women's drug and alcohol use presents two different challenges at the transition house. Some women are entrenched in their drug and alcohol use as a means of coping when they access the transition house. For these women, the challenge is to find ways of coping while not using, and/or using so that they don't break the rules of the transition house. Wendy explained her experience with drug and alcohol use while accessing the house: I'd go out and use. I wouldn't use at all in the house site, respect, right? I wouldn't go out for the night. If I was out, I'd use, then come down and come back to the house. I followed the rules, because, you know, I had nowhere else to go...it's hard to say no drugs and alcohol, because everybody's got something. Everybody's got a monkey on their back. They're lost. You say you're scared, hopeless or in fear. I'm not saying everybody's got a problem. Some women are just in an abusive situation, but it's hard because you can't shoo those people. Where are they going to go? (Wendy, personal conversation, March 2008). Trista described her experience of drug and alcohol use, and being asked to leave the transition house. "There were a few incidents where I actually did some pretty stupid things [drug use]...I actually did tell them, and they told me to get out of the house and they said that they couldn't really help me if I'm going to be doing stuff like that." Safety, Security, and Compassion 63 (Trista, personal conversation, March 2008). Trista also spoke about challenges in physically getting to the house because of her drug use. "Believe it or not, drug overdose stopped me from getting to the house. I was walking...I was so doped up, I woke up two days later and couldn't walk" (Trista, personal conversation, March 2008). For some women, other women trying to use drugs and alcohol at the house made them uncomfortable. Sarah described her interactions with a fellow resident: I've got my own problems, like I'm going to put her problems on my shoulders, she made her own bed, now she has to live in it. Most of the time, she always talked about alcohol so that's why I didn't have empathy, cause she was busy partying like it was her own place. I'm like you could have your own place if you didn't spend all that booze in the bar. (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). Wendy, who identified as being a drug and alcohol user, also shared concerns about women using in transition houses. In a different shelter...everyone there was methed up. The come and go and they leave for the night. If they were gone, they were kicked out. There were two (women) who were Hep C/ HIV. They [transition house staff] felt sorry for the girls so they kept bringing them back and just ruined everyone else's stay there. (Wendy, personal conversation, March 2008). These sentiments speak to the challenge of setting up policy and procedures in transition house that recognize the relationship between drug and alcohol use and violence in relationships versus having a house that has very clear boundaries around drug and alcohol use and thus, is an easy way to ensure the safety of women and children. Length of stay. Off reserve transition houses are typically funded by the Ministry of Community Services. Contract language speaks to the average stay typically not exceeding a 30 day period (BC and Yukon Society of Transition Houses, 2007). Each transition house develops its own language around length of stay, but, typically, women are restricted to a 30 day maximum with the potential for an extension under certain circumstances. Many Safety, Security, and Compassion 64 women spoke to the challenges of this 30 day limit. Tania stated, "If you ever feel that you have a certain period of time at the home and it's kind of frustrating to try andfinda place, when your time is up. There's not enough places for rent in the area" (Tania, personal conversation, March 2008). Some women, such as Anna, were able to receive an extension, and found this beneficial to taking their next steps. "We didn't have a place, so we had an extension of one month. (During this time), it helped you to save money for a deposit and to start and get lots of stuff like blankets and pillows" (Anna, personal conversation, March 2008). Even though many transition houses try to be as flexible as they can with this 30 day policy, the women have a clear perception that their time at the house is limited. As Wendy stated, "Well, you can't stay at these places forever, somebody's going to need help way worse than where you're at now, you have to be able to stand on your own two feet" (Wendy, personal conversation, March 2008). Transition house mandate. Each transition house defines its own mandate and its own parameters around who they will provide service to. Traditionally, transition houses were mandated or created to provide safe shelter to women who needed a safe place to stay because of violence in their relationships. Currently, many transition houses have become more broad in their mandates, and work with women who experience more issues than just violence. For example, some transition houses will work with women who have medical issues, women who are transient and/or homeless, and women who have mental health and or drug and alcohol misuse issues. Often, transition houses are more inclusive in the clients that they will accept when they are the only transition house in their community. This is often the case in the north. Having women who are accessing services for Safety, Security, and Compassion 65 differing reasons can present challenges in the transition house. Julia stated, "It was just that there were so many people there with so many different problems and we needed the cameras there. I understand that because she [a fellow resident] had a drug problem she needed to be watched" (Julia, personal conversation, March 2008). Wendy believed that there should be specialized services, or transition houses with differing mandates. I would have a house that just takes people because they're high and can't go back to their house...maybe I could split it where its just overnight, just have no where to go, this is your section, no using. But, if you're really serious about this and you want, then you're welcome...when you're desperate and down and out, there are place to go and others when women want to get on with their life (Wendy, personal correspondence, March 2008). Funding limitations. Funding invariably effects what kind of service delivery can be offered. Not all the women spoke to the challenges of the transition house in providing services given funding limitations; yet it is interesting to note that women even recognized this obstacle. Wendy commented, "I remember they got videos for us one night, they had an account of something. There were things that they had, but you don't want to be dishing things out, because it all costs...the government only gives so much funding" (Wendy, personal conversation, March 2008). Communal living. Living together in an environment where people are required to share facilities can create additional hardship for anyone, especially, when those that are sharing are all experiencing a high level of stress in their lives. Territorialism, or who dominates the transition house can often be an issue. Sarah described her experience with this: Mainly it was because people that stayed there, they had no place to live, really made it their home which was not their home, it was a home for everybody, and these people really guarded the transition house like it was theirs. They looked down on me. (Sarah, personal correspondence, March 2008). Safety, Security, and Compassion 66 Trista also commented that it was hard sharing living space with women who were experiencing trauma. Trista said, "Like I saw crying all the time and that was really hard" (Trista, personal conversation, March 2008). External Influences There are many factors outside of the transition house services that affected the women's ability to take their next steps. The most often mentioned factors were drug and alcohol use of a partner, safe and affordable housing, racism, lack of external support, and lack of access to other support services. Drug and alcohol use of partner. Women spoke to the connection between their partner's drug and alcohol use and the severity of the physical violence they experienced. Sarah described a particularly brutal episode: One session when he was really drunk, it was really severe. He went into this snap, his eyes just like snapped and he beat me in the head with a steel baseball bat. He just wound up and swung full force, that's what he did with my head. I'm surprised that I'm still standing here. (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). Sarah continued to describe other occasions when her partner physically assaulted her when drunk: He come home drunk one time with a full case of Canadian beer cans, grabbed me by the back of the neck and back of the pants and threw me straight forward through the wall which was five steps down. I hit that one, he grabbed me again and fell the next six steps towards the basement. He went all the way down the stairs, climbed on my back started lifting up the full case of cans and started smashing the back of my head and blood was flying everywhere while I was knocked out (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). Sarah continued that the violence might be sparked by her partner trying to get money so that he could go and get high. He kept stealing and I would notice little things around the house, like videos and stuff gone missing. The boiling point was when he was walking out with my Safety, Security, and Compassion 67 stereo. I had paid three hundred and something for it from Wal Mart, and I said, 'Where the hell are you going with that'? He's walking out the door so he can go pawn it off at the pawnshop so he can get his girlfriends stoned and I said, 'You're not taking that out'. I tried to take it out of his hands, but we're back and forth. Next thing you know, he put the stereo down and turned to me and slammed me to the ground, he wrapped his hands around my neck and was squeezing me and his eyes were just bugged right out of his head to the point that they were going to pop out. He was just shaking me and shaking me, just going up and down. My poor girl, I could hear her in the background just going, 'Stop it, stop it' and that's when I started to get this dark grey fog all around...I thought about my two year old in the background screaming 'Stop it' and I didn't know what to do...I took my back leg and kicked upwards just trying to get him off. He finally stopped. I took my two year old and ran down the highway. She had no coat on, no shoes on. I had no coat on, no shoes on, and all I know is that we were running down the fricken highway. And that was the beginning of my freedom (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). Wendy also spoke of the physical violence and addictions that co-existed in her relationship. "We had drug addictions to, so there was a lot of anger, alcoholism, we just kick the crap out of each other. Called the cops, he took off. He should have been in the hospital with concussions cause we just beat the hell out of each other all the time...I had bruising and my lip was punched" (Wendy, personal conversation, March 2008). Safe, affordable housing. Women spoke to the challenges of moving on from the transition house, and/or from their relationship, as it was difficult to find safe, decent, affordable housing. Tania described, "It's kind of frustrating to find a place...there's not enough places to rent in the area" (Tania, personal conversation, March 2008). The sub standard conditions of the housing that some women are living in were described by Sarah: I'm stuck in a frickin moldy house, It's $550 a month. Me and my daughter and my son, we keep getting bronchitis and pneumonia. I talked to the landlord about it and he just gives me bleach and some acids, saying here you go and I can't get out of there because my income is only about $400 per month. After I pay my bills and pay my rent, pay my daycare, get the grub, get the clothing, I have to sleep in a moldy house and the mold goes up to the ceiling, climbs all around the walls (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). Safety, Security, and Compassion 68 Sarah said that it was difficult for her to get housing because of her poor credit rating due to her partner's actions. When my son was bora, we stayed with his dad, he held a shot gun to my head, and my family heard about it and they packed me back up...he still had a key to get in, and at that time, I figured, you probably need to have an income, because we were near the poverty line. He wanted to claim social services, I was claiming social services, and then he moved in with me and he was still claiming social services, and he was not allowed to work or anything and I took him in because I thought we were in love...after my family packed me up, I got a letter in the mail saying he had smashed the house, he kicked out the toilet bowl, put holes in the wall, holes in the sink, there was $7000 worth of damage and I was like I didn't do that but it was my fault because he was with me (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). One woman had a more positive experience and was able to get housing quickly. Anna stated, "I was only really lucky. I applied at the BC Housing and probably one month later, she called me" (Anna, personal conversation, March 2008). Racism. Although, racism was only mentioned by one woman, one might consider that it impacted more than just the one woman who spoke to it. Marilyn expressed that it was hard to move forward when she felt judged. Marilyn talked about it being hard to get a job. "Since I've started working at [my new job], I've come across a lot of people that care. Whereas before, there were racist people...a lot of them happen to run a business so it's hard to get a job...They're selective of who they hire...in today's world, it's not what you know, it's who you know" (Marilyn, personal conversation, March 2008). External support. Family and other social service agencies had both positive and negative impacts on the women. Marilyn talked about her relationship with her grandfather being a source of inspiration. "I was going to quit a long time ago and the one thing that kept me going Safety, Security, and Compassion 69 was that I was raised by my grandfather more than my grandmother and I tried to make him proud of me" (Marilyn, personal conversation, March 2008). For Wendy, her family, specifically her father, was a negative force in her life: I grew up in a drug addicted family. Like my dad was an addict and he still is. My mom lived with him for 26 years and I became a product of my environment. Like my mom never drank or did drugs, but my dad was physically there. He worked at the mill for 30 years and lost it all three years ago. Put him in treatment and everything and he screwed it up. He tried to get me to boot up when I'm at home and I'm like Dad, 'I can't, I don't want to hear about whatever you're in' (Wendy, personal conversation, March 2008). Julia, she was at the transition house because of the financial and emotional abuse of daughter. "My daughter swiped some of my jewelry that was mine and when I confronted her with it and she got really mad...It was my mom's watch and that was priceless to me" (Julia, personal conversation March 2008). Yet, her other two children were supportive of her, and assisted her with taking steps to become independent. For example, as previously quoted, Julia's son sent Julia some money and Julia's other daughter assisted Julia with getting her own place and furnishing it. Sarah speaks positively about the assistance she got from a social service agency. "The Friendship Center helped me every step of the way... she [the support worker] told me what to go and I would go to the courthouse and she told me what papers to fill out" (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). It is interesting to note that women mentioned that they appreciated meeting other women who were in the same situation as them at the transition house and as well, that they felt comfortable in the house because their friends could visit; yet, friends were never mentioned in any of the interviews as either supportive or detrimental. Safety, Security, and Compassion 70 Access to other systems. Women spoke about their interactions with systems including mental health, RCMP, and legal. These experiences were both positive and negative. Trista, for example, described her negative experiences with the mental health system. Mental health was much better in the past. In the past year, their services have really went downhill. I remember a couple of years back that they were always there, they called you back as soon as like within a couple of hours after you called them. Usually, when you finish your appointment, they would make another appointment with you a week later, or sometimes sooner, you could just drop by and they'd be available. But nowadays, I've been trying to get a hold of my worker for the past two months and she still hasn't called my back and whenever I have a session with her, the next session is usually two months away. You can drop in but there'd be no one available and just the service there is terrible. (Trista, personal conversation March 2008). Anna spoke to the challenges that she had accessing the legal system. Yes, and like you can call (Law Line) and get answers. Last time, I called, I waited for eight hours and never had nobody on the other line...I applied last time for legal aid in October, November, December, I didn't hear from them. And I saw when I was reading the Vancouver Sun, that legal aid is not a civil right in Canada, which to me seems like it should be a right. (Anna, personal conversation, March 2008). Sarah also spoke to her difficulties in getting legal representation. "I had to go to the courthouse on my own. I lost that one the first time because I didn't get help. You know, Legal Aid, I wasn't getting any help with it either" (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). The women's involvement with the police appeared to be helpful. Four of the eight women at some point, were brought to the house by the RCMP. Sarah recounts a violent incident with her partner. He would throw me out in the winter. It was minus 38 and I had no socks, no shoes, like I was in my PJ's, he would rip me out of bed and throw me out the door, and about half an hour, I'd be out there sitting on the car cause my feet were frozen and eventually I started banging on the door so somebody finally opened up. The cops came, just before they came, he had grabbed me brought me inside, Safety, Security, and Compassion 71 put me into a dark house, there were no lights and I couldn't see, grabbed me by the shoulders and the scruff of the neck, threw me behind the door, and I couldn't hear him scrambling to get back and they were calling and he put his hands over my mouth. By then, I could see in the dark and the cops were calling and I screamed out that I'm in here...that's when they finally got in...They got him out of the house, definitely, they were very civil, very understandable... I am so well known to the cops that they fear for me. Like he threw a baby bottle at my daughter's head when she was seven months old cause she wouldn't stop crying (Sarah, personal conversation March 2008). Summary Through analysis of eight personal interviews with women who had accessed the services of a transition house in northern BC, five major themes emerged. These themes were safety, support, creative service delivery, internal challenges, and external influences. In summary, the women were impacted very positively by the services they received at the transition house. The women presented some creative suggestions for improving these services; although, many of these suggestions would require greater financial support in order to be implemented. Furthermore, it must be noted that there were systems and people, beyond the control of the transition house that also both negatively and positively impacted the women's situations. All of the women that I interviewed were survivors of violence. They are strong women who benefited from the care and support that they received at the transition house. It is tragic that in this day and age, these stories of violence are so common. In the meantime, it is vital that transition houses support these women and children, to the best of their ability, and for government to afford the financial resources in order to provide the resources that these women and children deserve. Safety, Security, and Compassion 72 Chapter 5: Summary and Recommendations There's a log outside the bedroom window, there's chairs outside my bathroom window, there's a stone in front of my front window. I've called the cops numerous times, somebody's phoning my house and I know it's him, saying gross things like, 'Sarah, I want you. Sarah, I'm thinking about you, cum all over your face' and stuff like that. Sick. And I press *57 on Telus and it's private, so I can't catch him. I fear for my own safety, other people that are in the community, they still fear for me, and the cops are always looking out for me (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). Fifty percent of Canadian women have experienced at least one incident of violence since the age of 16 (Ministry of Community Services, 2008). These women, such as Sarah, need transition houses to be there when they need to flee an abuser. Between April 1, 2003 and March 31,2004, 95,326 women and children accessed 473 transition houses across Canada. The women and children who access these houses deserve a place to go to that is safe, supportive, and provides quality programming. Moreover, transition houses require adequate funding to provide this quality service. From the literature reviewed on service provision in transition houses and the data collected from the women interviewed, the following three main recommendations have been identified: an understanding of northern context, a need for specialized services, and adequate funding for transition houses. An Understanding of a Northern Context Funders and policy makers need to recognize the nuances of living in a northern context. Although, not one of the women specifically named living in the north as something that hindered them, all women identified challenges that can be connected with northern living. Services, such as mental health and addiction, and legal support are hard for women to obtain in the north. Services are hard to access because the safety net of Safety, Security, and Compassion 73 programs has been seriously eroded (Murrow et al., 2004; Tutty, 2006). In addition, for the services that do exist it is hard to recruit qualified staff. As Schmidt (2000) describes the problem, Social work in northern environments is characterized by high staff turnover and a poor fit between urban educated social workers and northern communities and clients (Schmidt, 2000). The women in this research identified that it was challenging to get appointments for needed services, and/or found that services, such as legal aid, were unavailable and or inaccessible. Women in the north should not be penalized for where they live. Thus, adequate staff training, supports, and incentives need to be in place so that qualified professionals will choose to reside in the north. Safe, affordable housing needs to be available to northern women. Further, the process of obtaining subsidized housing needs to take into account other unique circumstances as to why women survivors of violence may have outstanding debts. Thus, more units of subsidized housing need to be available to women who are trying to move on from their relationship. "For low income women, the search for new housing is increasingly difficult because few low income housing units are available.. .and these have waiting lists of more than two years" (Baker, Cook, & Norris, 2003). Furthermore, a woman's ability to support herself in a small resource based community is greatly affected by marital breakdown and while men's income increases slightly, women's household income after divorce drops over 40% and the poverty rate increases almost threefold (Seychuck, 2004). Women need not only more safe, healthy, secure, and affordable housing options, but also transitional housing that comes with built in support such as counselling, groups, child care, security and so on. Transitional housing programs Safety, Security, and Compassion 74 help women by having supportive people around them and giving them time and assistance necessary to rebuild their lives (Melbin, Sullivan, & Cain, 2003). Living in the north can lead to increased levels of poverty in rural, northern communities. This poverty, in combination with stress, boredom, and alcohol and drug use, may contribute to the overall stress levels of families, creating conditions that promote increased levels of violence (Grama, 2000). In addition, there is a greater severity and rate of violence in the north, particularly in the aboriginal population (Grama, 2000; Shepherd 2001). Therefore, culturally competent, holistic, drug and alcohol programs must be available, as well as, more leisure opportunities that offer healthy options to northerners. Racism is ever present in the north. Non-white women in the north need more employment options so that they are not destined for a life of poverty. Equal opportunity programs in the north should be developed that promote employers hiring diverse women. Aboriginal employees should also have access to labor relations support. For example, upon hiring an aboriginal woman, a program could pay a certain portion of training initiatives, or a woman could have a contact at labor relations for support and/or advocacy if she is having concerns with her employer. Knowing the location of the transition house is a real concern for women living in the transition house. I seen him walking up and down the street here [the transition house]. My tires were slashed, and my plug in to the van was unplugged and cut. People had told me that he had paid them $20 to $30 to come up there (the transition house) and relay a message or say something threatening (Sarah, personal conversation, March 2008). Transition houses in northern and or remote locations need to ensure that they have good security systems and they need to have a good relationship with the RCMP so they know Safety, Security, and Compassion 75 that they will have immediate assistance if they need it. In order to ensure appropriate response by police officers, all staff members should be adequately trained in all aspects of violence against women. Acknowledging the additional costs of providing transition house services in the north is imperative. Transition houses in the north, due to the climate and isolation, pay more for utilities, groceries, transportation (given that they service greater geographical regions), and travel costs for employees going to training. There are additional costs associated with higher rates of staff turnover. In one province, these additional costs associated with providing services in the north are recognized. Quebec provides a 10% cost of living increase for shelters in remote locations (Johnston, 2006). Therefore, in order to recognize the additional costs of providing services in the north, it is recommended that there is an increase to funding to transition houses in northern locations. Specialized Services There is a real need for specialized services in the north. Transition houses specifically trained and mandated to work with women who have mental health and addiction issues is necessary. Women who experience severe mental health and/or addictions concerns need a transition house service with specialized staff, longer stays, and more support. This specialized service needs to exist in the north, so that it is accessible to women in the north. As Wendy stated, "It's hard to say no to drugs and alcohol, because everybody's got a monkey on their back. You're lost, scared, hopeless or in fear.. .you can't shoo those people, where are they going to go? (Wendy, personal communication, March 2008). Furthermore, having specialized services may reduce the Safety, Security, and Compassion 76 tensions that do exist from communal living in the transition houses when having a broad mandate. Furthermore, specialized services would help to take the pressure of the existing transition houses and provide the women who access these houses much needed personal space. Transition houses make individual assessments as to which women, given the severity of their addiction and or mental health issues, they house. These women are either accessed or turned away. If they reside at the transition house, it often leaves shelters struggling to meet the needs of their clients (Hagedorn, 2005). If women are deemed to be outside the transition house mandate, then they are left void of all services. While it must be acknowledged that there is a very real relationship between substance use and violence, currently, transition houses are being asked to do too much in order to provide these services. Women, who are severely struggling with drug and alcohol issues and mental health challenges deserve a specialized service in order to truly meet their needs. Transition houses can also benefit from other systems working collaboratively with the house. Mental health workers who connect with the house in order to provide assessment and support are invaluable. Training and resources on addiction provided to transition house staff can better equip staff to assist women. Current services need to work more collaboratively in order to maximize all specialized knowledge and skills. Specifically, a better working relationship with mental health and addictions systems would facilitate women in transition houses feeling more supported and less isolated in their work with women with concurrent disorders. Safety, Security, and Compassion 77 Adequate Funding While the emotional costs of abuse to the victims and their children are distressing, there are costs to society as well. In 1995, Hankivesky and Greaves estimated the costs of violence against Canadian women. They included social services/ education, medicine, criminal justice and employment. The estimated cost of $4.2 billion dollars for just three forms of violence: incest or child sexual assault, sexual assault of women, and women abuse in intimate partnerships (Tutty, 2006). Given the astronomical costs of violence against women to women themselves, children, and society we must put more money into the anti-violence field. It is through the infusion of money that services can make a greater difference to women and children. With adequate funding, women would have affordable housing, transition house programs would meet all of clients needs, legal supports would be available, and addictions support would be provided, all of which will reduce the women's perceived needs to return to their abusive relationships. This is not to say that violence against women will be eliminated with these recommendations, as prevention initiatives and changes to patriarchal attitudes are required in order for this to happen; yet, service delivery to women survivors of violence can make a difference. Women who experience violence deserve to get complete support. Women who work in the transition house deserve higher wages. Transition houses are delivered by the non-profit sector and are paid substandard wages. Even within the non-profit sector, transition house workers make lower wages than victim services workers, stopping the violence counsellors, or children who witness abuse counsellors and yet, many transition house workers are qualified social workers, counsellors, and or Safety, Security, and Compassion 78 come with years of experience. Wages are low given that provincial funding models view shelter work as semi-skilled (Tutty, 2006). Like child care workers, transition house workers are undervalued. Women who work in the transition houses do invaluable work providing support and advocacy (Greenard-Smith, 2002). Frequently, transition house staff work in isolation, with up to 20 women and children to provide safety and services to. Often, transition houses provide work experience to new social workers, who after a couple years of employment, choose to work in government simply to make more money. In order to recruit and retain qualified and skilled staff, transition houses need to have more funding so that staff will consider and can afford this form of employment as a permanent choice. Staff who work in the transition house require additional support. Staff are repeatedly exposed to traumatic stories, which are difficult to hear. This can result in vicarious trauma, a process by which workers who work with traumatized victims for a prolonged period of time, begin to exhibit symptoms that resemble victimization (Tutty, 2006). To a client, a staff person may appear distant or disconnected. Trista spoke of not feeling supported as there were a ".. .few staff members there that seemed like they didn't care" (Trista, personal communication, March 2008). What can present as staff not caring can be a result of staff being burnt out, and simply unable to hear yet another story. For their own wellbeing, staff need opportunities to process these stories. Clinical supervision would provide a place for staff to not only process the impacts of the work, but also, to provide a forum for case consultation in order to assist with problem solving in working with some clients. In addition, there needs to be the opportunity for staff to have wellness support. Supporting wellness activities is vital in terms of refreshing and energizing staff Safety, Security, and Compassion 79 teams that work in emotionally draining environments. Therefore, clinical supervision and wellness should be supported in transition house funding contracts. Child care programs and outreach services need to be adequately funded. Previous research has found that enhanced children's programming was the most suggested area for improvement in the shelters, with the most common theme including a desire to have extended programming hours and activities available for the children (Hagedorn, 2005). Most transition houses function with both part time child care workers and part time outreach services. Women with children need to be able to access support during all week days when they might need to attend an appointment that isn't appropriate to bring a child to. In addition, women need to have access to respite and parenting support in the evenings and the weekends. Outreach services work with women who have previously accessed the house, those that have left the house, and women at the house who require accompaniment and advocacy. In addition, under the outreach services contract, they are also mandated to provide community co-ordination and prevention activities. This is a huge workload, and demands greater funding. Both of these positions should be government funded full time positions. Neither child care or outreach services are funded as a full time service in any location in the north. Women clearly and creatively identified a need for support groups and leisure activities. Women stated that they needed different modes of information as the information that they received was often overwhelming. Being able to offer groups often requires additional staffing and thus, requires more funding. As a result of safety issues and not having all their belongings, often women can feel trapped in the transition house. Women need activities in order to promote healthy lifestyle choices, to avoid (Greenard- Safety, Security, and Compassion 80 Smith, 2002) "cabin fever", and to somehow, achieve some balance in the chaotic world that they live in. Therefore, it is recommended that greater funding support be provided in order to offer women and children activities. Final Thoughts The key to shelter work is an ability to connect with residents in a warm and non judgmental manner, providing some structure to assist women in decision making. Shelter workers are grounded in an analysis of violence against women that does not blame the woman for the actions of their violent partners. Understanding why women are abused from a systemic sociological perspective allows shelters to support and guide the woman through a myriad of complex social service organizations whose workers often individualize the issues such as child protection, the justice system, health and housing (Tutty, p. 65, 2006). I began this research with the hope that I would uncover a magical solution to ensuring a new and improved service delivery model that would better meet the needs of the women and children that I work with. Through the rich conversations with the women interviewed and the literature reviewed, present transition house service delivery is shown to be exemplary. Transition houses have the potential to improve services if they were to receive adequate funding. More funding dollars would allow for more expansive and creative programming, and would financially recognize, and emotionally support, the work of the transition house staff. Yet, the true essence of the transition house has, and will continue to be, a compassionate place for women and children to feel safe, comfortable, and supported. Safety, Security, and Compassion 81 References Aronson, J. (1994) A pragmatic view of thematic analysis. The Qualitative Report, 2(1), 1-3. Baker, C, Cook, S., & Norris, F. (2003). 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Violence Against Women, 11(10), 1231-1235 Safety, Security, and Compassion 87 Appendix A: participant information sheet Information Sheet Quality Service Provision in Northern BC Transition Houses March 2008 You are being invited to participate in interview for the purpose of completing a Masters of Social Work thesis with the University of Northern British Columbia. Purpose The overall purpose of this thesis is to assess what services make a difference to women and children in northern BC who access Transition house services and to suggest areas for improvement. This research is important because your insights will suggest improvements for the services for women who need these services in the future. How Respondents Were Chosen: You were chosen to participate in this study because you are a woman, living in northern BC, who has previously accessed the Passage House. What Will Respondents Be Asked to Do? If you agree to voluntarily participate in this research, you will meet with a researcher in an interview. The interview will involve a time commitment of approximately 1 hour and will focus on your experiences with the Transition House. The interview will be audio taped and the researcher will write a few brief notes. If you wish, you will be provided with a copy of the themes generated by the interview for validation. Potential Risks and Benefits: Apart from the commitment of time, there are no known inconveniences associated with participation in this kind of research process. There are no known or Safety, Security, and Compassion 88 anticipated risks to you by participating in this research. Nonetheless, if during the research process, your participation in this project brings up issues which you feel require debriefing, you are able discuss these with the researcher and or you may access free support from the following organizations: • Dze LKant Friendship Centre - 847 5211 • Smithers Community Health - 847 6400 • Northern Society of Domestic Peace - 847 2595 • Elizabeth Fry Society - 1 866 563 1113 (toll free) The potential benefits of your participation in this research include opportunities to critically reflect on your everyday experience in a supportive environment. At the end of the research, you will be asked if you would like a copy of my final results. Interested participants will receive the results either by mail or by pick up from the society. Voluntary Participation Your participation in this research will be completely voluntary. If you do decide to participate, you may withdraw at any time without any consequences or any explanation. If you choose to withdraw, you will still receive your travel and child minding compensation. Who Will Have Access to Your Responses? All records will be kept in a locked filing cabinet at Amanda Alexander's locked office in Prince George. The information will be kept until the final report of the project is complete. Audiotapes will have pseudonyms and will be kept no longer than two years and will then be destroyed. After this time, all original documents related to the interview will be destroyed through shredding of paper and cutting of tapes. The Safety, Security, and Compassion 89 Northern Society of Domestic Peace will not receive any specific feedback that you provide with your name attached to it. The information that you provide may be reflected in the final thesis without your name or identifying features attached. Anonymity, Confidentiality, and Information Storage: In terms of protecting your anonymity, no names or identifying information will be used in either the analysis, the write-up, or the publication of the research results. Pseudo-names will be used and any identifying information will be kept confidential. To protect your confidentiality, all interview data will be stored in a secure location in a locked filing cabinet, or in the case of electronic files, in a password protected computer in the researcher's office. Interview data will be kept until the final report is complete. Audio tapes will be kept for no longer than two years at which time, they will be cut up. All identifiers will be stripped from the data and no one will be able to link your name with what you said. Throughout this project, the researcher and UNBC will ensure that your identity is not revealed directly or indirectly. Your information will be confidential. No information will be published that will identify your participation in this research. Complaints: If you have any questions about your rights as a person participating in a research study or any complaints about the conduct of the research you can contact the Office of Research, 960 5820 or by e mail: reb@unbc.ca. Contact Person and Research Results: If you have any questions about the project itself, you can contact the Researcher, Amanda Alexander at 250-613 5677 (cell) or by e mail, alexanl@,unbc.ca. You may also contact the researcher's supervisor, Dr. Si Transken at 250 960 6643 or by e mail, Safety, Security, and Compassion 90 si(g),unbc.ca. At the end of the data analysis, all participants will have an opportunity to meet with the researcher and/or to receive a copy of the results (by mail or pick up at the society). Your signature below indicates that you understand the above conditions of participation in this study and that you have had the opportunity to have your questions answered by the researcher. Thank you for your time and consideration in this project. Sincerely, Amanda Alexander MSW Student Researcher Signature: Participant Signature: Date: Note: Retain a copy of the consent and provide the participant with a copy Safety, Security, and Compassion 91 Appendix B: Informed Consent Informed Consent Quality Service Provision in Northern BC Transition Houses I understand that I have been asked to be in a research study for the purposes of completing a thesis in the Masters of Social Work program at the University of Northern British Columbia. This study concerns identifying services in transition houses that are helpful for women and children. I was chosen to be a part of this study as I have accessed services with the Northern Society of Domestic Peace. I understand that the research interviews will be recorded and that the researcher will be taking notes through out the interview. I understand that these recordings will be destroyed within two years and that during this time period, the researcher will have the data locked up as well as electronic data pass word protected. I understand who will have access to my information. I have received a copy of the attached information sheet. I have had an opportunity to ask questions and discuss this study. I understand the benefits and risks involved in participating in this study. I understand that I can access free counseling services if I require debriefing. I understand that I am committing time to share my experiences of staying in a transition house with the researcher. I understand that the information that I provide will be confidential and that my name and any identifying features will not be attached to it. I have given my consent freely and I understand that I can withdraw from the research process at any time. I Safety, Security, and Compassion 92 understand that I do not need to provide a reason for withdrawal and that I will still receive the daycare/ transportation allowance. I understand that if I have any comments or concerns, I can contact the Office of Research at the University of Northern British Columbia at 250 960 5820. I hereby waive any claim against Amanda Alexander, Dr. Si Transkin, the University of Northern British Columbia with respect to the use of said information, provided it is used in accordance with this agreement. This study was explained to me by: Amanda Alexander I agree to take part in this study: Signature of Participant Printed name of Participant date date I believe that the person signing this form understands what is involved in the study and voluntarily agrees to participate. Signature of Researcher date Safety, Security, and Compassion 93 Appendix C: Research Questions Research Questions Quality Service Provision in Northern BC Transition Houses 1. First name: a) Do you have any children? If yes, how old are they? b) Did your children stay with you at the transition house? c) In what year/s did you stay at the transition house? d) Can you tell me a bit about why you needed to stay at the transition house? 2. In thinking about your time at the transition house: a) What worked well for you at the transition house? b) Did you get the information you needed? (how or how not?) c) Did you get the support you needed? (how or how not?) d) Did you feel safe? (how or how not?) e) Did you feel comfortable? (how or how not?) f) If you could change one thing about the house, at the time you were staying there, what would it be? 3. If you were starting up a transition house for women in similar circumstances to yours, what would be the top three things you would want to make sure you had so that women could take the steps they needed? Safety, Security, and Compassion 94 4. If you had to say what one thing that helped you take the next steps, what would it be? 5. Is there anything else about the transition house you would like to say?