Gender, Development, and Christian NGOs by Heather Tusa B.A., The University of Winnipeg, 1996 THESIS SUBMITTED IN THE PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in INTERNATIONAL STUDIES ©Heather Tusa THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA March 1998 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy r - - - - - - . . . :o:.r.:..: other means' without the permission of the author. L IBR Af~ . ,__ _____ _ -: L________ ii Abstract This study examines how Christian non-governmental organizations(CNGOs), a sizable and distinct group of Canadian non-governmental organizations(NGOs), work with women in developing countries. More specifically, it attempts to find out ifCNGOs are using the most recent Gender and Development(GAD) approach. This is done by including a literature review of the different strategies development agencies use when working with women. Then an analysis of CNGO gender and development policies is undertaken. First, the number of CNGOs having GAD policies is determined. Then a more complex evaluation is conducted to find out which CNGOs have the best GAD policies. This assessment is based on how many goals they included inherent in the GAD approach. Second, two projects from different CNGOs are evaluated to find out if they incorporated GAD strategies into project activities. These case studies show the different kind of strategies used when working with women in developing countries. They also serve as examples of how GAD can be implemented into projects and the limitations faced in practical application. This study is a significant contribution to information about how CNGOs are implementing the GAD approach into policies and program. lll Table of Contents Abstract ii Table of Contents iii Acknowledgments v List of Tables vi List of Acronyms vn Introduction Non-Governmental Organizations · Non-Governmental Organizations: Development With Women Christian Non-Governmental Organizations Question and Approach: CNGOS, Development and Women 1 1 2 3 5 Chapter One: Development Approaches With Women: A Review of Literature Position of Women in Developing Countries Approaches Towards Development With Women The Welfare Approach The Equity Approach The Anti-Poverty Approach Gender and Development Approach 9 9 13 13 15 17 20 Chapter Two: Methodology Data Collection Telephone Calls and Letters Interviews Analysis of Gender and Development Policy Documents Analysis of Project Documents 25 27 27 28 30 30 Chapter Three: Christian NGOs and Gender and Development Policies What is a Gender and Development Policy? Which CNGOs Have GAD Policies? CNGOs Without GAD Policies Principles of ICFID's GAD Policy Are GAD Policies Similar To ICFID? Conclusions 32 33 35 36 37 43 49 Chapter Four: Gender and Development Evaluation of CNGO Projects Gender and Development Evaluation 51 52 iv Case Study One: The Comprehensive Project, Bangladesh Regional Outline Project Description-Goals of the Comprehensive Project Components Case Study Two: Roofs For The Roofless, India Project Description-Goals of Roofs For The Roofless Questions Project Summaries Conclusions 52 53 53 53 60 60 61 65 70 Chapter Five: Conclusions Contributions of the Study Future Research Looking Ahead: Into the 21st Century 72 75 77 78 Bibliography 79 Appendix A: Interview Consent Form 86 Appendix B: Inter-Church Fund For International Development Gender and Development Policy 88 Appendix C: Gender Analysis Activity profile 99 Appendix D: Canadian Baptist Ministries-The Sharing way Gender and Development Policy 101 Appendix E: Presbyterian World Service and Development Gender and Development Policy 103 Appendix F: Anglican Church of Canada-The Primate's World Relief and Development 105 Fund Gender and Development Policy Appendix G: Christian Reformed World Relief Committee Gender and Development Policy 115 Appendix H: Mennonite Central Committee Gender and Development Policy 118 y Acknowledgments I would like to acknowledge all the people who helped me as I completed this M.A. Degree. First and foremost, I would like to say thankyou to Dr.Heather Myers for all her encouragement, advice, and guidance over the past two years. I would also like to thank my family, friends, and co-workers who helped to keep me focused with an endless supply of support over the course of this journey. And last, but certainly not the least, I thank the Lord for seeing me through this road of academic scholarship. vi List of Tables Table 2.1: Thesis Interview Questions 29 Table 3.1: Canadian CNGOs Included in Evaluation 35 Table 3.2: Christian Non-Governmental Organization GAD Policy Checklist 44 Table 4.1: The Comprehensive Project Activities 55 Table 4.2: Roofs For The Roofless Project Activities 61 Table 4.3 : CP Activities Geared Towards Women 66 Table 4.4: RFTR Activities Geared Towards Women 66 vii List of Acronyms ACC : ADRA: CBM: CCF: CCIC: CCODP: CIDA: CJM: CLWR: CNGO: CP: CRWRC: CSI: CUSO: DANIDA: DAWN: GAD: ICFID: IGPs: JCSFJ: LWF/WS: MCC : MCIC: MEDA: NGO: PWS&D: RDRS: RFTR: SA: SAPs: SFMS : UCC : UNDP: WID: WV: YMCA-: YWCA Aglican Church of Canada Adventist Development and Relief Agency Canadian Baptist Ministries Christian Children' s Fund Canadian Council For International Co-operation Canadian Catholic Organization for Development and Peace Canadian International Development Agency Canadian Jesuits Mission Canadian Lutheran World Relief Christian Non-Governmental Organization Comprehensive Project Christian Reformed World Relief Committee of Canada Collaboration Sante lnternationale Canadian University Students Overseas Danish International Development Agency Development Alternatives for a New Era Gender and Development Inter-Church Fund for International Development Income-Generating Projects Jesuit Centre for Social Faith and Justice Lutheran World Federation/World service Mennonite Central Committee Manitoba Council for International Co-operation Mennonite Economic Development Agency Non-Governmental Organization Presbyterian World Service and Development Rangpur Dinajpur Rural Services Roof For The Roofless Salvation Army Structural Adjustment Programmes Scarboro Foreign Mission Society United Church of Canada United Nations Development Program Women in Development World Vision Young Men's Christian Association/Young Women' s Christian Association Introduction Non-Governmental Organizations A non-governmental organization(NGO) has been defmed by Weiss(1996, 20) as "a private citizens ' organization, separate from government, but active on social issues, not profitmaking, and transnational in scope." The NGOs discussed in this paper are Northern agencies with an international focus . These agencies either directly carry out development activities in Southern countries or work through their Southern partners . There was a rapid growth of NGOs after World Wars One and Two. They sought to provide aid for refugees and displaced persons , and medicine for the sick and wounded(OECD 1988, 18). Over time NGOs began working in developing regions because they were also filled with people in need. However, NGOs soon realized handouts were not going to eliminate a continual cycle of poverty in Third World nations. Therefore, NGOs shifted to longer term development approaches which focused on getting communities to organize and participate in development initiatives which would foster self-reliance in hopes that NGOs no longer would have to supply them with aid. Today development NGOs usually work through their indigenous Southern partners, thus allowing them to carry out development for themselves(Brodhead 1988, 7). Development and relief NGOs are being heralded for their efforts relating to development in Third World countries. This is because they can reach the needs of the local poor people better than larger agencies such as governments that must focus on numerous objectives for di_fferent classes ofpeople(Clark 1991 , 47) . NGOs tend to be more familiar with local populations. They are also more responsive, flexible, innovative, and supportive of the poor when working in developing countries(Hellinger 1988, 100). 1 2 Non-Governmental Organizations: Development With Women Since NGOs can reach the poor effectively and women comprise the largest group of people living below the poverty line in the world(UNDP 1995, iii), many NGOs choose to work with women. Welfare, equity, anti-poverty and, more recently, Gender and Development(GAD) approaches are being used by development organizations when working with women in Third World nations. The term Women in Development(WID) will refer here to the first three approaches, in distinction from the Gender and Development approach. The WID approaches all grew out of mainstream modernization theories which target higher economic growth and the transfer of technology for the development of poorer nations. Better technology, education, social services, and access to credit strategies are believed to give women their fair share of the benefits of development. However, these WID tactics avoid addressing the sources ofwomen's oppression and challenging the existing social structures. WID schemes also tend to create women-only projects instead of allowing them to be part of all development initiatives(Rathgeber 1990). Recently, NGOs have been moving towards using the Gender and Development approach. GAD is the first approach for working with women that is shaped by Third World women's ideas and needs. These women want to break down existing systems of inequality and gender relations which subordinate women in developing regions. GAD theory stresses that the subordination of women will not cease by creating women-only projects. Rather, it proposes that both men and women need to participate in all development schemes because they each have their own opinions and different needs to be taken into account. For example, if a man works all day away from the home, he may not understand his wife's tasks or needs. Therefore, when a 3 development agency comes into a community, both men and women should each have the opportunity to voice their problems and solutions(Manitoba Council for International Cooperation 1994 ). The GAD approach also emphasizes the examination of how power relations between the genders subordinate women. GAD acknowledges power imbalances are socially constructed, based on one ' s gender and not biological sex. Thus, they can be challenged and changed. However, development does not take place in a vacuum. Therefore, the GAD approach advocates that men and women come together to work towards issues of equity and justice(Rathgeber 1990). The Canadian International Development Agency(CIDA), Canada' s official bilateral aid donor, provides funding for many Canadian NGOs and has been urging them to adopt GAD policies and approaches. CIDA has stated that the use of GAD in planning and programming by NGOs will lead to better funding by CIDA(CIDA 1995). NGOs have been implementing policies that include values, objectives, and goals inherent in the GAD approach. Hopefully these policies will help transform rhetoric into practice, thus leading to programming which will meet the needs and interests of subordinate Third World women. Christian Non-Governmental Organizations Christian non-governmental organizations(CNGOs) will be studied here as a separate category of development agencies in Canada. They are defined in this thesis as follows: 4 1)denominational mission or relief and development agencies directly accountable to a particular denomination; 2)inter-church organizations or agencies officially sponsored or supported by a number of denominational church bodies; or 3)para-church mission or relief and development agencies which understand and explicitly state their mandate and objectives in the context of Christian mission, but which are not agencies of any particular church body(CIDA 1995). It has been argued that organizations which receive a large protion of their funding from public donors, such as CIDA, are not really NGOs and rather should be called quasi-NGOS(Weiss 1996, 21 ). However, this discussion is beyond the scope of this thesis. The development agencies studied in this thesis will be referred to as CNGOs. Such organizations make up 27% of the approximately 220 Canadian NGOs working in development and sponsor half of all Canadian overseas projects(Brodhead, Copley 1988 10; 20). CNGOs, like most development NGOs in Canada, grew out of relief and welfare activities( Smillie 1995). Many of these activities were carried out by missionaries such as priests and nuns(Jorgen 1977, 61 ; Copley 1987) who made evangelism a first priority(Vinay 1987). However, today CNGOs usually have two different networks; one having evangelizing goals and the other with strictly development objectives(OECD 1988, 20). This change is mostly due to the realization that development is a professional discipline in need of specialists and not ordinary church people. Governments and many donors also have guidelines for work that do not include missionary objectives(Taylor 1995). CIDA requires the following commitment: Christian NGOs recognize and agree that CIDA funds are not to be used for programming designed to convert people from one religious faith to another, or to build up church and ecclesiastical structures apart from relief and development prograrnming(CIDA 1995). 5 CIDA entrusts large amounts of funding to CNGOs through its matching grant program: for every dollar donated to a CNGO, CIDA provides them with another dollar for development programming in retum(Stuart 1996). These grants are primarily given because CNGOs show great ability in reaching local grassroots communities in developing countries(Fugere 1994) and work effectively in solidarity with the oppressed overseas to achieve social justice(CIDA 1995). For example, CNGOs began overseas partnerships with local churches and secular organizations(OECD 1988). This step was important because it shifted development from a practice of CNGOs going overseas and doing development for local communities, to one of CNGOs coming together with local populations and allowing them to decide and carry out development programs themselves. Thus, CNGOs within the larger NGO community in Canada have shown leadership and a commitment to working in partnership with local organizations overseas. CNGOs also raise large amounts of money used for development initiatives in Third World countries. As a sizable and separate group of Canadian NGOs with a number of accomplishments, the following discussion will analyze how CNGOs are working with women in relation to GAD, which is the latest approach being promoted by Third World women and CIDA. Question and Approach: CNGOs, Development and Women This thesis is examining how CNGOs work with subordinate women in developing countries. The questions posed are as follows: Are CNGOs, as a separate and distinct group of developmental agencies, following the recent trends in the development literature by using the Gender and Development approach in policy formulation, implementation, and practice or are 6 they still using women in development schemes from the past which have proven to hinder women' s empowerment? The inspiration for looking at CNGOs as a separate group stems from concern about how Christianity has historically positioned women in society. Although this theological debate is beyond the scope of this thesis it must be addressed briefly . Certain biblical passages and Christian denominations have taught that women should only be allowed to perform household duties and practice submissive behavior towards men(Ruether 1974; Hageman, 1974). CNGOs which base their services and goals on a literal reading of biblical teachings may have embedded sexist attitudes in their policies and programs for women. These attitudes may keep them from using a GAD approach or seeking more equitable relations between men and women. There are differences from one CNGO to another. Many CNGOs in Canada adopted GAD policies in the early 1990s or are working on them today partly because CIDA(1995) has said that, "they must take proactive steps to increase the full participation and inclusion of women and visible minorities in decision-making and programming within their organizations" . Many CNGOs may be taking CIDA' s advice and drawing up GAD policies since a large portion of their funding comes from this institution. Throughout the following chapters, a number of methods will be used to find out if CNGOs are using the GAD approach. In Chapter One, the subordinate position of women will be explored in developing countries, as well the justification for why development agencies have created WID and GAD approaches . These approaches will then be assessed according to what each views as the root cause of women's subordination, their proposed solutions, and the impact on women in developing countries. 7 Chapter Two will explain the methodology used to answer the thesis questions. Chapter Three examines which CNGOs in Canada have GAD policies. These policies will then be evaluated to determine how well they comprise the goals and objectives of GAD. This will be done by judging them against the Gender and Development policy of the Inter-Church Fund for International Development(ICFID), the largest Christian umbrella development organization of which most Canadian CNGOs are members. The ICFID policy was chosen as the standard for the other policies to be measured against because the policy contains most of the information, guidelines, and objectives relevant to the GAD approach. In Chapter Four, two projects that are supported by two different Canadian CNGOs, and which receive funding from CIDA will be discussed. These CNGOs were willing to share their documents and will be analyzed. These documents will be examined in a case study fashion. Access to project documents from other CNGOs was very difficult; therefore, the case studies analyzed form a small random sample and are not representative of all CNGOs in Canada. However, they will illustrate how at least two CNGOs, especially ones supported by CIDA, are or are not merging the GAD approach into projects they are affiliated with in developing countries. This study intends to provide information and understanding for a wide audience. It will find out which CNGOs in Canada have GAD policies and which policies are most reflective of · the GAD approach. Those without GAD policies may want to view these policies as models for implementation in the future. All development specialists and students can use the literature review in this thesis as a source of reference and understanding for the different ways international agencies work with 8 women. Furthermore, the paper tries to show how past development approaches have failed to challenge social structures that subordinate women and how using GAD in programming can lead to improvement in this area. The project case studies provide a framework for deducing how GAD can be integrated into programming and also the problems it faces in its practical application. This may help CNGOs in the future when figuring out how to implement GAD. The generation of knowledge is ongoing and essential in understanding how CNGOs work with women in developing countries. This study seeks to make significant contribution to this process. 9 Chapter One Development Approaches With Women: A Review of Literature Many women in developing countries suffer great poverty. This chapter seeks to illustrate how women are subordinated in developing countries. There are several factors which have led to the oppression these women face, such as traditions and customs, biological sex, and limited access to education, health care, and credit. The biggest force these women have against them is merely being born into societies which negate their personal and economic worth. Due to female subordination, international development agencies have created approaches to improve the status of women over the past four decades. These approaches will be described in detail, with an emphasis being placed on the latest, Gender and Development. The literature review will serve to bring further understanding about how, and why development agencies work with women. This review will later be used to analyze the approaches taken to working with women in the two project case studies in this thesis. Position of Women in Developing Countries The most significant achievement ofthe United Nations Decade for Women(1975-1984) was the awareness it created about the declining position of women worldwide. For example, Lynn(l984, 1) found that women lack adequate employment and wages, have ill-health, make up the majority of refugees, and have declining levels of nutrition and education. A decade after Lynn' s report, the United Nations Development Program(UNDP) 1994 Human Development Report concluded that after years of discussion about gender equality and changes in national legislation, women are still in a subordinate position relative to men in all countries world- 10 wide(UNDP 1994). For example, "women perform 67% of the world's working hours, women earn 10% of the world' s income, women are two-thirds of the world's illiterates and women own less than 1% of the world's property"(Match International 1991 , 12). There has also been a 4 7% increase in the number of women living below the poverty line in rural areas of developing countries since 1965-1970 in comparison to a 30% increase for men(Jazairy 1992, 273). One of the reasons for women' s subordinate position relates to patriarchal and malebiased value systems embedded in societies, religions, and cultures(Tinker, 1990, 77). For example, in India studies have found that male children always get more and better food than females. This pattern has resulted in 21% of all girls suffering from malnutrition compared to 3% of boys from the same families(UNDP 1995, 35). Similarly, in Latin America 31% of all girls are underweight compared to 17% ofboys(UNDP 1995, 35). Another example of discrimination is found in Africa where approximately 80 million girls acquire severe health implications such as cervical cancer, hemorrhages, problems in child-bearing, painful intercourse, and death due to traditional practices of female genital mutilation used to control their sexuality(UN 1991, 22). If a young woman rejects the practice she will be ostracized from the community because she is deemed to be a worthless prostitute and ineligible for marriage(World Vision 1995; Hampton 1993, 16, 22). Females are the primary wage-earners in one third of all households in the entire world(Mermel 1991, 23 ). In developing countries this phenomenon is continuing to grow due to famines and conflicts which leave women alone when men migrate to find work or leave to fight in wars(Wallace 1991, 60). There is a powerful relationship between poverty and female headship because women lack adequate resources and fruitful employment(UN 1995, 33). They 11 need to work outside the home, but child care is very expensive. When they do find work, women are employed in low-paying jobs with no security, no benefits, and are paid less than men(Seager 1986, 114). Many ofthe multi-national export factories take advantage of women's growing need for employment and recruit them especially for cheap labour(Lynn 1984, 60; CUSO; Khoury 1995, 7). Structural adjustment policies(SAPs) have furthered the impoverishment of women by forcing poor countries to reorganize their budgets for debt repayments to Northern banks and countries. These governments have chosen to cut spending in soft sectors such as social services. Through these cuts, women are hurt the most because they are usually responsible for school and medical fees. Thus, they have to work longer hours to earn extra money to cover costs(Plewes; Stuart 1991 , 108; Tadesse 1990, 56; Pietila 1990, 20). How much more can women work when in many developing countries they already work up to 18 hours a day(Mermel 1991, 19)? Sex stereotyping has created distinct divisions of labour prescribing work for men and women. Men and women perform three different kinds of labour: reproductive; productive; and community management. However, women have been designated to take on almost the sole responsibility for reproductive work resulting in a triple burden of labour. Reproductive work includes "cooking, washing, cleaning, nursing, looking after children, building and maintaining shelter, and reproducing the labour force"(Match International1991 , 18). Much ofthis work is unpaid, leaving women' s contribution to the household devalued and unrecognized in monetary terms. For example, when census enumerators try to classifY women who perform this work into an economic category, they end up just saying these women are housewives(Young 1993, 112). 12 Men and women carry out productive work creating goods or services for income, but they usually have different tasks. Jobs within the formal and informal sector tend to be sexsegregated. Women end up in lower-paid, lower-skilled, and unstable employment while men fill more secure and higher managerial positions(Moser 1993, 32). Women only hold 14% of the total administrative and managerial jobs in the world(UNDP 1995, 37). Community management activities are also mostly performed by women in developing countries because it is assumed women have free time to carry out this work. This work is unpaid, voluntary and usually an extension of their reproductive work. It includes "the provision and maintenance of scarce resources of collective consumption, such as water, health care and education"(Moser 1993, 34). Men are also involved in community management, but generally in the area of politics, narrowly defined. This work is of higher social status compared to women' s community management roles and paid for in either wages or in non-monetary terms in the form of respect and increased power(Moser 1993, 34; Match International1991, 19). Women, therefore, undertake a greater burden of work which is largely undervalued in status and wages in comparison to that of men. It is these kinds of unequal power relations and low valuation of female work that result in the continual subordination of women. There is great need within the development field to dismantle gender barriers that create inequality between men and women. Many times development aid only provides for women' s practical needs, which refer to the immediate necessities within a specific context. They generally include response ' to adequate living conditions regarding clean water, shelter, income, and health care.(CIDA 1995) 13 However, this does not address the root causes of women' s subordination. Instead, it just makes conditions better for women within their existing societies. Therefore, there is a gradual movement to meet women' s strategic interests, which serve to increase the relative status of women to men within society. They vary in each context and are related to gender divisions of labor, resources and power. Strategic interests may include legal rights, protection from domestic violence, increased decisionmaking, and women' s control over their bodies(CIDA 1995). For example, development planners can meet women's practical needs by supplying them with adequate housing. This will not grant women the right to own housing which may be available only to men. In comparison, meeting women's strategic interest would involve fighting gender discrimination by challenging policies which limit women's access to land ownership(Moser 1992, 91 ). CNGOs, along with other international organizations are trying to work towards a world where women, their work, and their voice can be valued just as much as those of men. Approaches Towards Development With Women The Welfare Approach Women were overlooked within the field of development during the 1950s and 1960s. The United Nations took a protective stance towards women rather than trying to enhance their status in society(Women' s Feature Service 1993, 3; Wallace 1991 , 1; Kalbagh 1991 , 3). Women in Development(WID) strategies tend to create women-only projects instead of including women in all aspects of development. The welfare approach, which evolved in the 1950s, was the first WID plan that development agencies began using with women in developing countries. 14 CNGOs have a long tradition of welfare practice because their biblical teachings uphold Christ's teachings on giving to the poor: "I was hungry and you gave me something to eat, I was thirsty and you gave me something to drink, I was a stranger and you invited me in"(Matthew 25:35). Welfare projects see women as vulnerable and helpless in their communities. Welfare schemes make women passive recipients of aid and focus heavily on including them in activities related to their reproductive roles(Marilee 1995, 94). The kinds of projects this form of development promotes include mother-child health schemes, feeding schemes, and family planning services(Mosse 1993, 153; Marilee 1995, 94). CIDA has discovered that all Canadian NGOs have "a strong tendency for most of their projects directed to women to be in the field of social welfare, home economics, child care, and nutrition"(Brodhead 1988, 129; Hale 1985). An example of a CNGO working with this approach is World Vision Canada, which carries out child and community sponsorship programs. They have a girl-child sponsorship program through which Canadians make monthly contributions to provide girl children with food, clothing and education. Such sponsorship programs are also carried out by non-Christian NGOs such as Foster Parents Plan and Save the Children. The welfare approach only addresses peoples' practical needs. Women are passive actors who do not participate in defining their own specific needs in comparison to men and the elderly in their communities(Marilee 1995, 94). Despite these problems, the welfare approach has been and still is widely used because it is politically safe; it provides a quick flow of needed supplies; it does not try to challenge values in the developing region and does not promote equal access to control over resources by men and women(Mosse 1993, 154; Marilee 1995, 98; Hale 1985). 15 NGOs, bilateral donors, and Third World governments like this approach because they do not have to get involved in changing cultural and societal values. These latter sorts of efforts could be considered cultural imperialism(Amey 1979, 47; Yudelman 1987). The Equity Approach By 1970 development organizations felt they were not helping women reach their full potential with traditional welfare approaches. These organizations realized that women, comprising half the population, needed to be full participants in order for true development to take place. This led to the second WID plan; the equity approach. Unlike the welfare approach which just gave women handouts and viewed them as solely reproductive producers, equity schemes sought to work with women and grant them equal opportunities in society in relation to men. This scheme grew out of liberal feminism in the North during the 1970s and 1980s(Mosse 1993, 154, 156: Momsen 1995, 101). The equity approach promoted women' s active participation in the economic development process. It was felt that women would be liberated by their financial independence from men(Keyes 1987). Equity schemes also sought to grant women equal access to education, technology, and training in order to gain equal employment and pay in comparison to men(Young 1993, 130; Match Intemational1991 , 14; Mosse 1993 , 156). The equity approach worked within the existing system and took the assumption that gender relations would change positively as women became full economic partners in development(Rathgeber 1990). Unfortunately, no matter how much education and training women received, equality did not develop since attitudes embedded in patriarchal systems, such as attitudes and behaviors that 16 prevented women from acquiring employment in traditionally male-dominated spheres, were never challenged. Furthermore, the equity approach failed to address whether or not women and men in developing countries wanted economic equality. Without a bottom-up strategy supported by the local people; it was very difficult to push for change at institutional and political levels. Clearly the equity approach overlooked many social forces. It failed to look at gender relations, meaning the ways men and women interact with one another and their socialized roles in the household and community. It did not challenge male oppression, but rather worked within the existing system to make conditions better for women such as giving them better technology to make household tasks easier. Equity schemes also did not address how men would feel towards the idea of sharing their historical power and the possibilities of resistance to equity initiatives. The equity approach also overlooked the influence and impact of race, class, and creed(Jahan 1995, 27). Equity schemes assumed women to be a single homogenous category and neglected the divisions and exploitations that exist among them. For example, powerful women might not want any involvement in promoting poor women's needs. The equity approach also neglected the reality that the global system of capitalization is exploitative in itself. Capitalism can result in people competing against one another for accumulation of wealth instead of bringing them together in solidarity(Rathgeber 1990). Ultimately equity strategies were seen as a Northern feminist idea superimposed on women in the South. Southern feminists rejected gender equity schemes that were not linked to creating "equality between classes, races, and nations"(Jahan 1995, 27). The equity approach was also resisted by development agencies, Third World governments and men as it tried to 17 redistribute power from men to women(Plewes 1991, 115). As such, it was seldom used by development and NGO planners. Furthermore, to make it less likely to succeed, organizations that institutionalized equity plans often located them in departments staffed with lower level people who had little authority and rank within the corporate power structure(Jahan 1995, 41) . Although the equity approach did little to empower women in developing countries, it did allow for the beginning of official legislation of policies for women's equal rights. In Canada, methods had to be designed to make sure women were included in overseas development projects before CIDA would approve funding(Mosse 1993 , 155). Rather than seeing women as objects of development, the equity approach was the first to make women visible subjects who could act as agents of change for development beyond traditional welfare schemes(Esterik 1992, 160; Momsen 1995, 101). Anti-Poverty Approach Aid agencies felt equity strategies were interfering with traditions and customs in developing countries, consequently , a third WID approach, "anti-poverty" was developed(Marilee 1995 , 97). This approach did not push for the equal rights of women or tackle issues of female subordination. Rather, poverty in general was thought to be the reason for women' s underdevelopment(Momsen 1995, 101). NGOs felt income-generating activities were the key to women' s development. By providing women with credit, their economic productivity would be boosted(Mosse 1993, 155; Marilee 1995, 99) . Anti-poverty differs from welfare and equity schemes . Unlike the welfare approach, it focuses on making women active participants in development. However, unlike equity , it focuses solely on raising women' s economic 18 productivity without fighting for their equal status relative to men in society. Fundamentally, the anti-poverty approach helps women to independently meet their basic needs, but does not try to educate them to gain employment in male dominated sectors, or fight for laws that would help to equalize the pay gap between men and women. Among the best examples of anti-poverty strategies are income-generating projects(IGPs). These include small credit institutions such as the Grameen Bank or CIDAfunded Rural Poor Program in Bangladesh, which offer micro-loans to women for employment opportunities in the informal sector. In the latter programs, the loans can be put towards livestock, poultry and fish rearing, vegetable cultivation and handicrafts(Goetz 1996). Like the equity approach, these banks believe that increasing women's cash earnings will increase their status in the household and community. They will then be seen as a valid and esteemed source of income which will improve their family's health, nutrition, and educational opportunities(Berger 1989). Many international organizations have been calling IGPs the "missing link" to development(Smillie 1995, 90) because they give women access to resources. They are easy to implement, provide an alternative to poverty, and reach women more effectively than local banks which are extremely reluctant to offer loans to women(Berger 1989). Do IGPs work? A study on three banks in Bangladesh in 1995 found that 63% of loans leave women with partial, very limited, or no control over the use of the money because male relatives use it for their own investments(Goetz 1996, Ebdon 1995). Development planners did not consider that it would be men and not women who would have control over the family budget(Mosse 1993, 157; Young 1989, 141; Ebdon 1995). Many times IGPs have kept women in 19 traditional activities such as home-gardening and sewing(Smillie 1995, 89; Hale 1985) which restrict women to a limited market(Yudelman 1987; Rathgeber 1990) with low profits(Mayoux 1995, 22). Not everyone can invest in similar activities because the market will become saturated with the same products and services(Mosse 1993, 157; Smillie 1995, 89). The anti-poverty approach also fails to address the issue of time(Yudelman 1987). Strategies try to incorporate women into the formal and informal market sectors of the economy. Women are seen as an under-utilized labour force which should be used for monetary gains. As development planners promote women's productive roles, their reproductive activities are overlooked. Planners ignore that women are burdened by reproductive work and yet encourage them to juggle their already limited time to participate in another activity(Rathgeber 1990). There is nothing wrong with women taking on extra ventures for earning money, but at the same time provisions should be made within the household and community for sharing the responsibility of reproductive tasks . For example, child care services could be set up in their communities at affordable prices or household members could renegotiate tasks they perform in order to make extra time for women to engage in IGPs . Overall there are lessons to be learned from the anti-poverty approach. It allows women to establish themselves within the economy. With the increase in female-headed households there must be ways for women to gain employment and acquire their own income. Banks allow women to acquire loans in areas where this was never a possibility before. IGPs have also improved many women's self-esteem, skills, and confidence given the socio-cultural constraints within which they operate(Goetz 1996; Basarowich, n.d.) . However, the limitations noted above 20 raise serious questions about the long-term efficacy of the anti-poverty approach, particularity with respect to its failure to address the interests and resistance of males . Gender and Development In 1984, a group of activists, researchers, and policy-makers from Third World countries, particularly India, founded Development Alternatives for a New Era(DAWN). This group continues to operate today and believes that men and women are different, but of equal worth. They want all forms of domination, poverty , violence, and gender subordination to cease. DAWN feels change has to come from within Third World communities through the mobilization of the indigenous poor. This can be done by development agencies taking subordinate people's views into account(Tink:er 1990, 79). These Southern visions have led to an alternative development approach to earlier WID schemes, called Gender and Development. GAD is the first development plan that is shaped by Southern women, as opposed to earlier WID schemes that are grounded on Northern feminist ideas(Andersen 1992, 174-75; Rathgeber 1990). GAD focuses on the social relations of gender in different societies as the basis of women's subordination. It recognizes that one's gender, unlike biological sex, is a social construction(Keyes, 1987) Thus, gender roles which create unequal power relations between men and women are not fixed(Peterson 1993, 5-8). By taking a gender approach, development planners can gain knowledge about the different roles men and women perform. This information can then be used to fmd out how project activities will impact men and women differently and what changes can be made to create more equitable relations between them(Match International 1991 , 5-6). 21 GAD recognizes that men and women engage in different reproductive, productive, and community work. This approach does not try to make men and women do the same work; rather it rejects social attitudes that devalue women's reproductive and community work because it does not directly result in monetary wages(Massiah 1993 , 27). Men need understand how important women's work is and the contributions it makes to their communties. Without women's reproductive and productive work, communities may not exist(Waring 1990). A husband may be more supportive of his wife working in the cash economy if he could be made aware of the benefits that could follow from the extra income, such as better health care and food for his family and a higher status in the community. GAD is also the only approach that analyzes a woman's triple role in society including her productive, reproductive, and community work. It includes the need for strategies to help women out with domestic burdens as they take on the extra load of generating a secondary income for their households . One strategy is advocating that the state provide women with social services such as child care and health care that they normally would have to afford for themselves(Rathgeber 1990). GAD approaches also try to make men aware of the disproportionate workload women undertake. For example, United Nations programs in Malaysia, Bolivia, and Cameroon use drama and songs in communities to teach men about this disproportionate workload, which has led to a decrease in spousal abuse, and an increase in men helping out with reproductive tasks(Engle 1997). The GAD approach emphasizes that men and women are both active agents of change. This strategy tries to involve women in all areas of the development process, rather than just targeting them in women-only projects. There are two ways women are promoted as active 22 participants of development. The first involves listening to and consulting with women(Brett 1991, 5). By doing this, one can gain better understanding about women's problems and needs. Since men and women perform different roles in their communities, it is important to have both genders voicing and defining their needs and making decisions about how they think development would suit them best(Match International 5-6). Second, GAD recognizes women must be given greater access to resources and opportunities within their societies if they are to be active participants of development. For example, women will need better education if they are to acquire the skills needed for higher paid employment. However, women should decide what strategies and actions are most suitable for their situations. The role of the development worker is to make sure women have opportunities and support for their plans(Match International 1991, 69). The GAD approach is different from previous WID strategies because it focuses on meeting women' s practical needs as well as their strategic interests. Women's needs are provided for, along with addressing and challenging root causes of women's subordination in the existing system. The GAD strategy holds that the empowerment of women is a long-term process that requires changes in the behavior and attitudes of women and men; and in the ideology or sets of ideas that societies hold about gender. It cannot and need not wait until basic needs are addressed(Match International 1991, 22) . Southern feminists, including DAWN, believe poverty and subordination are caused by a number of factors . GAD stresses that people are affected by a number of factors beyond their gender, including race , age , ethnicity, and religion(Match International, 19-20; Macdonald 1994, 15). A person's class may have a greater impact on them than their sex. For instance, if a woman 23 is part of a low caste in India, the work she does is determined more by this caste than the fact that she is female . A poor woman can work in the fields enduring back-breaking labour while a higher caste woman is not allowed to engage in such activities . However, the GAD approach fails to address the point Southern feminists make about challenging inequalities between rich and poor nations. It seems GAD promotes challenging inequality which occurs within developing countries, but no responsibility is accorded to the influence Northern countries have on creating poverty in Third World nations(Rathgeber 1990). Although the GAD approach does not include developed countries as a factor in producing inequality in poorer nations , it does promote change within Northern development agencies themselves in relation to more equitable gender relations between staff. There is recognition that gender inequality is not found just overseas in developing countries(Macdonald 1994, 28) . Northern agencies must work along with partners in the South in the struggle for gender equality. Walsh(1996), Johnson(1996), Stuart(1996), and Buckland(1996) , all affiliated with Canadian development organizations, have seen change taking place within their agencies as women are given higher managerial positions and affirmative action policies are implemented to ensure staff and boards are comprised of 50% female employees. The GAD approach goes beyond earlier WID strategies by questioning assumptions of social, economic, and political structures. It also challenges structures encompassing values that subordinate women and thus, could lead to the loss of power of elite men and women. This makes practical application very difficult since people with power will not be easily swayed to give it up. Thus, it is often found that only partial perspectives of the GAD approach are found in development agencies' projects. 24 Many times the GAD approach never moves beyond theory and research. For example, it is easier for development agencies to examine and find out the different tasks men and women take on in a certain community and then provide women with better labour-saving technologies to make their burden lighter instead of trying to dismantle stereotypes and male-biased traditions that place a heavier workload on them(Rathgeber 1990). The GAD approach is not perfect and it does not reflect all the desires of Southern women, but it is the only one that is shaped by them. GAD does address many of their interests discussed in the previous paragraphs. Southern women and men will continue to share their experiences as they reformulate the GAD approach to suit their needs in the future(Plewes 1991, 128). For example, the Fourth International Decade for Women conference which took place in Beijing 1995, brought together women and men from hundreds of different Northern and Southern countries to discuss their needs and opinions concerned with development strategies(Longwe 1995). GAD is the newest approach in an evolving line of practices development agencies have been using since the late 1950s when working with subordinated women in developing countries . It has been and is still being implemented in many Canadian NGO policies and programs. This approach is supported by Third World women and CIDA. Guidelines for addressing gender relations in development policies are emerging within many NGOs as earlier WID schemes are being phased out. The use of the GAD approach is a fairly new trend; therefore, it remains to be seen if it is being effectively carried out in practical application. We will examine whether or not CNGOs have been following the latest trends in international development by using the GAD approach in policy formulation and project implementation, in the following chapters. 25 Chapter Two Methodology This thesis seeks to generate and provide information about how Christian nongovernmental organizations(CNGOs) work with women in development. It tries to fmd out if CNGOs are using the Gender and Development(GAD) approach. Feminist methods were employed in this study to answer the question posed, for several reasons: l)The case study analysis, in this thesis , is based on a non-scientific approach. Random sampling, statistical significance, and hypothesis testing are not emphasized. Rather, an in-depth study of a non-random sample of CNGOs is utilized to draw conclusions about whether CNGOs have implemented Gender and Development at a policy level in their organizations. The study is not aimed at only finding out how many CNGOs have GAD policies or how many use the GAD approach in programs. Rather, the intent is to provide information about these policies, how GAD is integrated into projects, and the impact this has on women in developing countries. It may be easy for a CNGO to say they support GAD strategies, but further inspection can reveal that GAD is integrated into one activity within a project while most activities take on welfare, equity, and anti-poverty objectives for women. Therefore, qualitative methods are employed to get at these more complex issues. 2)Feminist methodology acknowledges the value of a researcher' s personal values and interests in research whereas mainstream approaches believe they will contaminate a study's objectivity and that it is necessary and possible to make research value and interest-free. However, from a feminist methodological standpoint, mainstream research 26 is never value-free. Rather, it actually masks patriarchal biases. Science has mostly been carried out by white, priveleged males while in comparison, feminist methods are more honest as they allow the researcher to admit biases and beliefs. For example, I have a personal interest in writing this thesis because I want to educate people about the subordination women face in developing countries and develop strategies to remedy this problem. I am also a Christian woman who questions how my faith may contribute to the subordination of women. It is better to admit why I am driven to carry out this study, than to be dishonest and thus, produce an incomplete document(Reinharz 1992, 263; Maynard 1994, 25). A researcher' s personal subjectivity also is a source of creativity. It allows for questions to be put forth and thereby, can be the starting point of a study: "true research should include a variety of men and women doing science from all sorts of different cultural and social backgrounds with different ideologies and interests"(Reinharz 1992, 261). 3)Like feminist research, implications of this thesis serve to raise awareness about the Gender and Development approach. This consciousness-raising is especially geared towards development planners and policy-makers who may use the information generated in this thesis to make changes which may lead to better development practices with women(Kelly 1994, 40). Cook and Fonow(1986, 13) have found an assumption of feminist methodology is that knowledge must be elicited and analyzed in a way that can be used by women to alter oppressive and exploitative conditions in their society. 27 4)The study focuses on gender as an important aspect of development(Hammersley 1992). However, unlike much feminist research, women' s and men' s experiences are not directly involved in the study. Rather, the inquiry makes CNGOs and their policies and projects the subject examined. The way CNGOs work with gender concerns is analyzed because they are working within areas where power imbalances between men and women exist. Thus, the study conducted in this thesis is rooted in a feminist methodological framework which is critical of the notion of value-free objective research. It is a non-scientific inquiry, based on a non-random sample of CNGOs. The study was shaped by my own personal interests. The information created by this study may nonetheless lead to a greater awareness about Gender and Development by development planners. This could lead to better programming and policies for working with women in developing countries. Gender is an important and complicated area of study and qualitative methods are used in dealing with complex issues exposed in this thesis. Data Collection The data was collected in a number of ways and from several sources. The methods for data collection in this thesis will be discussed in detail below. Letters and Phone Calls Letters were sent out to the nineteen Christian non-governmental organizations which belong to the Canadian Council for International Co-operation(CCIC), asking for information 28 regarding whether the CNGO had a GAD policy or not. It also asked for obtaining detailed information about projects they supported in developing countries. Each of these letters was followed up by a phone call. A letter survey was conducted as to how many CNGOs had Gender and Development policies. Most of the CNGOs responded and were helpful in supplying copies of their policies. However, only two were willing to share detailed documentation on projects they support. The other CNGOs either supplied pamphlets and vague information on projects they supported or they could not allow their documents to leave head office. Travel to the various cities across Canada was not feasible and thus a limited number of projects were collected for the analysis conducted in Chapter Four. Three of the CNGOs would not respond even after three follow-up letters were sent to each of them. This will be discussed further in Chapter Four. Interviews Interviews were conducted with staff from four CNGOs and two from secular development agencies. These included Susan Walsh(CL WR), Jerry Buckland(MCC), Mary Stuart(YMCA-YWCA), Judy Zimmerman(MCC-U.S.A), Barbara Johnson(CUSO), and Janice Hamilton of Manitoba Council for International Co-operation(MCIC). The secular organizations were included for a couple of reasons. CUSO was one of the first NGOs in Canada to have a Gender and Development policy and has carried out many gender awareness training sessions for members of all CNGOs and NGOs in Canada. MCIC was included because many of the CNGOs in this study hold membership within this larger umbrella organization. 29 These interviews took place in Winnipeg, Manitoba. However, Judy Zimmerman of MCC-U.S.A was interviewed at the head office for all ofMCC, in Akron, Pennsylvania. These people were chosen for interviews because of their expertise, willingness to participate, and their geographic accessibility. The data collected through these interviews were -used as a supplement to the literature review, and contributed to the policy analysis in Chapter Four. The interviews bring depth to secondary literature sources of information(Forcese 1973, 175). All the participants signed a consent form stating their views could be used in this thesis(Appendix A). They were asked six questions relating to their experiences working with women in developing countries, and their organization's response to the GAD approach. The participants were encouraged to speak openly and answer in an unstructured fashion. The questions are listed in the table below. Table 2.1 Thesis Interview Questions 1 Do you feel the project you are or were involved with had a positive impact on women? How and why? 2 Do you believe the NGO you are affiliated with has a strong agenda devoted to women's needs and issues in the area of development? 3 Did the project target women as beneficiaries? Were women included in project participation and at what level and to what degree? 4 Do you view Gender and Development as a good approach? Do you feel it should be integrated into a policy? 5 Do you feel NGOs work effectively with women? Have you seen much change in regards to equality within the NGO you work with? 6 What changes or improvements do you feel would benefit women in developing countries, through the work of Canadian NGOs? At their request, a copy of this thesis will be made available to all organizations who participated in the study since I believe that a researcher who conducts interviews should be 30 accountable to the participants and the organizations with whom they are affiliated with(Burt 1995, 9). Analysis of Gender and Development Policy Documents The policies acquired were first counted to determine the number of CNGOs with GAD policies. The GAD policies themselves varied enormously between CNGOs. Some policies were vague, some were short, and others were long and comprehensive. Also there were CNGOs which were still developing policies. These differences are examined in Chapter Three. The GAD policies were evaluated according to whether they included the principles inherent in the GAD approach. These principles are discussed in Chapter Three of this thesis. This deeper look at the policies allowed for some conclusions about which CNGOs were reflecting the GAD approach best. It also provides a framework for what a GAD policy can and should include. This can be used by organizations which are working towards implementing one in the near future . Analysis of Project Documents Two projects were analyzed for a more detailed view of how Gender and Development is implemented by CNGOs from Canada. This analysis tried to find out if CNGOs were supporting or carrying out projects in developing countries that have incorporated GAD strategies into them or if they are still using Women in Development approaches. The first project studied was The Comprehensive Project(CP), carried out by the local partners of Canadian Lutheran World Relief(CLWR) in Bangladesh. It was suggested by CLWR for study because it is thought to be one of the CLWR projects best exemplifying GAD 31 strategies. The second project studied was Roofs For The Roofless(RFTR) which is supported by Presbyterian World Service and Development(PWS&D). It must be stressed that these two projects were handpicked by the CNGOs themselves and thus only serve as examples of how CNGOs are using the GAD approach in practice. Therefore, any conclusions drawn will be tentative. The analysis of these projects has generated knowledge about how CNGOs are using the GAD approach in project implementation. This information can be used to help other development agencies see how GAD is incorporated into projects and the limitations it faces in practical application. This analysis is undertaken further in Chapter Four. 32 Chapter Three Christian NGOs and Gender and Development Policies Development NGOs in Canada have been slow to commit to statements or policies for programming relating to development with women. A study conducted by the Canadian Council of International Co-operation(CCIC) in 1985, the largest umbrella organization for NGOs in Canada, found that 70 percent ofNGOs said they support activities related to women in development, but most indicated they did not have guidelines for women's development, either in project planning or evaluation(Plewes 1991 , 124). In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the GAD approach was developed and some NGOs in Canada began implementing GAD policies. Johnson( 1996) of CUSO, one of the first Canadian NGOs to have a GAD policy, says of her organization's work "there is a greater focus on women for each project and each program proposal must have a gender component because of the policy". Judy Zimmerman(1997), head ofthe women's division at Mennonite Central Committee in the U.S.A, has found that the GAD policy in her organization has made the commitment to gender issues stronger because it is an official document that can be referred to when questioning gender issues in programming. As a result, MCC has implemented a three year GAD project which evaluates the impact of gender relations in all projects taking place in Africa, India, and El Salvador. In 1995, CIDA put forth its new Policy on Women in Development and Gender Equity. This policy included the principles and objectives of the GAD approach. CIDA promotes and advocates that the partners and NGOs it funds should formulate and execute their own GAD policies. CCIC has also been promoting GAD by training Canadian NGOs in gender sensitivity 33 for policy implementation(Plewes 1991 , 126). This has contributed to NGOs seeing the importance of implementing GAD policies and CNGOs have been no different in this respect; many either have GAD policies or are currently working on them for execution in the near future. The intent of this chapter is to discover how many Christian non-governmental organizations have Gender and Development policies, and how well they encompass values, objectives, and goals inherent in the GAD approach. The Inter-Church Fund for International Development' s GAD policy will be used as a model to evaluate other CNGO Gender and Development policies against. The ICFID policy is used because its GAD principles and guidelines are consistent with those outlined in Chapter One. Thus, the more a CNGO's policy is like the ICFID model, the better it reflects the goals of GAD. However, the ICFID GAD policy also has its limitations. For example, it fails to include anything about the role Northern countries have played in creating subordination and poverty in developing nations. What Is A Gender and Development Policy? The term "policy" is defined by The Standard College Dictionary as "any course or plan designed to influence future decisions or action". A GAD policy, therefore, can be considered a first step in committing to the application of the principles of Gender and Development at the organizational level. Then steps can be taken to transform this written statement into action in development programming. A GAD policy is extremely important because it is a written set of beliefs that can be used as a tool for gauging practices carried out in programs overseas. Susan Walsh(1996) of Canadian Lutheran World Relief says a GAD policy is needed to set rules for all staff members 34 to understand and undergo training in gender awareness and sensitivity in programming. Janice Hamilton( 1997) of the Manitoba Council for International Co-operation, an umbrella organization in which several CNGOs hold membership(CCODP, ACC, CLWR, MCC, MEDA, UCC, WVC, YMCA-YWCA), feels it is very important to have a GAD policy because it can set guidelines for all staffto make sure programming and the implementation of projects involve the equal participation of men and women. Johnson( 1996) agrees. Hamilton( 1997) reports that, MCIC's GAD policy is effective because it enforces measures that make sure funding will only be granted for NGO projects that include a section on gender impact. CNGOs can no longer rely on alleviating symptoms of poverty by addressing women' s basic needs with income-generating schemes only. Rather they should also challenge existing oppressive systems that subordinate women. The first step for CNGOs in achieving this goal is the adoption of a GAD policy which will show their support for Southern women's practical needs and strategic interests(Macdonald 1994, 23) 35 Which CNGOs Have GAD Policies? There are approximately twenty CNGOs in Canada. There are nineteen CNGOs included in this evaluation which are listed in the table below' : Table 3.1 Canadhm CNGOs Included in Evaluation X Anglican Church of Canada- Primate' s World Relief & Development Fund(ACC) X Canadian Baptist Ministries - The Sharing Way(CBM) X Canadian Catholic Organization for Development and Peace(CCODP) X Canadian Jesuits Mission (CJM) X Christian Reformed World Relief Committee of Canada(CRWRC) X Inter-Church Fund for International development(ICFID) X Mennonite Central Committee(MCC) X Presbyterian World Service and Development(PWS&D) Canadian Lutheran World Relief(CLWR) Christian Children's Fund(CCF) Collaboration Sante Intemationale(CSI) Jesuit Centre for Social faith and Justice(JCSFJ) Mennonite Economic Development Agency(MEDA) The United Church of Canada(UCC) . World Vision Canada(WV) Young Men' s Christian Association/Young Women' s Christian Association(YMCA-YWCA) * Adventist Development and Relief Agency(ADRA) * The Salvation Army(SA) Society(SFMS) * Scarboro Foreign Mission .. X = CNGOs with GAD policies * = CNGOs which provided no information Of the nineteen CNGOs studied, only sixteen were evaluated because information was not received from three of them as to whether they had a GAD policy(SFMS, SA, & ADRA). Eight of the sixteen CNGOs have GAD policies and, mit of the remaining eight, two are presently writing up GAD policies for implementation very soon(CLWR, UCC). World Vision Canada has a Women in Development policy which focuses solely on women and not the 1 The nineteen CNGOs listed are members of the Canadian Council of International Co-operation, the largest NGO umbrella organization in Canada. CIDA has said there are approximately twenty CNGOs in Canada, but is unsure of the exact number. 36 relation between genders. This WID policy will not be included in the evaluation because it is based on goals inherent in WID strategies and not that of GAD. The eight CNGOs having GAD policies all used theological reasoning for the formulation of their policies arid based their decisions on Christ's teachings about equality for men and women. However, beyond this commonality the policies are definitely not the same. A selection of these policies are included in appendices(B-G). These differences will be explored in the following discussion. CNGOs Without GAD Policies Before analyzing the CNGOs which have policies, a brief discussion of the eight CNGOs that do not have GAD policies is necessary because they have differing reasons for this deficiency. This information was obtained through letters, telephone calls, and interviews. Some of them are working on creating their policies, while others have little intention of taking this step. The Collaboration Sante Internationale(CSI) from Quebec, which supplies medicine and tools to Christian partners in developing countries, clearly stated they have no policy other than the following : "we help all people, men or women, who ask for help in the countries we do development in"(CSI 1997). This lack of a GAD policy may result in negative impacts on women. For example, discrimination has led to male children in developing countries receiving more health care and immunizations than girls(Ostergaard 1992, 121). Therefore, CSI maybe involved, whether they wish to acknowledge it or not, with an issue of gender relations. 37 The YMCA-YWCA states that it supports local branches in developing countries which all have different gender relations from region to region. It supports many projects that create equal opportunities for women, but it does not have an explicit GAD policy. The YMCA-YWCA leaves it up to its partners in the South to take this task upon themselves(Stuart 1996). This may be a way of empowering people in the South to define their own development but, since there is no policy used at the board level, there is no way to ensure the agency supports projects advocating a change in gender relations and improvement in the position of women. The Mennonite Economic Development Agency(MEDA) does not have its own policy, but uses the ICFID's GAD policy as a guideline because it is a member of this organization. Canadian Lutheran World Relief and the United Church ofCanada(UCC) are currently using the ICFID and Anglican Church of Canada(ACC) policies, along with other information, as guidelines for constructing their own policies(Grady 1996). The UCC has completed a number of drafts already, while CLWR is waiting for all the affiliated members of Lutheran World Services in other countries to put proposals forward. These will be formulated into one overall policy to be issued by head office in Geneva, Switzerland. Walsh(l996) of CLWR says the organization strives to have a clear GAD policy adhered to by all members. Principles of ICFID's GAD Policy The ICFID policy has been chosen as a model for GAD policies in this evaluation because it includes all of the objectives of GAD discussed in Chapter One. ICFID's policy is also easy to understand because it clearly defines terms such as "practical needs" and "strategic interests" used in GAD literature(ICFID 1994, see appendix B). ICFID goes beyond stating the 38 goals of GAD by also including gender analysis and monitoring guidelines for choosing and supporting projects and programs. This helps ICFID evaluate and choose partners and projects that have GAD policies or use GAD impact assessments in programming. The following criteria are contained in the ICFID policy. These criteria are drawn from the goals inherent in the GAD approach discussed in Chapter One. The CNGO policies will be evaluated on whether they include these goals. 1) The CNGO ' s recognition that GAD focuses on the relationship of power between men and women. A gender approach that does not include men is inadequate because their shift in attitudes will be necessary before changes in power distributions that favour women can to take place(UN 1991, 98; Rathgeber 1990). Evaluations ofWID approaches have shown that you can increase women' s access to income generation, decision-making and community leadership, but if men do not change their behavior particularly if they refuse to share responsibility in the household, women are in the end forced with impossible choices between their triple roles as carers, producers, and community members(Macdonald 1994, 21 ). The ICFID policy states "focusing on gender relations, rather than on women, means that the need and responsibility or change lies with both men and women"(ICFID 1994). 2) The recognition that women's work has been and continues to be undervalued in developing regions due to the sexual division oflabor(SDOL). By including this in a policy, it means the CNGO is aware that this factor has a part in subordinating women and can lead to programming which tries to alleviate women' s burdens and teach community members to give more worth to women' s roles in developing countries. The 39 ICFID policy states that "the gender division of labour sets up simultaneous claims on women ' s time, but not men' s labor time. In most societies men ' s work is more vabed than women's"(ICFID 1994). 3) The recognition of women as active agents of change. Women must be active participants in defining their needs and deciding on which activities to use to meet them. Women can become active agents by being included in planning,decision-making, and implementation of projects and programs. Women should not be passive beingsdependent on others for creating their empowerment(Mosse 1993, 161 ). ICFID recognizes this in its objective "to promote the active participation of women in the design, execution, and evaluation, of all activities supported by ICFID with the aim of strengthening women' s involvement in and control of such activities"(ICFID 1994). 4) The policy includes measures to meet the strategic gender interests of women. Earlier WID approaches focused only on practical needs such as traditional activities for income generation, health care and feeding schemes which did nothing to change systems that maintain inequality. ICFID suggests programs that work to meet strategic gender interests such as the equal participation of women in decision-making; income generation in sectors which previously were targeted only for men; literacy; struggle against violence; and equalizing relations of gender. Providing for these strategic gender interests along with practical needs lies at the heart ofthe GAD approach(Moser 1993, 166). 5) The acknowledgment that it is not only gender relations which subordinate women, but age, ethnicity, race and class are also integral factors in creating inequality. Gender relations also vary by age, class, ethnicity, and race. ICFID includes this in its GAD 40 policy by stating that "cultural, legal, and religious systems across cultures create unequal rights and obligations that are often legitimized by belief systems which define roles and attitudes about men and women"(ICFID 1994). 6) The recognition that the CNGO will support or priorize partners who include gender sensitivity in their policies and programming. Northern agencies should work side by side with partners on developing their policies(Macdonald 1994, 25). This would allow partners to shape policies geared to their needs and become aware of GAD strategies. A CNGO's GAD policy should recognize that "because we believe gender and development to be so important, when considering new partners, one of the criteria will be the action of the organization to implement gender sensitive prograrnming"(ICFID 1994). 7) The training of all staff in GAD theory and practice with resources made available for this pursuit. Donor organizations such as CIDA and the World Bank have found training an "effective instrument to raise awareness and expertise of agency staff on gender issues(Jahan 1995, 62). GAD should not only be a consideration for specialists in the agency. A real commitment to supporting GAD will come from all staff being trained in understanding gender issues because, without training, many people confuse "gender" with the word "women". This has led to staff mistakenly equating GAD with setting up women-only projects(Hadjipateras 1997). ICFID's policy includes guidelines about providing training opportunities for partners, staff and boards in gender awareness and policy implementation(ICFID 1994). 41 8) The inclusion of gender analysis tools and questions for indicating and choosing projects which work within a GAD framework(ICFID). Gender analysis tools are a series of questions and guidelines that can be incorporated into the different phases of a project cycle. Development planners may want to first identify who carries out which activities in a community(Appendix C). Then, an assessment can look into the special or different needs of women in the community. They may also look at how the problems selected for project intervention affect men and women differently. Instead of assuming project activities will automatically benefit both genders; these questions broaden planner's understanding about what women do, their needs, and the distinct challenges they face in the community(MCIC 1994). Development planners should ask if project objectives will meet women's practical needs or strategic interests and if they challenge the traditional sexual division of labour, tasks, and opportunities. It can be concluded that a project is not using the GAD approach if it is only serving a women's practical needs and does nothing to challenge existing subordinating systems(MCIC 1994). Gender analysis at the administration level would check to see if women and men in the target community are represented equally on the management committee of a program and whether or not they have access to gender awareness training. Project managers need to understand GAD if they are expected to integrate GAD into project activities effectively(MCIC 1994). There are questions to ask when assessing the outcomes and benefits of a project. Gender analysis would begin by asking if women have received a share, relative to men, 42 of project benefits. For example, a project aimed at providing credit for both genders, would be successful if an equal number of men and women were able to participai:e and acquire the credit they needed. Men and women should both be part of the evaluation process. Their comments and ideas must be included for further project activities in the community. Development workers must make sure both genders are participating in the project by defining their needs and objectives, managing and implementing activities, and evaluating outcome and benefits. Gender analysis is a very important part of a policy because it links theory to practice. Staff are not just given information about GAD to read and learn, but have tools for implementation and criteria for testing whether projects include GAD values. It is the starting point for transforming GAD theory into action. 9) The inclusion of gender in monitoring and evaluation with gender sensitive indicators(Macdonald 1994, 29). One way to do this is by demanding genderdisaggregated information relating to who is carrying out activities in projects, what roles are assigned to men and women, who is benefiting from the project, and how they are benefiting based on their gender? These datas allow a development organization to know how a project is affecting men and women differently. If the CNGO finds out an activity is only benefiting one gender, measures can be taken to make it more responsive to both men and women. Gender-disaggregated data provide evidence for women' s crucial role in economic development. For example, such data show women in Sub-Saharan Africa to be the primary family food producers(Jahan 1995, 64-65). With this knowledge, a 43 development agency would know whom to work with when implementing farming projects aimed at creating better crop production. ICFID ensures "that gender issues are an integral part of all evaluations ofpartnerships and programs"(ICFID 1994). 10) The inclusion of the equal participation of women in decision-making within the organization itself. In many NGOs women may make up half the total staff, but 25% are professionals with only 10% employed in top management positions(Moser 1993, 127). CNGOs should promote gender equality within themselves in order to model values they are emphasizing to partners in developing countries(CIDA 1995; Macdonald 1994, 25). Bhasin(1994) says Southern agencies need Northern partners to admit that patriarchy exists within themselves too. They want NGOs in the North to refute the hypocritical stereotype that this problem only exists in the South. Ensuring there is a more equitable number of women in international and national bureaucracies has also been found to increase work on more women's issues(Jahan 1995, 112-113; Hadjipateras 1997). Are CNGO's GAD Policies Similar to ICFID? Only seven CNGOs made their GAD policies available for evaluation which will be evaluated according to whether their policies include the GAD principles one to ten, found in the ICFID policy, which were outlined above. 44 Table 3.2 Christian Non-Governmental Organization GAD Policy Checklist ICFI AC ceo CB CR MC PWS c DP M WR c &D D CNGO Checklist !)Focuses on relationship between men and women 2)Recognizes devaluation of women's work 3)Women are seen as active agents of development 4 )Strategic gender interests are an integral goal for women 5)Age, ethnicity, and class are seen as factors of inequality 6)Prioritizes partners who support the GAD approach ?)Includes measures for all staff to be trained in GAD theory 8)lncludes gender analysis tools and questions 9)Demands gender-disaggregated information for !projects 1O)Promotes the equal participation of women in the CNGO Y=Yes N=No * = goals they all have # = goals all but one has c y y y y y y y N y y y y N N N y y N N N N y y y y y y y y y y y N y y y y y y y N N N y N N N N y y y y y y y y y y y y y y y y y y y y N y Table 3.2 illustrates how the CNGOs with GAD policies compare to the ICFID policy. Only the Anglican Church ofCanada' s(ACC ' s) policy included all the criteria found in the ICFID policy. The Canadian Catholic Organization for Development and Peace(CCODP) and Canadian Baptist Ministries(CBM) miss only two ofthe goals that the ICFID policy include, while the Christian Reformed World ReliefCommittee(CRWRC) fails to include four of the ICFID policy goals. Mennonite Central Committee(MCC) and Presbyterian World Service and Development(PWS&D) are least like the ICFID policy since they leave out over 50% of the goals inherent in the GAD approach. * # * * # * 45 All of the GAD policies focus on equalizing relationships between men and women in development. For example, CBM states that "we will focus on the relationship of men and women within the development process, understanding the structure and dynamics of gender relations as central to the analysis of social organization and social progress"(Appendix D). Similarly, Presbyterian Service and Development(PWS&D) states "there is historically an unequal balance of power between men and women ... both men and women must participate as equal partners in change"(Appendix E). In all the policies women are seen as active agents of development. The policies promote the equal participation of women in "the design, planning, implementation, and evaluation of activities to improve their own lives and those of their families and communities"(PWS&D). All of the CNGO Gender and Development policies promote the equal participation of women within the organization itself. For example, ACC will "continue the practice of ensuring gender parity among membership of ACC committee"(Appendix F). This illustrates that the CNGOs recognize that gender equality is not just an issue overseas, they are looking at themselves and working towards creating equitable relations between men and women within their respective organizations. All of the policies state they will support partners who integrate gender awareness and sensitivity into their programming. This means CNGOs are not just creating projects which incorporate the GAD approach, but that they are also committing to make sure partners are putting this strategy into action. Also all the CNGOs, except MCC, include measures to train staff in GAD theory and gender sensitivity. For example, one ofCRWRC' s strategies is "developing the knowledge base of CRWRC staff through training for gender sensitivity and • 46 gender analysis"(Appendix G). So, almost all the CNGO policies are training their staff in sensitivity which will help them to recognize projects which support the GAD approach and thus, prioritize partners who share similar values. Unfortunately, only ICFID and ACC include gender analysis tools for choosing partners and projects that reflect a GAD approach. These concrete measures include a series of questions which planners use to evaluate whether a proposed project is gender sensitive. For example, a project may propose to hold classes to teach local women how to manage money. Planners could find out if the local women want these kind of classes and if they would be allowed to participate in them. This investigation may uncover that women are not interested in finances or may not be allowed to manage money in the region because this is a task undertaken solely by males, thus making it a project only geared towards men. A project may have great intentions on paper, but in the field, it alienates women. Using gender analysis tools could eliminate such problems. However, using these tools does take more time and forces planners to take a detailed look into how activities impact men and women. This may involve hiring extra staff to carry out gender analysis in the region proposed to work within. Gender relations also vary by region, so planners will have to meet with local men and women to gather information about how their relationships will affect project activities. These time consuming methods may be why so many CNGOs fail to include them in their policies. Paying lip service to an approach is far easier than carrying out actual field work. Even though most of the policies do not include gender analysis tools, all except those of MCC and PWS&D demand gender- segregated information for projects they carry out or support in developing countries. Gender-segregated data allows development workers to assess who is 47 really benefiting from project activities. For example, data on the enrollment status of males and females attending a local school could be collected to find out if an equal number of boys and girls are accessing education. If women are not getting their fair share from development or they are not being fully included in these activities, steps can be taken to remedy this situation. All of the policies, except PWS&D, recognize that women's work is typically devalued, making statements such as, "roles assigned to women have been undervalued in comparison to men' s roles"(ACC). This is important because past policies have not addressed this issue. For example, anti-poverty strategies do not question women' s time, and therefore, may burden them with extra income generating projects. Only CCODP, ACC, and ICFID mention that other factors such as race, culture, and class cross-cut gender, creating inequality both between the genders and between groups of the same gender. This could relate to the fact that Northern agencies tend to shy away from matters that seem colonialist. For example, MCC's policy states "challenging existing structures can seem culturally imperialistic" and, therefore, work in this area is more cautious(Appendix H). Buckland(l996) found through his experience that "at the economic level MCC has a significant impact on women, but culturally and politically not as significant". It seems all the GAD policies include goals that deal with research, rather than taking action to eliminate the subordination of women. For example, most ofthe policies promote the study of the relationships between men and women and the collection of gender disaggregated information. This may be because it is easier to find out what causes subordination, rather than fighting social systems which produce it(Rathgeber 1990). CNGO workers from Canada may say practices of female genital mutilation must be stopped, but actually going into a country where 48 they have no authority and fighting to stop these practices may put them at risk of violence. These workers, along with the CNGO they are affiliated with, may alienate them from ever working in the region again. Almost all the GAD policies include measures to train staff in GAD awareness and promote the equal participation of men and women staff. This is a good goal because staff cannot implement GAD strategies unless they know what they are. Also staff training has been found to uncover subtle gender discrimination (Hadjipateras 1997). CNGOs, must deal with their internal gender discrimination, since they ask the same of their partners. They all say they will priorize partners who support the GAD approach. The CNGO policies all support making women active agents of change by promoting their equal participation in decision-making, planning and evaluation of development activities. With the exception ofPWS&D, they will work at bringing more value to women' s work. However, this may be easier to state than to actually do. None of the policies give any clue as to how this will done. Only four of the seven policies made women's strategic interests an integral goal even though the Gender and Development approach is based only this very purpose. Only three of the seven policies recognized race, class, and ethnicity as factors which influence gender subordination. This could be a result of apprehension on the part of the CNGO. Fighting for strategic interests such as advocating women's right to own land, and teaching communities to eliminate practices such as female genital mutilation are essentially tampering with sex roles and cultural traditions. CNGOs may feel they should not interfere in a culture' s customs. However, if GAD is based on the principle that gender relations within and between all races and classes can 49 cause gender discrimination, they should be including these strategic interests in their policies. This is a major limitation of the GAD policies. They fail to include active measures to achieve the very goals of the GAD approach, thus exemplifying that GAD may be easier to write about instead of acting out. Most of the policies were only one to two pages in length(PWS&D, CBM, CRWRC, MCC), while ICFID and ACC policies were nine and ten pages long respectively. These two policies were also the only ones to include gender analysis tools and all ten criteria of GAD discussed in this chapter. The length of a policy may not be a good way to judge how clear or comprehensive it is, but length is an initial indicator of how much time and detailed thought was put into its creation. CNGOs should include gender analysis tools in their policies since they provide practical examples for uncovering whether projects are using a GAD approach. Conclusion Even though CIDA has called for development agencies in Canada to implement GAD policies and NGOs have been moving towards using the GAD approach in projects and programs, only approximately half of CNGOs in Canada have GAD policies. Most of these policies are brief and do not encompass all the main principles of GAD. Thus, staff using these policies may never fully understand the meaning and implication of the GAD approach. Since gender analysis tools are not included in most of the policies it may also be hard for staff to know how to put GAD into practice and measure its achievement in project activities. Fortunately, CNGOs that are still drawing up their policies, have good examples such as ICFID and ACC to guide them. On its own, a GAD policy will not enforce the use of GAD strategies. However, 50 having a clear policy which includes the goals of GAD is a starting point for turning goals into practice. In the following chapter, two projects will be analyzed in more detail to decipher whether they are implementing a GAD approach. One of the projects is supported by CL WR which is currently working on a GAD policy. The other project is supported by PWS&D, which has a short one page policy that includes only half of the criteria examined earlier. It will be interesting to compare how well CL WR without a GAD policy and PWS&D with a policy lacking in GAD objectives include GAD strategies and activities in the projects they support. 51 Chapter Four Gender and Development Evaluation of CNGO Projects The analysis in this chapter serves to illustrate how Christian non-governmental organizations in Canada are integrating the Gender and Development approach into project activities they support in developing countries. Of the nineteen CNGOs approached, only two made projects available for evaluation, namely, Canadian Lutheran World Relief(CLWR) and Presbyterian World Services and Development(PWS&D). These two projects will be described in detail, followed by an evaluation of whether the projects have used a GAD approach in working with women. It must be noted that the projects were chosen by the CNGOs themselves and not the researcher. Thus, the projects may have been chosen because the CNGOs felt they were the best examples they had of integrating GAD into programming. It will also be seen if having a policy impacts how well a CNGO integrates GAD into the projects they support. CLWR does not have a GAD policy. Yet while PWS&D has one, it only includes half of the goals inherent in the GAD approach based on the evaluation in Chapter Three. It has been a great struggle for most non-governmental organizations to "translate formulated gender policy into action"(Moser 1993, 105). The case studies examined are used to illustrate the kinds of approaches CNGOs are using in project activities. Not all CNGOs are alike and these projects do not reflect all Canadian CNGOs; however, they are examples used to show whether the GAD approach is actually used in projects supported by CNGOs and to what effect. 52 Gender and Development Evaluation The questions used to evaluate the CNGO projects were derived by gender analysis tools included in ICFID's GAD policy and the Manitoba Council for Co-operation' s training manual, Up and Running With Gender and Development(MCIC 1994). These questions reflect the criteria discussed in the previous chapter and seek to determine whether the project has followed a GAD, welfare, equity, or anti-poverty approach, as discussed in Chapter One, and what the impact this has had upon women. Case Study One: The Comprehensive Project, Bangladesh The Comprehensive Project(CP) has been sponsored by Canadian Lutheran World Relief since 1989. This case study focuses on the period 1993-95. CL WR was founded in 1946 and is supported by Lutheran churches in Canada. It seeks to provide long-term community development, emergency relief, development education and advocacy, and refugee support worldwide(CL WR 1995). CL WR works in partnership with Lutheran World Federation and World Service(LWF/WS) in Geneva, Switzerland which is head office for all Lutheran church-related development agencies world-wide. The Comprehensive Project involves the CLWR and LWF/WS providing financial assistance to a local NGO in Bangladesh called Rangpur Dinajpur Rural Service(RDRS). The project planning documents used here were obtained from CLWR's head office in Winnipeg, Manitoba. 53 Regional Outline The Comprehensive Project takes place in northern Bangladesh. It covers 28 sub-districts spanning 7700 square kilometers(5.4% of the total nation). The area is isolated; Dhaka, the capital city, is twelve hours away by road or rail. The area is prone to flooding during the summer monsoon season and this vulnerability has increased recently because of deforestation. The region has an approximate population of 5.2 million people, 41% of whom are landless and 29% of whom are small farmers owning one acre or less of land. The population is approximately 83% Muslim and 17% Hindu. Project Description Goals of The Comprehensive Project(CP) The project states it is designed to offer a number of development activities, listed in Table 4.1. The CP hopes to build self-reliance and better socio-economic conditions for the landless and almost landless people of the area. It aims to involve poor people in developing local institutions to serve their interests and needs. There is a special focus on the development of women, especially in the area of economic welfare. Components The poor involved in the project(with emphasis on women and especially those which head their households) are organized into groups of 15-25 people. Men and women are segregated into groups based on their gender. Only male staff work with male groups and only 54 women staff work with female groups. The CP strives for an equal number of male/female groups and users in the project. There are various activities in the CP. Health-care activities include treating leprosy victims, teaching nutrition classes to prevent blindness, providing birth control, and teaching new mothers proper hygiene and nutrition for their babies. Legal education teaches men and women together about their rights and where they can seek help if violated. Income-generating projects include fish breeding, silk worm rearing, which creates material used for making clothing items for sale, and livestock rearing, such as goats, which creates a supply of milk. Other activities focus on agriculture. Better technology, fertilizers, and irrigation are introduced to increase crop production and homegardening. The table notes those project activities that are especially geared towards women. 55 Table 4.1 The Comprehensive Project Activities Activity Description People's Organizations Build self managing communities. Comprises 50% women Teaches women and men their rights and laws Legal Education for Women Teaches mothers better child health care and Ante-natal Services mothering techniques Treats leprosy victims Leprosy Treatment Teaches community knowledge about nutrition to Prevention of !prevent blindness Blindness Teaches women healthy practices and family planning Health and Family Planning Teaches male farmers sustainable farming and better Crop Production irrigation Teaches women to grow year-round food at home Homegardening Introduces cheaper and better tubewells for irrigation Shallow-Tubewells Livestock-rearing Teaches women to manage and raise livestock for mcome Aquaculture Teaches people to create and maintain highly fertile fisheries Sericulture Teaches women to create silkworm hatcheries and sell the silk Rice Processing Introduces and teaches women to use better and cheaper technology Income-Generating Introduces methods for women to earn extra income Projects for the family X= project activities geared towards women Aimed at women X X X X X X X X Questions l)What people are viewed as targets and beneficiaries of the project? The project targets men and women, but realizes activities have an impact upon the whole household. For this reason, RDRS monitors and evaluates the progress of male and female groups and their households. 56 The project has a specific women' s component because in the past women have not had equal access to resources and opportunities in their society. There is a strong emphasis on working with households led by women. This is important because in developing countries these households tend to be the poorest of all since they have one less working adult compared to male-headed households, and also because women's wages are less than men' s(Momsen 1991, 26). 2)Does the project focus on equal participation of men and women? The project specifically focuses on the equal participation of men and women. In 1992 there were 5,294 female groups and 4,648 male groups. Presently, 67% of the participants are female. However, participation in each activity is not equal. As shown in Table 4.1 , certain activities, such as homegardening, are set up mainly for women, while agriculture involving monetary gains, in its traditional Bangladeshi fashion is reserved for men. This is because men perform most of the work outside the home and women do most of the work inside or close to the home(Abdullah 1982, 16). A study undertaken by the Danish International Development Agency on CP found men have the advantage of growing crops beyond the homestead for income, while women grow fruits and vegetables mostly for family consumption(DANIDA 1994). A 1990-1993 LWF /WS monitoring report for the CP found literacy was addressed and it seems to be equally available to both genders. In 1992 78.4% of the boys and 73.6% of the girls from group member households were attending school. 3)Do any of the activities seek to challenge the social structures of domination over women? 57 The CP includes legal education for men and women. Together they learn their rights and the laws of inheritance, land and labour. This activity helps women to understand laws that previously they may have known little about. For example, the tradition of dowries in Bangladesh has constructed a view of daughters as a liability to parents because it involves a payment to the groom's family to make up for the future cost she will impose on the household(White 1992, 102-103). But the practice is illegal, which many women in isolated villages may not know. The CP tries to educate couples about the discrimination dowries may create against women. For example, when dowries are insufficient, brides are treated poorly and even murdered by their in-laws(Mandelbaum 1988, 68). The CP urges them to marry without this custom and has already had some success(DANIDA 1994). 4)Does the project engage in welfare schemes for women(mother-child health-care, feeding, and hand-out programs)? The project stresses self-sufficiency. The only welfare activities in the project involve health care and nutrition classes for mothers. The CP does not engage in giving handouts. Women are seen as active participants in their own development and even small loans acquired for income-generating projects(IGPs) must be paid back in full. 5)1s the project focused on income generation for women? How? The CP focuses on the importance of women bringing extra income into the household by carrying out activities, such as home-gardening, livestock-rearing, silk-weaving and food-forwork programs. Women involved in goat-rearing have increased their economic position and feel they have higher self-esteem. They are now demanding more education for themselves . 58 However, most of the income-generating activities "yielded less profit and less return to investment than those undertaken by men"(DANIDA 1994). The CP also has an activity which involves educating women in science and technology to help them gain skills that may lead to stable employment in fields with higher wages, that have been male-dominated in the past. However, there is no indication in the project report as to whether women have been able to access employment in these fields. 6)How does the project affect women's time? There is no mention of child care facilities set up to lessen a woman's burden while she carries out household work, delivers social services, takes education classes, and engages in IGPs . However, the project does offer rice processing techniques and technology that reduce a woman's burden. As discussed in Chapter Two, without adequate provisions to share child care community services and household responsibilities with their husbands or other community members, these activities may be placing an even greater burden upon women(Rathgeber 1990). Jahan(1995, 129) has found women's workloads in developing countries become greater as they become more responsible for earning cash. 7)Do the women define their needs for themselves? The women indirectly define their needs. The CP says the collective response of the local women about their needs will play a major role in shaping the activities promoted in the project. The RDRS which carries out CP also has a women's committee set up for the villages involved in the project. The committee is a forum for discussing and strengthening women's activities in 59 the project. However, since this study is based on a project planning document, there is no indication of whether these forums have been successful in meeting the women's needs. 8)Are there activities to help men to understand the subordinate position of women, and how this can be changed? The legal education component serves to challenge the patriarchal system. Men and women are educated together so that they can learn about each other' s rights. In 1995 the CP added an activity which involved co-ed classes taught to youth about women working outside of the home, and sharing household tasks. These classes were implemented in hopes of changing the attitudes of a new generation of men(L WF/WS 1995). 9)Does the project promote women's practical needs or strategic interests? The project tries to meet both. Practical needs are met by nutrition and primary health care classes, and ante-natal clinics. They are also given and trained in using better methods and technology to make reproductive tasks such as rice:.husking less time consuming. The IGPs such as goat-rearing, silk-weaving, and homegardening serve to give women opportunities for earning extra income which can be used to improve their own and their families' welfare. Strategic interests are met by the legal education component that teaches women their rights pertaining to marriage, inheritance, and constitutional laws. Women are taught about these issues in hopes they may no longer be taken advantage of by men. The program also attempts to tackle the sexual division of labor by offering women education in the areas of science and technology which may lead to them acquiring skills needed to gain higher paying employment in male-dominated fields . 60 Case Study 2: Roofs For The Roofless, India Project Background Roofs For The Roofless(RFTR) is sponsored by Presbyterian World Service and Development in Canada, which is supported by the Presbyterian churches of Canada, and supports partners in the South, including NGOs and churches. PWS&D works with the Canadian International Development Agency(CIDA) in providing financial assistance for local people and staff in Madras, India to carry out the RFTR project. RFTR started in 1979 and has since been carried out in fourteen communities. The narrative RFTR report, for April1995 to March 1996 was obtained from PWS&D. Project Description Goals of RFTR The project offers a number of developmental activities which differ according to the village in which they take place. The people within the villages decide what their needs are and staff carry out the programs. There is a specific focus on literacy for women and children in hopes that this will lead to greater employment opportunities for them. As with the CP, extra income for women also plays a large role in the project. RFTR, like the CP, is designed with the belief that the income will lead to better health and nutrition for women and their families. RFTR carries out a number of different activities. Health-care activities include the provision of medicine, surgery, and contraception; nutrition classes which teach mothers about better healthier eating and cooking techniques; and the facilitation of safe water wells in the 61 villages for all community members. Homegardening teaches women how to maximize crop production all year round on their homesteads. Income generating activities involve raising goats for milk and teaching women sewing and tailoring skills for making clothing to sell for profit. A guild is set up for the men who weave in the community. This allows them to set their own prices and cut out the middle men. The following table summarizes the RFTR activities and again notes those specifically geared towards women. Table 4.2 Roofs For The Roofless Activities Activity Description Provides nutrition classes for women Provides medicine and surgery for village people Teaches women about family planning and sterilization of women Provides food handouts for poor women and their families Feeding Schemes Village Wells Provides safe drinking water in the villages Teaches women to grow more healthy food at home Home gardening Goat Rearing Teaches women to raise goats for income Women's Groups Introduces Wives of Alcoholics groups to fight domestic violence Introduces street theatre to teach about social issues, such Functional Literacy for Children as abuse & camps for kids Adult Literacy Program Teaches women their rights, laws, and literacy Tailoring and Handicrafts Teaches women sewing for handicraft lOPs and young women for export industry Weaving program Men's weaver association is formed to cut out middleman X = activities geared towards women Health and Nutrition Medical Clinics Family Planning Aimed at Wome n X X X X X X X X Questions l)What people are viewed as targets and beneficiaries of the project? The project focuses on building healthy and self-sufficient communities. This includes children, men, women, and the elderly. However, RFTR emphasizes providing better health and 62 nutrition for women because worldwide the tendency is for women to receive the least amount of health care(UN 1991 , 23). 2)Does the project focus on equal participation of men and women? There is no specific strategy for equal participation of men and women; instead, there are certain activities set up specifically by RFTR for women such as sewing and homegardening. RFTR reports that girls still do not have equal access to education when compared to boys, and women still get lower wages for performing the same jobs as men in the project. There is no mention of correcting these problems in the future. 3)Do any of the activities seek to challenge the social structures of domination over women? The project does little to challenge the existing system which perpetuates inequality between males and females. However, there are a few activities that indirectly challenge the system. Like the CP, RFTR teaches women about their legal rights to make sure they are not exploited by discriminatory practices in their communities such as dowries. Women are also offered literacy classes. Education has been found to be one of the best investments for women in developing countries; one to three years of schooling lowers child mortality rates(Kaul 1995, 27). Education has similarly been found to increase a woman's access to employment, higher wages, and better health care for herself and her family(UN 1991, 28). The wives of alcoholics groups, which tackle domestic violence, are also very important since this injustice is so prevalent in their communities and has been found to leave women with low self-esteem and a feeling ofhelplessness(UN 1991 , 68). The RFTR groups provide women 63 with a support system because they create solidarity. Together women can confront husbands about violence and work to stop it in their homes and villages. 4)Does the project engage in welfare schemes for women(mother-child health care, feeding, and hand out programs)? RFTR is a project full of welfare activities. It provides health care, teaches nutrition and provides maternity and child welfare. It also provides food for women, gives pensions to old women who have been left destitute, covers the costs for performing eye surgeries, and supplies medicine for the communities. S)ls the project focused on income generation for women? How? RFTR does have a component dedicated to IGPs for women. Women are involved in selling handicrafts and raising goats for extra household income. Women are also taught skills in tailoring, sewing, and embroidery. These skills have provided young women with jobs in the export industry which allow them to bring extra income into the household. Jobs in Third World export industries tend to be plentiful for women because females are a cheap source of labour, docile, and less likely to unionize(Mosse 1993, 68). However, these jobs may be very damaging for these young women. In South Asia, these industries exploit women and make them work extremely long hours. They also force women to work under terrible conditions. Poor lighting, for example, can lead to major eye damage(UN 1991 , 47; Wahra 1995). 6)How does the project affect women's time? Like the CP, RFTR does not mention time as an issue for women who must take on extra responsibilities such as classes and IGPs. RFTR involves only young unmarried women in the tailoring project because they are assumed to be more mobile and have more time available for 64 factory employment in cities. It seems RFTR tries to limit older women's work to smaller, parttime ventures such as goat-rearing and handicrafts that can be carried out at home. Still no provisions are made to share the triple burden of work as women enter the cash economy. 7)Do the women define their needs for themselves? The RFTR report says the villages define their needs for themselves. However, there is no mention of what these needs are and who actually does this within the villages. Perhaps the women's groups, which are expanding to include all women and not just wives of alcoholics, will eventually provide a forum for women to discuss and decide on activities that address their needs. 8)Are there activities to help men understand the subordinate position of women and how this can be changed? No. If anything it is just the opposite. For example, women are taught to take on the sole responsibility of family planning in the form of sterilization. They are also taught their legal rights in women-only classes instead of both genders coming together and working together on these issues. 9)Does the project promote women's practical needs or strategic interests? RFTR provides for a woman's practical needs with health care, food, nutrition, and maternity classes. The project also provides income-generating opportunities for women to earn extra income. Strategically, RFTR provides women' s support groups for fighting domestic violence due to alcoholism. These groups provide a place for women to socialize, define their needs and give opinions in the community. The project' s functional literacy component teaches women their 65 legal rights and about the need to eliminate the dowry practices in marriage. Due to these classes, the women say they no longer feel helpless and isolated. Project Summaries Table 4.3 and 4.4 were shaped by Moser's (1993 , 233) monitoring charts in Gender Planning and Development. They show the practical needs and strategic interests that are met by the women's project activities. The tables also show the WID or GAD approaches used in these activities. The activities which only meet women's practical needs are considered to be of a WID approach. Welfare activities are those which offer handouts for women or only target them in their child-rearing role. Equity activities are those which make conditions better for women, but fail to challenge the existing system. Anti-poverty activities meet women's practical needs by offering her access to better income, but usually do not challenge the existing system. However, some IGPs do challenge the existing sexual division of labour by providing opportunities to work in traditionally male-dominated fields, thus meeting their strategic interests. The Gender and Development activities are those which meet a woman's strategic interests. 66 Table 4.3 CP Activities Geared Towards Women Project Activities Practical Needs Met Ante-Natal Clinics Primary Health Homegardening Rice Processing IGPs(livestock rearing and silk weaving) Legal Education Women's groups Education( science) Strategic Interests Met X X X X X WID/GAD Approach X Welfare Welfare Equity Equity Anti-poverty/GAD X X X GAD GAD GAD Table 4.4 RFTR Activities Geared Towards Women Project Activities Practical Needs Met Health & nutrition Feeding Schemes X X X X X X ~ Home-gardening Tailoring & sewing Goat-rearing Literacy & legal education classes Wives of alcoholics groups Strategic Interests Met X X WID/GAD Approach Welfare Welfare Welfare Equity Anti-poverty Anti-poverty/GAD GAD X GAD Different approaches are used by each CNGO in their work with women. Both projects used some welfare strategies, such as health care, nutrition, and maternity care. However, RFTR took more of a welfare approach by engaging in feeding schemes and giving direct handouts such as clothing and pensions. Both of the projects used the equity approach by involving women in home-gardening and, in the CP case, giving women better technology for par-boiling and husking rice. These 67 activities do not challenge issues of sexual inequality, but they do allow women to be active participants in development and improve conditions for them within their societies. The CP and RFTR both engaged women in anti-poverty schemes which included incomegenerating opportunities. These activities allowed women to earn extra income which reduces their destitution. The CP tries to challenge the sexual division of labor by encouraging women to venture into more non-traditional IGPs, such as silk rearing, and fish-rearing. The women in the CP were also offered education in sciences to acquire skills needed for gaining employment in higher-paying, male-dominated sectors. This contrasts with RFTR which did set-up goat-rearing IGPs for women, but most of the emphasis was on skills-training in sewing, which enables women to acquire jobs in low-paying export industries. Both of the projects did incorporate Gender and Development approaches into their activities, but to varying degrees. They both provided for women's practical needs. However, RFTR only met strategic interests through the legal education and women's groups components. Otherwise, the male-biased social structures and traditional gender roles are not challenged. The CP, on the other hand, addresses more strategic interests that fight the existing system, such as legal education which teaches both genders together, women's groups, and education in science and technology . This is important because lack of education, and the tradition of dowries are two of the greatest factors which lead to women's low status in families(Engle 1997). The CP does not just provide legal education for women. It involves the teaching of both men and women about these issues together. By doing so, there is a better chance that both genders can understand these topics and work together for change. 68 Both of the projects made women active participants in development by including them in activities, but neither allowed women to solely define their needs and decide on how they wanted development to take place. Only their opinions were taken into account by staff who then designed the project. Both the CP and RFTR recognized the importance of providing places for women to socialize together. The CP worked with women-only groups because of the traditional practice of purdah in the region. 1 The women-only groups allowed women to speak freely and share experiences and ideas. Without these groups women would be left alone, confined to their homesteads. RFTR also created women-only groups to challenge and try to eliminate domestic violence. However, RFTR reports these groups are turning into more of a network for women to share their ideas, experiences, and support. These groups are thus becoming a source of empowerment for women. For example, many women benefit from these groups through increased confidence levels. A woman involved in the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee, a women-only credit institution which works with small women's groups, reports that she now has a support system of women who will stand up for her in times of need; before joining this women' s group she was alone(Marilee 1995, 111). The IGPs in both projects, although somewhat traditional, do allow women opportunities for gaining employment and income, which is especially important for women who head their households. The credit institutions set up in the CP also allow women access to resources for business ventures. This accessibility is important because in many developing regions women 1 Purdah is primarily a Muslim and Hindu tradition wherein women are not to have contact with men other than their husband or kin(Abdullah 1982, 55). For more information on purdah and how it isolates women see White (1992, 220). 69 have not been able to acquire credit, or else moneylenders charged them enormous rates of interest, such as 72% per year, which they clearly could not afford. The RDRS monitors the CP by gathering gender-disaggregated data. This data allows RDRS and CL WR to know who is benefiting from activities, for example, the information can reveal how many boys and girls are enrolled in school. In this way the project can be monitored to make sure it is reaching both genders equally. There are a number of areas in which both projects failed to incorporate a GAD approach. There were a limited number of strategic goals in the CP and RFTR. The literacy rates for women in the CP were found to be very low in 1995. This has made it hard for women involved in economic activities to carry out book-keeping, accounting, and writing proposals(DANIDA 1994). Neither project addressed the recognition that men and women vary from one community to another. The issue of different class, caste, and races is not addressed within the communities except for in RFTR which has found that the men and women have been working to overcome caste barriers. The newly dug wells are being used by everyone in the village regardless of their background. The triple burden of women's work was not addressed in the projects as there were no plans set up to promote the shared responsibility of reproductive and community work between men, women, and the community. Thus, women may have been affected negatively because they are asked in both projects to take classes and earn extra income. Overburdening women reduces their well-being and their capacity to take care of their children. Lastly, both CL WR and 70 PWS&D were supporting local NGOs which carried out these projects and which did not have GAD policies. Conclusions RFTR and the CP give an idea as of to the kind of projects that CNGOs in Canada are supporting. Neither of the projects look at all the activities from a gender perspective. They both continue to use women in development strategies, but they are also starting to integrate GAD into activities as well. It is interesting that the CL WR, a CNGO without a GAD policy, supports a project which incorporates GAD strategies slightly better than the project ofPWS&D, a CNGO which has a GAD policy. However, the policy ofPWS&D had the least number of GAD objectives compared to those CNGOs with GAD policies(see Chapter Three). Perhaps having a GAD policy does not directly affect how a CNGO integrates GAD into projects. Walsh(1996) of CLWR, says GAD is a good approach and is following international trends by integrating it into programming. CL WR is planning to make an even stronger GAD component in the CP in the future. This staff and organizational commitment to using the GAD approach may be a better indicator of how GAD is used in programming as opposed to whether a CNGO had a GAD policy. Using a GAD approach effectively may be based more on staff commitment and depth of effort, rather than statements on paper. These case studies illustrate how CNGOs use a number of different approaches when working with women in developing regions. They also show that, as CIDA and other 71 development agencies promote GAD, CNGOs are able to address gender relations in projects and move towards incorporating the GAD approach into projects. 72 Chapter Five Conclusions The purpose of this thesis was to find out how Christian non-governmental organizations(CNGOs) have been using the Gender and Development(GAD) approach in their policy formulation and program implementation. CNGOs were chosen for study because they are a sizable group of development agencies in Canada. They are also distinct because of their affiliation with Christian churches which provide a great deal of their fimding. It is hoped this thesis will enhance the knowledge about how CNGOs are working with women in developing countries. The first method used for determining whether CNGOs use a GAD approach involved finding out which CNGOs in Canada had Gender and Development policies. Out of the nineteen CNGOs studied, only eight of them had Gender and Development policies. The policies varied in the degree to which they included objectives and goals of the GAD approach. For example, only the Inter-Church Fund for International Development and the Anglican Church of Canada policies included gender analysis guidelines. These CNGOs were also the only two with policies which encompassed all ten criteria outlined in the GAD evaluation in Chapter Three. Some CNGOs are currently working on their GAD policies for implementation in the near future. These include Canadian Lutheran World Relief and the United Church of Canada. Developing a policy is important because it can be a first step in committing to recognizing the need to work with women in development activities. It can also encompass measures to make sure all staff are fully trained in understanding and using gender sensitivity in planning. However, the GAD 73 approach is rather new and policies were only starting to be drawn up in the late 1980s. Therefore, it may take a number of years for significant practical application to take place. The second part of the thesis involved analyzing two development projects supported by two different Cariadian CNGOs. One of these CNGOs had a GAD policy(PWS&D), while the other did not(CL WR). Both of these projects only integrated GAD into certain project activities. They also used a variety of strategies to work with women including welfare, equity, and antipoverty. In general, the practical needs of women were addressed to a greater extent than strategic interests. However, the Comprehensive Project(CP) in Bangladesh, supported by CL WR, provided for the strategic interests of women so than did the Roofs For The Roofless project supported by PWS&D. The project also includes gender-disaggregated data, which was discussed in Chapter Three as a goal that should be included in a GAD policy, on the numbers of males and females involved in activities. For example, data is provided on how many boys and girls attend school. This has shown that an almost equal number of boys and girls are attending school. CP has integrated even more GAD activities into programming for the years 1996-1999. This is interesting since CL WR is a CNGO which did not even have its GAD policy drawn up when this study took place. Therefore, having a GAD policy is obviously not crucial to how an organization integrates gender sensitivity in programming. A policy may be an official statement on paper that can be referred to in development planning, but a real commitment may lie in the organization' s depth of effort to use the GAD approach in the field. Walsh(1996) stresses CL WR' s commitment to strengthening the use of GAD in programming and the training of all staff in gender sensitivity in project planning. 74 The projects looked at offer only a glimpse into how CNGOs are using the GAD approach in programming. Access to projects from other CNGOs was very difficult, because some CNGOs did not have time to share their documents and others could not let project documents leave head office and travel to these offices was not feasible. However, the samples studied showed that it is possible for CNGOS to support projects that slowly challenge the sexual division of labour and existing systems of subordination through activities such as legal education, education, and anti-domestic violence groups. The projects are also making conditions better for women within their environments through income generation, nutrition, and health care activities. Many secular NGOs are carrying out the same kind of development activities with women. The Canadian University Students Overseas(CUSO), which has been one of the leaders in teaching GAD awareness, supports traditional income-generating projects. For example, one of CUSO's main projects in Thailand involves home-based sewing activities for women( Johnson 1996). There is nothing wrong with supporting traditional activities for women, but at the same time projects should teach men, women, and communities to share reproductive tasks, such as fuel and water collection, if women are asked to put extra time into income-generating ventures. The Gender and Development approach challenges attitudes which allow gender inequalities to survive. Thus, working within existing systems to make conditions better for women is not enough and CNGOs must go further if they are truly going to make more equitable gender relations. It seems CNGOs face the same problems as other international development agencies. The GAD approach is hard to put into practice; it brings up serious questions about cultural 75 imperialism and tampering with sex roles in other countries. Thus, it may be easier for CNGOs to take a gradual approach when integrating GAD into their programs. However, at the policy level more can be done. CNGOs can formulate policies, like those ofiCFID and ACC, which commit to training staff in GAD awareness, evaluating projects from a gender perspective, and supporting GAD related projects in developing countries. Contributions of the Study Only time will tell if and how CNGOs will use the GAD approach in the future. Thus, study in this area must be continuous. This thesis has several contributions for all students, development planners, and development organizations that are involved in working with women in developing countries: 1) It provides information about how development agencies have worked with women and the impact this has had on them. The literature review in Chapter One is a an overview of WID and GAD, and provides the reader with an explanation of how GAD was created, based on the needs and views of Southern women. The GAD approach, as used by international agencies, may not be perfect since it fails to incorporate the North' s involvement in women's subordination and there are difficulties in putting it into practice, but it is the only strategy that is shaped by Southern women and it tries to challenge systems that subordinate women, unlike WID attempts which sought only to make conditions better for women within their existing societies. 2) The policy analysis provides information about how many CNGOs in Canada have GAD policies. This is important since even CIDA does not have any data on this subject. 76 Thus, knowledge about these organizations seems limited. The policy analysis also provides examples of two GAD policies which include many of the objectives of GAD. These examples can be references for other organizations which want to draft and supplement their own policies. 3) The project case studies show how CNGOs are integrating GAD into programming and the positive impacts that result. For example, the wives of alcoholics groups in RFTR has led to support systems and solidarity for women who are trying to eliminate domestic violence in their communities. However, it also shows the barriers to using the GAD approach, such as the resistance of men. The men in RFTR still refuse to pay women equal wages for equal work relative to men. There is great difficulty in applying GAD policies since they rest on principles which try to take power away from one group and give it to another. The powerful group may see no benefit in this approach. Accordingly, even though organizations such as the Grameen Bank have had some success with an anti-poverty approach which does not deal directly with the interests of men, other evidence, including the case studies presented here, indicates that this success may be limited or even subsequently subverted by male resistance This research can be used as reference for development planners involved in working with women, showing them that incorporating gender sensitivity into projects will take time, but also that it is possible. 4) This study also provides important information for future researchers who will be studying the role and effectiveness of CNGOs . For example, the thesis illustrates the diffic:Ilties associated with trying to obtain project case studies from CNGOs for analysis. Perhaps with funding, one might be able to visit head offices of CNGOs. This could make 77 it easier for a researcher to gain access to project files which must stay in their head offices. This thesis makes people aware of the challenges faced when studying CNGOs, but also that it is possible. Future Research It is apparent that some CNGOs have been implementing GAD policies in their institutions and practices . The small sample of project case studies tentatively shows that CNGOs are slowly integrating the gender and development approach into project activities in developing countries . Further study in this area could lead to a much larger sample, involving all the CNGOs in Canada. It would also be interesting to compare CNGOs against secular NGOs in Canada which would allow one to discover if CNGOs are any different from the larger NGO community. A future study could also compare NGOs that are funded by CIDA and those which are not. Zimmerman(1997) has found that partners of MCC in Latin America have been suggesting GAD is too secular and a greater focus should be put on Christian spirituality when working with women in the South. Such attitudes could eventually influence CNGOs, making them different from secular development agencies. The influence of Christianity in development strategies could be assessed to fmd out if it has a successful or negative impact upon women. One could also look at the specific denominations CNGOs are affiliated with to see if they influence how CNGOs carry out development with women. This could lead into the debate over whether Christianity has embedded sexist values which influence CNGO practices and keep women in a subordinate position relative to men. 78 Looking Ahead: Into the 21st Century It is hoped that CNGOs and all other development agencies will listen to the needs of Southern women and form partnerships with them as they move into the twenty first century. Gender and Development strategies are only a step towards meeting the needs of Southern women. Real development must involve bringing religion, culture, and gender into development policies and schemes . These areas are where patriarchy is the strongest. Patriarchy is a holistic system that cannot be changed by merely challenging it in fragmented pieces. Thus, Gender and Development attempts are limited in their potential to fully emancipate women(Bhasin 1994). Gender and Development efforts must also start acknowledging the North's responsibility in creating inequalities in Third World countries. For example, colonialism has created gender hierarchies in countries, such as Africa and India. Colonialists introduced practices, such as private land ownership by male heads of households, which stripped away females' rights to land inheritance and claims . Without land as collateral, it is very hard for women in these countries to acquire loans to invest in income-generating schemes or better technology for agricultural tasks(Bhasin 1994). 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Zimmerman, J., 1997, Mennonite Central Committee(MCC), Interview by author, Akron, P A. 86 Appendix A Interview Consent Form 87 Consent Form I understand that the purpose of this interview is to provide information for a thesis being written by a Master's student at the University ofNorthem British Columbia. The student conducting research is Heather Tusa. I agree to participate in a meeting with Heather Tusa. At the meeting questions will be posed and I will be asked to freely and openly discuss what I feel about the questions related to my experience with the thesis topic. I understand that all the information I contribute will be held in confidence and will not be used in an irresponsible manner. I understand that if I wish I can be sure my name will not be used in any written report. I understand that I am entitled to voice what can and cannot be used of the information I give out. I understand that I may withdraw from the meeting at any time without predjudice to my participation and that any information that I have given up to the time of my withdrawal will not be used. *********************************************************************** I understand why this thesis is being written and agree to take part under the conditions outlined above. Date: Signature The consent form was signed by: Jerry Buckland(MCC) Susan Walsh(CLWR) Barbara Johnson(CUSO) Mary Stuart(YMCA-YWCA) Judy Zimmerman(MCC-U.S.A) Janice Hamilton(MCIC) 88 Appendix B Inter-Church Fund for International Development Gender and Development Policy 89 Inter Church Fund for International Development Gender and Development Policy Statement 1. Introduction: In 1994 ICFID, in 1ialogue with partners initiated a process of developing a Gender and Development Policy. The process included: a] examination of gender policies of Church Houses and other NGOs; b] formation of a Gender Working Group made up Board and partner representatives; c] consultation workshop with PAC around gender issues, and a gender and development workshop for Board members; d] determination of the degree to which gender issues inform programming, through a flexible questionnaire to all partners. [See Appendix 3] 2. Statement of the Problem: There is increasing evidence that the quality of life of women in many countries has deteriorated, even when economic development is said to have occurred and some sectors of the population have benefitted. While women have always played a crucial part in the development of their societies and especially in ensuring the well-being of their families, they have in the past received little or no recognition for their efforts, and their roles have neither been well understood nor taken into account. 3. Gender and Development 3.1 What is Gender? Gender is a concept which refers to the culturally specific, socially ~ roles ascribed to men and women. The roles become institutionalized in social practises, and ideas which structure relationships between genders. Power differences inform gender relations. Most often there is an imbalance of. power in favour of men through the creation of different constraints and opportunities for men and women. Focusing on gender relations, rather than on women, means that the need and responsibility for change lies with both men and women . Three critical elements of gender imbalance are: a] the gender division of labour: refers to the jobs that men and women do. In most societies men are responsible for productive work, or economic labour; women are responsible for both productive and 1 90 ~ \ work, or ~ f unpaid family and household labour. The gender div1s1on of labour sets up simultaneous competing claims on women's - but not on men's - labour time. In most societies men's work is more valued than is women's . b) access to and control of resources and benefits: men and women have unequal rights and obligations to societal resources, such as land, capital, education, health, financial services, labour, extension education, transport services, etc. c) cultural, legal and religious systems: across cultures unequal rights and obligations are often legitimized by belief systems which define roles and attitudes about men and women._Sometimes defence of tradition. _end cries of "cultural imperialism" mask efforts to reinstate gender .imbalance on the part of both men and women. Historically there have always been men and women who have spoken out and acted against injustice. Gender injustice has also prompted this response. In many traditions women are viewed as passive, but this perception is challenged by accounts of women's lives whose strong sense of self-awareness, self-esteem and solidarity have questioned gender inequities in the systems and institutions in which their lives are embedded. (Box 1) Together with our partners in Latin America, the Philippines and Africa we have shared the unique stories of our gender struggles. 3.2 Box 1: Stories from Partners ·•on April 30th 1977 fourteen mothers went to the Plaza de Mayo to draw attention to the desaparecidos - the disappeared. Fourteen mothers alone in that big plaza. What courage! . Just think about it, the Mothers standing there, alone in the middle of a country paralyzed by terror. We will continue to walk at the Plaza de Mayo every Thursday to make sure our demands continue to be addressed. We will do so for as long as there is truth to defend and justice to reach for." Renee S. de Epelbaum The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo ~ A Development practice has tended to build on traditional and assumed gender roles, frequently to the detriment of women. Development programming has often met women's practicai needs - those needs which relate to women's facilities. and socially defined role in reproduction. ~ household gardens address women's practical needs. More often, however. development programmes ,. have not empowered women to meet their strategic 2 91 .• needs - those needs which arise from women's subordinate position in society Strategic interests are long-term and are related to improving women's position which includes improving women's access to participatory democracy processes and to gender equality, as well as empowering them to have more opportunities, greater access to resources and more equal participation with men in decision-making. Programmes which support women's income generation, literacy, health, political participation, and struggle against violence address women's strategic needs. The GAD approach works with men and women to help them understand and analyze each other's roles in relation to development, and seeks to transform relations between men and women to allow for equitable and more effective development. Two concerns are key to a GAD approach: a] Equity: ICFID shares with the Church Houses a belief that huma!J..:.._ beings, male and female, are-cre-a ted in the image of God qm;Lara egually valued by God. Yet 1n our development pracji(;_ELwomen have _?hared less in the benefits, and have bomeuneql)al costs. most ~ ~ ~ ~~ to labour. GAD aims to redress this impg_[ance. Box 2: Women in Agriculture Women farmers in general are disadvantaged in their access to resources and faLtors of production compared to men. Comparative evidence from Kenya suggests that men's gross value of output per hectare is 8% higher then women's. However, if women had !he same human capital ~ and used the same amounts of factors and inputs as men, the value of their output would increase b.y some 22%. Thus, women are quite possibly better - more efficient - farm managers than men. Source: WB, 1992. b] Efficiency: The neglect of gender relations in participation in development leads to ineffective development. For instance, women's low education and poor flealth..ara.related to high · · -fertility, high maternal and child mortality, and low economic productivity. In agriculture, disadvantaging women farmers through unequal access to extension education results in -lower food production. (Box 2) 4. Mission, Goal and Objectives 4.1 Mission Statement Our mission is to join together with partners in Asia, Africa and Latin America in the common task of transforming global inequities. 3 \ 92 4.2 Goal Our goal in Gender and Development is to faciliate the transformation of relations between men and women to allow for equitable development and fuller participation. Because the present imbalance typically favours men, this would involve addressing the practical and strategic needs of women. Our approach is through a process of consultation and dialogue with partners around gender issues, expectations, and methods for addressing gender concerns. (Box 3) Because we believe gender and development to be so important, when considering new partners, one of the criteria will be the responsiveness of the organization to implement gender sensitive programming. This would be determined by using the questions and indicators in Appendix 2. 4.3 Objectives: Box 3: Partners· Concerns 1. To increase our understanding of the dynamics of gender relations and how they impact on the lives of men and women in Canada, Africa, Latin America and the Philippines. CLADES: ''Gender is our issue, but not gender alone. Rather, our concern is democracy in all relations - age, urban/rural, and gender.·· PPFSA: ~A on women is strong. however when you look at the project cycle, the participation of ~ in design and decision-making needs to 2. To improve the skills and capacities of ICFID partners, staff. and Board members to undertake gender analysis , to develop gender sensitive programming. and to promote gender equity. ~~ ~ ~ ~~~~ ~ AMREF: ''From the western perspective, gender relations is ~ as conflictual. From the African perspective, both men and ~ need to work together in a process of gender sensitizatjon. · 3. To promote the active participation of women in the design, execution, and evaluation of all activities supported by ICFID with the aim of strengthening women 's involvement in and control of such activities. 4. To evaluate and monitor ICFID's capacity to promote programmes that are gender sensitive . 4 93 4A lmplem.entir:g the Policy: •' 1. Increasing Understanding d' !f promote institutional understanding and commitment to GAD by :organizing participatory consultations with partners, staff, and Board - to review, adapt, and implement the policy. d'f.f. make available sufficient funds to each region to carry out a proposal to explore gender issues, expectations and methods. d'!f share articles and case studies by staff and partners which demonstrate gender analysis in sustainable agriculture, community-based health, and human rights programming- to be published in the ICFID Journal of Learnings for wider distribution to the member churches and NGO community. d'f.f. develop a resource centre for the sharing and dissemination of resources, research findings, data, etc. on GAD, specifically around agriculture, health and human rights - to member Churches and partners. d'!f develop a research and reflection capacity within ICFID to respond to any requests from member churches and partners on specific aspects of GAD. 2. Improving Skills and Capacities d'f.f. provide training opportunities for partners, staff and Board to implement the policy. r c!f gather and update information on regional gender training activities to share with partners for their programme planning needs. 3. Promoting Women's Participation c ~ develop guideline questions and indicators, and participatory methodologies that strengthen women's participation in all programme aspects. [See Appendix 2] ~ support women specific projects. d'¥ develop a process to encourage women's equal participation in all ICFID supported activities - institutional and programme. 5 94 ensure a gender balance on the ICFID board and among staff, as far as appropriate. ~ 4. Monitoring and Evaluation: 4.a Policy level ~ develop and implement accountability and support mechanisms to measure and review the integration of the policy in ICFID. 4.b Programme level ~ ensure that gender issues are an integral part of all evaluations of partnerships and programmes. 6 \ 95 Appendix 1 Strategies - 1995-98 The aim of the strategy during the period 1995-98 is to provide opportunities for ICFID partners, staff and Board members to deepen their understanding of the relationship between gender and development. Rather than emphasizing regulatory mechanisms, the strategy encourages exploration, training, research and engagement with gender issues in general, and specific to each region. To further this understanding, during 1997, one Journal of Learnings, will be devoted to partners' sharing experiences of and reflections on implementing gender and development in their programming. Activity Time 1. Increasing ·understanding: ' 1. 1 1.2 1.3 1.4 circulate GAD policy to all partners for feedback. approve at least one proposal each year from each region to explore gender issues, expectations, and methods publish Journal of Learnings documenting partners' GAD initiatives. develop a GAD resource centre within ICFID office 1.5 1995 on-going 1997 started on-going develop a research and reflection capacity within ICFID to respond to any requests from church members and partners. started 1995/6 2. Improving Skills and Capacitie-s: 2.1 2.2 approve partners'. staff and Board gender training requests. at least up to two per year compile and update information on regional gender training activities. 3. Promoting Women's Participation: 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 develop guideline questions, mechanisms, and indicators, and circulate to all partners for feedback implement in project approval review. approve women specific projects, up to at least one per year per region implement guidelines for ensuring women's participation in ICFID institutional activities. '· 1 on-going started 1995 and ongoing 1995 1995 1995 1995 4. Monitoring and Evaluating: · 4.1 4.2 4.3 96 annual review of policy implementation by Board through · GAD Committee tri-annual review of policy implementation by ICFID and partners using a modified version of Appendix 3 review monitoring and evaluation instrument to include gender issues 2 annual 1998 . 1996-97 - process of problem identification,· content of proposal . 1 • ~ In which specific ways does the project empower women? How does the project address the existing gender division of labour? - increased participation of women in decision-making at community and fam1/y levels,· number of women at decision making level in community,· increased income for women,· number of women participating in and benefitting from the project and how u :; How does the management policy integrate women within the development process? - statements, or policy in place,· u ' How does the NGO decision-making process integrate women? G • How does the needs assessment look at the different problems/needs of women and men? Were women involved in problem identification and project design? r.....General questions re: project's contribution towards women's development: - gender policy in place; General questions re: new partner selection: u .·· Does the organization have a gender policy in place? How is the organization implementing gender analysis and programming? -activities, projects and programmes: reports, statements Indicators Appendix 2 Guideline Questions and Indicators Questions -l \{) - number of women at management level - number of gender training opportunities - number of women and men who have benefitted from the project and how - number of women reached,· number of women participating in the project process analysis 1n reporting ~ - period of time when activities are organized,· 2 ' Taken from MATCH, International Guideline for Gender Programming, 1991, Sara Hlupekile Longwe. • :; In which ways does the programme accommodate women's household and domestic activities? • ." How are child care responsibilities built into the programme? E'xamples of questions specific to sustainable agriculture programming: · ~ What are the [likely}long-term effects in terms of women's increased ability to take charge of their own lives, understand their situation and the difficulties they face, and to take 1 - evaluation of project collective action to solve problems? '-6 Are the benefits of the projects fairly distributed, relative to men? How does the project redress previous unequal sharing of resources? ,v -How are women included in project implementation? How is the progress in reaching women monitored? ~ Are men and women of the affected community equally represented on the management - number of women on committee? management committee,· - number of women ~ :- ' · What opportunities have been made available to management for gender training? •• · Do the institutional management bodies reflect gender equity? 00 10 99 Appendix C Gender Analysis Activity Profile 100 Gender Analysis Activity Profile The activity profile identifies all relevant productive and reproductive tasks and addresses the question: Who does what? Depending on the context and time, additional subgroups can be added( e.g.: girls/boys, elder women/men) Productive Activities Agriculture: activity 1 activity 2 Income Generating: activity 1 activity 2 Other: Activity Profile Women/girls Reproductive Activities Women/girls Water Related: activity 1 activity 2 ect. Fuel Related Food Preparation Childcare Health Related Cleaning Note: taken from CUSO' s 1990 Gender and Development Policy Men/boys Men/boys 101 Appendix D Canadian Baptist Ministries-The Sharing Way Gender and Development Policy 102 The Sharing Way Page 28 TilE SHARING WAY GENDER AND DEVELOPM:ENT POLICY The Vision: We recognize that the transformation of gender relationships in family, church, workplace, and society to those which are mutually supporting, benefitinglrewarding, empowering and interdependent, is essential for changing a world which exploits, devalues and oppresses, to a world which ret1ects the Kingdom of God. General Objective: We will align as partners with the marginalized and disadvantaged to empower them in their struggle for spiritual and social change in order to alleviate the inequalities m thet.r soc1ety. 1hus Sharing Way will work to ensure that women and men have an equal voice in decision making, economic resources, within an interdependent and mutual relationship. Specific..Strategies: 1. We will focus on the relationship of women and men within the development process, understanding the structure and dynamics of gender relations as central to the analysis of social organization and social progress. 2. We will promote and support policies and programs that address the practical and strategic needs of women and men with the greater emphasis placed on programs for women. 3. We will address women's particular capacity to improve their. own and their family's social, economic, spiritual and political condition and to enhance their position in the home, at work, in the church. and in social and political areas. Where required we will encourage and partner women's organizations. Guidelines: j. Efforts mu.s.: Le n-..da ~ ~ :;:.-: eq:.:.:! ratio should never exceed 60-40. ~ of men !md women an CBRDC.. and that the gender 2. Recruit, select, train and promote women and men to all levels of program management within The Sharing Way, and to encourage overseas partners to do the same. 3. Require gender related information from partners regarding the f ~ on needs assessment, determination of desired results. and on impact assessment. It is essential to spec1fy the changes in the lives of women as the result of projects and programming. 103 Appendix E Presbyterian World Service and Development Gender and Development Policy 104 Gender Policy Goal Presbyterian World Service and Development- believes that all human beings are equal in God's sight. PWS&D is committed to social justice, and believes that ensuring gender equity is a justice issue. In order to achieve social justice and eqmtable development, both women and men must :J?ilrticipate as equal partners jn change. By participating as equals, ~ and men will be able to ~ .,. design and direct their collective Issue PWS&D recognizes that there is historically an unequal balance of power between men and women in both the North and South. Because of this power imbalance, women are often denied the opportunity to become agents of change in the develo..Pment of their societies. Specific Objectiv_e8 1. To address gender equity issues within PWS&D, as well as with its international and Canadian partners. 2. To improve the skills, capabilities and sensitivity of PWS&D staff, committee members, and partners to promote equity between women and men. /,To give priority to developing long term partnerships with organizations of the South who are addressing gender issues and encouraging gender sensitivity. ~ ensure that women participate in the design, planning, implementation, and evaluation of activities to improve their own lives and those of their families and communities. 5. To increase the dialogue and understanding between PWS&D and its partners about gender ·issues, expectations and methods for addressing gender issues and concerns. ~ to educate both women and men on the source and impact of power 6. To imbahinces, as well as the need for and benefits of gender equity. 7. To educate PWS&D's Canadian constituency about gender issues, and to encourage them to work towards promoting gender equity in their communities. adopted April 1994 ' . \ 105 Appendix F Anglican Church of Canada-The Primate's World Relief and Development Fund Gender and Development Policy ... 106 GENDER AND DEVELOPI\1ENT POLICY RATIONAI,E I. Intrinsic to the Christian faith is the belief that human beings, male and female, are created in the image of God. In our differences and in our relationships we are called to reflect God in the world. We as Christians believe that God wills the human community to live with love and mutual respect. The unequal relationship between men and women, however, is a fundamental way in which humankind has fallen short of God's plan. Women through the ages have been systematically oppressed and wounded. As Christians we must acknowledge that the Church through its patriarchal structures and through its interpretation of the Bible has shared in this sin of oppression. As a result the human community has been denied the full gifts of women and men and has therefore limited its potential for development. Our faith teaches us that God does not abandon us. Just as God led the Israelites out of slavery in Egypt, so, we believe, God plans liberation for us all today. 'This is the good news brought to us by Jesus Christ, who showed through his life, death and resurrection God's love for all women and men. The Primate's Fund General Policy calls us to proclaim God's redeeming love through Christ, and deliverance from sin and all that mars human life. Our guiding principles clearly state that our goals are to work for justice, to increase opportunities for growth in human dignity and potential and to suppon the right of people to change societal institutions. An integral part of the PWRDF mission is.to address gender roles, women's rights and social justice. The unequal relationship between the genders is an injustice and calls for transformation. With the grace of God PWRDF will join with others in the healing of wounds, the creation of just relationships between men and women and the development of a caring and nurturing society. In this way we will participate in the new creation that God intends, a creation whose birth 'Mil bring pain as well as joy. IT. GQAL AND OB.IECTIVES Both women and men have both similar and different needs. There is an imbalance in the ways the needs are met. Both men and women are subjected to gender defined roles in the family and in all societal institutions. However the roles assigned to women have been undervalued in comparison to men's roles. Discrimination against, and oppression of women right up to and including tolerance of violence against women are the effects of these assigned roles. There are regional differences in social, cultural, economic and political contexts (including issues of racism and class differences) which will affect the approach made by gender analysis. However it is helpful to distinguish between two types of women ' s needs: PWR.DF GAD Poli'Y Juoe 1994 1 107 PRACI1CAL GENPER NEEpS: Identified by women as skills, facilities, or resources which they need in order to fulfil their functions on which often depend the survival of family and community. . Meeting these needs does not necessarily challenge the gender division of labour or women 1 s subordinate position in society. Practical gender needs are often concerned with inadequacies in general living conditions such as access to education, health, shelter, water and employment. Addressing these needs improves the condition of women 1s lives and therefore of others in the short te.rnl. SJRAIEffiC GENDER NEEJ)S: These needs vary as they are defined by particular contexts; fulfilling strategic needs will challenge the subordination of women. Strategic needs are related to gender assigned roles in the division of labour and within political, social and economic structures: the focus of action tends to be for change in such things as land tenure, law and customary law, protection from violence (domestic, institutional and military), access and participation in political, religeous/church and other social structures and decision-making. Addressing strategic interests means improving women Is position in society and the Church and therefore improving their condition. At the same time it contributes to the establishment of equal gender relations. Given the above: PWRDF'S LONG TERM GOAL IS: TO ESTABUSH AN EQUAL PARTNERSHIP OF WOMEN AND MEN IN' DETERMINING AND DIRECTING OUR COLLECTIVE FUTIJRE. PWRDF WILL STRIVE TO ACHIEVE TillS BY PROMOTING A TRANSFORMATION OF GENDER ROLES. ill. IMPLEMENTATION; PRINCIPLES. GOALS AND GUIDELINES INTRODUCTION: PWRDF will apply a Gender and Development (GAD) analysis to all aspects of our work. · The GAD analysis is part of a holistic analysis which considers the totality of social, cultural, economic, and political life in analyzing the forces that shape society. GAD particularly analyses the forces which affect women's as well as men's ability to direct and benefit from development processes. The GAD analysis includes relations of power and dominance at the household, community, regional, national and international levels. PWRDF GAD Policy June 1994 2 108 2. Gender and Develcmment Analysis looks beyond the functions of women and men in society, to examine the relations between them, the impact of these relations on development, and forces that both perpetuate and change these relations. 3. A Gender and Develcwmeot approach seeks not only to integrate women into development, but to look for the potential in development initiatives to transform unequal social/gender relations and to empower women and society. Gender-focused development seeks to empower women, to reduce the inequities they face and to enable them to participate with men in achieving greater control over their lives. PRINCIPLES 1. . PWRDF is committed to being GAD positive and GAD sensitive in its internal organisation and operation. 2. PWRDF is committed to implementing a GAD policy in a manner that respects its partnership principles of dialogue and mutual support. 3. PWRDF is committed to working with men and women as both are affected by historical and societal traditions which define roles according to gender. 4. PWRDF is committed to searching out the voices of women articulating their practical and strategic needs. 5. PWRDF will set some minimal GAD positive criteria. 6. PWRDF will expect some positive, observable and incremental change from present partners, where needed. 7. PWRDF will give positive support to the implementation of its GAD policy by clllocating resources, such as: staff, committee and volunteer time; obtaining and distributing GAD ~ materials (including theological/biblical reflections) to partners, committees and volunteers; funding for GAD training 8. PWRDF is committed to ongoing monitoring and evaluation of the GAD policy. PWRDF GAD Policy June 1994 3 109 GQAIS AND GUJDELJNFS (A). OVERSEAS AND CANADIAN PROGRAMMING GOALS P'.VRDF Will give priority and active support to programmes which: • help women and men to address gender relations through GAD education and training address women Is and girls I strategic gender needs enhance women 1 s management and leadership training enhance focused networking of women around their strategic needs • • • GUIDELINES 1. PWRDF will continue to work with its partners on the implemenatation of the GAD policy, and further, will seek out some new partners who could help PWRDF and its partners with the implementation of its GAD policy. 2. PWRDF will not fund programmes which would make power relations worse, and will not fund organizations which consistently marginalize women 1s voices even if they are represented. 3. When PWRDF is considering new partners one of the deciding criteria will be whether the organization or programme is GAD positive: this will be determined by using the indicators and questions listed under "Towards ~ a Gender Analysis". (See Appendix 2) (B). F1JND RAISING/DEVELOPMENT EDUCATION/ADVOCACY GOALS PWRDF will: • • • • • • Sensitize the PWRDF constituency re Gender and Development issues Promote a good balance of women and men in non traditional roles in fund raising and promotional materials. Enable people to do advocacy on their own behalf, and include advocasy training forwomen in GAD training. Ensure PWRDF hears women's input for advocacy requests. Ensure participation of women in advocacy strategy building groups. Affirm gender parity in the selection of overseas visitors to Canada. GUIDELINES PWRDF GAD Pol icy June 1994 4 110 1. PWRDF's GAD policy will be shared and discussed during briefing of overseas visitors to PWRDF consituency and with Canadians going overseas with the purpose of integrating the policy used during the visit. 2. PWRDF will give a more intentional GAD analysis in its campaign materials, development education and refugee coordinator packages. 3. PWRDF will provide GAD training for PWRDF volunteers in order to ensure gender consciousness and GAD analysis capacity for both interpreting PWRDF work and for analyzing local situations. 4. PWRDF will encourage youth, women and men to participate in development education committees and events. 5. In contracting out PWRDF materials production, PWRDF will share the GAD policy and ask that attention be given to GAD guidelines (for example, are there particular practical/strategic needs of women and are they included in the story?) (C). PWRDF COMMITTEE AND STAFF GOALS PWRDF will: • • • • Affinn gender parity for membership on committees. Ensure PWRDF Committee applies an analysis of gender and development using a set of indicators or questions in reviewing all of its programmes and policies Make GAD positive recommendations for consideration in ACC personnel policy . GUIDELINES 1. PWRDF will continue the practice of ensuring gender parity among membership of PWRDF Committee. 2. GAD training will be included in the orientation for new PWRDF Committee. 3. All volunteer members should be informed of child care costs provisions. The following recommendations will be directed to ACC personnel policy makers: + Affirm and encourage maintenance of current maternity/paternity leave and pay equity. + Encourage a policy of flexibility re hours, benefits and alternative ways of organizing work in a particular with relation to family responsibilities. + Institute a policy that encourages support positions be open to both men and women. ) Institute a policy that for the first six months after parental leave, no travel is reQUired of primary care giver staff: subsequently, travel for primary care giver would not be required to exceed two 10-14 day trips per year until child is of school age. PWRDF GAD Policy June 1994 5 III APPENDICES 1) RE "GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT" AND WOMEN IN DEVELOPMENT In approaching "GAD" Gender and Development, one tends to get tangled up with "WID" Women in Development since any analysis of the need for GAD policy reveals the inferior position of women. The thrust of implementing a GAD policy is to pay attention to women 1 s situations and address them, thus GAD includes and subsumes WID. GAD differs from WID in that it includes men, extends WID analysis and changes the emphasis and focus. GAD includes the relations between men and women as well as focusing on women; GAD includes Wlequal power relations that affect equitable development and women 1s full participation rather than focusing on the simple exclusion of women from parts of the development process; GAD tends to see the solution in terms of empowerment and transformation rather than the integration of women into the status quo. The implementation of a GAD policy emphasimi addressing both practical and strategic needs and calls for . adding a gender sensitive analysis in looking at the social, cultural, economic and political context which is part of any project/programme analysis. 2) TOWARDS DEVELOPING A GENDER ANALYSIS A) Furthering the GAD Implementation B) Levels of Recognition: DEFINITIONS C) GAD Organisation Profile What is a GAD "baseline"? The GAD baseline should indicate the current status of PWRDF programmes and projects as they are assessed by applying the GAD indicators I questions. The baseline is helpful because it sets the ground against which PWRDF can monitor and evaluate the GAD policy. ~ PWRDF GAD Polic y June 1994 6 112 FURTHERING THE GAD iMPLEMENTATION 1. RE THE PARTNER ORGANIZATION: QUESTIONS INDICATORS What arc the numbers of men and women in governance (Board/Committee) in senior and middle staff positions? a) women & men in decision making bodies How are the women and how arc the men chosen for governance panicipation? What arc the priority factors involved? (Position - is it strategic(able to influence power decisions. leadership of a netWOrk to ensure implementation of decisions. ..say tJie right things", i.e. don't rock the boat. and whose strategy is it?] competence/expertise). Who . chooses? b) women chosen by peers and broader community in decision making bodies c) women chosen by vinue of their position through marriage, or by men for decision making bodies Is there a constitution. or statement of goals and objectives in which Gender and Development policy and practice is stated either directly or indirectly? h) fonnation and practice of gender and development policy and programme Does a strategy exist to reach GAD goals and objectives. or is there a trend towards establishing GAD policy and practices? 1) women and men participate or are excluded by Has there been observable positive or negative change over the time of partnership between PWRDF and the organization? (If possible. identify the factors which contributed to the change.) f) analysis of the effects of a given programme on men women and children virtue of their gender as decision makers o) effect on women's strategic ne'!1s p) effect on existing unequal power relations in structures and policy o) effect on women's strategic ~ p) effect on existing unequal power relations in structures and policy 113 2. RE THE PROGRAMME OR PROJECf QUESTIONS - INDICATORS What arc the numbers and roles of men and women in the specific development activities. and why? I) women or men participate or arc excluded by virtue of their gender as decision makers j) women or men participate or arc excluded by virtue of their gender as planners of managers k) women or men participate or arc excluded by virtue of their gender as implementors 1) women or men arc participate or arc excluded by virtue of their gender as beneficiaries Which needs (practical/strategic) and whose needs (men. women. community, girls. boys) arc being f) analysis of the dfects of a given programme on Who will benefit (directly/indirectly), how will they · benefit (effects on reproductive. productive and social functions) from the activity/project/programme1 1) women or men participate or are excluded by addressed? Is the potential for positive or negative change in awareness of gender issues considered? men and women, girls and boys o) effect on women's strategic interests virtue of their gender as beneficiaries m) degree of integration of women's projects and activities in the local economy and society n) balance between increase in women's burden of work with compensation or direct benefits to women d) responsiveness of men and WOhaCn to women's strategic needs e) responsiveness of men and women to women's practical needs f) analysis of the effects of a given program on men and women. girls and boys p) effect on existing unequal power relations in structures and policy 114 3. RE WOMEN'S PROGRAMMES I PROJECIS QUESTIONS INDICATORS Docs the project address a priority practical need (skills, resources, facilities, opponunities) or strategic need (centered on issues of equal treatment in law, human rights, or in societal institutions): who did the analysis, and what is the d) responsiveness of men and women to women's strategic needs c) responsiveness of men and women to women's practical needs Docs the programme/project improve women's' access to and control of resources? m) degree of integration of women's projects and activities in the local economy and society a) women and men in decision making bodies p) dfect on existing unequal power relations in structures and policy f) analysis of the dfects of a givc:n programme on men and women, girls and boys How docs the project affect gender relations in the short and long term. and is there a strategy to mitigate short tcnn difficulties in gender relations in the family and community? d) responsiveness of men and women to women's sttatcgic needs c) responsiveness of men and women to women's practical needs f) analysis of the dfccts of a given programme on men and women, girls and boys. m) degree of integration of ~ projects and activities in the local economy and society evidence? 115 Appendix G Christian Reformed World Relief Committee Gender and Development Policy 116 CR fVRC Gender Policy Dackgr·ouml: CRWRC's ~ gender policy proposal began its development in the fall of 1994. Wyva Hassclblad, CRWRC's Arid Lands director, and Kristen Velyvis, consultant to CRWRC West Africa, provided much of the basis for the current proposal. Additionally, this work was circulated among CR.WRC international staff and incorporates many of their suggestions. The Gender Task Force in August 1996, presented a proposal which recommended the adoption of our current policy be put on hold for one year. During this moratorium, all international staff could receive gender analysis training and test their learnings. Increased learning, results, and acting on results, would better enable staff to implement the policy when later adopted. In a recent letter from our program officer at CIDA, CRWRC was strongly encouraged to adopt a "board approved" gender policy in order to comply with one of the criteria in our annual assessment process. It would improve the rating to have such an approved policy and, rather than having to wait a further year, it was suggested that provisions for implementation and acting on results could still be made. In December 1996, the CRWRC Bi-National Executive Committee adopted the following gender policy, based on the policy proposal presented to the Board in February 1996. In the motion to adopt, it was clearly stated that lessons learned would ·be reviewed annually by CRWRC, to consider how this policy and its role within CRWRC:might ·be changed ·to reflect our increased . : .· : ·!.-: ~ . .-::. ' ; understanding for this issue over time. CRWRC GENDER POLICY .:•.-:' ' .; ~s;:. . iJ ... . •. .' ~ . ,. I. Statement of principle: . . · 1• ~ ~~ ;t • . · " In accordance with Scripture, the creeds and confessions·iOf. .the·-Christian Reformed Church, CRWRC acknowledges men and women as image bearers of God and·therefore equal before God. Male and female, all of us are to represent God as we do our·tasks. In every society however, a misuse of power between the sexes often impedes the full ·and equal participation of women in the decision making structures affecting their lives. CRWRC therefore promotes gender equity and a greater valuing of women's role in all· facets of society, recognizing this to be a social · justice issue first of all. .·.1 ..... •! • • e , • ~ .. r ·'• . : ,: ' . II. Statement of goal: . ;•""-*? " CRWRC is committed to serving the ~ ~ f poor, the majority of who, in any part of the world today, are women and children. ~ projects and programs aimed at reducing poverty must do so within the context of enabling and empowering women to be active ag·e nts of change within their socio-economic environment. CRWRC is a catalyst for women's equal participation. It encourages enduring leadership of, ahd .\benefit from, all project sectors and points of programming intervention. This includes the family, the community and the church, the intermediary and partner organizations. This goal addresses issues for which we are accountable as citizens of the Kingdom of God: justice, equity, the valuing of each person as God's imagebearer, and faithful stewardship of the world and its resources. 1 117 Ill. 1. 2. 3. 4. The intended outcomes of CRWRC's gender policy arc: increased skills, education and income levels among women; improved health and nutrition levels among women and their children; women'·s equitable decisioi1 making at all levels of project planning and implementation; increased numbers of women in leadership positions at the community level and \Vithin partner organizations; 5. women's equal access to opportunities within the community and partner organization; 6. the alleviation of women's workload; 7. increased awareness and sensitivity amongst CRWRC staff, board and constituency of the hardships faced by women; 8. increased appreciation throughout societal structures for women's role and contribution. IV. CRWRC's strategies to achieve the intended outcomes are: 1. setting goals for and monitoring the participation of women in all project sectors; 2. sensitizing partner organizations to the importance of working with a gender perspective in program planning; 3. sensitizing partner organizations to the importance of having a gender balance within leadership; 4. developing the knowledge base of CRWRC staff through training (i.e. training for gender sensitivity and gender analysis) 5. consulting with women directly in the planning stage of every project to ensure the integration of their practical needs and strategic interests; 6. utilizing existing and creating ·new opportunities to enhance women's profile within the community through ·project planning and implementation activities. V. In order to assess progress towards these outcomes CRWRC will: * disaggregate project reporting data by gender to include: -the number of women involved at the partners' board and staff levels, - the number of women board members and/or promoters at the community level and, - the number of women participants * measure the differential outcomes of projects for women and men * test the viability of introducing specific components into projects in order to achieve gender objectives. * utilize CRWRC's A5n planning form as a deliberate tool to stimulate planning for longterm outcomes and monitoring for gender initiatives. 2 11 8 Appendix H Mennonite Central Committee Gender and Development Policy 119 Gender and MCC: An Overseas Services statement for internal use -- September 1994 Our Affirmation ~ we affirm that all human beings are created in the divine image. Women and As men are equally valued and loved by God and invited to become part of the new, redeemed humanity. Jesus, our savior and example, valued and loved every person he met, including those who for reasons of gender, nationality or occupation were excluded by the religious establishment of his day. As ministers of Christ's love our calling is to work in ways that empower people, especially those who are excluded in our societies today. Our Goal In MCC's mission statement we declare that we "strive for peace, justice and dignity of all people by sharing our experiences, resources and faith in Jesus Christ." We try to model healthy, mutually helpful relationships between men and women and to develop new structures in which women and men can grow toward wholeness. Our goal is to work together for the overall wellbeing of humanity -- women, men and children. The Need Women throughout the world are often confined to domestic duties, the informal sector of low-skilled, poorly paid jobs. Women suffer from unequal access to education, work of their choice and decision making roles. Many women struggle daily with the effects of poverty and abuse. By most measures of relative status, women are substantially disadvantaged compared to men. According to United Nation's statistics, women perform 67 percent of the world's work, earn 10 percent of the world's income, are two thirds of the world' s illiterates and own less than one percent of the world's property. The current widespread situation, caused by entrenched cultural and historical patterns, requires correctives. <' ' History of MCC Structures In 1973, an MCC binational Task Force on Women in Church and Society began working on women's issues. This grew out of a strong feeling that Mennonites and Brethren in Christ needed to deal with a history of discrimination against women and would need to work • deliberately to change established practices in the church and within MCC itself. In 1982 the Task Force became the Committee on Women's Concerns, with a staff person in the United States. A Canadian staff person was appointed in 1984 with a Canadian national advisory committee formed in 1987. MCC now has a Women's Concerns Committee in both the United States and Canada, each with its part-time staff person and mandate or mission statement. MCC Personnel Services monitors gender issues among MCC staff and provides resources to workers through 9rientations, workshops and literature. In 1992 Overseas Services asked Peace Office to include in its peace and justice work the monitoring of women's issues within overseas programming. · Experience of Overseas Services In our work overseas we use our experience and skills to deal with gender issues in the cultures in which we serve. Some of this work, intentionally or inadvertently, includes women as target groups. When we seek to form partnerships with those who are most 120 oppressed and struggling for change, those who arc not otherwise being helped by their government or other non-governmental organizations, we often find our partners are women. When we look for people who are willing to work together for the common good, willing to take risks on experiments to help their families and build community we often find women's groups. Some MCC overseas work of this kind includes training teachers for girls' schools, establishing agricultural projects, and creating jobs that empower women, generate income and give women access to credit. The projects may or may not be designated as women's development, but our partners are often women. The second category of our work with women sees women less as needy objects of our service and more as resources to solve problems that emerge from a gender analysis. A focus on gender issues rather than on women as target groups examines the structures and attitudes that maintain the imbalance of power between women and men. Some MCC overseas work reflects this gender perspective: MCC workers collect women's agricultural knowledge for the benefit of the whole community, work alongside local women's groups as they do abuse counselling, conduct self esteem workshops, educate about AIDS, support women's Bible studies and the projects that emerge from them and assist family planning and other health work. MCC workers are more cautious in working in this second category. Challenging existing structures can seem culturally imperialistic. Yet we seek to encourage situations in which women can take responsibility for decisions that affect them. For example, when female producer groups in a partner organization are accountable to male managers, or women in a partner church are excluded from leadership roles, we seek the overall wellbeing and dignity of all humanity, women and men. Our goal is to work in these situations with humility, transparency and mutuality. We live with people we serve. We form trusting relationships with partner churches an9 NGOs, and we seek to learn from them. When we are open to our friends' and partners' challenges of our own cultural blind spots -- our ageism, racism, individualism and our own sexism -- then they are more open to hearing our observations about gender and power. Evaluation Our language reflects our desire to be faithful followers of Christ before successful. relief and development workers. Evaluations of our work tend to be anecdotal and impressionistic rather than rigorously researched. We are reluctant to do unpact studies because relationshipbuilding is hard to quantify. To evaluate the effectiveness of our work we rely on our own and others' observations of our work within the context. We gain theoretical insights from the studies conducted by our partner NGOs and other available research. We strive to hear what women are saying about the projects that affect them. We recognize a tension between our concern for justice and our tendency to impose our own cultural biases on ·others. While some voices are calling for clearer criteria for evaluations of our work on gender issues, we also hear a strong reluctance to impose external evaluation standards. Our commitment The initiative for projects and positions that focus on gender issues and work with women has 121 '· come from a variety of sources -- individual MCC worker interest and experience, partner NGO requests, partner church priorities and MCC team objectives. This has led to a wealth of work with women and with gender issues. We commit ourselves to continue to ask who is most oppressed and marginalized and to use our energies, skills and resources to meet their needs. We commit ourselves to become more sensitive to gender issues and to seek culturally appropriate ways to challenge unjust structures and prejudicial attitudes. We commit · ourselves to learn from .those we serve "In the name of Christ." Questions for annual planning cycle. In your .area: l. What work do women do; what work do men do? 2. What resources do women have access to and control over; what resources do men have access to and control over? 3. What benefits of a given project will women have access to and control over; what benefits of a given project will men have access to and control over? 4. What decisions do women make; what decisions do men make? Submitted by Gwen Groff, Peace Office. Adopted by MCC, September, 1994.