EVEN WHITE PRA TITIO ER : HOW DO THEY
D R T
D WORK WITH BORIGI
L TRAUM ?

y

B . .W .,

m

J anic

. Forde

r ity f

riti h

lumbia , 19

THE I
BMITT D IN P R TIAL F LFILLMENT
THE REQ IREM
T FORTH DE REE F
MA TER OF 0 IAL W RK

UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRJTI H
August 2015

© Janice

. Forde, 2015

F

OLUMBIA

D

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11

Abstract

This thesis lays out the historical and social sources of trauma in the lives of
Aboriginal people and juxtaposes them against dominant cultures understanding of
trauma and treatment as primarily pertaining to the individual. Concepts like

historical trauma are presented and explored , leading to a critique of the DSM (The
Diagnostic Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders) as unhelpful , and possibly
harmful , in its focus on individual pathology . It is argued that without reference to
systemic and structural sources of genocidal oppression , standard trauma treatment
may prove more damaging than helpful. Interviews were conducted with seven nonAboriginal women counselors to determine if and how their approaches to trauma
treatment reflected an appreciation of colonialism as a source of historical and
current trauma. Interview transcripts were subjected to thematic analysis , revealing
a pronounced understanding of the traumatic impacts of social injustice on
Aboriginal people and the limitations of western counseling approaches.

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Table Of Contents
Abstract ....................................................................................................................... 11
Table of Contents ........................................................................................................ iii
Glossary ..................................................................................................................... vi
Dedication .................................................................................................................. ix
Acknowledgement ....................................................................................................... x
Introduction ................................................................................................................. 1
Rationale ..................................................................................................................... 4
Background ................................................................................................................. 6
Statement of Research Question ................................................................................ 8
Literature Review
PTSD and Complex PTSD ............................................................................... 9
Historical Trauma ................... ........................................................................ 12
A Social Context Complex Trauma Framework .......................... ............. ...... 15
Colonial Trauma Response ............................................................................ 16
Racism as Trauma ......................................................................................... 17
Liberation Psychology .................................................................................... 22
Feminism and Trauma ................................................................................... 25
The Politics of Healing ................................................................................... 29
Aboriginal Treatment Approaches .................................................................. 33
Methodology and Design .......................................................................................... 40

Introduction to Thematic Analysis of Client Interviews
Participant Demographics .............................................................................. 42
Approach to Thematic Analysis ...................................................................... 43
Identifying Underlying Themes (rationale and process) ................................. 44
Themes of Complexity and Challenge in Traum a Work with Aboriginal Women
The Pervasivene ss of Trauma and Trauma as Multilayered .......................... 49
Power Imbalance Exacerbated in Work with Aboriginal Wom en ................... 53
Difficulty of Establishing Safety and Conn ection /Relation ship ....................... 54
Being White and the Great Divide .................................................................. 57
Individual versus Collective Focus ................................................................. 60
Serious Consequences When Trauma Work Falls Short .............................. . 63
Themes of Mitigation
Knowledge of History and Culture of Aboriginal Clients .................. .. ............. 66
Owning Your Whiteness and its Limitations ................................................... 71
Relationship Building and Long Term Involvement ........................................ 76
Thinking Outside the Box : Alternatives to TDWNA .............. .. .... .. .................. 79
Conclusion
How Typical Was My Research Group? ........ .. .............................................. 85
Reflections on My Primary Findings .............................. .. .............................. . 87
Suggestions For Further Research ............................ .. .................................. 91
Final Remarks ....................................... ..................................................... .... 92
References ................................................................................................................ 94

Appendix 1- PTSD .................................................................................................... 99
Appendix 2 - Information Letter ............................................................................... 101
Appendix 3 - Interview Guide .................................................................................. 103
Appendix 4 - Consent Form ..................... ............................................................... 104

Vl

Glossa ry

Colonial trauma response - Formu lated by Evans-Campbell (2011 ), this concept

attempts to highlight the unique situation of Aboriginal people whose experience of
trauma tends to be multi-dimensional incorporating the interaction of historical with
current collective and individual trauma .

Complex post traumatic stress disorder - A counterpart to "s imple PTSD", this is

an alternative diagnostic concept developed by Herman (1992) to capture the more
serious and persistent symptoms of those subjected to chronic , on -going trauma
such as child sexual abuse combat experiences , torture and confinement .

DSM - The Diagnostic Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, published by the

American Psychiatric Association , provides a widely used classification of mental
disorders, relied upon by clinicians and researchers for its diagnostic criteria. It has
undergone several revisions since its initial publication in the 1950s and is now in its
fifth edition , published May 18, 2013 . Controversy surrounds its validity and
reliability, most notably among feminist critics (Brown , 2006 ; Burstow, 2003 ;
Herman , 1992).

Historical trauma - Sometimes referred to as intergenerational grief and loss , thi s is

the legacy of genocidal actions and other forms of persecution and deprivation
imposed upon a cu lturally or socially distinct group . It results in emotional suffering

..

Vll

among the descendants of survivors through transmission of grief across the
generations. See Braveheart (2000, p. 246) .

lCD -The International Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems
Is the health care classification system of the World Health Organization (WHO)
which directs and coordinates international health care for the United Nations.

Insidious trauma - Similar to microaggressions , this feminist concept was
developed to capture the impacts of continuous exposure to sub-threshold traumatic
stressors. See Burstow (2003 p. 1308).

Microaggressions -These are the persistent, everyday instances of discrimination
and marginalization typically experienced by members of disadvantaged minority
groups. Among Aboriginal people , the accumulated impacts of racially motivated
"slights", taken within the context of ongoing social and cultural disruption and loss,
can seriously exacerbate existing individual and collective trauma. See BryantDavis , (2005) and her discussion of microaggressions and covert racism.

PTSD - Post traumatic stress disorder is the array of symptoms laid out by the DSM ,
first introduced in the DSM-111 (1980) , that persist for one month or more following a
traumatic experience and which tend to overwhelm the adaptive and coping
capacities of people. The traumatic precipitator was originally conceptualized as a

Vlll

catastrophic stressor 'o utside the range of usual human experience'. Revisions in
subsequent editions of the DSM have expanded its definition beyond a category of
extreme stress.

TDWNA - Traditional dominant white North American coined by Burstow (1992 ,

p. 72) with reference to western style counseling of Aboriginal people.

Trauma or traumatic event - Defined as an event that evokes feelings of "intense
fear, horror or helplessness" by earlier versions of the DSM , subjective responses to
a traumatic event have been dropped by the DSM-V (2013) , allowing for a
somewhat broader understanding. It still falls short of Feminist and Aboriginal
conceptions of trauma, however, which tend to conflate trauma with wounding or
injury . See Carter (2007 , p. 16) and Matskis (1996 , p. 17). Traumas of Interpersonal violence and abuse create the most severe psychological impacts
(Herman , 1992).

Dedication

This thesis is dedicated to the women and men of the Carcrossrragish First
Nation who honoured me with the sharing of their personal and traditional stories ,
their struggles and their hopes for the future . The many connections and friendships
afforded me over the years have been invaluable to my growing knowledge and
understanding of Indigenous experience and aspiration .

Acknowledg ements

It is with sincere appreciation and gratitude that I recognize the faculty , staff
and my fellow students who inspired and assisted me on this challenging journey.
Special thanks are owed to Bernadette who contributed so much to my time at
UNBC through her unfailing support friendship , and collaboration . Al so deserving of
thanks is Chris for his up-beat company and project partnership and instructor
Susan Burke for exposing me to valuable Aboriginal resources for my work. I owe a
great debt of gratitude to my committee members, Dawn Hemingway and Lela
Zimmer who , despite the complications of long -distance communication , kindly
agreed to lend their guidance and assistance to this undertaking . And above all , I
remain forever grateful for the boundless support , energy and inspiration of my
professor and supervisor, Si Transken . Her unflagging encouragement and faith in
my abilities, especially when I doubted myself the most, were critical throughout this
lengthy process.

Finally, I wish to thank all the remarkable women who agreed to

participate in the research interviews , generously sharing of their time , experience
and reflections.

Introduction

Treatment for trauma related symptoms such as PTSD and complex PTSD
tends to focus on an individuals unique and personal experiences of trauma which
adversely impact that individual 's ability to achieve an adequate level of functioning
and satisfaction with life. However, I will argue that when providing services to
Aboriginal people with personal trauma and addiction issues , it is vitally important to
recognize the limitations of an individualized focus . (This is equally true , I believe ,
for members of all ethnic and social groups subjected to systemic oppression and
injustice, as referenced in the section Racism and Trauma) . Not only should
caregivers demonstrate cultural sensitivity and competency in their practice with
Aboriginal people , they must be cognizant of the larger historical and social context
in which individual trauma is situated . As Haskall (2009) asserts , "traumatic impacts
are rooted not only in the specific experiences of any individual 's unique life story
and experiences, but also ... are structured by the historical legacy and
contemporary realities of social inequalities" (p. 50). The crushing impacts of
colonialism are not relegated to the past, as evidenced by the appalling third world
living conditions of many northern Aboriginal communities such as Attawapiskat
(CBC news, Nov. 29 , 2011 ).

In reference to the devastating consequences of

colonialism , it is clear that "All of these factors have had , and continue to have,
profound effects on the health and well-being of Canada's First Nations . Moreover,
they are compounded by a widespread social denial ... [by non-Aboriginal people]"
(Haskall , 2009, p. 50).

2

I want to investigate the approaches that non-Aboriginal women counselors
employ when offering trauma treatment to Aboriginal women. I limit this study to
women counselors for two reasons : The majority of counselors/social workers are
female , and as a feminist I am especially interested in how the experiences of other
women counselors inform their thinking and their practice as it relates to this study. I
want to develop a sense of how much (or how little) the historical reality of
oppression , as well as the struggle of Aboriginal people to survive current adverse
social conditions and pervasive racism help shape the ways in which trauma and
addiction are treated by non-aboriginal women counselors . In general , do nonAboriginal care providers identify the interplay of trauma historical trauma and
racism in the lives of their clients? Does the treatment they offer reflect an
understanding of the differences between the ways in which trauma impacts the
lives of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal women? How do they assess their
effectiveness in evaluating and treating the impacts of multi-dimensional trauma
among their Aboriginal women clients?
Note: The terms white and non-Aboriginal typically convey somewhat different
meanings. In the context of this thesis , white tends to imply North Americans of
European descent, and especially those who fit the definition of WASP (white AngloSaxon protestant). Until fairly recently , before the rapidly changing ethnic
composition of North American cities (e.g. , Vancouver, BC) being white was
considered normative and, I would argue, is still largely considered as synonymous
with dominant culture. For this reason, white is a useful term for the purposes of this

thesis . It is also true however, that white dominant culture practitioners are not the
only ones whose values , motives, and comprehension of Aboriginal struggle under
colonialism can be at odds with that of their First Nation clients . For this reason , the
terms non-Aboriginal and white are used interchangeably, allowing for a more
comprehensive picture of those potentially aligned with western training and values ,
than would be conveyed by one term alone .
The terms Aboriginal indigenous and First Nations are also used
interchangeably to more fully encompass an important array of implications .
Aborigine , derived from the Latin ab and origine, means "from the beginning" so
refers to the original ones. Indigenous is a true synonym of native and directs our
attention to the area or place to which a people belong . First Nations is perhaps the
most political term and is currently the most prevalent in discussions of land claims ,
Aboriginal rights , colonialism and the like.

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Rationale

Because of the collective historical and current social trauma that impacts
the lives of so many Aboriginal people traditional trauma therapy , with its
individualized focus , is clearly insufficient to alleviate the suffering of traumatized
Aboriginal people. For this reason it is incumbent on all of us who might be called
upon to assist Aboriginal clients with 'PTSD" and addiction issues, to explore which
kinds of approaches would be most in keeping with an anti -colonialist practice , and
be most valuable in assisting traumatized Aboriginal clients to cope more effectively
with the debilitating impacts of the multiple traumas that have impacted their lives .
There is an emerging body of literature which addresses the unique situation
of Aboriginal people whose individual traumas are inextricably bound up with the ongoing social realities of poverty , racism , inequality, loss of language and culture
through forced assimilation , and all the other impacts of colonialism (Haskell &
Randall , 2009, p. 49). There is little , however, that directly addresses the question
of what role , if any , non-Aboriginal counselors might play in the healing journeys of
Aboriginal people. What are we currently doing , learning , or failing to learn in our
trauma work with Aboriginal survivors? It is my contention that current models of
trauma and trauma response limit our ability to arrive at adequate treatment
approaches for Aboriginal people when we take into account the concurrent and
complicating impacts of multigenerational and historical trauma (Evans-Campbell ,
2011 , p. 317). It is vital that we come up with an expanded trauma framework to
help guide our practice with Aboriginal people , given their unique set of

5
circumstances as a people whose recent history and current social conditions are
shaped by the damaging impacts of colonialism .
It is my hope that researching the approaches to trauma treatment of nonAboriginal counselors will provide some indications of the extent to which nonAboriginal trauma counselors think about and seek to act upon the complex problem
of interacting levels of trauma among their clients .
My study will also review those approaches that Aboriginal people , working
from within their own societal and cultural contexts , find most beneficial for their
healing work around trauma. My findings indicate that a focus on re-establishment
of familial and social connections (McCormick 1997), involvement in traditional
practices (Brave Heart, 2000 ; Haskell , 2009) , a recognition of connections between
contemporary trauma and historical injustice (Brave Heart ; Gone , 2009) , and
collective action for increased community control (Haskell) , all contribute significantly
to both the buffering of traumatic impacts and a reduction in the severity of adverse
trauma responses .
I also explore the idea of racism as a source of trauma, looking at the
cumulative impact of "microaggressions", and the ways in which current experiences
of racial discrimination and/or harassment can trigger and interact with personal and
historical trauma.

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Background

Aboriginal people in Canada as elsewhere , have endured on-going attacks
on their culture social structures , and belief systems through colonization (Hart,
2009 , pp . 26, 27 ; Smith 1999, pp . 7 & 19) . Their subjugation and oppression has
taken many forms , one of the more pervasive and damaging being the forced
internment of Aboriginal children in so-called re sidential schools who se purpose was
to strip them of their cultural identity, to "kill the Indian in the child " (Fournier & Crey ,
2011 , p. 173-177 Sinclair 2009 , p. 20). Generations grew up bereft of the
necessary parental attachments we now recognize as so vital for healthy
psychological development (Haskell & Randall , 2009) . Broken connections to land ,
culture and traditions, coupled with a pervasive racism that relegated First Nations
people to the margins of dominant society , served to undermine a positive Aboriginal
identity (Kirmayer, Simpson , & Cargo , 2003 , p. s18) .
Social ills of all types have been traced to this legacy of colonialism. The
incidence of "family violence", addictions , suicide and child sexual abuse are greatly
over represented in Aboriginal populations (Health Canada, 2009) . Women have
been disproportionately impacted by violence and abuse , encountered both within
and away from their First Nation communities (Smith , A., 2011 ).
Many First Nations women carry within them both the hidden pain of person al
wounding from violence and abuse , often beginning in childhood , and the weight of
historical , collective grief and loss. And yet, typically, it is women who have
demonstrated the greatest resiliency and offered the greatest resistance to the

7
colonialist agenda (Stevenson 2011 pp . 48-49) . Women were traditionally , and
continue to be , the healers and care givers of their nations. Grass roots Aboriginal
women , armed with little more than their courage and determination , undertook the
work that grew and spread and positively transformed their communities in places
like Alkali Lake and Hollow Water (Siveii -Ferri , 1997).

Statement of th e Resea rch Question

With this study I investigate the approaches that non -Aboriginal women
counselors employ in their work with Aboriginal women seeking help from trauma
related difficulties. I want to develop a sense of how much (or how little) the
historical reality of oppression in the lives of Aboriginal women is recognized and
helps shape the ways in which trauma and addiction are treated by non-Aboriginal
women counselors . Although not directly asked of the potential participants in the
study , I hope to discover the following : "Do non-Aboriginal women counselors
provide trauma treatment to Aboriginal trauma survivors which references the
broader historical and inter-generational trauma of Aboriginal people in general?"
And if so , "How is this aspect of treatment conceptualized and delivered , and what is
its perceived value in facilitating recovery from trauma related difficulties?"
The overarching research question is formulated from these interests. "What
kinds of approaches do non-Aboriginal counselors use in their trauma work with
Aboriginal clients?"

Literature Review

PTSD and Complex PTSD

The study of human responses to trauma is relatively new and is a rapidly
changing field , especially in regard to our understanding of neu rochemistry and brain
development. It was in the aftermath of the Vietnam war that the concept of PTSD
and the modern field of trauma research was ushered in (Dayto n, 2000 , pp . 125127). In the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV TR ,
2000) , trauma and PTSD are approached as discrete and individualized experiences
and responses . Criteria for the diagnosis of PTSD fall into three areas of neuropsychological manifestations ; specifically , symptoms of hyper-arousal , such as
hyper-vigilance, sleeplessness and impaired affect regulation ; persistent reexperiencing of the trauma , including flashbacks and nightmares ; and avoidance of
trauma related thoughts or associated stimuli , and/or a numbing or shutting down of
affect (see Appendix 1, adapted from DSM-IV-TR) .
PTSD is not the only problematic response to trauma , and is typically
associated with a number of co-occurring mental health issues such as depression ,
addiction and dissociation (Matsakis , 1996, p. 18). The clinical definition of trauma
and PTSD , which require that one meet very restrictive criteria for formal diagnosis ,
has been expanded on over the years by those working in the field . For Matsakis
(1996), for example, "trauma refers to the wounding of your emotions, your spirit,
your wi ll to live, your beliefs about yourself and the world your dignity, and your
sense of secu rity" (p . 17). Those whose responses to trauma do not include

1

the full range of PTSD symptoms , may stil l suffer from equally disruptive emotional
and psychological effects.
In 1992 Judith Herman s Trauma and Recovery was pub lished and became
the bedrock for this emerging area of research and practice. It is still referred to by
virtually every trauma expert working or writing in the field . After years of practice
with severely traumatized people Herman developed a new diagnostic category
called "complex PTSD" which looks at the effects of prolonged or chronic exposure
to trauma . Childhood abuse and maltreatment are among the most prevalent
precipitators of complex PTSD that also include exposure to combat, imprisonment,
torture , spousal abuse , and childhood maltreatment (Herman , 1992, p. 276) . Those
suffering from complex PTSD face a far more lengthy and arduous journey to
recovery . They may exhibit both the symptoms of "simple" PTSD and far more
serious and enduring impairments of psychological and emotional functioning . The
primary , long-term effects are as follows :
1. Affect dis-regulation - This involves the inability to effectively control one 's
emotional responses (e.g ., lack of distress tolerance) and to self soothe
2. Changes in consciousness and attention - Concentration and focus are impacted ,
negatively affecting learning and general recall
3. Alterations in self-perception - One may see him/herself as inherently unworthy,
incapable of achieving love or happiness
4. Alterations in re lationships with others - Mutually satisfying connections with
others are extremely difficult to form and maintain

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5. Somatization (complaints of physical pain , etc.)
6. Alterations in systems of meaning e.g. a sense of hopelessness (p . 121 ).
Recognition and acceptance of the complex PTSD conceptualization
informs the theory and practice of virtually every current trauma expert (Briere , 2006 ;
Pearlman , 2001 ; van der Kolk , 1996). Ongoing attempts to have complex PTSD
included in the Psychiatric Diagnostic and Statis tica l Manual, however, have been
unsuccessful. Bending to pressure , the committee charged with defining PTSD for
the DSM-IV (1994), made some changes based on the work of Herman and other
practitioners who have contributed to the research literature in the trauma field (van
der Kolk, p. 203) . Some of the elements of complex trauma , as propo sed by
Herman and others , have been included in a tangential way. "Nine of the 12
symptoms listed under the associated features of PTSD are derived from the CP
[complex PTSD] theory and constellation [of symptoms]" (Roth , Newman , Pelcovitz,
van der Kolk, & Mandel , 1996, p. 540) .
Despite the DSM-IV field trials conducted in 1991-1992 which demonstrated
a need for a symptom constellation that PTSD alone fails to capture (Roth et al ,
1996, p. 539) , especially as manifest in survivors of childhood sexual abuse , it
remains the case that "While CT [complex trauma] appears clinically meaningful , its
name and criteria were not officially included in the DSM nomenclature , as they were
in the lCD (International Classification of Diseases)" (p . 552) . The PTSD diagnosis
then , remains limited in its scope , failing to capture the far more serious and longterm impacts of exposure to chronic interpersonal violence and abuse .

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Historical Trauma
Most of the literature regarding historical trauma is related to studies of the
families and descendants of Jewish Holocaust survivors (Fogelman , 1991 ·
Kestenberg , 1990; Niederland 1968· Solkoff, 1981 ). Maria Yellow Horse Brave
Heart (1998) found striking similarities between the impacts of the Jewish Holocaust
and what she came to term "The American Indian Holocaust" (p . 65) . With reference
to the history of her Lakota First Nation , Brave Heart identifies several analogous
features ; genocide precipitated by religious persecution (demonization of Judaism
and Aboriginal ceremonies like the Ghost Dance) mass graves and the almost
impossible task of mourning such an overwhelming loss, and finally , "the suffering of
the survivors and descendants ' (p . 65) .
Brave Heart (1998) explores other similarities between the collective and
historical trauma of American Indians in the US who live surrounded by their
colonizers , and European Jews who live among the perpetrators of the Holocaust
(p. 65). Their shared patterns of grief remain unresolved given the threatening
presence of their oppressors/persecutors. Fogelman (1988) asserts that "Jews in
Europe have not found an effective means of coping, integration , and adaptation.
Most are in a stage of complete denial and stunted mourning of their losses .. . This
repression results in ... psychic numbing" (pp. 93 , 94) . Brave Heart implies that the
same is to be said for Native Americans (p. 65).
Brave Heart approaches the treatment of individual trauma within the context
of historical trauma, alternatively referred to as "disenfranchised grief", a kind of

1
"unresolved grief' over past wounds and losses that have never been sufficiently
mourned (1998 pp. 68 69). This is due in part to the weight of more recent
accumulated trauma . Brave Heart came to realize that individual healing needs to
include recognition of past pain and injustice and its on-going influence on the
present , as well as some measure of resolution of that historic trauma . Building on
that insight, she devised an intervention curriculum for troubled Lakota parents that
facilitated awareness of how historical factors had impacted traditional parenting and
how trauma had been transmitted inter-generationally. Her approach also focused
on a reattachment to traditional Lakota values . Results were encouraging , and
"parents unequivocally reported a perceived positive impact on their parenting"
(1999 , p. 118).
After years of working with traumatized people from her Lakota First Nation
(where there was widespread suffering from "cumulative wounding across
generations"), Brave Heart formulated a theory of "historical trauma response"
(2000 , p. 246). In her earlier work she referred to the phenomenon as
"lntergenerational Posttraumatic Stress Disorder" (p. 24 7). Her further study of
historical trauma gave rise to its application in both prevention and intervention .
The historical trauma response as defined by Brave Heart (2000) "is
analogous to the survivor syndrome and survivor's child complex identified among
those who endured the Jewish Holocaust, and their progeny" and consists of three
main features (p. 247). The first is transposition, explained as the experience of
ancestral suffering as though it were happening in the present. Brave Heart notes

14

that it can become the "organizing princip le of ones life' . (She spoke of how she and
the Lakota people still carried the sorrow and despair associated with the massacre
at Wounded Knee.) The second feature she talks about is identification with the
dead that leads one to feel unworthy of living and only loosely connected to the here

and now. It seems to be related to the survivor syndrome encountered in the
Holocaust literature. The third feature she identifies is '/maintaining loyalty to and
identification with the suffering of deceased ancestors, re -enacting affliction within
ones own life ." She notes that Lakota culture , like many Aboriginal cultures , fosters

a sense of connection with the spirit world , predisposing them to take on the
suffering of their deceased (p . 248).
After her 1992 study demonstrating the pervasiveness of "impaired grief, a
consequence of massive cumulative trauma throughout history" among the Lakotas ,
Brave Heart developed , and then "examined the effectiveness of a culturally
congruent four day psycho-educational intervention designed to initiate grief
resolution for a group of 45 Lakota human service providers" (2000 , p. 248) . She
used questionnaires pre and post test to measure changes in levels of sadness ,
grief, hopelessness , guilt and so on. Test results , as well as anecdotal feedback
from participants, confirmed that :
(a) education about historical trauma would lead to increased awareness of
associated affects, and (b) sharing these affects in a traditional context would
provide cathartic relief (Brave Heart, 2000, p. 249).

Brave Heart's study demonstrates the usefulness of historical trauma theory in
regard to personal healing.
A Social Context Complex Trauma Framework

Haskell and Randall (2009) draw on the concepts of attachment theory and
complex trauma , as well as the historical trauma theory of Brave Heart, in their
formulation of another related approach to Aboriginal trauma which recognizes the
need to transcend the purely individualized focus of most practitioners. They
examine the trauma experiences of Aboriginal people in Canada through what they
term " a multi-dimensional complex trauma lens" (p . 50) . It illuminates the fact that
the effects of colonialism and the resultant "historical ' trauma not only continue to
reverberate through the collective memory of Aboriginal people , but persist through
the systemic discrimination and oppression which impact social conditions in the
present day. "Many aspects of the lives of Aboriginal peoples , therefore, are
continuously traumatic. This is a fundamental insight which cannot be over-

emphasized, and which must be foregrounded in any discussion of the impact of
trauma on Aboriginal peoples of Canada" (p. 50).
Haskell and Randall (2009) spend considerable time analyzing and
elaborating features of complex trauma. They tend to focus on "the alterations of
relationships with others" as significant in a context where secure attachments were
disrupted through overt acts of colonialism, such as forced removal of children to
residential schools and imposition of patriarchal values and social organization. "At
the cultural level, disrupted attachments can also speak to the disconnect between

16

traumatized peoples and their sense of belonging to a community , to their sense of
cultural identity" (p . 65). This is one major way in which individual and collective
trauma intersect.
While drawing heavily on the theory of historical trauma , Haskell and Randall
(2009) also speak of its limitations . They argue that Aboriginal communities "are
currently traumatized as a result of contemporary social economic and political
conditions of their lives and the ways in which individual lives are affected by
ongoing complex trauma responses (p . 74) . They see historical trauma as one
element in the traumatic circumstances of Aboriginal people and stress the
importance of grasping "the ongoing presence of the historical in the present"
(p. 74).
Of particular importance , the social context complex trauma framework "shifts
the focus away from perceived flaws in the 'personality' or 'character ' of survivors of
abuse, and instead situates traumatized people 's coping within the range of normal
and typical human responses to trauma imposed from external forces" (Haskall &
Randall, 2009, p. 77).

All these related approaches to trauma as multi-layered

or multi-dimensional, serve to reframe the notion of individual pathology by
positioning individual and collective responses to harm within a temporal continuum
of colonialist violence and deprivation.

Colonial Trauma Response
Evans-Campbell (2011 ), who has also investigated the intersection and
interaction of historical and current trauma among Aboriginal people , formulated the

17

"Co lonial Trauma Response (CTR) , which builds upon the trauma theory so far
presented (p. 331 ). It encompasses historical trauma responses and their interplay
with traumatizing events in an Aboriginal person 's current life . As Evans-Campbell
states:
A defining feature of CTR is its connection to colonization . Indeed , CTR
reactions may arise as an individual experiences a contemporary
discriminatory event or microagression that serves to connect him or her with
a collective and often historical sense of injustice and trauma (p . 332).
The work of Evans-Campbell is essentially congruent with Brave Heart, and Haskell
and Randall , lending an elaboration of sorts to the central formulation . The creation
of CTR is perhaps best understood as a means of better connecting the notion of
historical and collective trauma to the particular social and political realities inflicted
on Aboriginal people through colonialism . The terminology is different, but the
message is the same. To help relieve the suffering of Aboriginal people ,
individualized trauma treatment is woefully inadequate and may even serve to
worsen the impacts of historical/collective trauma if there is no acknowledgement of
the enormity of the harms inflicted through colonialism . CTR 's contribution is about
where it focuses our attention : It highlights the ways in which a myriad of large and
small injustices trigger and interact with deeper individual and shared traumas and
come to be experienced as a relentless course of traumatic events over time.
Racism as Trauma

Studies concern ing the impacts of racism also have huge implications for an

1
understanding of Aboriginal trauma . Bryant-Davis and Ocampo (2005) argued for
acceptance of racist incidents as a form of trauma which leads us to the exploration
of yet another stream of potential "soul wounding " (Duran , Firehammer & Gonzalez,
2008). They did so by drawing parallels between experiences of racism and "the
acknowledged traumas of rape and domestic violence (Bryant-Davis & Ocampo ,
2005, p. 479) . They identify a number of shared cognitive , emotional , and
physiological effects (p. 487) . They also look at shared responses among survivors
of all three types of assaults . An especially significant one is the feeling of shame
and self-blame for failing to adequately respond to a threatening situation and
defend oneself- especially in instances when shock and immobilization have taken
over (p. 488) .
Because we live in a society where rape and racist assaults are common , just
being a member of a target group can produce significant stress (Bryant-Davis &
Ocampo , 2005, p. 489) . It is reasonable to assume that stress will increase as
awareness of the prevalence of threat increases.

Current implicit threats will

resonate with past victimizations and historical injustice , greatly magnifying their
emotional impact.
The authors also point to shared societal responses to racist and sexual
violence. The experiences of survivors are typically disbelieved or minimized since ,
as the authors argue, "If the survivor is not to blame , then society must face the
psychologically overwhelming reality that life is full of injustices" (Bryant-Davis &
Ocampo, 2005, p. 490). They also acknowledge the limitations of the parallel model ,

e.g., that rape always constitutes a physica l vio lation whi le racist incidents may not
(p. 491 ). Further, as Bryant-Davis and Ocampo point out "Another factor which
complicates the racist incident and rape parallel theory is the intersectionality of
race , gender and social status: Individuals may experience both racist incidents and
rape. Rape is also sometimes itself a racist incident, produ cing multiple affects' (p.
491 ). Nonetheless the relationship between sexism in society and sexual assaults ,
is very similar to the way that pervasive racism supports racist assaults and ethnoviolence.
There is perhaps a greater degree of similarity between the effects and
dynamics of exposure to domestic assault and racist incidents . In both cases
violence typically occurs in multiple forms over time (Bryant-Davis and Ocampo ,
2005, p. 492).

Finding safety as a necessary precondition for treatment, may not be

possible. Because victims live with constant but unpredictable risk of violence ,
extreme stress can be an almost constant companion. "Knowing neither what will
happen nor how devastating the effects will be contributes to hyperarousal and
anxiety. This marriage of expectancy and shock is unique to experiences of trauma
such as domestic violence and racism " (p. 492).
Another commonality is society's tendency to victim blame and to question
the behaviour of the victim who often internalizes the message that if he or she just
handled things differently, the violence could be avoided. "The feeling of
powerlessness ensues when one attempts to follow the numerous and often
arbitrary rules yet continues to be violated" (p . 492). In many ways , the situation for

2
victims of racism is more dire. Where can they go to avoid contact with potential
perpetrators? As the authors note , "To avoid racist incidents one would have to
avoid school work media banks , stores , police court systems - almost all social
institutions" (p. 494) . Still , despite its prevalence and severe impact on the
psychological functioning of ethnic minority people most clinicians and counselors
fail to acknowledge and address racism as a potential sou rce of trauma
and depression (p . 481 ).
Robert Carter also researched and wrote about the damaging psychological
effects of experiences of racism connecting them to trauma in an effort to focus
attention on the mental health impacts of race related stress . Like feminists who
saw the value in formulating rape trauma syndrome, thereby separating out unique
features of gender-based trauma not addressed in the PTSD diagnostic category ,
Carter presented his argument for the concept of race-based traumatic stress. As
he observed , "the notion that racism is a stressor that can harm or injure its targets
is not recognized in psychological or psychiatric diagnostic systems" and "Trauma
researchers typically do not focus on racism as a factor in the development of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD)" (2007 , p. 15). Carter felt strongly that when
people are impacted negatively by what they perceive as an act of racism , the
resulting emotional and psychological injury needs to be related to the causal
situational circumstances rather than treated as a mental disorder (p . 16). He
prefers the term injury to trauma because it "does a better job of capturing the
external violations and assaults inherent in racism or in race-based encounters and

21

experiences. Moreover, the idea of psychological injury is associated with the idea
that the person who is injured has had his or her rights violated ' (p. 16).
Carter critiques the argument of Bryant-Davis and Ocampo "that there are
parallels between the experiences of physical violence and racist incidents" (Carter,
207 , p. 33) , and asserts that experiences of racism are often more subtle and
complex than these other accepted traumas . He makes a good point as regards
rape trauma which could have been formulated as sexual assault and defined more
broadly to include experiences of sexual harassment or pervasive sexism. That
would have been more in keeping with the argument that trauma can result from
numerous "minor" incidents of racism and/or sexual harassment and intimidation .
The parallel drawn with domestic violence , however, does seem to me to rest on that
kind of broad understanding of abuse that encompasses far more than physical
violence.
Despite some differences , both Carter and Bryant-Davis and Ocampo point
out the shortfalls inherent in trauma theory and practice when it comes to
recognizing and addressing the significant mental health consequences of racism.
An important contribution by Carter (2007) is the unpacking and analysis of different
forms of racism which he then connects to different psychological effects. "Carter is
encouraging precision to adequately describe and assess the psychological impacts
of racism on its victims" (Speight, 2007, p. 126).
All are dedicated to the proposition that the neglect of race-based trauma
needs to be remedied and that clinicians and counselors "need to broaden their

22
perspectives to social issues that create stress for clients and patients , which wou ld
mean less reliance on the strict models of assessment offered by DSM -IV-TR and
would also require giving more meaning and salience to the clients reports of
various sources of trauma and stress ' (Carter 2007 , p. 94) .
Cvetkovich (2012) reinforces this analysis and takes it to its logical
conclusion . She asserts that "Once the causes of trauma become more diffuse , so
too do the cures , opening up the need to change social structu re s more broadly
rather than just fix individual people' (p. 33) .

Liberation Psychology
So called liberation psychology represents the clearest departure from and
challenge to mainstream Western paradigms of mental health theory and practice .
Though well known in Latin America and elsewhere , liberation psychology is
relatively new to the literature in North America . It goes far beyond the notion of
cultural competency and "requires the counselor to attend to issues of social justice,
cultural context, action research , and resistance" (Watts and Serrano-Garcia, as
quoted in Bryant-Davis, 2007 , p. 142). It is similar in its intent to community
empowerment proponents , but involves "broader levels of analysis" (Varas-Diaz and
Serrano-Garcia, 2003, p. 104). Liberation psychology focuses on social context and
a critical analysis of peoples ' circumstances "to enhance their awareness of
oppressive situations and ideologies" (p. 103) .
Lillian Comas-Diaz (2000) is situated within this still developing trend of
counter establishment mental health theory and practice. She advocates an

2

ethnopolitical approach when working with ethnically marginalized people which
calls upon counselors to take an anti-racist stance and to thereby move from an
individualized focus to a collective one (p . 1320). She sees her ethnopolitical model
as helping " intervenors to engage in political change geared toward developing a
community espousing social justice and racial equality ' (p . 1320) .
As might be expected Comas-Diaz is a vocal critic of the professional elite
and the DSM-IV s PTSD diagnosis which is based on an "individualistic,
ethnocentric, and ahistorical approach to psychopathology ... [which] tends to
de politicize systemic oppression , colonization , and racial terrorism ' (2000 p. 1321 ).
She advances an alternative formulation , post-colonization stress disorder, to
capture the emotional and psychological effects that result from contending with
"racism and cultural imperialism , whereby mainstream culture is imposed as
dominant and superior" (p . 1320). Despite retaining the term disorder, Comas-Diaz
asserts that "post-colonization stress disorder differs from post-traumatic stress
disorder (PTSD) in that it does not pathologize the individual and highlights the
importance of adaptive reactions in contending with profound social pathology"
(p . 1321).
Eduardo Duran is prominent both as an Aboriginal healer and proponent of
liberation psychology. He writes about the ways in which mental health
professionals have acted as instruments of oppression, intentionally or inadvertently
assisting Aboriginal people and other minorities to adapt to the oppressive social
conditions imposed by the dominant power structure (2008 , p. 288) . For him , this

24

constitutes "an indictment of the counseling profession " (p . 288) and he calls upon
counselors to engage in a rigorous self examination of their privilege and how it
shields them from recognition of the many forms of oppression that impact their
clients (p. 289) .
Becoming aware of the various forms of cultural oppression and social
injustices that adversely affect the mental health of clients from devalued
groups ... as well as the psychological development of many Western -trained
mental health practitioners is an essential component of the process of

liberation psychology. (p . 289)
Duran is influenced by Friere 's idea of conscientization, which calls for a
transformation of consciousness through "an on-going deconstruction of the life
experiences of oppressed persons ' (2008 , p. 289) so that whole communities can
begin the process of liberation . Collective grieving , learning and action characterize
this process of shared healing and social transformation .
Duran , like the proponents of the various formulations of historical trauma ,
stresses the importance of historical context in counseling with Aboriginals . He goes
so far as to say "the counseling profession 's unwillingness to address clients '
historical context contributes to psychological oppression of individual clients , their
families , cultural communities , as well as the helping professions themselves" (2008 ,
p. 290). Historical honesty, as Duran calls it, is a prerequisite for liberation

discourse, which entails "taking a crucial eye to the processes of colonization which
have had a deep impact on the identity of Original Peoples" (p. 290).

25
Speaking from the standpoint of liberation psychology Bryant-Davis (2007)
asserts that "The healing of psyches necessitates the dismantling and healing of the
source of societal wounds of oppression · active perpetrators and passive privilege
recipients of racial hierarchy require redress (p . 142) . Along with Black and Latin
American psychology , feminist psychology shares this fram ework.

Feminism and Trauma
I think it apt to begin this section with some of Mullaly 's reflections on feminist
theory (1997). From his standpoint as a strong proponent of structural social work
theory (or transformational theory , p. 101) he endorses and embraces much of what
feminism has to offer. He views structural social work theory as "prescriptive in that
its focus for change is mainly on the structures of society and not solely on the
individual" (p . 104). Like the feminist theorists we will soon be hearing from , Mullaly
shares a perspective that "chastises conventional social work for failing to develop a
critical self-awareness and for often pathologizing oppressed people by offering
individualistic explanations of social problems" (p . 106). He unconditionally states
that "the feminist perspective is an epistemological imperative for structural social
work. Feminist analysis not only decodes patriarchy and stresses the links between
the personal and the political better than any other theory, it, like structural social
work, emphasizes transformational politics" (p. 131 ).
As Bonnie Burstow (2003) asserts, "Feminist contributions to trauma theory
have been immense" (p. 1295). Feminist efforts over the years to expose the
daunting scope of wife abuse , child sexual abuse and sexual assault, naturally led to

2
an interest in how trauma is defined and understood . Feminists lobbied for changes
to the DSM-111 (American Psychiatric Association , 1980) with limited success . They
were especially critical of the requirement that the precipitating traumatic event for a
diagnosis of PTSD be "outside the range of usual human experience". Such a
definition of trauma invalidates what feminists have long recognized as the trauma
resulting from ongoing abuse , often almost normative in the lives of many women.
As Brown (1995) notes "The range of human experience becomes the range of
what is normal and usual in the lives of the dominant class : White , young , ablebodied , educated , middle class . Trauma is thus what disrupts the lives of these
particular men and no other" (p. 101 ). The definition of trauma was changed to
incorporate this particular feminist concern , but another objection , which Burstow
characterizes as "one that takes us further into political territory" (p . 1296) was not
addressed. She states that the DSM-IV 's insistence on tying trauma to a physically dangerous event or events per se is inadequate,
especially in the case of oppressed people. The point is , oppressed people
are routinely worn down by the insidious trauma involved in living day after
day in a sexist, racist , homophobic, and ableist society (p. 1296).
And like those proponents of racism as trauma, feminists recognize the
pathologizing effects of a diagnostic category like PTSD which depends on an array
of symptoms which are bereft of social context and which therefore individualize
social problems (Burstow, 2003).

27

Feminist models of trauma position survivors within their socio/political
contexts, emphasizing the vulnerabilities of individuals belonging to oppressed
groups. According to Brown (2004) "certain forms of traumas are viewed by
feminist theory as representing at the individual or interpersonal level , the intended
consequences of institutionalized forms of discrimination such as sexism racism
classism heterosexism anti-Semitism , and so on ' (p . 465) . Trauma "symptoms",
then , become understood as "traumatized ways of coping ' (Burstow , 2003 , p. 1311)
when peoples lives are impacted by untenable social circumstances . As Burstow
observes , "getting rid of a deficit model entails not stressing the psychological at the
expense of the political" (p . 1311 ).
Feminists focus attention on the trauma inherent in the cumulative impacts of
numerous , almost daily attacks on the dignity and sense of identity of target groups
like women and ethnic minorities.

Brown (2004) , borrowing from a concept

developed by M. Root, refers to this as insidious traumatization, the almost constant
experience of sub threshold traumatic stressors (p. 466). Ann Cvetkovich (2003)
views this as one of the most significant contributions of feminists to our
understanding of trauma (p. 32). A recognition of the cumulative impacts of
everyday experiences of sexism moves us well beyond the diagnostic criteria of
trauma as an identifiable catastrophic event. As Cvetkovich concludes , "More so
than distinctions between private and public trauma, those between trauma as
everyday and on-going and trauma as a discrete event may be the most profound
consequence of a gendered approach" (p. 33). Reflecting on the complex , but often

28
invisible nature of those everyday experiences Cvetkovich (2003) adds that "The
nuances of everyday life contain the residues that are left by traumatic histories and
they too belong in the archive of trauma ' (p . 280) .
Brown (2004) also examines the concept of Freyd s betrayal trauma, another
feminist theory which highlights the relational context in whi ch a care giver or person
of authority violates the trust of a vulnerable individual (p. 466).

Herman 's complex

post traumatic stress disorder was formulated to capture th e long term sequelae of

these kinds of chronic interpersonal traumas . Brown con siders that "Herman 's
(1992) positioning of this pattern of distress as post traumatic is an expression of
feminist values ... the problem is situated not in the character of the suffering person ,
as is true for the construct of personality disorders ; rather , it is viewed as a pattern of
coping and survival in response to a traumagenic relational milieu" (p. 467) .
Radical therapists like Burstow (2003) , however, tend to view any
involvement with the DSM , even when motivated by efforts to critique and change it,
as lending it undue authority and credibility. She calls for trauma practitioners to
break free from the diagnostic categories imposed by the psychiatric and
psychological establishments. She contends "we need theory that builds on our
respective knowledges , that is free from psychiatric vocabulary and
conceptualization , and that explicitly theorizes social structures and their role"
(p . 1302). She advocates moving in the direction of critical adult education "with
counselor and clients co-exploring the traumatizing and oppressive situations and
structures together and clients taking up real tasks" (p . 1313).

2

The Politics of Healing
Apart from Brave Hearts work and that of Duran (to be explored later) , there
is not a great deal in the literature which spells out treatment approaches specifically
tailored to the needs of Aboriginal people , and far fewer that assess treatment
outcomes (Gone , 2007, pp . 356-363) . In a review of the literature related to
American Indian and Alaskan Native mental health interventions in the States, Gone
found only two quasi-experimental outcome studies which he claims "provided the
only empirical outcome evidence in over three decades ' (p. 10) . Although he is
influenced by the concerns of EBP (evidence based practice) advocates , he also
states "we simultaneously believe there to be substantive reasons for reconsidering
the call to EBP in Native American mental health service delivery" (p. 11 ). He looks
at a number of criticisms raised by opponents of the EBP movement, including what
he considers a radical perspective which focuses on the current 'post-colonial '
political context of American Indian and Alaska mental health service delivery. Gone
concludes that "the state of the art in regard to mental health intervention in the 21st
century United States raises a series of political and ethical predicaments for Indian
country , including the problem of cultural divergence in the context of persisting
power asymmetries" (p. 13). Gone is open to the suggestion that local innovation
may provide the most beneficial direction and delivery of mental health services , and
is the preferred alternative to "the ideological peril of conventional therapeutic
efforts" (p. 15). He would still like to see "empirical demonstration of positive

therapeutic outcomes ' which may be unrealistic, given the social and political
context of Aboriginal suffering to which he himself alludes.
A few years later, Gone (2009) conducted a study of nineteen staff and clients
at a Native healing lodge . He employed open -ended interview questions regarding
the healing approaches used to address "the legacy of Native American historical
trauma followed by a thematic analysis . He identified four major components of
healing in the narratives of both the therapist and client participants . They are as
follows :
1. clients were understood to carry childhood pain that led to adult dysfunction
(including addictions)
2. such pain was to be confronted and confessed if relief was to be obtained ,
3. this cathartic expression was seen to inaugurate a healing journey of
lifelong introspection and self-improvement and ,
4. this healing journey entailed reclamation of Indigenous heritage to remedy
the damage of European colonization (p . 10) .
The fourth component is of greatest significance for our purposes . Without
prompting , participants in the study spoke of their personal pain as transcending
individual circumstances. They saw their healing as involving a positioning of self
within the context of colonization , particularly as manifested in the hundred years or
so of residential schools (p. 7) .
This finding fits with my understanding of how an individual 's overall
psychological functioning and sense of identity are shaped by the interaction of

1
historical and personal trauma and how they need to be addressed together as a
prerequisite for healing . Further if our understanding of historical trauma involves
acknowledgement of the genocidal policies of colonialism , then it becomes clear that
"healing" requires social and political solutions as much as therapeutic ones . Any
approach to healing regardless of whether it meets with th e approval of EBP
proponents must then serve the cause of empowerment of Aboriginal people
whose cultural economic, and political subjugation li es at the root of so many
problems . Gone (2009) came to the recognition that:
Native healing offered through distinctively Aboriginal therapeutic services is
typically much more ambitious [than the objectives of the EBP movement] .
More specifically, these services figure rather prominently in a
comprehensive , community-based deco/onization agenda . Decolonization is
the intentional , collective , and reflective self-examination undertaken by
formerly colonized peoples that results in shared remedial action . Such
action traces continuity from traditional (pre-colonial) experiences even as it
embarks on distinctive , purposeful , and self-determined (post-colonial)
experiences. The key to decolonization is community emancipation from the
hegemony of outside interests. (p. 9)
I included this lengthy quote because it speaks so clearly to the vital role social and
political action could play in mitigating the impacts of multi-layered Aboriginal
trauma.

2

Kirmayer, Simpson and Cargo (2003) arrived at a similar conclusion after
reviewing the literature on Aboriginal mental health and its connection to colonialism .
They concluded that the primary remedies must involve restoration of fractured
relationships , focusing on "the family and community as the primary locus of injury
and the source of restoration and renewal ' a strengthening of cultural identity, and
increased political empowerment (p. s21 ).
Kirmaya et al. (2003) cite a study by Chandler and Lalonde (1998) that looked
at the impact of seven measures of what was termed "cultural continuity" (p. s18).
These measures consisted of self-government , involvement with land claims, band
control of education , health services , cultural facilities , and police and fire services
(Chandler and Lalonde , p.14) . The results showed a high correlation between these
factors and the suicide rates across 80 bands in British Columbia . Those
communities in which all measures were present had no incidents of suicide.
Kirmaya and colleagues (2003) considered these findings significant but did
not agree with the use of the term cultural continuity. They suggested replacing it
with the term local control as a more accurate way of characterizing these measures
(p. s18) . I agree with their conclusion that Chandler and Lalonde 's choice of
measures speaks more to autonomy and self-determination than cultural continuity.
From this standpoint we can only conclude , then , that political empowerment is as
important to individual and collective health as the provision of healing circles and
treatment centres in Aboriginal communities. As Kirmayer and colleagues conclude ,
"The social origins of mental health problems in Aboriginal communities demand

social and political solutions" (p . s15) , a conclusion that reinforces the social justice
emphasis of so many of the previous authors.
Aboriginal Treatment Approach es
Other Aboriginal writers and healers speak of the broad overarching values
and beliefs , common to most Aboriginal tradition s, which mu st be understood ,
respected and incorporated into helping practi ces. I want to touch on the most
commonly mentioned principles of effective treatm ent with Aboriginal peop le.
We 've already looked at the importance of transcending the purely individual focus
in trauma work and situating personal pain and distress within the historical context
of colonization and oppression . We have looked at the impacts of historical trauma
and the need to adopt a "multi-dimensional trauma lens" when undertaking to assist
Aboriginal people . The impacts of racism , combined with the devastating impacts of
colonization on cultural autonomy and identity, have also been examined for the
ways in which they contribute to personal and collective trauma . The need for
collective consciousness raising , collective action and political empowerment, have
also been discussed. Now I want to review the general principles of healing that are
part of Aboriginal life, some of which have already informed the theory and
approaches so far presented.
Baskin (2009) looks at the significant differences between Indigenous world
views and Western ideas and values, drawing out the implications for practice with
Aboriginal people. She identifies four primary characteristics of Indigenous world
views that traditionally inform healing practices. They differ significantly from

4
Western ways of approaching therapy. The first is the idea of balance and harmony
as indicators of health (p . 137). Problems arise when one is out of balance with self
family , and community . The medicine wheel is a widely shared cultural symbol of
individual wholeness and balance as well as a symbol of the larger harmony of
creation in which human kind play an intrinsic part. It is a pote nt symbol that works
well in directing attention towards those areas of an individual 's or group 's mental ,
emotional , psychological and spiritual life that may require attention .
A related value that underlies Aboriginal healing is interconnectedness . It
encompasses not only the various social groupings and communitie s people belong
to , but the spiritual dimension of Indigenous connection to the earth and all of
creation (Baskin , 2009 , p. 137). This stands in sharp contrast to Western
approaches that tend to be individualistic and which typically ignore or downplay the
importance of the spiritual dimension which can be a source of strength for many
Indigenous people (p. 136).
A third important concern for Baskin is positive cultural identity. Based on
her helping work with adults over the years she concludes that "All the counselling ,
therapy and healing in the world are not going to truly help an Indigenous adult if
they do not come to a place of being intensely proud of their identity" (Baskin , 2009 ,
p. 138) . The loss of pride in one 's cultural identity is a harsh legacy of colonization
and requires the kinds of consciousness raising and de-colonization we have
already recognized as so important for countering the internalized oppression of
Indigenous people . Baskin talks about the ways she helped people to replace

internalized negative stereotypes "with knowledge and understanding through
discussion questioning challenging research , spending time with other Indigenous
people , attending events and ceremonies learning about pre and post colonization,
role modeling and mentoring " (p . 139) . She also points out the effectiveness of
"inherent markers of identity such as clan symbols and traditional names in
restoring a positive sense of identity (p . 139).
Finally there s recognition of help for the helper as a necessary component of
maintaining good health while providing counseling and other services . It is an
understanding that goes beyond self care and encompasses the Indigenous value of
collectivity (Baskin , 2009, p. 140) . Helpers need support and inspiration through
connection with other workers but also through participation in ceremonial and other
community activities that bring everyone together, regardless of status . The strict
professional boundaries of Western social work practice are supplanted by the value
and necessity of maintaining and fostering relationships .
These identified values are congruent with those of an earlier, and in some
ways, foundational piece of work by McCormick (1997). He also underlines the
importance of connectedness and collective values , and further stresses "the
successful role which connecting plays in First Nations healing practices" (p. 171 ).
He notes that traditional ways of healing, such as the sweat lodge and vision quest
"reinforce adherence to cultural values and help to remind people of the importance
of keeping family and community networks strong" (p. 173). McCormick was a

prominent critic of mainstream counseling services that operate from an
individualistic orientation putting them in conflict with Aboriginal values.
In a study conducted in British Columbia McCormick asked 50 Indigenous
adults to talk about times they had required help and to identify actions taken that
had facilitated healing (1997 , p. 174) . He employed thematic analysis and utilized
inter-rater triangulation to demonstrate reliability of the ten categories he came up
with (p . 175) . The three most prominent themes identified by the participants as
most helpful were as follows : 1. Establishing a social connection and obtaining

help/support from others 2. Establishing a spiritual connection and participation in
ceremony, and 3. Establishing a connection with nature (pp. 177 -178) . This study
has several important implications for the provision of mental health services to
Aboriginal people . First it demonstrates the abundance of healing resources
available to many First Nations people within their own communities. It also
demonstrates that the Western focus on restoring personal autonomy conflicts with
Aboriginal collectivism and should be subordinated to the values of relationship and
reconnection. Spiritual sources of healing , including ceremony and connection with
nature, also figure prominently in Aboriginal life and ways of helping - something
seldom validated by Western approaches.
Eduardo Duran's book, Healing the Soul Wound: Counselling with American

Indians and Other Native Peoples (2006) , is unique for its detailed case
presentations of his integrative, eclectic approach to working with Aboriginal people .
Gone has asserted that "the book comprises as grounded and refined a study of the

7
subject as currently appears in the literature (Gone , 2010, p. 189) . Duran , himself
a Doctor of Psychology, does not reject Western methods of practice , but radically
recontexualizes them within the Aboriginal understanding of psyche as soul. He
conceptualizes the impacts of colonization as "soul wound ', and reframes the
meaning of psychotherapy as "soul healing ' returning to th e original but
misunderstood meaning of the Western root metaphor (p. 19). He thereby
transforms the healing engagement from a secular to a spiritual kind of undertaking .
He introduces a model which has worked well with his many Aboriginal clients over
the years whereby they are invited to address the source of their pain or distress as
living entities or spirits , with which they 've formed a relation ship - one that is subject
to transformation through ceremony and ritual (p. 15). As Duran asserts, "one of the
first tasks for the therapist working in Indian country is decolonizing the individual
from the ideology of diagnosis and naming" (p. 31 ).
I want to end this section by turning , now, to a grass roots Aboriginal initiative
to facilitate community healing from sexual abuse . Hollow Water is an Ojibway
community in Manitoba which is now held up as a prime example of the kind of
social transformation and cultural renewal that is possible , even in the face of
overwhelming social problems. An estimate of the scope of child sexual abuse in
the 60s and 70s was three out of four individuals (Siveii-Ferri , 1997, p. 117). It is
here that Community Holistic Circle Healing (CHCH) was developed . "Part of what
CHCH calls decolonization therapy ... is the restoration of balance through the
healing of sexual abuse" (p . 118).

In keeping with traditional values , First Nation members resolved to deal with
sexual offenses within the community. They utilized the dominant criminal justice
system and borrowed from Western approaches to sex offender treatment, but
worked out agreements between all the players so that both victims and offenders
would receive treatment within the community. Like dominant society, they shared a
strong belief in the importance of accountability, but viewed it in very different, and
traditional terms . For the Ojibway and most Aboriginal people , putting someone in
jail does not constitute paying one 's debt to society. "CHCH wants accountability to
be shown to the community . Offenders enter the process of becoming accountable
through healing - rebalancing " (Siveii-Ferri , 1997p. 120). The starting point is an
admission of guilt and subsequent participation in offender treatment and healing
circles that support the offender in taking responsibility and making amends to the
victim, kinship group, and community. It can take years for the healing to progress
through all the necessary stages. Meanwhile, the victim is receiving the counseling ,
support and validation s/he needs for personal recovery. If all goes well , a public
apology will be received from the offender in the final circle of the healing journey for
both.
Hollow Water exemplifies what can happen when traditional notions of
healing and Western therapeutic approaches come together in the service of people
who make the determination of how best to address their problems. Both individual
and group treatment are carried out within the context of community, utilizing holistic
Aboriginal concepts of healing (e .g., the medicine wheel , healing circles) along with

9
standard offender treatment approaches. Of greatest significance is the
commitment to engage the entire community in the healing process and to work
towards a restoration of community balance through the mending of fractured
relationships. This would seem a prerequisite for the traditional values of sharing ,
cooperation and support to be fully realized so they can be brought to bear on the
many other social manifestations of historical injustice .

4
Methodology and Des ign

This is a qualitative study thus "A gendered historical self is brought to this
process . This self, as a set of shifting identities, has its own history with the situated
practices that define and shape the public issues and private troubles being studied "
(Denzin , 2010 , p. 27) . It is important then that I position myself as an older white
woman , middle-class feminist leftist schooled in dominant trauma theory and
practice someone who has lived and worked within a First Nation community, and
who is biased against imposition of purely Western paradigms of trauma treatment
with Aboriginal and other oppressed groups .
This undertaking is influenced by structural social work theory, which views
the structures of society as the primary focus for change (Mullaly , 1997, p. 104) , is
informed by a feminist and critical perspective , and takes a largely discoveryoriented approach (as laid out by Bernal and Scharron-dei-Rio , 2001 ). This is a
qualitative, naturalistic approach as opposed to hypothesis testing research .
I conducted interviews employing open-ended questions regarding the
treatment approaches of non-Aboriginal counsellors working with Aboriginal trauma
survivors. This allows for the emergence of a deeper and richer kind of information,
informed by participants ' personal learning , insights and experience , the full extent
and flavour of which could never be captured by questionnaires. I aimed for in-depth
interviews, the purpose of which "is to allow people to explain their experiences ,
attitudes, feelings, and definitions of the situation in their own terms and in ways that
are meaningfu l to them" (van den Hoonaard, 2012, p. 78). These interviews were

41

completely flexible in terms of time and content and took their form and direction
from the interviewees. I recorded, transcribed, and subjected these interviews to
thematic analysis , following Braun and Clarke s guidelines (2006) including their "15
point checklist for good thematic analysis' (p. 96) . These guidelines were
formulated to assist researchers through the necessary phases in thematic analysis ,
from coding and collecting of data right through to the final presentation of the study.
In keeping with Guba 's criteria for judging the trustworthiness of naturalistic research
(1981 ), I enlisted co-raters from among my colleagues who were not otherwise
involved with my thesis research , to evaluate the thematic analysis for purposes of
"analyst triangulation " (Patton , p. 1193).
Starting with three contacts, seven non-Aboriginal women trauma
counselors/social workers with Aboriginal clients were identified using a snow-ball
recruitment approach. They received a letter outlining the purposes of the study and
its compliance with ethical requirements under the UNBC Research Ethics Board.
Personal contact followed, offering an opportunity for questions and to initiate
personal connections with potential participants. They were all invited to review the
transcript for accuracy but no one requested that revisions be made.

42
Introduction to Themati c An alysis of Client Interviews

Participant Demographics
I interviewed seven non-Aboriginal women counselors who provide trauma
treatment to Aboriginal women. Two were interviewed in Prince George, B.C. and
five were interviewed in and around Whitehorse Yukon . All had extensive work
histories in northern BC Yukon or both . Six of the seven participants were women
over fifty and all had worked in a variety of counseling and treatment contexts.
Three were currently employed by First Nations . Two worked independently in
private practice and/or on contract. One worked in an educational setting and
another for a government mental health agency .
With the exception of the youngest participant , in her 30s , all had many years '
· experience working with Aboriginal people , having offered services through a
number of different contexts ranging from government agencies and NGOs to First
Nation treatment programs and private practice. All had attained at least a Bachelor
level degree. Five of the seven participants ' educational background was in social
work. One was working towards her graduate degree and two were already in
possession of MSW's. One held a masters degree in counseling education and one
came from a psychiatric nursing background. All had pursued various trauma
treatment and related workshops post degree. All had worked , or were currently
working, with client populations which were either exclusively Aboriginal or in whi ch
Aboriginal people , and especially women , were well represented .

4
Approach to Thematic Analysis

It is not my intention to present a detailed description of the entire data set,
but rather, in keeping with my areas of interest and inquiry, to focus on themes I
perceive to offer something of importance with reference to my research aims and
questions.
This is not to say that my questions served as strict determinants of the
thematic categories to be presented and explored . Rather, they served to provide
some sense of guidance when evaluating which themes might be considered of
greatest relevance and value to this study. Because this is a qualitative study the
relative prevalence of a perceived theme and the amount of focus it receives within
each data item , are not the only , nor even the most important, considerations to be
made. As Braun and Clarke (2006) assert , "... the 'keyness ' of a theme is not
necessarily dependent on quantifiable measures - but rather on whether it captures
something important in relation to the overall research question " (p. 82) .
I would characterize my approach as employing , in large part , an inductive
analysis, i.e., the themes identified are strongly linked to the data themselves (Braun
and Clarke , 2006, p. 83). Thus , they might not always bear direct relation to the
interview questions, nor would they be strictly determined by my pre-existing interest
in the topic. It's important to note, however, that while data driven, inductive analysis
can never be completely free from a researcher's interests and biases. "Data are
not coded in an epistemological vacuum " (p. 84).

44
On the other hand I believe much of my work could also be considered
theo retical thematic analysis- i.e., in significant measure "driven by the researcher's
theoretical or analytical interest in the area" (Braun and Clarke 2006, p. 84) . This
allows me the scope to see , for example how a particular issue plays out across the
who le data set and to focus on that particular feature when determining themes .
In keeping with this intended mix of inductive and theoretical thematic
analysis , I also incorporated both semantic and latent levels of thematic
identification , according to the aforementioned degree of theoretical interest evoked
by a particular theme . That is to say, I began by identifying themes within the
explicit or surface meaning of the data , the semantic level (Braun and Clarke , 2006,
p. 84).

In some instances I went further than just describing and elucidating the

thematic patterns I've identified. I want looked at the implicit and underlying
meanings of at least some of the themes , such that the development of the themes
themselves involved a greater degree of interpretive work.
Identifying underlying themes (rationale and process)
Like many new to qualitative research (and perhaps especially to thematic
analysis) I experienced growing frustration and increasing dissatisfaction with my
results as I struggled to come up with meaningful and coherent ways of describing
and organizing my data set. My initial efforts produced a number of different
thematic groupings, but none seemed to capture or illuminate meanings and
linkages in ways that really satisfied my interests and did justice to the ideas and
insights of my participants. I came up with various (and rather lengthy) lists of

45
themes, some of which were suggestive of broader underlying currents of meaning .
Overall, however I seemed to be coming up with material that lent itself to a more
strictly descriptive process rather than to the kind of interpretive analysis I was
aiming for. I was missing the structures of meaning below the surface that held the
data together and formed the matrix of the themes I had identified.
As an example, one of my attempts at identifying themes produced the
following·
1. The importance of transcending a purely individualized understanding
of, and approach to , trauma and/or its context
2. The importance of understanding cultural values and beliefs , local
histories and inherent limitations
3.

The need to recognize and equalize power imbalances

4.

The need to recognize and work on internalized racism

5.

Awareness of non-clinical ways of healing , alternatives to "talk therapy"

6.

Failure to help often due to system failures , structural barriers

7.

Problem of impacts/effects of Christian religion

8.

Things that are important/helpful in counseling (or providing help) to F/N women

9.

The importance of relationship building/connection .

10. The importance of long-term involvement with client and/or community .
11 . Some positives of being non-aboriginal
12. Some neQatives of being non-aboriginal

Certainly most of my data fit easily within one or more of these themes , but the
sheer length of the list and the vast differences in the relative size and importance of
the identified themes (especially given my research questions) , created an unwieldy
collection of material to work with . What was needed to pull this data together in
ways that would lend greater meaning to the concerns, understanding , knowledge

4

base and treatment practices of my participants? Eventually I began to understand
the need to identify the more implicit assumptions underlying their thoughts and
reflections as they talked about their work with Aboriginal women . What were the
general threads that ran through all the accounts of their work?
Gradually it dawned on me that each and every wom an I interviewed saw her
trauma work with Aboriginal women as demanding far more care and attention to a
wide array of issues and implications than her work with dominant culture clients.
Despite significant levels of trauma training and , typically, many years of experience ,
not one expressed unwavering confidence in her ability to provide treatment of clear
benefit to Aboriginal clients. All talked about various difficulties and limitations
inherent in their work as white women practitioners offering treatment to Aboriginal
women. These ranged from the barriers posed by the cultural and racial divide, to
the historical and continuing impacts of colonization . All participants seemed to be
continually questioning and re-evaluating their work , searching for better and more
effective ways to counter the many obstacles to effective treatment they had
experienced and identified . This line of thinking brought me to a distillation of quite a
wide variety of themes into one larger underlying theme , namely : 1. The complexity
and challenge of trauma work with Aboriginal women.
Once I had formulated this simple generalized theme it struck me as both
obvious and revelatory (a truth that had been hiding in plain sight) , providing a fruitful
ground for organizing and understanding the collected data. Its natural complem ent,
the second broad theme in this approach , encompasses many of the very interesting

47

experiences (both positive and negative) perceptions and creative responses of the
women interviewed , i.e. the ways they attempted to deal with these potential barriers
to provision of helpful treatment hence : 2. The importance of mitigating these

difficulties and approaches that can help. This was later shortened to Themes of
mitigation.
Once I had settled on these two broad and inter-related themes , it was not
difficult to arrive at a reduced number of sub themes which could capture the most
important issues that dominant culture trauma counselors identify as posing
significant challenges to their practice with Aboriginal women. Major components of
the difficulties identified during interviews , can be broken down as follows :
a. The pervasiveness of trauma and trauma as multi-layered .
b. Recognizing how the power imbalance inherent in counseling relationships
is exacerbated in work with Aboriginal women.
c. The greater significance and difficulty involved in helping Aboriginal
women to establish safety and connection/relationship .
d. Being white and the great divide.
e. Individual focus of western culture and trauma counseling vs. collective
nature of Aboriginal culture and healing.
f. Seriousness of consequences for First Nation women when trauma
treatment falls short.
For all of these sub themes which fall under Major theme #1 , there are natural
counterparts subsumed under Major theme #2. Referred to as Themes of

4

mitigation, they are linked to the identified Themes of challenge and complexity,
though they don 't necessarily correlate on a one to one basis. That is to say , some

themes of challenge and complexity may be addressed by more than one of the
themes of mitigation listed below :
a. Knowledge of history and culture of Aboriginal cli ents,
b. Owning your whiteness and its limitations ,
c. Relationship building and long term involvement,
d. Thinking outside the box : Alternatives to TDWNA .

4
Themes of Complexity and Challenge
The Pervasiveness of Trauma and Trauma as Mu l ti ~ Layere d
This theme was present across the entire data set. It involves recognition of
Aboriginal trauma as widespread complex and largely attributable to colonization . It
informed the thinking and reflections of all the women interviewed , though there
were various levels of familiarity with , and emphasis upon the concept of historical
trauma . It was interesting to see , however the ubiquity of references to sources of
trauma that transcend individual experience . One woman was explicit about the
rarity of encountering what she termed ' simple trauma ' in her practice with
Aboriginal women .
Nearly everyone presents with complex , historical and current trauma , and
you need to remember that. So you may think that you 're dealing with sexual
abuse, but you 're dealing with all other kinds as well when you start
unraveling the story.
Another woman , using particularly poignant imagery, commented :
I think I've come to the point in my career where I visualize it (trauma) in
every cell of their bodies. Whether they themselves have experienced direct
trauma, they 've been secondary partners in their experience in trauma .
This recognition of shared or collective trauma among their Aboriginal clients ,
whether explicit or not, was woven through the accounts of my research participants ,
sometimes when speaking about the steep learning curve they encountered in their
work with Aboriginal women . One woman talked of her attendance at a ceremony
where a history of mass death , concealed within a somewhat puzzling ritual , was
finally revealed to her.

50

So that was a real kind of in-your-face that they re living with that history,
even though they don 't talk about it most of the time that we're walking on
the ground where there 's been tons of people ki ll ed, right? -that colonialism
that non-aboriginal people are responsible for .
There were a number of other comments that speak to the pervasiveness of
trauma, and trauma as cross generational , for example :
I've worked now with women , seen their babies grow up, but I also see the
trauma in their lives , just constantly , constantly , and it seems like just one
thing after another ... It's just like going from one generation to another.
I see more of the intergenerational trauma with Aboriginal women and so I'm
bringing that more into the assessments and it's more a part of the work that
we do together is exploring that to understand the impacts.
Reference to "inter-generational" trauma is found across all the interviews.
Residential school trauma was regularly referenced as exemplifying cross
generational trauma , for example :
Well , there 's all kinds of trauma but the first one that comes to mind is the
residential school trauma which affects everyone on some level , pretty well ,
whether it's their grandparents or great grandparents or parents , or for some
of them , themselves. Residential schools , of course , did a lot of destruction
of culture . It took away the resiliency of many people , it destroyed parenting
skills , and it had a legacy of all the impacts of abuse .
Another woman talked about the ways in which residential school trauma had
created huge divisions within the Aboriginal community she worked for, fracturing
relationships between one generation and another.
Residential school was typically positioned within the context of colonization
and genocide , and often in quite an explicit manner. One woman was particularly
adamant about the need to look beyond residential school abuses :
... usually we just think in terms of residential school and some of the abuse
that was inherent in that and I think you have to look back further to the whole

51

colonization process and the whole desire an unexpressed desire, to cause
total genocide to a population and I think that is inherent in anyone who has a
First Nations identity.
Other typical comments follow :
I don 't want to say that trauma only relates to residential school because I
think it's colonization in general and sometimes it can be hard to separate out
the two. '
much of the trauma I believe is related to colonization and residential
school.
Though less frequent , I also encountered references to trauma originating in
current manifestations of Aboriginal oppression and social disorder, further
highlighting the participants understanding of the multi-layered or multi-facetted
nature of traumatic impacts in the lives of their clients.
And again , another impact I would say, or conceptualization of trauma, is the
trauma of poverty and the trauma of the reserve system because many
reserves are corrupt. There 's favouritism , money goes where it shouldn 't go ,
or it disappears all together. There 's rules I don't even understand , so you
have people in substandard housing or actually condemned housing , and
they live in it for years. All those kinds of things , I would say.
One woman talked about racism as part of the trauma Aboriginal people
carry. She noted that " it can be unnamed, below the surface". She was touching on
the reality of racism in Aboriginal experience which , though seldom addressed
directly by either clients or practitioners , and typically left unexplored within
treatment, persists as a significant factor in the overall trauma burden of Aboriginal
people (Carter, p. 19).
Recognition of current traumatic conditions and events impacting women 's
lives, and whole communities, was also present. The high level of suicides , drug

52

overdoses, violence and addiction which plague many First Nation communities
often lead to another level of grief and despair overlaying the impacts of individual
and historical trauma . Though not prevalent , some reference was made to the
deleterious impacts of current social conditions and family tragedies , for example :
... and its not just sexual abuse its psychological trauma , a lot of physical
abuse , a lot of grief from I think , a hard life dealing with family members who
maybe are under the influence and freeze to death are in car accidents -just
multiple layers of different kinds of trauma.
One woman struggled to convey her sense of how Aboriginal women living in
their First Nation communities are impacted by on-going contact with the trauma that
others carry.
I think there s almost like - I don 't know how to put this into words - like an
effect where people grow up in communities where they live along side other
people who 've had either trauma or similar trauma and I think there 's
something that happens with that - so I'm attentive to that.
In sum, perception of the very complex nature of Aboriginal trauma , with its
multiple layers, sources and compounding effects, was certainly present throughout
the interviews. Participants recognized trauma among Aboriginal people as far less
straight forward in its origins and manifestations than is typical of the trauma
presented by non-Aboriginal (and especially dominant culture) people , and far more
attributable to socio/political forces which have created the racist and oppressive
circumstances in which many Aboriginal people find themselves. The daunting
difficulties posed by all this formed a major current running throughout the
interviews.

5
Recognizing How the Power Imbalance Inherent in the Counseling
Relationship is Exacerbated In Work with Aborigin al Women .
Attention to the power imbalance intrinsic to the counseling relationship , and
efforts to address and minimize it are characteristic of recent trauma literature, for
example the emphasis placed on creating a "therapeutic alliance". (see Briere and
Scott, 2006, and Haskell and Randall , 2009) . As one would expect , this is a primary
focus for feminist practitioners . As Herman states , "The first principle of recovery is
the empowerment of the survivor. She must be the arbiter and author of her own
recovery' (1992 , p. 133) . If the need to address and ameliorate destructive power
imbalances is paramount in trauma treatment in general , it is especially critical when
a white counselor undertakes to assist Aboriginal people in their trauma recovery .
Paralleling their awareness of the complex dimensions of Aboriginal trauma,
- I encountered broad recognition among research participants of the multiple ways in
which First Nation women are subject to disempowerment and , consequently, the
greater risk they face of perpetuating oppressive power imbalances when working
with Aboriginal clients. One woman talked about a situation with a client that
brought this into focus for her:
... I started to realize the dynamic in the counseling situation was actually a
colonialist kind of thing going on . I was the expert counselor, white , kind of
middle class (even though I come from working class , I am sort of middle
class, being educated now) and here she is coming to me for advice as the
expert on how she should feel coming from residential school. .. . At first it
kind of worked ... (But) there was a point we got to when I thought there was
an unhealthy dynamic going on and there was a lot of transference
happening ...

54
Comments from other women also suggest a sensitivity to the ever-present issue of
problematic power dynamics developing within their counseling relationships:
Part of my role is to be constantly aware that I come from the dominating
culture and so I have hidden biases , or blind spots so I need to constantly
reassess what it is I m saying or suggesting . But I think that's the same for
being a counselor for anyone . You have to be aware that you 're in a powerful
position with a vulnerable person ...
I think another important piece is always trying to equalize the playing field
and being aware of power dynamics - and those power dynamics can be
played out in really subtle ways , and obvious ways , such as language skills ...
For white practitioners then professional status is only one of many factors
contributing to the kinds of real and perceived power differentials that can , and often
do , impede the therapeutic process . Working to recognize and address these
factors which pertain to us as members of the dominant culture , (referred to by one
participant as "perpetrators"), is a vital precondition for successful treatment.
Numerous references to ways of approaching this challenge will follow in the

Themes of mitigation section.
The Greater Difficulty Involved in Helping Aboriginal Women to Establish
Safety and Connection/Relationship.
Beginning with Herman 's Trauma and Recovery (1992) , stage-oriented or
phase-oriented approaches have become standard in the treatment of complex
trauma (see Haskell & Randall , 2009 and Cloitre et al. , 2006). They are grounded in
a recognition that safety and stability need to be attended to before the actual
trauma narrative and processing can be usefully undertaken . As Herman observes,
"establishing safety begins with control of the body and moves outward toward self
protection and the organization of a safe environment" (p . 160). Assisting clients to

55
secure the needed levels of safety and security in their lives both in practical and
psychological/relational spheres, is the first step in building readiness and capacity
to handle the emotional activation that trauma disclosure typically entails.

A

majority of the research participants made reference to the often extreme challenges
they faced in their attempts to work in meaningful ways with their clients to achieve
the goals of this initial phase .
Safety from violence and abuse is a huge concern , especially in communities
where victimization of various sorts has become normalized . One participant talked
about her efforts to help a young woman who continued to live in a high risk
situation :
I was building resilience with her but I was well aware that she was in a very
dangerous situation , but there was nothing that could be done. And we tried
everything. She was in care for a while , but then she went back. ... when the
murder happened people came out of the woodwork knowing what this youth
was living with. And no one helped . No one helped the abusive parent, no
one helped the brother, - no one helped .
The normalization of violence and victimization was flagged by most
respondents as a big problem in many Aboriginal communities . When coupled with
a lack of resources , this tacit acceptance of abusive and high risk situations makes
the establishment of safe living conditions especially difficult.
And that's what I found -this tolerance that blows me away. And even today 1
see this . I see the sexual predators hanging off the bodies of the young
teenage women who are standing there rigid , in public, obviously not enjoying
the touch , and no one tells these men to back off. And these young women
don 't have the power to say anything. They are terrified . And I see again , a
community and public situation where we accept men touching young
women. So those are the kinds of failures that I think about.

56

The legacy of residential schools, the overt as well as less obvious pain and
suffering arising from broken attachments and other serious trauma , the loss of
traditional parenting skills the substance abuse , the missed developmental goals of
emotional and social competency (Cioitre , 2006 , p. 5) - all can result in stressful ,
chaotic and sometimes overtly unsafe family situations. Th ese deficits can be at
least partially compensated for if there is outside support and a positive sense of
connection to the larger community . But, as more than one participant has pointed
out, the prevalence of trauma throughout the community can make the finding of
social support and healthy relationships a difficult undertaking.
And what I see is the intergenerational impact of trauma in terms of
addictions of all kinds , so you have children growing up where it's normal to
have no food because somebody 's spent the money on booze or bingo or
any of that . Sexual abuse is quite standard . I had a group of young women
who were all fourteen ... who told me everyone got sexually assaulted , that
that was normal , that in fact , for them it was a rite of passage.
As another woman observes:
even though I understand culturally that there 's a real emphasis on family
and community and it's important to look at it (trauma recovery) in that
context, there 's also been a lot of harm from their experience in their family or
community ...
The role of a counselor working with trauma survivors is fraught with potential
pitfalls, then, since she must help her client find empowerment and social connection
under often adverse circumstances , and must also manage the therapeutic
relationship in ways that foster a sense of both safety and autonomy. This is a
difficult task for any trauma counselor, but especially for a white practitioner who is
at even greater risk of recreating the oppressive power dynamics her Aboriginal

57

clients have experienced individual ly at the hands of their offenders and collectively
through the imposition of colonialist policies . As we have learned over the years , it
is through relationship that recovery occurs (Herman 1992, p. 133) so creating a
sense of safety and connection within the therapeutic context is vital. The obstacles
are sometimes daunting but all participants recognized th e importance of working
on the requisite conditions for that all -important sen se of safety. Some of their
approaches will be presented in Themes of mitigation.
Being White and The Great Divide.
As one woman noted :
there were real barriers when I worked for the government. First of all ,
you work for the government and that's a barrier, you 're white and that 's a
barrier, you 're not born and raised here and that's a barrier .. .
Whether we work for government or not, our whiteness immediately identifies us as
belonging to the oppressor group . Our professional status and degrees, especially
in the case of social workers , can prove more intimidating than reassuring , often
triggering distrust and resentment. Despite our personal life struggles , despite our
socio-economic class or political affiliations, as white women practitioners we carry
with us the perception of unearned power and privilege and an inherent association
with systems and structures of historical injustice and current forms of oppression .
Nearly all my participants spoke of the resistance that they encountered , at
least initially, as white counselors offering treatment to Aboriginal clients. This they
attribute to experiences of trauma understood as "related to colonization and

residential school and (us) as the perpetrators as the non-aboriginals, as the whites
who were doing that". Another of my research participants related :
[In addition to residential schoo ls] there 's the sixties scoop thing where a
lot of children vanished and lost to the communities are slowly returning but that still exists in that a lot of First Nations people today are still afraid
of the authorities . Like quite often I get asked if I work for "the welfare",
and the little children because I do work with children , that's a question
that will come out of their mouths like as young as kindergarten , "Do you
work for the welfare? ', so they ve been trained not to talk to "the welfare"
about anything .
This , as we know , is the sad legacy of a long history of oppressive government
policies , implemented by social workers , aimed at eradicating Aboriginal cultures .
Its little wonder, then , given the significant harm our Aboriginal clients have suffered
at the hands of dominant culture people and systems , that we as white women are
often met with suspicion or even hostility. Despite all our best intentions, we are
typically faced with significant and largely justifiable barriers to acceptance by
Aboriginal individuals and communities.
Some interviewees saw experiences of racism as a major factor holding
people back from approaching white practitioners. As one woman stated :
And I think there 's still a lot of racism in Canada and that does taint some
people choosing to act, even making a start through talking. And our
understanding of racism and the ways in which oppression is experienced ,
is far more intellectual than experiential.
I think there 's a limit to my knowledge and it can be sort of head level
understanding but it's not a lived understanding of what it 's like for
Aboriginal women living in Aboriginal communities, the history of trauma
or, you know , moving through that, and what it's like to continue to live in
those communities.
Along similar lines, another participant reflects :

5
[Being non-aboriginal] can be a limitation in that sometimes I don't quite get
it, I'm sure, even though I think I might sometimes because I'm not
Aboriginal and I cant imagine what that must be like .
Another woman also spoke to this perceived limitation :
I try to be respectful of cultural differences ... but I don 't know the deep
cultural values on the same level as an Aboriginal person who 's been
raised with those does. So I only know what I've been taught and I think
that 's limiting because I know I don t get taught everything because some
things are still considered secret or sacred ...
Given the huge divide between whites and Aboriginal s in terms of life
circumstances and given an Aboriginal history of unrelenting struggle to survive and
maintain some degree of cultural identity and autonomy in the face of almost
unimaginable losses, it is not unexpected that Aboriginal people would question our
ability to understand their lives and challenges in ways that could prove helpful. As
one of my research participants put it:
I think sometimes people might think that as a non-aboriginal woman I
don 't know, I couldn 't possibly understand , how they feel or what they 've
gone through . And I think that might close some people up.
So I do think that's one of the limitations [of being white] - maybe people
think she doesn 't really ... how could she know? I don 't think I get that very
often , but I know sometimes it happens and I just won 't see people .
Working to bridge this divide can be viewed as the white practitioner's
greatest challenge and one that has no discernible end point. As we have already
seen , trust, connection and the establishment of a healthy therapeutic alliance is
essential to good trauma work and it's something that requires on -going learning ,
sensitivity and attention . The many ways in which my research participants
undertake to help create positive working relationships with their Aboriginal cli ents,

0

in spite of the many barriers to doing so, will be another topic of discussion in the
section on Themes of mitigation.
Individual Focus of Western Culture and Trauma Counseling Versus
Collective Nature of Aboriginal Culture and Healing .

In this section which deals with issues I've been engaged with for many years, I
interject some of my own questions and concerns into the discussion.
(ITDWNA (traditional dominant white North American) counseling is
predicated on the importance of individuality. For the traditional Native , it is the
community, not the individual , that is central " (Burstow 1992, p. 72) . This difference
was widely acknowledged and sometimes discussed at length in the course of my
interviews. There was recognition that even though community and collectivism are
such strong traditional values for most Aboriginal people , the damaging impacts of
colonialism , which gave rise to so much violence and addiction , have fractured many
family and social relationships. Community based healing initiatives , then , as
exemplified by the work undertaken in Hollow Water, would appear to be as vital , if
not more so, than the individual trauma work which always runs the risk of
individualizing problems that are socio-political and historical in origin.
Despite the fact that most of the participants ' work was largely confined to
one-on-one counseling, the limitations of a strictly individualistic approach were
frequently raised. One woman felt particularly uncomfortable in her role as a drop-in
therapist for two remote First Nation communities :
And a lot of the problems were related to the unhealthiness of the two
communities - and both were really unhealthy in different ways - and 1 felt
like I was being paid by the band, and a very healthy sum , to go in and fix
the problems , but the problems were community based - and 1 didn 't have

61
the where-with-all I didn t have the knowledge or the power and the abi lity
to do the kind of community development work that was really required to
bring healthiness to the community- and it was a conflict that I experienced
all the time . And I don 't know the solution .
This brought to mind similar reactions of my own concerning a highly trained and
skilled professional hired on contract to provide psychological counseling to a great
number of the First Nation residents where I later worked . She was extremely well
regarded and carried a formidable caseload , consisting in large measure of trauma
survivors dealing with childhood maltreatment and abuse issues. People loved her
and, no doubt received valuable help and support. From the outside looking in ,
however, I could discern little change in the community as a whole when her
contract ended after two years . Known sex offenders still roamed around the
community plying the young women and girls with drugs and alcohol; the same level
of violence , addictions , and sexual abuse appeared to be plaguing the community ;
women and girls, including staff, were still subject to harassment and triggering by
predatory males, and little or no action was taken to change things on a collective ,
community level.
1underwent a gradual realization that there are severe limitations to a focus
on individual counseling , at least in situations where community cohesion appears to
be in such serious need of strengthening and restoration. This is especially true
when it comes to transforming one 's living conditions, her social circumstances , so
that a level of safety conducive to personal recovery can be attained.
One of the participants , however, spoke at length about why she felt one-

62
on-one counseling was so important even while acknowledging the importance of
family and community when it comes to trauma work with Aboriginal people.
So I think that the individual piece is important. [That] is , I guess, all that
I m saying . As a non-aboriginal therapist there slots of pressure to look at
[the wider social context] . I mean maybe it goes again with the idea of
making assumptions about what culturally would be helpful for this person ,
and there s lots of pressure around using family , community, to look at it in
that context, yet I see an individual who has a difficult time to connect
because there s too much going on with them and they need to do some
work there . I guess this is validation for myself for needing to feel okay
about doing the individual piece . I think it 's really important personally .
And I think when that happens it helps to grow the health of the family and
community, particularly with the women becau se they have such an
important role in their families .... And when they can find ways within
themselves to work with the trauma and find some healing around the
trauma , then , I think , they can be less overwhelmed in the various roles
that they 've taken on or make clearer choices about how they want to be in
those roles .
I have little doubt that this therapist 's work is highly valued by her Aboriginal women
clients. Most of us , as white practitioners , have little if any say in how Aboriginal
communities define , prioritize and address their collective issues , and this is as it
should be. Those of us who are well informed and care about the many injuries First
Nation people have suffered under the forces of white colonialism , those of us
dedicated to finding the best ways to help address these injuries through antioppressive measures, often question the efficacy and value of the roles we have
undertaken . We do not want to become unwitting contributors to the maintenance of
the status quo and certainly do not wish to perpetuate culturally bound ideas of
healing linked to our western cult of individuality. On the other hand , it is neither our
place nor our desire to be the initiators of social action in communities not our own.
There are , however, thing s that we can do to make small , incremental differences.

A number of my interviewees talked about steps they take to move beyond the
TDWNA approach to forms of treatment that offer greater flexibility and
responsiveness to the needs of their Aboriginal clients and the communities where
they work . Some of these many thoughtful and creative approaches wi ll be
presented in the section on Themes of mitigation .
Seriousness of Consequences for First Nation Wom en When Traum a
Treatment Falls Short
As I have already pointed out , most of the rese arch participants talked
about taking particular care in their trauma work with Aboriginal women , and this
appeared to be linked to their recognition of the depth of their clients' wounding and
losses both as individuals and as members of a group subjected to ongoing social
injustice . Given the compounding effects of multiple traumas, both personal and
collective , historical and current, it only follows that the triggering of trauma related
experiences and reactions would be perceived to carry a far greater risk of serious
harm to an Aboriginal person 's emotional and psychological functioning.
Many of the women I interviewed indicated that all the things they were
trained to watch for and look after in their trauma work generally (e .g., building trust,
being fully present, attending to the critical issue of pacing , etc.) became even more
critical in their work with Aboriginal clients . For example :
... we have to watch the pace we go at because many of the [Aboriginal
women] are single parenting and they have to be functioning as single
parents , and if we move too quickly ... we leave them so exposed , and
what are we doing to their children when they go home and th ey're in their
trauma brain and not able to function? And then they don t continue on but
they carry the pain .

The dangers of re-traumatizing clients , especially through imposition of the
counselor's agenda and/or by moving too quickly, were mentioned by several of the
participants as posing particular concern in their work with Aboriginal women . I see
this concern as connected to both the expectation of heightened sensitivity on the
part of Aboriginal people to issues of power and control wh en working with white
therapists , as well as to a fear of the serious con sequences when severely
traumatized clients are triggered into overwhelming emotional reactions .
I m very careful about continuing the colonization . Am I sitting there
approaching it with some of the ways they 've been traumatized as in "I
know what 's best for you , let's frame this as a problem and I'm going to
help you fix it", all of those - "and you need me to help you fix it" - all of
those approaches I feel like really continue the process of colonization and
so I would say that 's the number one way I'm different in how I approach it.
I'm very conscientious of that. However, having said that, it kind of carries
over anyways 'cause I still philosophically believe it 's important that I'm not
approaching any kind of counseling work from that perspective , as if I know
what 's best , and so I'm just more careful of that when I'm working with
Aboriginal women .
What 's more , the need to transcend the TDWNA style of counseling , a central tenant
in the feminist approach , receives even greater emphasis when we 're motivated by a
commitment to anti-oppressive ways of assisting Aboriginal women . For example ,
when speaking of the ideal role for non-aboriginal counsellors one participant
explained :
1think it's the opposite of therapeutic in work with any women , but in
particular with Aboriginal women , as a non-aboriginal woman to - I don 't
know - to sort of not engage with people at a very human level. I feel like
there 's a distancing there that's not therapeutic and that sort of reifies
power and distance and difference and it's subtle.

65
Relationship building I would assert, is both a far more difficult and
complex undertaking and ultimately a far more critical one , in our trauma work with
Aboriginal women. In its absence , we 're left at best with a top-down power dynamic
that puts our clients at risk of re-traumatization and its damaging impacts . The
various ways we "think outside the box" our departures from strictly TDWNA
approaches to achieve this and related goals, will be explored in some detail in the
section on Themes of mitigation

6
Themes of Mitigation

This section presents some of the ways in which participants in this stud y
have worked to minimize or mitigate the many challenges they face in their work with
Aboriginal clients and communities . Each of the themes from the previous section
wi ll come under discussion but not necessarily as a unique and separate
counterpart to one of the themes of mitigation . Many of the reflections and
approaches that were raised in the participants interviews around ways to address
identified difficulties pertain to more than one of the challenges and complexities we
have reviewed so far.
The Importance of Enhancing Good Trauma Training and Supervi si on With
Knowledge of The History and Culture of Aboriginal Clients.
Along with a recognition of the daunting complexities of their clients ' multiple
traumas and often difficu lt personal circumstances , participants generally
acknowledged the value of good trauma training and clinical supervision . The
following comments were in response to questions about what we need to know to
be helpful when working with Aboriginal women trauma survivors:
I think when we 're offering trauma treatment ... it's really important that the
clinician or therapist has extensive training . You can really mess people up by
having them retell the story and a lot of people want to retell the story - and
then they get re-traumatized , all that kind of stuff .. . Like you have to be very
sensitive to dissociation . If someone 's telling their story and dissociates, you
have to stop . It's not helpful.
I think they need to certainly have a background in trauma and understand ing
the brain and the new research and stuff, and how to calm a person quickly
and actually be able to model those things in session.

67
Other participants agreed and also talked about the value of various approaches
they had learned through their academic and post grad training, for example,
drawing on some of Satir s work or using aspects of Marsha Linehan's motivational

interviewing. Formal training , then was viewed as important but not exclusively so.
Complex trauma work , especially within a context of ongoing oppression and
struggle is far more demanding than most of us could handle on our own . The
required knowledge base is huge. We need to have training and experience in a
variety of approaches , and need to keep up with changes and advancements in the
field as new information and research become available . For example , the
connection between addiction and trauma and the neuro-science that investigates
the bio-chemistry involved , is becoming quite standard fare in the training of both
addiction and trauma counselors. The significance of this connection was stressed
by one participant who stated :
I think the whole trauma informed piece is really important. And because lots
of times Aboriginal clients ... they might be coming in because they want to do
something about their drinking. As the counselor we need to understand the
trauma under that. That might not be what they 're wanting to do right now but
we need to understand the connections . So the trauma informed piece is
important.
With regard to clinical supervision , another woman asserted :
I think you need really good supervision. That's key. I think you need really ,
really good supervision . It's such a range .. . how people present , .. . so I've
got women who , in the mental health world , would be described as having
sort of borderline-ish traits .
When we 're faced with clients displaying extremely difficult and confusing
behaviours , clinical supervision can become a life-line. It affords us the opportu nity

to benefit from expert experience and insight we ll beyond our own, allowing for more
valuable assessments of what s working , what 's not and why. It also provides us
with a safe environment to examine our own reactions and emotional fall-out.
Difficult issues like internalized racism can be raised and explored in ways that,
ideally increase our awareness of the culturally conditioned biases creeping into our
work. One woman spoke at length about this need :
One of the larger things for me is the lack of permission as therapists that we
have to really explore racism as an issue , and the safety that 's required to
explore that issue so we can unpack our own racism ... In some ways it's like
transference and counter-transference . It's finally become acceptable for
therapists to talk about counter-transference that they may have going on
with a client. I don 't think we 're anywhere near that point in terms of talking
about counter-racism ... and essentially it 's the same sort of thing . It 's
something that gets triggered in you because of something that you perceive
in your client. And there 's so little permission to really explore that, certainly
in my formal work places . The only place that I've really had comfort
exploring that is when I ve had a very good [clinical] supervisor and they have
been very few and far between .
Beyond the tools of current trauma training , and the ability to access helpful
clinical supervision, there are all the things we need to understand about historical
trauma, the socio-political forces that were at work , and the impacts on local cultures
and communities. As we have seen , an understanding of residential school as a tool
of colonization was evident throughout the interviews . Recognition of the inherent
social injustice suffered by Aboriginal people and its intergenerational impacts was
widely present :
1think understanding intergenerational trauma is important. I think the whole
trauma informed piece is important.

6
I think it is crucial to have the knowledge of what has happened as a result of
colonization ... how through the Indian Act and through various ways , so
much of their own personal power was taken away.
I think having a historic context to understand the trauma of what First
Nations people have been exposed to is absolutely essential and I don 't think
that is ever explored thoroughly or completely enough .
With Aboriginal [clients] I am probably taking into account more of the context
they 're coming from . I think I have somewhat of an understanding , working
here for 20 years , an understanding of how damaging the settling of this
country by Europeans has been on First Nations culture ...
In addition to a general understanding of the many form s of oppression that
Aboriginal people have been subjected to the importance of knowing and
understanding local impacts was also raised . Without the relevant knowledge of
how colonization played out in a particular First Nation or region , we lack the context
for a full understanding of the multitude of traumatic events that have impacted our
clients ' lives. Further, as we shall see , local histories also provide a potential
window into the strengths and resiliency of our clients and their communities . Many
of my research participants raised the importance of knowing thi s local cultural and
historical information :
And I think it 's different for every community and if you 're working with a
particular community, you need to know the specifics . For example , I'm
working in [community X] right now, and because of their whole history of land
claims , the scenario is very different from the scenario in [community Y]
where they settled their rights , well , supposedly, ten years ago . So I think you
have to be familiar specifically with each community.
But 1think before they [white counselors] meet their first Aboriginal client, they
need to look at the history of the area that they 're working in - whether it 's the
Yukon or British Columbia . They have to look at the colonization process,
they have to look at the Indian Act and some of the land claim agreements
and what the impacts are on communities and what that truly means to be an
Aboriginal person .

70

I would say that the non-Aboriginal person needs to be aware of the
Aboriginal cultures in the area in which they work so that is not the panIndian approach . It is knowing the local culture . I think you need to have
Aboriginal informants cultural informants. That s very helpful .. . you need to
have people you can talk with to find out , because every nation has its own
taboos and ideas of what their culture is and culture is not a dead thing . It's a
living thing and it 's always changing ...so again you need to know what 's
going on in your community and the level that th e systemic trauma has had ,
like in terms of what has been lost.
I was struck by the linkage of cultural awareness to the understanding of
colonization and its impacts . My participants di splayed an implicit grasp of the
limitations of cross-cultural awareness when it is pursued to the exclusion of
education around all the harms attributable to raci sm and colonialism (s ee St. Denis,
2011 ' p. 185) .

There were several stories told about how local and sometimes hidden
histories came to light and how they informed my participants ' practice. One woman
learned of the real meaning of a current ritual practice where a gun is fired during
reconsecration ceremonies at a graveyard . The local priest is in attendance during
these times and the story is always told about how "traditionally" the gun was fired
off to let people know that the priest was coming so they could gather for mass . It
was a way to honor him .
But, the story that's underneath that story is, they did fire the gun , but th e
reason was to tell the people that the priest was coming and they would hide
their ceremonial objects and drums because at those times they were seized
and burned .
This becomes , then , a story of resilience and resistance which was ce rtai nly not
apparent on the surface . Stories of thi s kind can prove very useful wh en we're

71
undertaking a more strength-based approach with our clients. As another participant
re lated:
And if you understand that historical context [for example] the Alaska
Highway the gold rush , when you think of Dawson going from 300 people to
10 000 in one summer- oh my god! -And what the First Nations did to try to
protect themselves - you can use those resiliency stories in current day
because the story telling is such an important part of Aboriginal culture and
healing . So you need to know where you 're working and you need to connect
with people who have those stories and learn them , listen , and be open to it.
The Importance of Owning Your Whiteness and its Limitation s
I think there s limitations in not being Aboriginal. I think therapeutically
what I can offer people would be probably more substantial for them if I
were Aboriginal. (research participant)
In Healing the Soul Wound (2006) , Duran talks about advice he gave to a blue-eyed
intern who was having difficulty connecting with her Aboriginal client. He suggested
she ask the client what he saw when he looked into her eyes , if perhaps her blue
eyes made him think about Custer's blue eyes. She followed his advice with very
positive resu lts. "This acknowledgement propelled the therapy into a process that I
could not have imagined. From that point on , the patient was able to disclose even
the most well-guarded secrets to the therapist" (p. 54).
Research participants generally shared this understanding of how important it
is to be up front about who we are , acknowledging our whiteness and , when
appropriate, our power, our privilege and the limits to our understanding. For
example:
When I start working with an Aboriginal person for therapy , I put it on th e
table and I say, "Look. I know I'm white and I'm of the culture that has
oppressed your people . Do you feel that that's going to be difficult for you

72
to relate to me?" and if they say "yes" then I say, "If it's a problem I'll help
you find someone you 're comfortable with".
Other participants reflected:
I think its interesting , because one of the things that I identify as being
most helpful is not identified by Aboriginal women as being particularly
helpful , and that is always acknowledging the differences in terms of my
being white and their being Aboriginal. Lots of times , when that issue 's
brought up, I'll have someone say , "Oh , that makes no difference
whatsoever". And I think as the work goes on it becomes more and more
clear how much of a difference it does make because their assumptions on
how the world works is based on an Aboriginal orientation , regardless of
whether they ve been raised in an Aboriginal context or not. ... If they
(quote , unquote) look Aboriginal then their experience in the world is
coloured by that because of how people relate to them .
I think as a therapist I really work to own that I'm not Aboriginal - so just
trying to own and have that be in the room . I have one client in particular
where we sort of got to that about a month ago And just to name it, that
there might be pieces that I miss, there might be pieces that I don 't
completely understand , you know , just because those are all
possibilities ... and I probably mess up some times , but for whatever
reason it works better and we talk about those pieces , about what it's like
to work with a non-aboriginal therapist and the limits of that.
This same woman also puts out to her clients that she recognizes how working with
a First Nations counselor would likely be the preferred choice and how it's okay to
have feelings around that, to talk about that, and when appropriate for referrals to be
made. Similarly, another woman spoke about having made referrals for residential
school trauma:
So understanding , in a sense, we 're witnesses of the impacts of trauma,
and as non-native counsellors we can assist with some of it, but depending
on long-term work, I think sometimes , at least in my experience , there 's
got to be a shift at some point to someone who can better reflect their
culture , 'cause I can 't reflect First Nations cu lture, not in a way that's
probably necessary for some women , especial ly women who have been to
residential school.

7

The rea lity, however is that we are often faced with a severe shortage of
available options for Aboriginal clients wishing to access services provided by First
Nation practitioners . Often we represent the only resource avai lable to Aboriginal
people . It is our responsibility then , to explore all the various ways we can bridge
the divide with our Aboriginal clients and fa cilitate the kinds of healing connections
so necessary for traum a treatment and recovery . Knowing and communicating who
we are attending to the power imbalances inherent in the counselling relationship ,
acknowledging our limited grasp of Aboriginal experience and culture while trying to
learn as much as we can - all of the se things and more can help us mitigate the
barriers imposed by our whiteness .
Regarding the important things we need to keep in mind as white women
working with Aboriginal women , one participant offered:
1would really say the importance of knowing your own biases and how you
continue to perpetuate colonization is number one. So what are you
bringing to the plate , and is it aligned with their values ... ?
.. . do you have a consciousness of what your biases are and how those
might be presenting and creating problems or being harmful in some way?
While getting to know ourselves is a prerequisite to effective work, learning to know
who 's sitting across from us is the next vital step . Most of the research participants
spoke about the importance of avoiding assumptions about who it is we 're workin g
with , and this is especially true when it comes to cultural values and practices. Not
only must we avoid the "pan -Indian trap", we need to recognize the many differences
between people , often within th e same community, when it comes to the value and

74

importance they place on their traditional Aboriginal culture. One woman related a
lesson she learned early on with regard to making assumptions about Aboriginal
cultural beliefs:
I was doing a group and trying to be so Aboriginal sensitive . I ended up
calling it a healing circle and I didn 't want to call it a support group . I really
wanted to offer a service for Aboriginal women , and I brought in ... an
eagle 's feather and the Aboriginal women would not touch it but the
non-aboriginal women had no problem with it. And when I asked the
Aboriginal women what the issue was , they said it was black magic - and I
realized they re all Catholic, right , so that was a really big learning , not to
automatically assume that because they 're Aboriginal they 're going to
believe in the Creator.
Some of the research participants talked about the lessons they had
learned from their First Nation clients . There were the "hidden ' stories we have
already referred to , but also very deep and fundamentally different ways of viewing
the world and relating to people that were shared when the requisite trust was
established. One participant , who had worked in the addictions field , related her
learning process around what she 'd always perceived as a lot of enabling behaviour
in First Nations culture , something that had troubled and confused her. At some
point it was explained to her that:
rather than it being about enabling , it's about the commitment to be there
for one another, for family members , and that often gets interpreted ... [in]
a white person 's view, as enabling - but it's a different cultural framework ,
and you have to consider that, and draw it to their attention and give credit
for what it 's about and look and see if there 's another way that you can
facilitate helping and meeting their cultural value without shooting yourself
in the foot.
She went on to say :

75

I remember when I learned that from a client that a whole piece of my
understanding came into place , and I think clients deserve credit for
teaching us ...
Another participant also saw the importance of maintaining an openness to learning
from clients:
I d say everyday I learn something , you know what I mean? I think that's
important particularly when working with Aboriginal women , and Aboriginal
clients in general , because it 's so complex , it 's really complex I find. For
me I feel that openness to understanding and making sense of that is so
important in terms of being helpful.
Avoiding assumptions being open , being curious , and owning the limits of our
knowledge and understanding are all ways of minimizing the distance between client
and therapist. As one participant pointed out , however, this needs to be done with
care and sensitivity :
I think it's also important to not feel guilty or feel somehow wrong for being
non-aboriginal. ... 1don 't think you have to apologize for who you are , but I
think it 's also important to acknowledge limitations and there 's this sort of
subtle balancing in that.
We need to take responsibility for educating ourselves while all the while learning
from our clients , not necessarily asking for information , but by being receptive to
what they wish to share :
So being really sensitive and open , and without having our clients educate
us , because that's not really good either. So , getting it where we can , in
places that are healthy, and lots of times women share stuff with you , and
over the years it's huge. So learning from women , but not because you 're
asking , but because they 're telling , because they want you to know.
Another participant had a somewhat similar view but also stressed the importance of
having informants she could go to when needed.

7
Well, I believe in working with Aboriginal women , first of all , a therapist 's
job is to become a good ally, which means that I am responsible for my
education and I m also responsible for staying current with some of the
research and literature which is evolving from Aboriginal peoples. I'm also
responsible for ensuring I don 't fall into the pan-Indian trap , because
Aboriginal people are many cultures they 're not one culture ... and so
there 's a real difference , and what works is having local cu ltural informants.
I need to have people I can ask questions of who won 't be offended by my
ignorance and who can help me understand things that perhaps my
European mind doesn 't perceive ...
The Importance of Relati on ship Building and Long-Term Involvement With
Client and Comm unity.
I think that if you re going to work with the Aboriginal community you better
want to stay somewhere for a long time because people are tired of the
revolving door of white professionals who are there to then go down south to
some nicer place . (research participant)
This theme is about trust building and the therapeutic relationship , vital
components of all effective trauma work, but perhaps especially so in our work with
Aboriginal clients. Establishment of a trusting connection cannot be easily
accomplished without long-term involvement with our clients and community. As we
have seen , this can be particularly challenging when we take into account all the
barriers to authentic connection which exist between Aboriginal clients and nonAboriginal counselors . Here we encounter participants ' thoughts about the
importance of long term relationships with Aboriginal clients and ways to foster
connection .
Recognition of relationship building as vital to the therapeutic process was
widespread. The importance of connection and relationship building was often
raised by research participants, as well as the barriers they have dealt with along the
way. The following are some of the many comments related to this theme :

77

one of the most important roles [for a therapist] is earning the person 's trust
first of all , because if you haven 't got their trust you're not going to be able to
really help them move forward .
just carefully and slowly build the relationship , and I think through
relationship change happens.
if we make a good connection I think there 's just some bridges that are built
that maybe lays things down for future interaction s with them and with other
people .
Time is a huge factor for achieving successful connection , given the depth of
wounding that many Aboriginal clients have suffered. One woman described her
experience with a girl who did not actually talk for 3 years :
So we 'd just colour, sit , play - and I knew there was something severely
wrong , but I didn 't know what it was . Now what 's happening is the mandates
have really tightened up and there 's this view of therapy that it's got some
sort of twelve session scenario which is totally unrealistic ... Well , it took three
years to build that relationship and the current system would never tolerate
that. They would say I was wasting my time and hers. But I wasn 't, because
at one point the fountain turned on and it was non -stop talking .
Another woman talked about the time involved in building trust and positive
relationships with her clients in a Yukon First Nation community :
1was there long enough to have time to build some of those relationships and
with some people it took a really long time . Like I bet you I was there at least
two years before I started to notice a change in the level of resistance . Yeah ,
it took that long and longer for some others . And even seven years later
when 1was leaving , there was one person who had been particularly resistant
the whole time , and it was just at the very end before I was leaving that there
was actually a change. It takes a long time .
Connecting and forming alliances through trust-building was viewed not only
as a precondition for trauma work but, in some cases, as almost an end in itself.
One woman talked about a client who had suffered so much trauma and tragedy,

78
had such severe mental health issues, that relationship building and attending to her
safety was as far as they went in their work together.
She was very childlike . She 'd come in and she d draw pictures and she 'd talk
about the most horrific things while she was drawing pictures of flowers and
butterflies and little children and a mom playing in a house .. . she , in a way,
was a success really , in the sense of connecting . We got her into good
housing and stuff like that.
Another research participant talked about a woman who , for a number of
years , had accessed services at the transition house where she worked. She led a
street and drug involved life from which , sadly, she was unable to extricate herself.
Still her connection with the staff and residents at the transition house clearly
enhanced her quality of life .
we provided this client with a place to be where she felt respected and
cared for- and she maintained that relationship with [the transition house] for
a good four to five years prior to her murder. And she would go in and out of
living on the street to support her habit, but when she wasn 't living on the
street - and even when she was living on the street - there was a quality in
the relationship that she had with the various staff people at [the transition
house] that was really enjoyable , that was really respectful ... So it was a
success story and yet her life would be considered a tragedy because she
was murdered in the end . So I think ... that causes questions about how does
one evaluate , because , quite bluntly, that would be a negative statistic in the
end . The quality of the relationship she had with the staff people was really ,
really positive and that could never be dismissed .
There was a great deal of reflection on the ways in which relationship can be
fostered , above and beyond the necessary time commitment. We have already
looked at the value of acknowledging our whiteness , the differences that mark our
respective life experiences, and the limits of our cultural knowledge . Doing so would
appear to have a profound impact on the power dynamic within the coun seling
relationship . We are not the experts on our cli ents lives and healing . Research

7
participants talked about the importance of communicating this , both directly and
implicitly through the way we work:
I think there 's thi s interesting balance ... in working with Aboriginal women
where traumas involved ... of being willing to be tentative and say "I don 't
know ', sort of not needing to draw firm conclusions about something and to
really own my own shit internally in an experience with somebody ...
This same woman talked about where she places herself in relationship with her
clients how important it is to "engage with people at a very human level", how
"there 's a distancing that 's not therapeutic":
So I try to be really conscious of that and think about who I'm being when I'm
with someone and I'm not just this distant sort of clinical mind looking down on
a situation . So I'm pretty big on that, like sort of being side by side with people
and I usually conceptualize with people , like they 're in the driver's seat and I'm
in the passenger's seat of the car, and I might have some ideas about (where
we go) but kinda like , we don 't have to go down any road s you don 't want to .
I'm not here to tell you how to do this kind of thing .
Te nding to the power dynamic by eschewing an authoritarian stance was a
thread that ran through many participants ' accounts of their efforts to build trust and
relationship. Some further examples are :
whenever 1shift into a linear way of working , problem -solving , "I want to
help you fix this", I find that not only invalidating but also not helpful. There 's
all kinds of resistance and other problems . It's what "what 's his
name" [Duran?] calls Euro-western .
1think with any women with trauma I'm really attentive to the notion of co ntrol
and permi ssion .. . asking when I'm working with people .. . "I'm having a
thought about thi s. Would that be all right if I shared that with you ?".
Thinking Outside the Box: The Importance of Finding Alternatives to TDWNA.
Many of the research partici pants talked about their efforts to assist their
Aboriginal clients through non-traditional and often creative altern atives to the more

0

standard one-on-one talk therapy. One woman spoke about her commitment to
work collaboratively, outside the individual counseling model , whenever possible :
there s not a lot of Aboriginal counselors but there 's a lot of very good lay
people who provide good support and we can work together and they can be
the front line person with the individual.
She expands on this line of thinking and where its led :
What I've found , personally , the most rewarding , is when .. . I do a lot of
workshops like healing workshops , and it's co-facilitating with an Aboriginal
person. And we share and they II talk about something and I'll put it in a
western context and sort of look at, from a trauma perspective , how the brain
works ... but whether you use energy medicine or whether you smudge ,
whether you pray , you have to find something that calms your amygdala. So I
think working really collaboratively and presenting as equals going in , and
sharing the teaching , is a way of opening those doors up.
Along similar lines one of the participants talked about the importance of "thinking
outside the box" and "making counseling and therapy a safe environment". This is
accomplished through application of a variety of tools , including the visual and
sensory-based , as opposed to more cognitive approaches such as CBT (cognitive
behavourial therapy) .
Okay, my recent experience has been , because I've been working directly
with a band , ... that a lot of people don 't want counseling ,... so I've done a
variety of workshops that include art, so we 've been doing collages or
necklaces or bracelets. I've been doing visualizations that help people stay
grounded and calm and can be very therapeutic.
She explained how she provided the necessary materials and encouragement for
women to fashion "strength bracelets" which then carried special meaning for th em
in their efforts to better manage th e difficulties in their lives. Thi s same wom an
talked about keeping a co llection of rocks in her office:

1
so I often give someone a rock or have them pick a rock they can hold
when they need to feel grounded. It's like having tactile tools , not just
intellectual tools , physical things that can be done.
Likewise , use of art work, genograms , and guided imagery were all identified as not
only valuable adjuncts to talk therapy , but often as effective therapeutic approaches
in and of themselves i.e ., viable and valuable alternatives to counseling .
Many of these attempts to reach beyond typical western counseling
approaches echo something of the holistic and culturally informed approaches of
Aboriginal healers who tend to utilize ceremony art, story-telling and ritual in their
work to alleviate the suffering of those who seek their help . In her work Healing
Wounded Hearts (2004) Fyre Jean Graveline epitomizes this understanding
of healing work with Aboriginal people :
Ceremony teaches. heals. us.
Be . in Touch. with our Human Powers. our Senses.
our Gifts to See. Hear. Smell. Taste . Touch .
We Heal. With our entire Bodies.
Not only with our Minds . Or Hearts.
Ceremony . Meditation . Dreaming .
Smudge. Circle. Feasting.
Crystals. Feathers. Herbs.
Drumming . Singing . Dancing.
Art. Drama. Poetry. Story. (p . 221)
All participants , then , in varying degrees, recognized the value in approaches
that lay outside the conventional realm of TDWNA counseling, and in particular,
Aboriginal healing techniques . The importance of cultural elements where often
referenced. This was true of one woman who talked about the need to create
"co ntainers for pain ":

2

.. . and that may include some cultural elements such as smudging or offering
tobacco , or for those who do it, going to the sweat, talking to the creator.
The need for Aboriginal clients to pursue some healing activities outside their
scheduled sessions was not only acknowledged , but sometimes encouraged by my
research participants .
I think we need to keep in mind exposure to other Aboriginal techniques that I
would encourage but don 't have the knowledge. I'm thinking if there are any
spiritual components that people should be pursuing , the whole notion of
community which needs to get stronger. And I think those things need to be
identified and encouraged while the woman is doing therapy - and they may
become more valuable to the woman than actual therapy .
Encouraging attention to one 's spiritual side as an important element in
healing , is certainly a departure from a strictly TDWNA focus . This is in keeping with
recognition of the value , especially when working with Aboriginal women , of
following a more holistic approach. One woman reflected on her sense that her
work with First Nation clients needed to be expanded beyond the counseling she 'd
been providing :
1keep using the (western) therapeutic framework just because that 's the one
I'm familiar with , but I think there are other ways of doing healing , ... I'm
thinking of, I don 't know, canoe trips with a group of women . I'm thinking of a
variety of exposures to healing situations which would allow people to reframe how they view themselves in the world.
We have already noted a tendency on the part of research participants to
place special emphasis on certain standard trauma treatment components which
they view as especially important in their work with Aboriginal women , e.g., attention
to the power dynamic in the therapeutic relationship , the importance of build ing trust
and connection , and th e need to take great care in the pacing of cli ent exposure to

traumatic material. Another very prominent concern that, I believe, runs counter to
the TDWN A approach , is the identified need for a stre ngth-based orientation .
Virtually all the participants stressed the added importance of this perspective when
working with Aboriginal women clients . One woman reflected on how, in our trauma
training and practice , we can "forget about the more positive elements of being a
First Nation woman '.
Some of the women I work with get a lot of self esteem and pride from , say,
doing hides or doing fish or being able to go out and shoot a moose . .. . So,
not forgetting those pieces is something that I'm trying to become a little more
aware of, that I can get so trauma focused that I forget that actually in that
trauma for some of these women are those amazing skills and sense of pride
for who they are . .. . And those are important things to remember , sort of
coming from a strength-based place instead of just a trauma-bound place .. .
There 's a need for looking at the strength in all that too , the resiliency ,
because of all the people I've worked with , I think the women up here - I don 't
know how they live sometimes - their resiliency , their strength ...
The importance of identifying cl ients ' strengths and building resiliency were
commonly cited as elements in participants ' overall approach in working with
Aboriginal women :
You know , sometimes people come in and they wonder what's wrong with
them , and 1say, "I don 't wonder that, I wonder what happened and how that
makes you feel ". So it's not com ing from the point of ... what 's wrong with
somebody, but trying to do my best to find the strengths in people and trying
to build on that, you know , and helping them to sort of see their own
strengths.
Another participant talked about her efforts to help Aboriginal clients to recog nize the
acts of strength and resistance inherent in th eir survival of so many spi rit-crushing
circum stances, for example living through th e multiple abu ses of residential school.

4
And while pursuing strength-based approaches is common in her work with most
clients she noted that:
I just find that those approaches that focus on their strengths and
resiliencies and resources is so important with an Aboriginal client.
One woman recognizing the importance and power of story-telling in Aboriginal
culture would look there for examples of personal strengths and resiliency :
Sometimes I'd ask about stories , whether .. . their family stories or stories they
heard growing up, and I might weave that back into what that brought to
them like where they found strength in that story or something like that, so
its not just straight behavioural therapy. It's a very different kind of thing .
It was heartening to find that all the participants worked in ways that
demonstrated to one degree or another, a marked departure from what Duran
(2006) calls "Western trained therapists [who] are trained to think within a prescribed
paradigm that targets pathology". (p . 19)

5
Conclusion
How Typical was my Research Group?

When considering the make-up of my interview group, it is fairly clear that
some factors might distinguish my participants from other women in similar
positions . One thing , however, is clearly evident: we are all northern women who
have lived and worked in Yukon or northern BC for much , if not all , of our adult lives.
That alone affords us a greater opportunity to interact socially and professionally
with Aboriginal people , given the prominence of their numbers and cultural
presence . For example , the largest First Nation in Yukon , Kwanlin Dunn , is centered
within the municipality of the capital , Whitehorse , with settlement lands and
traditional territory extending well beyond city limits. First Nation issues, activities ,
and politics are as prominent in the news as national and world affairs. Everyday we
are reminded , in numerous ways , that we occupy traditional Aboriginal territory. We
tend to be far more informed about residential schools and their impacts, given the
prominent coverage of the issue by northern media. Many of us also have social
connections with people who were directly affected , and we are witness , close up, to
their protests , community healing initiatives, and celebrations. Unlike those who live
further south , then , we experience far more exposure to the harmful impacts of
colonization as well as the on-going efforts at recovery. It seems to be almost part
of the air we breathe . Likewise, we also participate in numerous shared activities
that afford us greater famili arity with local Aboriginal life and experience. I believe all
of this accounts for a more developed sensitivity to the collective struggles of

Aboriginal people , which might not be the case for those practicing in other areas of
Canada .
This leads me to conclude that the women who participated in my study
could , indeed be con sidered broadly representative of northern women practitioners
who identify as non-aboriginal/dominant culture counsel ors, with at least one major
proviso : they come from a predominantly social work background and also tend to
see feminism as an important influence in their work. These two factors would help
account for the structural orientation to client problems that appeared across the
board , and for the shared recognition that trauma among Aboriginal people cannot
be sufficiently dealt with utilizing a solely individualistic approach . Had these women
been trained in counseling psychology, the findings here might have been somewhat
different, though living and working in the North might still have provided corrective
insight into the social/historical context for trauma among Aboriginal people.
Another factor that may have influenced the outcome of my study was the
average age of my participants and their many years of experience . As indicated ,
they were of an older demographic with most in their 50s , one in her 60s and only
one much younger woman in her early 30s. It is uncertain if a wider range of ages
would have resulted in a noticeable difference in the discernible themes , but we
need to remain open to that possibility.

7

Reflections on th e Prima ry Findings
I was rather surprised by a striking consistency among the research
participants , especially with regard to their reflections on the complexity of trauma
work with Aboriginal women and the impacts of historical injustice. I am not sure if
my expectations were really very well defined , but given the lengthy process of
learning and reflection that I had engaged in over the years , I think I suffered from
the illusion that my perspective would generally prove more informed , enlightened ,
and progressive than that of most of the women counselors I interviewed . In fact , I
found that participants often exhibited an exceptional knowledge and sensitivity
when it came to the impacts of colonization on Aboriginal people . And they had
been grappling with the same sorts of questions I had been struggling with. They
were very much aware of the limitations inherent in the standard TDWNA approach
when working with Aboriginal women , and all seemed engaged in continual self
examination when it came to the adequacy of their understanding of Aboriginal
experience and their own limitations and biases as members of the dominant
(perpetrator) culture . What were the best ways to counter those limitations and
barriers, and what kinds of approaches proved most helpful? As we have seen , all
the interviewees had been deeply engaged with th ese concern s and were often
creative in their respon ses to the challenges they faced in their work. Though in
varying degrees, we all recogn ized and were sensitive to the contradiction s in volved
in our situation as dominant cu lture women undertaking to assist Aborigin al women

8

in their healing. And to some extent we all explored ideas and approaches that
transcended typical western academic training.
In short , research participants were far more knowledgeable about the kinds
of trauma Aboriginal people struggle with , and the sources of that trauma, than I had
expected. Likewise , they were far more cognizant of the difficulties posed by their
non-Aboriginal status , the limitations of "talk therapy", and the relative value of their
counseling role , than I would have anticipated. All expressed uncertainty about the
ways they might reshape their practice to better assist Aboriginal clients. And, most
importantly all had thought about, and most had explored , alternatives to standard
trauma treatment. These included non-counseling approaches , recognition of
traditional Aboriginal healing methods , and collaborative healing circles and
workshops .
The following discussion stems from my central research question(s) :
"Do non-aboriginal women counselors provide trauma treatment to Aboriginal
trauma survivors which references the broader historical and inter-generational
trauma of Aboriginal people in general?" And if so, "How is this aspect of treatment
conceptualized and delivered, and what is its perceived value in facilitating recovery
from trauma related difficulties?"
And: "How much (or how little) does the historical reality of oppression, as
well as the struggle of Aboriginal people to survive current adverse social conditions
and pervasive racism, help shape the ways in which trauma and addiction are
treated by non-Aboriginal women counselors?

As we have seen , participants were all aware of the harsh legacy of
colonization on Aboriginal people , and though not everyone employed the term

historical trauma , all recognized the importance of knowing and appreciating the
social and historical context of their clients ' trauma related symptoms . When it came
to recognition of current adverse social conditions and pervasive racism as
important traumagenic factors the picture was less clear. Only two participants
identified racism per se as a significant factor implicated in the overall trauma of
Aboriginal women , though there were common references made to oppression ,
discrimination and social injustice . Reference to current social conditions ,
attributable to continuing colonialist policies , was more frequent. As noted , an
appreciation of the complexity and multi-layered or multi-dimensional nature of
trauma among Aboriginal people ran through all the interviews. While not everyone
used this terminology , all made reference to inter-generational or cross-generational
trauma. And , as previously discussed , all conceptualized trauma among their
Aboriginal clients as far more complicated , and more attributable to factors that lay
outside the direct control , or even personal experience , of the individual.
While it was cle ar that participants brought considerable thought and attention
to this perceived challenge , th ere was rel atively little detailed discussion of how this
understanding of trauma was transl ated into practical approaches . When , how or
even if the coun selors would address co nnections between ind ividual difficu lties and
the historical traum as with their clients was not always clear. I now find myself
wondering if they had developed helpful techniques or could recommend effective

90

guidelines for introducing or eliciting such linkages and 1wish 1had asked for
specifics . Certainly , the need to avoid pathologizing the individual would seem to
require that this expanded trauma framework, and its potent political implications, be
woven into the counseling sessions in some fashion at some point.
This being the case , recognition of the need for social and political remedies
would seem the next logical step , but I found little to suggest that participants had
given this the consideration I believe it deserves. It is true that most expressed a
desire to operate in an anti-oppressive manner and to serve as allies to Aboriginal
people in their attempts to overcome structures and systems of oppression and
discrimination. No one however, directly identified political struggle for autonomy
and self-government as critical to the process of recovery from the collective trauma
of displacement, cultural annihilation , occupation , and all the other dehumanizing
impacts of colonization. This could well be due to my interview format and style ,
which failed to elicit deeper levels of participants' thinking on these matters.
Likewise , though it seems clear that all the participants would see themselves as
supporters of Aboriginal solutions to Aboriginal problems , there was no direct
reference to the politics inherent in the role of a structural/feminist counselor, and its
implication for commitment to transformational change. Are there particular forms of
involvement with individuals , families and communities that could prove most helpful
in our efforts to support such change?

91
Suggestions For Future Research
I believe this research could be usefully followed up by more broad-based
exploration into best roles and practices for white counselors working with Aboriginal
clients. I would like to see a next phase which employs focus groups, rather than
interviews , in hopes of stimulating fruitful discussion of practical ideas and
approaches for trauma work which transcends typical one-on-one counseling. How
do we best incorporate our understanding of the social and political ramifications of
historical and multi-dimensional trauma into our practice? We encountered some
ideas along these lines but a fuller picture is needed . What techniques and tools
have we developed and used to advantage in response to this search for a better
way to assist Aboriginal people in recovery from trauma? How might we integrate
them into the often restrictive expectations and conditions of hire that tend to limit
our practice?
1think it would be especially meaningful to look at ways that academic training
could incorporate the valuable insights and experience of effective and well
respected counselors working with Aboriginal people. Certainly the theories of
historical trauma (including all the various elaborations such as post colonial trauma
response), could serve as valuable foundational information on which to build up a
practical store of diverse, problem -solving approaches. Students and practitioners
alike could draw on this body of experience and ideas while contributing to a growing
archive of all the factors we need to take into account, and many of the techniqu es
that have been tried and developed, so that we have the tool s and informati on at our

92
disposal to better meet the needs of Aboriginal trauma survivors.

Final Remarks
Though it seems rather obvious, it may bear mentioning that the ideas
presented by research participants are their own, and do not necessarily reflect the
ideas or understanding of the clients with whom they work. As we have seen, it
takes work and commitment to subject our dominant culture conditioning and
training to an even modest degree of cri tical scrutiny , and we have a lot further to go
in our understanding of what is truly helpful to our Aboriginal clients. In some critical
areas , however, a case could be made for a fairly high degree of congruency
between aspects of our practice and traditional Aboriginal approaches, for example
the shared recognition of the critical importance of community and spirituality to First
Nations people , something that clearly needs to inform our approach to trauma
treatment.
The participants ' age , experience , and commitment generally afforded them a
long process of learning , primarily acquired through their working relationships with
Aboriginal clients and throug h on-going reflection on the value of various
approaches. Non e, of course, could claim to share the lived experiences of their
clients , though they had set themselves the task of learning as much as possible
about both their clients' lives and the various social and political forces that shaped
their collective reality. In some ways they could be said to have one foot in the world
of western academic theory and training , and one in the far less clear or easily
definable world of Abori ginal strugg le to manage the impacts of multiple traumas,

9
almost entirely attributable to a long history of survival under colonization. The
women I interviewed are all well positioned to act as potentially valuable allies to
Aboriginal people and, as we have previously observed, they face a kind of moral
imperative to act as advocates and supporters of transformative change. May we all
rise up to meet this challenge to the very best of our abilities.
We would do well to remind ourselves that our presence and active
participation in protests and demonstrations, our support of community based
initiatives and political action of all kinds , are critical as visible demonstrations of our
commitment to Aboriginal rights and empowerment. This is one way we can
actualize our recognition that the collective challenges of aboriginal people are not
reducible to individual pathologies , but rather to the impacts of colonization that need
to be remedied through social and political means.

94
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Willox , A . (2013 , October 8) . CB U Research - Ashlee Cunsolo Willox [Information
Morning Cape Breton audio podcast] . Retri eved from htt ://www .cbc.ca/
informationmorningcb/2013/1 0/08/cbu-research---as hl ee-cun solo-willox/

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Appendix 1

*Definition of PTSD

Criterion A - The person was exposed to a traumatic event in which both of the
following were present:
1. the person experienced , witnessed , or was confronted with an event.. . that
involved actual or threatened death or serious injury, or a threat to the physical
integrity of self or others
2. the person 's response involved intense fear , helplessness, or horror

Criterion B - The traumatic event is persistently re-experienced in one of the
following ways:
1. recurrent and intrusive distressing recollections of the event
2. recurrent distressing dreams of the event
3. acting or feeling as if the traumatic event were recurring (e .g. flashbacks)
4. intense psychological distress at exposure to internal or external cues that
symbolize or resemble the traumatic event
5. physiological reactivity on exposure to internal or external cues that symbolize or
resemble the traumatic event.

Criterion C - Persistent avoidance of stimuli associated with the trauma and
numbing of general responsiveness .. .as indicated by three or more of the following :
1. efforts to avoid thoughts , feelings or conversations associated with the trauma
2. efforts to avoid activities , places or people that arouse recollections of the trauma
3. inability to recall important aspects of the trauma
4. markedly diminished interest or participation in significant activities
5. feelings of detachment or estrangement of others
6. restricted range of affect
7. sense of foreshorten ed future

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Criterion D - Persistent symptoms of increased arousal. .. as indicated by two (or
more) of the following :
1. difficu lty falling or staying asleep
2. irritability or outbursts of anger
3. difficulty concentrating
4. hyper-vigilance
5. exaggerated startle re spon se

Criterion E - Symptom s in Criteria B, C, and 0 persist for at least one month
Criterion F - Symptoms have significa ntly altered one 's ability to function socially,
vocationally, or in other important areas of life

*Ad apted from th e DSM-IV-TR (American Psychiatric Association, 2000)

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Appendix 2

Information Letter
Aboriginal trauma & non-aboriginal counselors: What is the prognosis for
healing?
I am a non-aboriginal graduate student and former trauma counse lor, undertaking an
investigation into the kind s of coun seling approaches used by non-aboriginal women
counse lors/therapists/caregivers in their work with Aboriginal women struggling with
trauma and addictions . I am sending you information about this intended study in
hopes you may consider becoming a parti cipant.
The purpose of this research is to learn more about the ways in which non-aboriginal
counselors approach issues of trauma and addiction among their Aboriginal clients ,
and their understanding of how best to assist clients along their journey of healing
and recovery . While people of all ethno-cultural backgrounds may seek help for
addictions and trauma in their lives, it is nonetheless important that we understand
which approaches might prove th e most relevant and beneficial for different ethnocultural groups . Your willingness to participate in an interview (approximately one
hour) would help increase the current level of knowledge around what works best for
Aboriginal women , and specifically tho se in treatment with non -Aboriginal
counselor/care givers .
Interviews will be open-ended , allowing for a deeper and richer kind of information to
be collected , informed by participants' personal learning , insights and experien ce.
These interviews can be as long or short as participa nts wi sh. They will be
recorded , transcribed , and made avail able for participants to revi ew for accuracy
prior to being analyzed for whatever themes may em erge . At any point in time ,
participants may decide to withdraw fro m the inte rview or the study , and any
information already collected will be safely disposed of in accordance with
participants ' wishes .
No names, nor identifying information , will be attached to any of th e interview
material used in thi s study . The raw data and reco rd ings co llected from interviewees
will be destroyed upon completion of this research project. A summary of the
completed study will be made avai lable to each participant wh o may wish to receive
a copy.
Thi s study will be fully co mpliant with the guidelines of the UN BC Ethics Board to
which all re search by university students and facu lty is accountable. Any complaints
about the proj ect should be directed to the Office of Research (reb @unbc.ca) or 250
960 -6735.

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Its hoped that you will join us in this research study and lend your valuable
perspective to the work at hand . I'll be contacting you for your thoughts or any
questions you may have concerning the purpose , value or methodology of this
investigatory project. I look forward to speaking with you soon .
Jan Forde , BSW (phone # was provided)

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Appendix 3

Interview Guide

How do you conceptualize the impacts of trauma among your First Nation clients?
How would you compare your trauma work with Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal
women?
In your estimation , what aspects of your work have proved most helpful/least helpful
to Aboriginal women?
Are there particular successes or failures you 'd care to talk about?
What do you think might be the potential strengths and limitations in your role as a
non-Aboriginal woman offering trauma treatment to Aboriginal women?
What would you see as the ideal role for non-Aboriginal counselors when it comes to
Aboriginal women s healing?
Based on your experience , are there particular things you feel we need to keep in
mind when offering trauma treatment to Aboriginal women?
What kinds of special knowledge or training , if any, should non -Aboriginal
counselors have when working with Aboriginal women trauma survivors?
Are there any other thoughts you 'd like to share regarding these themes and
concerns?

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Appendix 4

Consent Form

Having read the information provided by Jan Forde, MSW student at UNBC,
concerning her thesis research , and having had the opportunity to meet with
her to discuss the purpose of this project, the potential benefits, as well as
what my participation would entail , I hereby agree to be interviewed for the
purposes explained to me.
I understand that my participation is voluntary and that I may decide to
withdraw from this research study at any time , in which case any data
collected as a result of my interview will be returned to me and/or safely
disposed of in accordance with my wishes .
I further understand that all efforts will be made to ensure confidentiality of the
interview material , and that no identifying information will be included in the
final report or thesis that results from this work . I further understand that I will
have the opportunity to review the final draft to ensure both accuracy and an
adequate level of confidentiality.
I have been informed about the ethical obligations of th is researcher and my
right to register a complaint with the Office of Research should any concerns
anse.

Name ----------------------------print

Date ________________

signature

Researcher ________________________
print

signature

Date_______________