RECRUITMENT A N D RETENTION CHALLENGES OF A REGIONAL CENTRE OF A RESOURCE-BASED REGION: THE CASE STUDY OF PRINCE GEORGE, BC by Lama A. Way B.A., University o f N orthern British Columbia, 1999 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in POLITICAL SCIENCE THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA January, 2005 © Laura A. 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Conformément à la loi canadienne sur la protection de la vie privée, quelques formulaires secondaires ont été enlevés de cette thèse. While these forms may be included in the document page count, their removal does not represent any loss of content from the thesis. Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu manquant. Canada ABSTRACT This thesis challenges the idea that only small resource-based communities have recruitment and retention issues by examining a regional centre o f a resource-based region. Prince George, British Columbia. To test whether the pull and push factors were consistent between these two types o f communities, this thesis surveyed new residents to Prince George and human resource professionals. The results confirmed that Prince George shares many o f the same puh factors (e.g., employment, natural setting, and friendliness) and push factors (e.g., loss o f employment, climate, and isolation) o f smaller resource-based communities. The num ber o f services did n o t appear to be as large an issue for Prince George as it was for the smaller communities. For example, the presence o f post-secondary institutions was viewed very positively. Prince George’s most im portant push factor, poor air quality, appears to be unique to this case study as the literature does not identify environmental problems as a general push factor o f resource-based communities. It is important to note that Prince George’s recruitment and retention issues were not perceived to be as severe as those facing many o f its smaller neighbours. Recruitment and retention are im portant governance issues as the inability to attract professionals can severely hamper overall community development and many o f the push and puU factors represent broader quality o f life issues. As such, recruitment and retention issues are not just a business issue. Therefore, addressing the push and puU factors wUl require the collective action of multiple actors. n TABLE O F C O N T E N T S Abstract 11 Table of Contents 111 List o f Tables List o f Figures VI Acknowledgements vii Chapter O ne Introduction Recruitment and Retention - N o t Just a Business Issue Thesis Organization 1 2 4 Chapter Tw o R esource-Based Com m unities Core Characteristics o f Resource-Based Communities Migration Patterns to Resource-Based Communities Regional Centres o f Resource-Based Regions 8 9 17 25 Chapter Three A R egional Centre o f a R esource-Based Region: T he Case Study o f Prince George, BC Rationale for Using the Case Study M ethod Historical Developm ent o f Prince George Demographic Characteristics o f Prince George Applying the Core Characteristics o f Resource-Based Communities to Prince George Chapter Four Chapter Five 29 29 29 31 34 M ethodology The Insider Participatory Action Research Key Inform ant Interviews Newcomers Survey and Interviews Limitations 48 Behind the Move: N ew com ers' R elocation to Prince George Newcomer Respondents’ Past Experiences & Knowledge o f Prince George Pull Factors Push Factors Intentions to Remain 58 in 48 50 52 53 57 58 66 74 84 Chapter Six Chapter Seven References Appendix A Appendix B Not Just a Business Issue 94 Em ployment Factors Environmental Factors The Regional Centre-Just the Right Size? Recommendations 97 98 104 105 Next Steps 111 Research Questions Future Research Questions 111 114 120 Interview Questions for Key-Informants Online Newcomer Survey Questions IV 130 134 LIST OF TABLES 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9 3.10 3.11 3.12 4.1 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 5.9 5.10 5.11 5.12 Geographical Community Related Pull Factors Geographical Community Related Push Factors Socio-Economic Community Related PuU Factors Socio-Economic Community Related Push Factors Population o f Prince George Age Characteristics o f the Population by Percentage for Prince George & BC: 1996,2001 Marital Status for Prince George & BC: 2001 Family Characteristics for Prince George & BC: 1996, 2001 Education Attainment rates for Prince George & BC: 2001 Services Located within Prince George Prince George’s Remoteness from O ther Centres 2003 Prince George Operations Capacity as a Percentage o f Canfor’s 2003 Total Capacity Labour Force by Industry for Prince George: 2001 Percent Income Dependencies (After Tax Income, 2001)for Prince George and Surrounding Area Top 10 Local Areas Vulnerable to Downturns in the Forest Industry: 2001 N um ber o f Consumer and Business Bankruptcies in Prince George & BC: 1997 to 2001 Newcomer Respondents’ Demographic Characteristics Before deciding whether or n o t to move to Prince George, what was your past experience with the community? W hat category best describes where you last lived before moving to Prince George? D o you consider Prince George a northern community? N o t considering Prince George, have you ever Hved in a northern community? O n what, if any, subjects did the employer provide you with written material(s) during the interviewing process? Why hasn’t (didn’t) your spouse/partner move at the same time as you? What attributes o f Prince George did you view favourably when deciding whether or n o t to move? According to your knowledge, what attribute(s) o f Prince George was your spouse/partner impressed by? W hat were your immediate impressions after moving to Prince George o f the following situation —social interactions? W hat attributes did you view unfavourably when deciding whether or not to move? According to your knowledge, what attribute(s) o f Prince George did your spouse/partner dislike? What were your immediate impressions after moving to Prince George o f the following situation - overall economic climate? 20 21 23 24 30 31 32 32 33 35 37 37 38 39 40 44 56 59 60 61 62 64 65 69-70 71 73 76-77 82 83 5.13 5.14 5.15 5.16 6.1 6.2 O f the stated reasons, what do you think would be the three m ost im portant reasons that would cause you to leave? H ow much longer do you expect to be in Prince George? W hich o f the following best describes your feelings o f attachment to Prince George? Summarj^ o f Key Findings Recommendations for Local Employers Recommendations for the City o f Prince George 87 90 91 93 107 109 LIST OF FIGURES 3.1 3.2 3.3 Map o f British Columbia Housing Starts (per 1000 capita) for Prince George and BC: 1997 to 2001 Average Annual Unemployment Rate for Prince George and BC: 1989 to 2002 VI 36 43 44 Ackaowledgemeats As a long-term resident o f Prince George, it has been my privilege to pursue my post­ secondary education at the University o f N orthern British Columbia. Since the first day of my undergraduate degree in September 1994, the Political Science Program has been my nurturing home. I had a wonderful time completing both o f my degrees. I would like to thank my supervisor. Dr. Tracy Summerville, who has become my mentor. Your guiding support and enthusiasm about my thesis has helped me gready. In addition, I would like to thank Dr. Boris DeWiel who has also helped me strive for excellence in my work. UNBC prides itself on being interdisciplinary and my thesis greatly benefit from the assistance and support o f Dr. G reg Halseth o f the Geography Program. I would like to express my appreciation for the thoughtful review by Dr. Fiona MacPhail, my external examiner. Dr. Gary Wilson has also played an important role in the pursuit o f my Masters’ degree. I would not have begun my Master’s degree without the initial support and encouragement o f Dr. G reg Poelzer and Dr. Mary Louise McAllister. Second I would Hke to thank the members o f the Living and Working in Prince George Committee. Y our continual support from the beginning is greatly appreciated. My hope is that this thesis aids you in your important work. To all the survey respondents, thank-you for sharing your experiences o f moving to Prince George with me. Lastly, I would hke to thank my family. My husband, Paul, has continuahy supported my endeavours and completing this thesis would not have been possible w ithout his support. My parents have always inspired the following two values: education and a commitment to community service. This thesis represents a desire to hve up to both o f these goals. To my good friend, Carolyn Holmes, thank-you for your on-going support, especiaUy the feedback on the early drafts. vtt CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION As ‘BC’s N orthern Capital/ Prince George is regional centre for north-central British Columbia while being maintaining strong ties to the forest industrie Despite being the largest city in the region, Prince George has challenges in recruiting and retaining professionals. The following are a few examples to highhght the scope o f this problem. In 2003, the loss o f a local pathologist resulted in delays in RCMP investigations as autopsies had to be processed outside o f the community (“N o Pathologist Means Autopsy Delays,” 2003: 1). O ne year earlier, the Prince George Citie^n reported that the community lost one local doctor to Thunder Bay, Ontario because her spouse could not find suitable work (Trick, 2002: A3). Even with a targeted campaign, over a two-year period from 2000 to 2002, the N orthern Health Authority (NHA) achieved a net gain o f only seven doctors to Prince George. The N H A recruited 32 doctors and specialists during the period but 25 were lost (Paulson, 2003: 4). While shortages o f health care professionals received the most attention, a range o f other professional positions remained difficult to fill, including university professors, lawyers and city planners (Thesis Interviews, 2003). This problem is not unique to Prince George. The body o f migration literature indicates that there are a number o f reasons why people choose to hve in and leave smaller resource-based communities. Many o f the challenges in recruiting new residents are related to the unique characteristics o f resource-based communities including their remote location, limited services and fluctuations in economic well-being. However, with their larger populations, government and other regional services and an abihty to afford amenities, resource-based regional centres like Prince George also have a large num ber o f urban quahties that are not found in their smaller neighbours. This study compares Prince George’s migration patterns to those identified in the existing migration literature on small resource-based communities' by addressing the following research questions: 1. W hat are the factors that attract professionals to (pull), or deter professionals from (push) relocating and staying in Prince George, a regional centre o f a resource-based region? 2. Are Prince George’s migration patterns consistent with those identified in the existing migration literature on small resource-based communities? The hypothesis o f this research is that while their larger size mitigates some o f the challenges associated in recruiting and retaining new residents, regional centres o f resource-based regions are essentially confronted by similar issues as those faced by smaller resource-based communities. 1.1 Recruitment and Retention —N o t Just a Business Issue In large organizations, the recruitment o f new employees and retention of current employees are considered the job of human resource (HR) professionals.^ The HR professionals are expected to find the right person for the job; however, in the case o f resource-based communities the community characteristics play an im portant role in influencing whether the 'This thesis restricts its definition o f ‘com m unity’ to a territorially constrained notion (e.g., people htring in a particular geographic locality); as such, it does n o t denote a broader definition. ‘Com m unity’ is frequently used in studies o f resource-based places, especially w hen m ore than one type o f com m unity size (e.g., tow n and city) are being considered (Halseth, 1999; Randall and Ironside, 1996; Bowles, 1992). As discussed in chapter 2, resourcebased communities share some com m on characteristics b u t w hat primarily separates them from other types o f communities is their reliance o n resource industries. Therefore, for the purpose o f this thesis, a resource-based community is defined as a place w hose economy is primarily resource-based (e.g., over 50% reliant o n a resourceindustry or com bination o f resource industries) (WiUiamson and A nnam raju, 1991). ^Organizations fill vacant employee positions through a recruitm ent process. T he position can be filled from external hiring, internal prom otion, or transfer. T he primary concern o f this thesis is w ith recruiting external candidates from outside the community. Recruitm ent processes can vary greatly in length and scope b u t some com m on steps include: defining w hat the position entails, defining w ho would be an appropriate candidate, screening the candidates, making a successful m atch and orientating the new employee (Menese and Kleiner, 2002). Retention strategies involve reducing turnover to an acceptable level. IVIany organizations do n o t have a specific retention policy in place and instead rely on wages, benefits and prom otions to keep current employees. However, some organizations are now pursuing ‘soft benefits’ such as offering employees a b etter w ork/life balance, providing opportunities for professional growth and developm ent and creating strong bonds between employees (Withers, 2001). dgjht person takes the job. Due to their inherent characteristics, these communities typically have transient populations. Therefore, persistent long-term difficulties in recruiting and retaining residents, especially professionals, are n o t just the concern o f HR professionals but are also issues for the community at large. First, unfilled vacancies result in lower levels o f service. This is perhaps m ost noticeable in the health care professions when residents are forced to leave the community in order to access services. For example, the special care nursery at the Prince George Regional Hospital remained closed during part o f Decem ber o f 2002 due to staffing shortages (Hoekstra, 2002; 1). Second, local governments are engaged in a variety o f activities that are designed to enhance their community’s overall quality o f life. These go well beyond the traditional provision o f physical infrastructure and basic recreational facilities. For example, municipal governments in resource-based communities engage in economic development activities as they attempt to reduce their reliance on a particular resource industry. They attem pt to foster a ‘business friendly’ atmosphere by using a variety o f approaches including: streamlining development approvals, having a favourable tax regime and encouraging new businesses through a local economic development agency or municipal staff. In addition, local governments are increasingly taking partial responsibility for the provision o f ‘soft services’ such as social and health services, often as a result o f downsizing by the provincial or national governments (McAllister, 2004). When a municipal government is attempting to further develop its community or reverse a downturn, it would be beneficial to have an awareness of how new residents view the community and what services they would Hke to see. Finally, although some community concerns are directly in the purview o f local government and other community organizations, the ability to address other issues requires lobbying o f senior levels o f government. Individuals and the non-profit sector also have a stake in a community’s abüity to fecfuit and retain professionals. As described above, individuals are most impacted when they have to leave the community to access services. But as members o f a variety o f community groups (e.g., sporting and cultural organizations), they are also impacted if these groups are unable to attract new members. New residents can be an im portant source o f ‘new blood’ to help reinvigorate community groups (Sullivan, 2002). While it is recognized that small resourcebased communities have unique challenges, the regional centres o f resource-based regions would likely benefit from a realization that a ‘one size poHcy’ by senior levels o f government may not m eet their needs (McAllister, 2004). Therefore, recruitment and retention challenges are also inherently political issues central to the preservation and enhancement o f the community’s quality o f hfe. 1.2 T h esis Organization T his thesis studies the difficulties regional centres o f resource-based regions have in recruiting and retaining professionals by presenting a case study o f Prince George, BC. It begins with a literature review and description o f Prince George in order to situate and provide a context for the case results. The main body analyses the case results by examining two central questions; how do new residents perceive Prince George; and what community attributes are they looking for? Lastly, this thesis presents recommendations for community leaders. As detailed below, this thesis is organized into seven chapters. Chapter 2, “Resource-Based Communities” presents an overview o f two bodies of literature essential to this project. First, it reviews w hat are commonly thought to be the core characteristics of resource-based communities. Recently, there have been new perspectives that question the universality o f these characteristics by demonstrating the diversity found within resource-based communities. This new trend is im portant, as this thesis questions whether the chafactecistic o f 'small size' is applicable to all resource-based commuoities. The second section reviews the migration literature on resource-based communities. It is important to review these studies as they identify community-related factors that draw people to resource-based communities or drive them away. These known factors wiU be used to evaluate the results generated by this case study and to determine how the new case o f a regional centre o f a resource-based region fits into current theory. The third section presents the case as to why regional centres should be included in the resource-based community matrix. The analysis is necessary because this thesis seeks to extend the current migration Hteramre on resource-based communities to regional centres of resource-based regions. Chapter 3, “A Regional Centre o f a Resource-Based Region: The Case o f Prince George, BC,” analyses the degree to which Prince George has similar community characteristics to resource communities in general by applying the com mon characteristics (small size, remote location, economic dependency on a single resource industry, rapid social change and pohtical context) as outlined in the previous chapter. Contained within this chapter are census information, geographical information and a brief overview o f the community’s historical development. This chapter explores how Prince George’s role as a regional centre affects its designation as resource-based commumty. The purpose o f this chapter is to demonstrate that even as a regional centre. Prince George shares some similar characteristics o f its smaller resource-based communities and that valid comparisons should and can be made. Chapter 4, "Methodology,” begins by addressing the issue o f the researcher’s status as a long-term resident o f Prince George with its potential to create an observer’s bias. Following this, the chapter describes how this study employed a participatory action research (PAR) m ethod by working with a local recruitment and retention committee: the Living and W orking in Prince George Committee. Key informant interviews were completed with the majority o f the membets o f fbis committee. The second section describes how newcomer respondents were chosen for the on-line survey and follow-up interviews. It also summarizes how the data was evaluated both quantitatively using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) and qualitatively, through the coding o f the long answer results. The chapter establishes the scope and Limitations o f this study. Chapter 5, “Behind the Move: Newcomers’ Relocation to Prince George,” presents the data analysis. The results are presented in three sections. The first section examines the background o f newcomer respondents in terms o f their previous experience with Prince George, northern communities in general, and the size o f their prior community. It also examines the interview process. The second section examines how respondents viewed Prince George’s attributes before their move. The importance o f exarnining non-employment variables is evidenced by a statement made by a survey respondent, “1 could go to work on the dark side o f the m oon, but 1 need to keep (my spouse) happy.” The third section analyses the newcomer respondent’s intentions to remain in the community and the factors that would cause them to leave. Special attention is paid throughout to the differences between recruiting single individuals and those who have families, as well as, the relationship between respondents’ points o f origin and their perceptions o f Prince George. The results from the key inform ant interviews and a previous quality o f life study are presented throughout the chapter to provide further context to the newcomer results. In addition, the Prince George case is contrasted with the existing migration Hterature on resource-based communities. The newcomer respondents identified several strengths and weaknesses o f Prince George. If the community could improve in these areas, this would aid in its efforts to recruit and retain more professionals. Therefore, Chapter 6, “N o t Just a Business Issue,” further analyses some o f the key findings in relation to what we know about resource-based communities in general and to the local challenges and opportunities in particular. The relationship between some o f these key findings and broader community development initiatives and goals are also discussed. By examining both the experiences o f other resource-based communities and the results o f this case study, this research provides community leaders with recommendations on community planning and development. For example, undesirable community attributes perceived by newcomers (e.g., air quality) may impact overall neighbourhood planning. It also provides recommendations for business leaders in recruiting and retaining employees. For example, employers could provide relocation services aimed at the spouse o f the new recruit to help integrate the whole family into the community. Chapter 7, “N ext Steps,” summarizes the findings in relation to the original research questions. As this study involves a small exploratory group of respondents, it suggests avenues for further research within both the Prince George area and involving other regional centres of resource-based regions. CHAPTER 2 RESOURCE-BASED COMMUNITIES While there are numerous resource-based communities in Canada, the majority o f Canadians (80%) reside in the twenty-five major metropolitan areas (Adas o f Canada, 1996“). Despite this, there are two reasons why it is important to understand the diversity and structure o f resource-based communities. To begin with, our ability to export our natural resources has largely shaped Canada’s economic and cultural development (Winson and Leach, 2002: 16). This over-reliance on exporting natural resources has led to the boom and bust pattern in many communities as “many o f the strongest industrial linkages do not lie within the local economy but with the world economy” (Bradbury, 1989: 3). Therefore, the policy options available to local citizenry are severely limited. Second, the export of natural resources continues to play an im portant role in the overall economic health o f Canada. For example, a recent report on British Columbia concluded that non-metropolitan areas o f the province generate 71 percent o f international export revenue, primarily from forest products and other natural resources (Baxter and Ramlo, 2002: 3). ^ To set the context for the case smdy location o f Prince George, this thesis first reviews what are commonly thought to be the core characteristics o f resource-based communities. Second, it examines why people move to and leave resource-based communities. Third, it considers how a regional centre o f a resource-based region would fit into the general matrix o f resource-based communities. 3 Although this study may distort the overall im portance o f international export revenue to the provincial government by not including discussions on other sources o f provincial revenue, it raises the issue o f how resource revenues continue to be an im portant source o f provincial revenue. 2.1 Core Characteristics of Resource-Based Communities T he literature on resource-based communities'* discussed below identifies four core characteristics: small size, remote location, economic dependence on a single resource industry and rapid social change. In addition to describing each o f the above characteristics, this thesis adds pohtical context as a fifth characteristic. While the Hterature does not generally include it as a core characteristic, the pohtical context (e.g., the lack o f local and regional control) is often discussed as a reason why resource-based communities, especiaUy northern ones, have been unsuccessful in their attempts to diversif)^ (Muirhead et al, 1991). The first criterion, smaU size, refers to the size o f population in a resource-based community. Lucas (1971) suggests that the cut-off point for a resource-based community is a population o f 30,000 or less. According to Roy Bowles (1992), this is an im portant measure because smaU communities are unable to provide their residents with urban services. An influx o f urban residents may lead to confhcts with the existing residents as the newcomers advocate for new urban services (Whitson, 2001). This measure is also im portant as it speaks to a ‘smaU town way o f hfe.’ For example, smaU towns are stereotypicaUy characterized positively as friendly, 'tight knit’, laid-back and a safe place to hve, and negatively as stifling and with limited leisure activities. Studies on resource-based communities often view new residents’ past experiences with small town living as positive attribute as they are likely to be more accustomed to this particular community environment (Sullivan, 2002). ^The literature on resource-based com munities tends to exclude b o th agriculture and fishing communities. The second criterion, remote location, refers to the geographical isolation o f resourcebased communities, as their location is often determined by the need to provide a particular resource site with a workforce (Lucas, 1971; 394). Previously, this criterion was m ost often referred to in the literature as isolation. Remoteness refers to the distance between centres, whereas isolation is a perception o f that distance. N ew developments in communication technology and increased air travel have allowed residents to feel less isolated; however, residents in resource-based communities often still have to “exert considerable time and effort” to access additional services (Bowles, 1992: 79-80). As such, residents often still perceive being isolated despite advancements in communication and transportation. Remote location has been shown not to apply to all resource-based communities. Although Randall and Ironside (1996) determined that the median distance o f a resource-based community from a census metropolitan area was 300 km, they established that certain types o f communities (e.g., forestry and mining) exhibited a strong relationship between spatial isolation and degree o f economic dependency. However, other types o f resource-based communities (e.g., pulp and paper) do not tend to be geographically isolated. O ther studies examining specific locations have demonstrated that some resource-based communities have been able to diversify their economic base to include a large tourism /recreation industry due to their geographical closeness to a metropolitan area (e.g., Whitson, 2001; Dahms and McComb, 1999; Barnes and Hayter, 1994). In the northern areas o f the provinces, remote location is a dominant factor because residents m ust travel long distances to reach the southern metropolitan areas stretched along the Canada/US border. The physical isolation o f many resource-based communities continues to create an access barrier (e.g., access to services, markets and cultural opportunities) between the residents o f resource-based communities and the larger Canadian population. 10 According to Bowles (1992), this criterion o f economic dependency is the most im portant characteristic that distinguishes resource-based communities from other types o f communities. H e limits this criterion to communities that rely on a single industry while other scholars expand the definition to include communities whose economy is at least 50 percent reliant on natural resource industries (WiUiamson and Annamraju, 1991). Lucas distinguishes between ‘communities with a dominant industry’ and single industry towns even though he acknowledges that these two types o f communities share similar characteristics: Executive decisions about how much, if anything, is to be contributed to a certain cause, changes in technology, when to lay-off employees, raising employment quahfications —decisions in any area —have widespread impHcations for all citizens. The dominant industry, then, is seen as being responsible for the community and it is given a large share o f the blame when things go wrong and perhaps some credit when the community thrives (1971: 399-400). In company towns, the social stratification o f the workforce is essentiaUy duphcated in the community, whereas the social stratification is m ore complex in ‘communities with a dominant industry’ due to the presence o f other employers. Lucas sees this as the primary difference between these two types o f communities. However, many contemporary resource communities have other employers operating due to the growing pubhc and adrninistrative sectors (Barnes and Hayter, 1994). In addition, differences in social stratification may also be modified due to the personal connections between those who work in the industry and the other community members (Reed, 2000). For these two reasons, this difference, as described by Lucas, may be dirninishing. The dependency on one resource industry often ties the health o f the community with that o f the company and the international marketplace (Robson, 1986: 27). This is best demonstrated by the boom and bust cycle. The boom occurs when the prices and market for a particular commodity are strong, often leading to increasing investment and production; 11 however, the bust follows a drop o f the market and prices. Globalization has affected resourcebased companies and therefore, the communities in which they operate. First, the globalization o f markets for products, services and capital leads corporations to seek freedom from national controls. Second, there is increasing global competition as new world regions improve and expand their exportation capabilities. Third, the prevalence o f corporate restructuring as companies consolidate to increase and/or maintain their global competitiveness. Fourth, interests and allegiances are o f an international scope and thus exceed even national jurisdiction (Byrant, 1997: 3; Teeple, 1995; 55). Corporations often cite the need to be globally competitive when asking for workforce concessions or plant closures (Palmer, 1994: 83-5). Furthermore, influential decision makers are often not located in the local community but are centralized in distant head offices. These factors limit the choices and options available to decision makers, not only at the local level but also at the provincial and national levels. N orthern regions within Canada, including the Provincial Norths,® were developed p rimarily to extract their natural resources. As a result, “in none o f them is there a coherent, integrated regional economy” as primary industries and their related manufacturing (e.g., pulp mills) dominate the regional economies with very little secondary manufacturing and agriculture (Weller, 1989: 13). This makes northern regions, with their numerous resource-based communities, particularly vulnerable to the boom and bust pattern. Therefore, development options pursued in these regions often reinforce, rather than mitigate, these communities’ dependency on a single resource industry. 5The Provincial N o rth is roughly defined as the sub-arctic fringe that runs from British Colum bia to Labrador. However, while either a provincial/territorial border o r a w ater body defines its northern hmit, the southern limit varies by province b ut is approximately equivalent w ith the line o f com mercial agriculture (for a complete discussion, see Coates and M orrison, 1992: 11-14). 12 Joaa/ The ‘boom and bust’ economy produces rapid social change by fostering uncertainty and instability. Uncertainty manifests itself on both an individual and community level. O n the personal level, individuals, especially those who work directly in the particular resource industry, are likely to worry about their job security, their abihty to find new employment if necessary, the financial investment in their home and the possibüity o f uprooting their family (Halseth, 1999). However, these social, economic and instimtional factors may tie residents to the community as they may make it difficult to leave (Picot and Heath, 1992). So while many scholars note that this instabhity manifests itself in a loss o f population, this may not be a foregone conclusion. Picot and Heath suggest that despite inferior labour-market conditions, resource-based communities may have a more stable population than that o f more diversified cities. O n the community level, local leaders try to protect the quahty o f Hfe estabhshed in the good times. This often places local governments in the position o f ‘shopping maU hawkers’ as they prom ote their town to outside industries (e.g., vying for a Wal-Mart) by offering giveaways and tax rebates (Kinsley, 1997; Nash, 1989). D ue to the characteristics o f speciahzing in harvesting and processing a particular resource, it may be difficult for a region to diversify its economy. This further fosters overall uncertainty as a region continues to be tied to the resource industry as Barnes and Hayter (1994) note, “it is very difficult to reconfigure production into other types o f sectors. The result is extreme susceptibihty to already volatile resource prices, making the staples economy especially prone to crisis" (19). Although m ost resource-based communities try to respond to downsizing by encouraging economic diversification, their strategies and successes are often quite variable and are often dependent on factors/ conditions outside their control. A review o f three different coastal logging communities by Bames and Hayter (1994) dem onstrated that three factors played 13 an im portant role in the particular approach taken by the community towards economic development and its relative success. These are the geographical context (i.e., closeness to metropoHtan centre), the presence o f entrepreneurs and the ability to secure government funding. Also, other recent Hterature suggests that the closure o f the dom inant resource industry may not necessarily lead to the closure o f the town, as the community may be able to draw on other strengths like location, governmental support and the presence o f human and social capital (Halseth and Sullivan, 2002). f In addition to the uncertain future created by outside economic forces, resource communities often do n o t have the pohtical means to determine their own paths of development. Scholars have used the core-periphery concept to capture the inferior pohtical status o f an internal region hke the Provincial North.*' Smith and Steel (1995) note that: The problems o f rural resource-based communities are in the structural power imbalance with urban centres. Urban centres have the stmctural advantages o f their centrahty, synergism and recombination. They also are the centres of both the industrial and environmental interests that tend to dominate rural resourcebased communities (68). The periphery is largely dependent on the core for not only the investment o f financial capital, the provision o f the technical expertise and government transfer payments, b u t also for cultural and social norms (e.g., housing designs) (McCann, 1998; Hodge, 1988). This creates a paradox between a heavy reliance on outside expertise and an ‘independent’ attitude found within many resource-based communities. However, the relationship between the core and periphery is further comphcated by the dependency o f the southern m etropohtan areas (the ^ K en Coates and William M orrison (1992) described how various provincial governm ents garnered control and developed their northern territories as ‘internal colonies’ in there w ork. The Forgotten North: A History o f Canada’s Provincial Norths. 14 cote) on the economic wealth generated by resource development activities (Baxter and Ramlo, 2002; McCann, 1998). Many structural conditions o f the Canadian political system reduce the influence o f resource-based communities and regions in broader political discussions and decisions. First, the national capital o f Ottawa and all the provincial capitals, with the exception o f Edm onton, Alberta, are located along the Canada/US boarder. This physical distance helps to foster a separation between the residents o f many remote resource-based communities and the governing system. Second, electoral districts at both the provincial and national levels are distributed on the basis o f population.^ In the BC legislature, this results in only 9 o f 79 MLAs covering the northern 2 /3 “*'’ area o f the province, which consists largely o f resource-based communities. The large northern electoral districts make it difficult for MLA’s and H P ’s to meet with their constituents. Lastly, as ‘creatures o f the provinces,’ all municipalities are entirely dependent on their respective provincial governments for their existence, legislative authority and taxation powers. This limits how activist a local government can be in a resource-based municipality. As described below, the Provincial N orths’ lack o f political influence both hampers economic development and prevents northern political issues from making it onto the provincial and national agendas. The Provincial N orths continue to suffer as a periphery region. Geoffrey Weller notes that “each o f the provinces jealously protects its own northern resource [periphery],” which fosters very little connection between the Provincial N orths (1993: 14). Complicating matters more is the fact that each province developed its northern region to meet provincial interests rather than the interests o f the local community or region. For example, northern Ontario, during the initial settlement and development period o f 1867-1914, subsidized the development ^ While the aim is to distribute the ridings o n a per-capita basis, n ot all ridings have the same num ber o f constituents. 15 o f Ontario's sontbetn regions, as the provincial government o f the day used the net transfer o f wealth from northern to southern Ontario to keep taxes artificially low (Di Matteo, 1999). This raises the question o f whether it would have been possible for northern Ontario and the other Provincial N orths to develop diversified economies early in their history if these regions had been allowed to keep the resource rents. D i Matteo beheves this would have only occurred if the region had m ore pohtical control (e.g., if the region had developed as a separate province).^ The core-periphery relationship between the Provincial Norths and their southern counterparts may not have been inevitable. There is often a sense o f disconnect between the residents o f a resource-based community and those h\dng in other types o f communities, like metropohtan centres (Lucas, 1971: 392-5). This can strengthen feelings o f isolation among residents o f resource-based communities, as they beheve the more populous areas do not understand the reahty^ o f hfe within their community. Even resource-based communities that are located relatively close to metropohtan areas experience these feelings o f disconnect. Reed (2001) provides a good example when she discusses the differences between urban women environmentahsts and local women o f resource-based communities on Vancouver Island. However, these feelings may be even stronger for residents o f northern resource-based communities. As Weller states (1989), “the population feels exploited, underprivileged, ahenated and unable to control their own destiny or that o f their perspective relations” (17). These feelings have n o t abated in the Provincial Norths as there continues to be sahent pohtical issues (e.g., health care, hunting rights and economic development) where the divide persists (Summerville and Poelzer, 2002). This *This may have resulted in setting up a new core to the remaining periphery. F o r example, regional centres can be perceived by residents in the surrounding resource-based tow ns as regional cores due to the concentration o f resources and services. 16 lack o f reconciliation between northern issues and the provincial and national agendas further strengthens the core-periphery relationship. 2. 2 Migration Patterns to Resource-Based Communities A trend affecting rural spaces has been the migration o f city residents into the surrounding countryside (Bryant and Joseph, 2001). As a form o f suburban migration, D ahm s (1995) notes that this counter-urbanization trend primarily affected rural communities close to a major m etropohtan market (e.g., those located within the urban field o f 200 km). By becoming retirement, commuter, or recreational towns, these rural communities grew because they “possessed some combination o f amenity^ location, heritage architecture, entrepreneurs who prom oted their town and good access to metropohtan markets” (Dahms, 1995: 21-22). These factors aUowed some resourcebased communities to attract new residents where the abihty to make a hvelihood within the community was n o t necessary (e.g., seniors relying on pensions, com m uters earning a hving in a nearby metropohtan area, or part-time summer residents). However, for the majority o f resource-based communities, the availabhity o f employment continues to be the single most im portant reason why someone chooses to relocate there (Halseth and Sulhvan, 2000; Halseth, 1999; Matthiasson, 1971). Despite strong feehngs o f attachment to ‘home,’ the overwhelming majority o f former residents are hkely to return only upon securing a firm job offer (Storey et al., 1986: 149). Lucas (1971) notes that many young professionals are recruited on the basic assumption o f rapid advancement by ‘getting in on the ground floor’ (46). For communities located outside the urban field, new residents are hkely to come as a result o f non-m etropohtan in-migration due to the 17 existence o f a cohort o f traasient workers who relocate &om one resource-town to another on the basis o f job opportunities (Halseth, 1999: 374-8). For the purposes o f this study, I rely on the following definitions o f com mon migration terms contained within Halseth and Sullivan study (2000: 9): Migration'. The movement o f people between places. Mobility'. The movement o f people in and around a particular place. î ’ush!pull. Factors associated with people deciding to leave particular places (push) and factors associated with drawing or attracting people to certain places (pull). Residential mobility decisions often correspond to where individuals are in their hfecycles, with reference to marriages or the birth o f children, as the family reahgns its housing situation to meet current needs (Rossi, 1980: 19-26). For example, families with young children may move from the city core to the suburbs as they search for more space and a backyard. Residential migration involves relocation between different locahties; as such a variety o f additional factors (e.g., the presence o f employment) influences this decision. Push and pull factors should be viewed as a continuum. For example, individuals may view available health care as a puU factor if it meets or exceeds their expectations; however if it fails do so, the same level o f service wiU be viewed as a push factor. An individual's expectations prior to moving to a new community are very important because unrealistic expectations can becom e push factors and cause people to leave (Matthiasson, 1971: 35). These unrealistic expectations were more often created because o f a misleading portrayal o f the community and its attractions rather than misleading job expectations or conditions created by an employer.^ Matthiasson suggests ^ Misleading job expectations are likely mtnirnized due to the presence o f a cohort o f transient workers w ho are remaining in the same field o f employment. 18 that porttayiog an accurate picture o f the comruuoity is an immediate way to reduce turnover. O ften, the push and pull factors are specifically related to the resource-based characteristics as outlined in section 2.1. For example, feelings o f isolation, commonly identified as a push factor, are related to the fact that many resource-based communities are in rem ote locations. Many o f the studies reviewed below were individual case studies which examined the push and pull factors o f a particular resource-based communities or specific rural populations, like elderly or physicians. Therefore to coalesce the data, this thesis groups the physical geographic characteristics o f a community into two tables with one focusing on the pull factors and the other focusing on the push factors. Likewise, it groups the socio-economic characteristics into two tables. Each factor was classified as a push or pull characteristic based upon the classification in the original study. For example, M oore and Rosenberg (1997) found that a mild climate was pull factor for rural elderly. Table 2.1 and Table 2.2 summarize how individuals respond to the physical geographic characteristics o f a community. The natural landscape/outdoors has been viewed as a strong factor in attracting and keeping residents in resource-based communities (Flalseth and Sullivan, 2000; Dahms and McComb, 1999; Nelsen, 1997; Matthiasson, 1971). Strong appreciation for the natural setting does not necessarily equate with love o f the winter climate, as Field (1988) and Pinfield & Etherington (1985) found that many residents viewed it as a push factor. The converse is also true, as a mild climate serves as pull factor (Michalos, 1997; M oore and Rosenberg, 1997). Some resource-based communities benefit from being located close to a major metropolitan area (Dahms and McComb, 1999; Dahms, 1995). For example, they are able to attract 19 residents w ho are not dependent on earning their income locaJly by becoming commuter towns. Likewise, a remote location makes it more difficult for resource-based communities to attract new residents (Sempowski et al, 2002; Pinfield and Etherington, 1982). As the previous section alluded to, perceived isolation due to the geographic distance from a neighbouring community or a metropolitan area may also have a social a n d /o r political com ponent (e.g., feelings o f alienation resulting from a perception that their interests are not being heard). TABLE 2.1 Geographical Community-Related Pull Factors Factor “ Study Location C&wa/g Climate - Mild Low pollution Natural setting Study Population Citation Rural elderly Various Moore and Rosenberg (1997) Michalos (1997) Various Michalos (1997) South Georgian Bay area, Ontario Dahms & McComb (1999) N on-metropolitan Northwest Nelsen (1997) Fort McMurray, BC Matthiasson (1971) South Georgian Bay region, Ontario Dahms & McComb (1999) Zvcafiro» Situated within 200 km radius from a metropolitan area Wroexter area, Ontario “The factors are listed alphabetically and do n o t portray a ranking order. 20 Dahms (1995) TABLE 2.2 Geographical Community-Related Push Factors Factor C&waA; Climate - Cold Study Location Study Population Citation Mackenzie, BC Halseth & Sullivan (2000) Field (1988) East Kootenay region, BC Pinfield & Etherington (1982) Fort McMurray, BC Matthiasson (1971) LoAZ/ÿo* East Kootenay region, BC Sempowski et al (2002) Pinfield & Etherington (1982) Various Lucas (1971) Isolation Rural doctors “ The factors are listed alphabetically and do not portray a ranking order. In addition to the physical geographic characteristics o f resource-based communities, there are a variety o f socio-economic community-related push and pull factors. In terms o f publicly provided services, inadequate health care and educational services act as push factors. N ot only can they impede people from relocating to a place, they can also push current residents away, particularly youth looking for post-secondary educational opportunities (RothweU et al, 2002; Dupuy et al, 2000) and the elderly looking better health services (Torch and Kelly, 1994). An inadequate level o f retail shopping can cause residents to leave due to unhappiness with both the lack o f choice and the relatively high prices (Halseth and Sullivan, 2000). This often leads to a high degree o f leakage’ from the community, as residents wiU travel to a nearby regional centre for better prices and selection. D ue to this dependency on a regional consumer market, the 21 economic health o f a regional centre is closely tied to the economic well-being the neighbouring communities. Although a well-paying job ties people to resource-based communities (Halseth and Sullivan, 2000; Matthiasson, 1971), other factors associated with the economic structure o f a resource-based community serve as push factors. M ost notably, the loss o f employment can result in a ‘forced’ migration to a new community due to the limited options available in the local economy (Bowles, 1992: 83). For example, the downturns o f the boom and bust cycle create insecurity at a personal level as people worry about their housing investment (Halseth and SuUivan, 2000; Lorch and Kelly, 1994; Bradbury, 1989). Historically, resource-based communities have had a lack o f available jobs for, m ost often, the female spouse. This failure to secure work can cause the family to relocate in search o f a community where both partners can find suitable employment (Halseth and SuUivan, 2002). According to Lucas (1971), the maturing o f a single-industry town is characterized by the exodus o f young adults due to the lack o f post­ secondary and employment opportunities. This out-migration o f young people can in turn cause the older generation to leave as they move to be closer to their adult children and grandchildren (Lorch and KeUy, 1994). As summarized in Table 2.3 and Table 2.4, an individual’s needs and expectations wiU determine whether a publicly or privately provided service becomes a pull or push factor. In some cases, individuals may have conflicting expectations. For example, they like the ‘smaU town environment’ but at the same time wish that there were more services like increased shopping and recreational choices. In addition, an individual’s push and puU factors may change over their Hfe cycle. For example, the availability o f health services may becom e m ore im portant as a person ages. 22 TABLE 2.3 Socio-Economic Community Related Pull Factors Study Population Citation Presence o f family and friends Various Michalos (1997) Desired housing choice Various Michalos (1997) Jfrwfpr G ood Educational opportumties Various Michalos (1997) Review study Migrating retirees Michalos (1997) Hm (1991) Various Halseth & Sullivan (2000) Michalos (1997) Various Mitchell (2004) Factor ' Study Location G ood health services Northwestern Ontario Low crime Mackenzie, BC Preference for small town living Mackenzie, BC Halseth & SuUivan (2000) Dahms & McComb (1999) South Georgian Bay area, Ont. Nelsen (1997) N on-metropolitan Northwest, USA Previous experience Rural doctors Sen^owski gi aZ (2002) Rural doctors Hutten-Czapski & Thurber (2002) Halseth (1999) ‘Aged in place’ elderly Everitt and Gfellner (1996) Lucas (1971) 100 Mile, Quesnel, & Williams Lake, BC Westman region, Manitoba Transferred employees ^ The factors are listed alphabetically and do n o t portray a ranking order. 23 TABLE 2.4 Socio-Economic Community Related Push Factors Factor “ Study Location Cost o f living - Too high Mackenzie, BC Lack o f jobs for spouse/spouse unhappy Study Population Halseth & Sullivan (2000) Rural doctors Sempowski ei al. (2002) Various Halseth & SuUivan (2000) Lucas (1971) Mackenzie, BC Lack o f opportunities (jobs, education, etc.) for youth Lack o f local family ties Housing Lack o f available housing and overall housing quality Insecurity o f housing investment Rural youth Rural youth Rural youth Various R. A Malatest & Associates (2002) RothweU et al. (2002) Dupuy et al (2000) Lucas (1971) Westman region, Manitoba Migrating elderly Everitt & GfeUner (1996) Thunder Bay area, Ontario Migrating retirees Lorch & KeUy (1994) East Kootenay region, BC Pinfield & Etherington (1982) Mackenzie, BC Halseth & SuUivan (2000) Thunder Bay area, Ontario Jfrwffr Inadequate health services Inadequate level o f shopping services Citation Thunder Bay area Migrating retirees Lorch & KeUy (1994) Mining communities Bradbury (1989) Migrating retirees Lorch & KeUy (1994) Mackenzie, BC Halseth & SuUivan (2000) East Kootenay region, BC Pinfield & Etherington (1982) '‘The factors are listed alphabetically and do not portray a ranking order. 24 2.3 Regional Centres of Resource-Based Regions For the purposes o f this thesis, a resource-based region is a territorial space, which has an economic base that is at least 50% reliant on resource-industries.^® Within these regions, there are communities that serve as regional centres. A variety o f interrelated factors (e.g., location, national resources and historic patterns o f development) help determine which community will emerge as a regional centre (McAllister, 2004: 153). However, by acting as economic and political hubs, regional centres have multiple connections to the communities in the surrounding region. For example, residents o f smaller neighbouring communities will often have to travel to the regional centre to access both privately and publicly provided services. In other cases, representatives will travel out to these smaller communities (e.g., regional sales representatives or regional managers o f government services). However, the existence o f many o f these services is dependent on a regional population. So while a regional centre o f a resourcebased region may no longer itself be directly reliant on resource-industties because o f economic diversification, its overall health and identity remain closely tied to a resource industry. While there has been no general review o f regional centres o f resource-based regions, individual case studies have selected other Canadian cities. Probably due to the presence o f local universities. Thunder Bay and Sudbury Ontario are featured prominentiy in the literature. The section below presents a review o f these two Ontario cities. Using the 1996 census data, the cities o f Sudbury and Thunder Bay were no longer considered resource reliant because their economy did not meet the threshold o f being 50% reliant on a resource industry (Atlas of ^®It is acknowledge that within the social science literature, there has been little agreement in defining w hat constitutes a region. Definitions o f ‘region’ have ranged from simply viewing it as a territorial space to others, w hich have linked this territorial conception w ith social, econom ic and pohtical constructions (Bickerton, 1999: 209). However, for the purpose o f this thesis, I have lim ited the definition o f resource-based region to above definition. 25 Canada, 1996*^” . However, both cities were strongly connected to resource industries through the resource reliance o f their surrounding census subdivisions areas. For example, the three surrounding census subdivisions (Walden, Rayside-Balfour and Onaping Falls) surrounding Sudbury are at least 75% reliant on the mining industry. The subdivision. Thunder BayUnorganized, which surrounds the City o f Thunder Bay, is 65% reliant on the forest industry. As highhghted below, both Sudbury and Thunder Bay continue to exhibit similar issues as resource-based communities in general. Sudbury, Ontario developed from a mining town to a regional centre whose economy still fluctuates as the result o f the boom and bust cycle. Saarinen (1992) concludes that Sudbury’s stams as a metropohs “gave it both economic m om entum and enormous political clout” which assisted in mitigating the negative long-term effects o f an economic downturn (182). Despite serving as the major regional service centre for northeastern Ontario, it still experiences significant swings in its population with a six percent in drop population between 1996 and 2001 (Statistics Canada, 2001). In another case study, Southcott (1991) reviews how Thunder Bay, Ontario, a city o f 120,000, continues to exhibit many o f the known characteristics o f smaller resource-based communities including the continuing presence o f boom and bust cycles, the out-migration o f youth and transient middle managers from outside regions (34-35). In review o f unemployment in northwestern Ontario, one study found that the effects o f an economic downturns in the regional centre o f Thunder Bay were still present even after “an economic recovery and even a boom had occurred [and] became commonplace” (41). While Nock (1993) argues that Lakehead University in Thunder Bay should n o t be treated like other Ontario universities because o f its large service area, nearly half o f O ntario, but also because its distance from the “dominant métropoles and to major libraries and universities” (85). The n This study measured the degree o f resource reliance “as the percentage o f com m odities produced by a selection o f resource industries as com pared to all com modities produced” (Atlas o f Canada, 1996'’). 26 assumption behind this argument is that even a public institution, like a university, needs to operate differently due to characteristics o f being located in a ‘hinterland’ region in order to be on par with metropolitan institutions. A t populations o f approximately 120,000 and 155,000 respectively. Thunder Bay and Sudbury are significantly larger than Prince George, BC whose 2001 population was approximately 72,000. The objective o f including the above examples is to demonstrate that other Canadian cities also serve as regional centres o f resource-based regions. Regional centres of resource-based regions share many similar characteristics with their smaller resource-based neighbours. Their community identity is linked m ore to the political economy o f the region than communities o f a similar size located in a metropolitan region. However, the overall strength of these characteristics is mitigated by its larger size and its role serving as a regional centre with the provision o f many publicly and privately provided services. CONCLUSION While there are some common characteristics, the recent trend within the literature on resource-based communities is drawing attention to the differences among resource-based communities. Contemporary resource-based communities often do n o t exhibit all o f what was previously thought to be their core characteristics: small size, remote location, dependency on single resource industry and rapid social change. As shown above, two good examples o f this are illustrated in the Randall and Ironside (1996) study o f the issue o f rem ote location and in the Halseth and Sullivan (2002) study on social and community change as a result o f closure o f the dominant resource employer. One definitive chord running throughout the literature is how the community is shaped by the comparative dominance o f a particular resource industry. As 27 Bowles (1992) notes, this is the dehning charactenstic, which distinguishes resource-based communities from other types o f communities. The second section addressed the question o f why individuals move to resource-based communities. W ith the possible exception o f some communities, primarily those located in the urban field,'^ the m ost im portant reason continues to be employment. As well, the converse is true: the loss o f employment serves as an im portant push factor. O ther significant pull factors include the natural landscape and the smaU-town environment while push factors can include lack o f services, especially health and education, and a winter climate. U pon establishing the typical characteristics o f resource-based communities and why people relocate to them, this chapter turned to the issue o f regional centres o f resource-based regions. As noted above, the literature is limited to case studies o f larger resource-based communities. While buffered somewhat from the negative characteristics o f resource-based communities because o f their size, these communities continue to exhibit many similar characteristics o f their smaller resource-based neighbours. The next chapter explores how Prince George fits these characteristics. As many o f the reasons why people choose to come to, or leave, a resource-based community are directly tied to these identifiable characteristics, determining how Prince George fits into the matrix o f resource-based communities will assist in providing the context for the survey and interviews results. ' U rban field is defined as the region within two h undred kilometres from a m ajor m etropolitan centre. 28 Chapter 3 A REGIONAL CENTRE OF A RESOURCE-BASED REGION: THE CASE STUDY OF PRINCE GEORGE, BC D ue to its size, location, and level o f private and public services, Prince George serves as an im portant regional centre for northern British Columbia. While this chapter demonstrates that Prince George is a regional centre o f a resource-based region, it may no longer be classified as a resource-based community in its own right, as it does not m eet all the criteria as set out in Chapter 2. This chapter presents a brief overview o f the city’s historical development and economic and social characteristics to determine the degree to which Prince George shares characteristics similar to those o f smaller resource-based communities. 3.1 Rationale for U sin g the Case Study M ethod The migration hterature on resource-based communities has tended to focus on communities with populations o f under 30,000, probably due to the prominence o f this community size type. However, there are regional centres o f resource-based regions whose economies are still tied to the health o f resource industries despite their larger size and increased services. By examining a regional centre o f a resource-based region, this research project uses the existing migration theory to assess whether the known push and pull factors o f resourcebased communities can be apphed to this new context; as such it employs the extended case study method (Babbie, 2001: 281). 3.2 Historical Development of Prince George Although connected to the fur trade in the late 1800s and early 1900s, historically Prince George did not hold regional importance like the now smaller communities o f Fort St. James 29 and Quesnel, which dominated the region in the nineteenth century (Christensen, 1989). New developments did not occur in Prince George until the arrival o f the G rand Trunk Pacific Railway in 1914, which linked it to an east/w est corridor and thus provided markets in the Prairie Provinces for local lumber producers (Christensen, 1989). Along with municipal incorporation in 1915, this led to an increasing population in the 1920s (Table 3.1). There was little development between the two W orld Wars with Prince George’s population decreasing approximately eighteen percent between 1931 and 1941 during the Great Depression. TABLE 3.1 Population o f Prince George Year Population Percentage Change from Previous Census 1921 2,053 2,479 20.8 1931 1941 2,027 -18.2 4,703 132 1951 10,563 1956 124.6 1961 13,877 31.4 24,471 76.3 1966 33,100 35.3 1971 59,929 81.0 1976" 67,559 12.7 1981 67,621 0.1 1986 69,655 3.0 1991 7.9 75,150 1996 72,406 2001 -3.7 ‘ Amalgamation with neighbouring areas occurred in 1975. Source; Statistics Canada Census ~ With the arrival o f the second railway in 1952, further linking the area to markets. Prince George began a new period o f growth. By the 1950s, there were over 800 small sawmills operating in the area. However, it was the development o f three large pulp mills between 1966 and 1968 that transformed it from a “small service community into one o f the province’s major industrial centres” (Stauffer and Halseth, 1998: 21). The City o f Prince George amalgamated with the 30 suftoimding areas in 1975. Due to its coutiaued dependence on the forest industry, the community has experienced the traditional boom and bust cycle associated with cotntnodity prices. These downturns have resulted in periods o f virtual zero population growth (1981 to 1986) and a population decrease o f 3.7 percent between 1996 and 2001 (Table 3.1). 3.3 Demographic Characteristics of Prince George Traditionally, Prince George has been characterized as a community o f young families. This was typical o f many resource-based communities that attracted young famihes with high paying jobs and the behef that these communities represented a good place to raise children. However, while Prince George is still a younger community than the BC average, there is a decreasing trend in the num ber of school age children (Table 3.2). This trend has acmaUy been occurring steadily since the late 1970s (School District No. 57, 2003).^^ In tune with the general demographic trend across the country, the community o f Prince George is aging with the greying o f the baby boomers as evidenced by the increased number o f people between the ages o f 55 and 64 in the 2001 census as shown as percent in Table 3.2. TABLE 3.2 Age Characteristics o f the Population by Percentage for Prince George & BC: 1996, 2001 2001 1996 Prince George Prince George BC 21.3 24.0 19.7 0-14 15.7 13.0 15.5 15-24 45.9 46.9 25-54 47.3 8.6 8.7 6.8 55-64 7.6 6.1 12.8 65+ 33.9 Average age 31.4 36.3 100.0 100.0 AU ages 100.0 Source: Statistics Canada, 1996 and 2001 Community Profi e-Prince George Age characteristics BC 18.1 13.2 45.4 9.7 13.6 38.4 100.0 F or example, in 1979-1980 there were 21, 927 children enrolled in School D istrict 57 schools, twenty years later there were only 18,566. This num ber is further projected to drop to 15, 089 by the 2006-2007 school year. These numbers include children throughout the School D istrict 57 (Prince George, Mackenzie, McBride and Valemount) (School D istrict 57, 2003: 1). 31 The majority o f adult residents in Prince George are married (Table 3.3). This trend continues as the majority o f families involve a two-person household as opposed to being a single-parent household (Table 3.4). However, the number o f single-parent households is on the rise in both Prince George and BC as a whole. TABLE 3.3 Marital Status for Prince George & BC: 2001 " 2001(%) Prince George BC Single 27.6 25.3 Married 52.8 55.5 Separated 5.4 3.8 Divorced 9.3 8.9 4.9 6.6 Widowed Residents between the ages o f 15-19 were removed from the single classification. Source: Statistics Canada, 2001 Community Profile - Prince George Marital Status TABLE 3.4 Family Characteristics for Prince George & BC: 1996, 2001 1996(%) Family 2001(%) Characteristics Prince George BC Prince George Married-Couple 82.6 86.2 79.8 families Lone-parent 17.4 13.8 20.2 N /A N /A Female Head 16.0 4.1 Male Head N /A N /A Source: Statistics Canada, 1996 & 2001 Community Profile —Prince George BC 84.5 15.5 12.6 2.9 N orthern residents continue to have lower rates o f high school completion than their southern counterparts (UNBC, 2004: 4). Both the nature o f jobs (previously many resource industry jobs required little formal education) and lack o f access to post-secondary education contributed to this. Therefore, it is n o t surprising that 27 percent o f Prince George residents, ages 45-64, have less than a high school certificate and another 22 percent have only completed high school (Table 3.5). This trend appears to be reversing, as only 17.9 percent o f those ages 20-34 have failed to complete high school. This is likely due to an increasing number o f jobs 32 requiring form al education, including those in resource industries. In addition, there is increasing pressure for adults, who failed to complete high school, to pursue basic adult education. Despite this improvement in high school completion rates. Prince George is still above the provincial average across aU age cohorts (Table 3.5). In Prince George, 18.5 percent o f older residents (45-65) obtained a trade certificate whereas this num ber dropped to 12.9 percent for those aged 20-34. This appears to be part o f a province-wide trend, as the BC Chamber of Commerce (2002) predicts a looming shortage o f trade professionals due to an aging workforce and the lack o f young people interested in taking up a trade. Like other resource-based communities, the number o f residents who have obtained a university degree is consistendy lower, across all age cohorts, than the provincial average (Table 3.5). TABLE 3.5 Education Attainment Rates for Prince George & BC: 2001 Educational Attainment Prince George % o f the Population Aged 20-34 35-44 45-64 BC % o f the Population Aged 20-34 35-44 45-64 Less than a high school 17.9 20.5 27.0 14.6 certificate High school certificate a n d /o r some post 40.3 29.6 22.0 34.5 secondary Trades Certificate or 12.9 16.6 18.5 10.5 diploma C o llie certificate or 16.1 18.8 17.0 17.0 diploma University certificate. 12.8 14.4 15.4 23.5 diploma or degree Source: Statistics Canada, 2001 Community Profile —Prince George 33 17.5 23.5 25.0 22.3 14.3 14.3 20.2 17.5 23.0 22.4 3.4 Applying Cote Chafactensdcs of Resource-Based Communities to Prince George This section applies the core characteristics, as set out in Chapter 2, to the Prince George context. It examines the characteristics in this order; small size, remote location, economic dependency on resource industry, rapid social change and political context. Prince George does n o t fit the criterion o f small community size as it currently has a population o f approximately 72,000. It would not have fit this characteristic since the early 1970s (Tahle 3.1). The literature on resource-based communities includes size as a criterion as it sheds light on the limited services often available. Unlike many resource-based communities. Prince George has many amenities not present in smaller communities (Table 3.6). These include multiple high schools, permanent court services, a regional hospital, and the presence of several regional government services. In addition, Prince George experienced a 'maturing'^^ of the communit)^ in the early 1990s with the development o f the University o f N orthern BC, a new art g allery ^ a new civic centre, aquatic centre and multiplex. To the degree that these services distinguish Prince George from its smaller neighbours, they challenge the perspective that Prince George is still a resource-based community. However, many o f the above services (e.g., UNBC and the art gallery) have regional mandates, which further ties Prince George to its neigbbours and redefines the expected level o f service throughout the region. n T he w ord ‘maturing’ is used to denote the further developm ent (e.g., enhanced technical quality or wider range o f services) o f services found w ithin the city. 15 The new art gallery has environm ental controls, w hich regulate the humidity and tem perature, w hich allows the gallery to host any exhibition including travelling shows from the N ational A rt Gallery. It is the only gallery in northern BC, which is able to do this. 34 TABLE 3.6 Services Located within Prince George Type Educational For Example: University o f N orthern British Columbia College o f New Caledonia Multiple elementary and high schools Health Prince George Regional Hospital N orthern Interior Health Unit O ne walk-in clinic and one Native health centre. Dentistry, including orthodontics and some oral surgery Long-term care options Disability non-profit organizations (e.g., CNIB) Government Regional offices o f various provincial rninistries and departments including Ministry o f Forests, Ministry o f Water, Land and Air Protection, N orthern Health Authority and BC Housing, Office o f Fraser-Fort George Regional District. Shopping Several big box retailers (Home D epot, Walmart, Costco, London Drugs, Great Canadian Superstore and Canadian Tire), department stores (The Bay and Sears) and grocery stores (Save on Foods). Business Professional firms including financial investments services, lawyers, architects, accountants and information technology companies. Cultural Class ‘A ’ art gallery, professional theatre company, music concerts by touring musicians and semi-professional symphony. Sports A variety of amateur teams including a Western Hockey League team and a Junior ‘A ’ Hockey club. In addition, there is a large soccer and softball sporting community and two aquatic complexes. Source: Author While it calls itself ‘BC’s N orthern Capital/ Prince George is located in the geographic centre o f British Columbia (Figure 3.1). As early as 1968 with the completion o f both northsouth (Highway 97) and east-west (Highway 16) transportation links. Prince George was nicknamed the ‘H ub o f the N o rth ’ (Christensen, 1989: 111-12). 35 FIGURE 3.1 Map o f British Columbia ' - Oh , Source; Living and W orking in Prince George Committee In addition, there are daüy flights from the Prince George Regional A irport to a variety o f places in British Columbia and Alberta. A t present, there are no international flights arriving in Prince George. As highlighted in Table 3.7, Prince George is located just under 800 km away from the nearest metropolitan area. D ue to its distance from the Lower Mainland and its surrounding neighbours, Prince George is still perceived to be isolated; as McAllister (2004) notes, "to the vast bulk o f the Canadian population, which has arranged itself along the Canada-US border. Prince George is viewed as a remote city located in the vast, undeflned north"(9). As discussed in Chapter 3, perceived isolation, rather than actual remoteness, o f a community serves as an important push factor in recruitment and retention efforts. 36 TABLE 3.7 Prince G eorge’s Remoteness from O ther Centres (Distance by road) Prince G eorge Vancouver 778 km Edm onton 737 km Calgary 789 km Fort St. John 459 km Prince Rupert 724 km Source: Phototype Composing, 2001 OR RfjoRtfg ZR(^r0' Bowles argues that the defining characteristic o f a resource-based community is its dependency on a resource-extraction activity. As outlined in Section 3.2, the growth o f Prince George was closely tied with development within the forest industt)^ (Christensen, 1989). Currentiy, the Prince George economy is rooted in the forest industry. As a result o f corporate consolidation in the late 1990s, Prince G eorge’s economic health relies heavily on one corporation, Canadian Forest Products (Canfor). It is the largest private-sector employer in Prince George with approximately 3,000 employees (Initiatives Prince George, 2003). In 2003, Canfor has two pulp mills, a pulp and paper mül, two sawmills, a remanufacturing plant and a plywood plant in the immediate Prince George area. These operations represent significant assets for the company (Table 3.8). TABLE 3.8 2003 Pfiace George Operations Capacity as a Percentage o f Canfor's 2003 Total Capacity Percentage 20.5 2.8 100 74.2 100 Category Lumber Remanufacturing Plywood Pulp Paper Source: Canadian Forest Products, 2003 37 In 2002, Canfot downsized its opemtioas as it anaoimced a teductioa o f $120 miUion from its annualized operations. In 2004, Canfor received approval to merge its operations with Slocan Forests Products. It is uncertain at this time how this merger will affect operations in the Prince George area. A t first glance, by examining the breakdown o f the labour force by census category (Table 3.9), it appears that only a small minority o f the total workforce works in the forest industry. It is im portant to note that Statistics Canada, using the N orth American Industry Classification system, categorizes forest products processing (e.g., pulp, paper and sawmills) under the manufacturing category (Statistics Canada, 2002). TABLE 3.9 Labour Force by Industry for Prince George: 2001 Industrial C at^ o ry # o f workers Percentage o f the workforce Agriculture and other 2,495 6.29 resource-based industries Manufacturing and 6,845 17.26 construction industries Wholesale and retail trade 6,455 16.28 Finance and real estate 1,820 4.59 Health and education 6,965 17.57 Business services 6,770 17.07 O ther services 8,310 20.96 Source: Statistics Canada, 2001 Community Profile- Prince George However, a recent study by Hom e (2004) demonstrates Prince George's overall vulnerability to the health o f the forest industry."^ To assist in understanding Prince George's dependency on the forestry industry, the next section compares the Prince George area's economic dependencies with its surrounding resource-based communities. ’'^Home has included the com m unity o f Mackenzie in his calculations for Prince George. Mackenzie has a population o f approximately 5000 and is located 185 kilom etres n o rth o f Prince George. T h e forest industry has a large presence in Mackenzie. O n its own, Mackenzie has similar dependency o n the forest industry to P o rt Hardy (Table 3.11). 38 TABLE 3.10 Percent Income Dependencies'^ (After Tax Income, 2001) for Prince George and the Surrounding Area Sector Forestry Pubhc Sector Transfer Payments O ther non-employment income O ther Construction Tourism Agriculture & Food Film Production High Tech Mining and Mine Processing Fishing Source; H om e, 2004: 8 Prince GeorgeMackenzie (%) McBrideValemount (%) Quesnel (%) V anderhoof (%) 31 28 13 8 30 18 16 10 43 21 16 8 44 21 14 5 7 6 4 1 1 1 1 5 4 15 2 0 1 0 2 3 5 2 0 0 1 1 5 2 2 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 The highest income dependency on forestry was found elsewhere in the province with the Port Hardy area registering a dependence o f 49 percent. The next two highest areas were the V anderhoof and Quesnel areas at 44 percent and 43 percent respectively. This study found that Prince George (with Mackenzie) is 31 percent dependent on the forest industry. However, a better predictor o f a community’s overall dependency on the forest industry is the Forestry Vulnerability Index, which predicts a local area’s vulnerability as a combination o f its income dependency on the forest industry and the economic diversity within the " H om e (2004) constructed the above table on the prem ise “that each dollar o f basic com m unity income is uniquely allocated either to one o f the basic industries or to a non-em ploym ent incom e source. T hus the industry definitions for the colum n headings o f this table are quite broadly defined to include n o t only resource extraction, b u t also any downstream processing that occurs locally, and also any indirect activities that are purchased locally” (6). 39 community^®. H om e states that, “the rationale hehind it is that a community will be particularly vulnerable if its dependence on the forest sector is high and if its diversity is low” (19). In this index, a rating o f 100 signifies the m ost vulnerable community and 0 the least vulnerable. Within the province. Prince George (with Mackenzie) is the 10* m ost likely community to be affected by downturns in the forest industry (Table 3.11). Using this index. Prince George (with Mackenzie) would n o t be considered a resource-based community, as its economy is less than 50 percent reliant on the forest industry. A t 47, Prince George (with Mackenzie) vulnerability is slightly less vulnerable than it was in 1996 when it registered a 48 on this index (Horne, 2004: 46). However, while its vulnerability has lessened, it is still not back to its 1991 level when it registered a value o f 40. TABLE 3.11 Top 10 Local Areas Vulnerable to Downturns in the Forest Industry: 2001 Local Area Port Hardy V anderhoof Quesnel N orth Thom pson Bums Lake Smithers-Houston Queen Charlotte Islands Hazelton Lake Cowichan Prince George & Mackenzie Source: H om e, 2004: 46 Forest Vulnerability Indices 100 81 78 65 61 53 52 51 48 47 It should be noted that downturns in the forestry industry would affect other sectors o f Prince George’s economy as many businesses rely heavily o f forestry clientele. Representatives from the transportation industry indicate that the forest industry (e.g., hauling lumber, pellets, pulp, paper and plywood) accounts for m ore than 75 percent o f shipments transported by rail ** I f a com munity is entirely dependent on one sector it would receive a rating o f 0, on the other hand, if it was equally dependent o n all sectors it w ould receive a rating o f 100 (H om e, 2004: 9). F o r the specific formula used to calculate the forest vulnerability index, please refer to page 19. 40 and truck (Priace George Development Corporation, 2001). In addition, the forest industry accounts for 70-75 percent o f the client base in the business services sector (Prince George D evelopm ent Corporation, 2001). Many o f these business services rely on regional clientele bases; therefore, it is noteworthy that Prince George’s two neighbouring communities, V anderhoof and Quesnel, are the 2°^ and 3’^ m ost vulnerable communities to forestry downturns in BC (Table 3.11). Government services are also not immune from downturns in the forest industry. Perhaps the best example is the decreasing num ber o f children in the school system due to out-migration o f famihes. This impHcation is further discussed in the next section. While long-term residents recognize the importance o f the forest industry and are known to call the pulp mill emissions ‘the smell o f money,’ m ost would also like the community to diversify its economy as a way to reduce the im pact o f the boom and bust cycle. Successive local governments have supported and encouraged a variety o f economic initiatives largely through an arms-length economic development corporation, such as Initiatives Prince George.^^ Current projects o f Initiatives Prince George include developing new markets for local businesses and encouraging new businesses, film projects, tournaments and other large tourism events to locate in Prince George. Visible successes have included securing two major Hollywood film productions. In other projects, the city council has taken a m ore active role. For example, it succeeded in securing a call centre by leasing a building for the corporation. Is the Prince George economy still dependent on a single resource industry? A t the 50% threshold, Prince George would not be classified as resource-based community using the vulnerability index. It is clear that the majority o f the workforce no longer works directly for the forest industry with fewer than 25 percent o f workforce working directly for the forest industry (Table 3.9). Due to consolidations and im proved technology, this percentage is likely to Formerly called the Prince G eorge D evelopm ent Corporation. 41 decrease further. However, a high percentage o f indirect services are tied to the forest industry. In addition. Prince George’s vulnerability has fluctuated. In 2001, it was m ore vulnerable than it was in 1991. However, it is clear that in comparison to its smaller resource neighbours. Prince G eorge’s econom y is considerably more diverse, as shown in Table 3.11, and therefore less vulnerable to downturns in the forest industry. At the community level, a decrease in the overall population can create overall uncertainty. Between 1996 and 2001, Prince G eorge’s population decreased by 3.7 percent. This is the first decrease since the Depression (Table 3.1). O ne o f the best examples o f rapid social chance was the closure o f 12 elementaiy^ schools and 1 junior high school in Priace George between 2002 and 2003. This was largely due to a steady dechne o f the school-age population since 1976, increased cost factors and a change o f provincial government funding formula, which no-longer provided funding on a per square m eter basis (School District 57, 2003; 2). As a result, the local school district could no longer afford the excess space it had accumulated. This change affected the community all at once as the previous government policy masked the steady decline o f school age children by allowing underutilized schools to remain open by partially funding on the basis o f the square metres o f a school (2). O ther key indicators also point towards the decline o f the community’s economy in the latter half o f the 1990s. Housing starts are considered an indicator o f economic activity and consumer confidence (Initiatives Prince George, 2003). As shown in Figure 3.2, there was a steady decline in the number o f housing starts per 1000 capita. A t all times between 1997 and 2001, Prince George’s rate was lower than provincial average. This period also saw a downward trend in the value o f housing prices. After peaking in 1997 at $139,000, the average selling price o f a single family dwelling dropped steadily to just under $117,000 in 2001 (Muchowski, 2004: 42 13). From 2001-2003, it fluctuated around this level but in the Erst period o f 2004, it has jum ped 13 percent to the $129,500 level (13). As one’s hom e is likely to be a person’s m ost valuable asset, declining house prices may lead to feelings o f amdety (e.g., a perception o f being trapped as a result o f being unable to sell one’s house or being forced to sell at a loss). A t a community-wide level, the declining house prices corresponded to a period o f out-migration. H ouse prices served as a visible symbol o f social changes. FIGURE 3.2 Housing Starts (per 1000 capita) for Prince George and BC: 1997 to 2001 $— Pnnœ George Source: Statistics Canada as compiled by BC Stats Changes in the unemployment rate (Figure 3.3) and the rate o f bankruptcies (Table 3.11 ) can be used to highlight uncertainty at an individual level. From the period o f 1990 to 2002, Prince George consistently had a higher rate o f unemployment than the provincial average. In 1998, it peaked at 16.6 percent, almost twice the provincial average o f 8.8 percent. Prince George’s role as a regional centre may contribute to high unemployment rate as people from surrounding areas 43 attempt to End work in Ptince George's larger labour market, and people may move to Prince George to access a broader range of social services. Consumer bankruptcies steadily rose from 170 in 1997 to 350 in 2000. This represents a 2.95 times increase, whereas EC ’s 2001 consumer rate was only 1.25 times its 1997 rate. Business bankruptcies also dem onstrated a similar pattern. FIGURE 3.3 Average Annual Unemployment Rate for Prince George and BC; 1989 to 2002 / Prm œ George Source: Statistics Canada as complied by Initiatives Prince George, 2003 TABLE 3.12 Number o f Consumer and Business Bankruptcies in Prince George & BC: 1997 to 2001 Prince George BC Year Business Business Consumer Consumer 16 1997 170 895 7,366 35 7,327 1998 230 1,031 35 1,075 1999 291 8,179 36 350 2000 976 9,181 37 1,100 9,474 2001 327 Source: Office o f the Superintendent o f Bankruptcy, Governm ent o f Canada as collected by BC Stats, Prince George —Community Facts 44 There is an oft-used expression that highlights Prince George’s sense o f distance and alienation from Victoria, ‘Beyond H ope and Proud o f It,’ which has come to characterize local feelings about the core-periphery relationship (McAUister, 2004: 132-134). H ope, BC is commonly thought o f as the point where the Lower Mainland ends and the rest o f the province begins. Residents in Prince George and other northern communities want to be recognized that resource sectors remain the primary engine o f the provincial economy. Therefore, groups, including the BC Progress Board, argue that the provincial government needs to ensure the long-term viabihty o f these communities by investing in education, transportation and communications infrastructure (BC Progress Board, 2002: ii). In 1986, due to frustration with not being ‘heard,’ Mayor John Backhouse proclaimed the city to be ‘BC’s N orthern Capital’ to raise its profile in the eyes o f the province. Since then, city council has consistently used this slogan in its campaign to raise awareness about Prince George and to lobby for an increase in services. Overall, Prince George has had mixed results in maintaining and adding to the local delivery o f provincially provided services. In an analysis o f BC’s tax and spending cuts in 20012002 period, Lee (2003) concluded that the “BC Hinterland had been affected disproportionately” and that these government measures “are exacerbating regional inequalities in BC” (3,21). On a per-capita basis, Prince George received an average tax cut o f $717, just slightly higher than the provincial average o f $713 (8). However, during this period it lost provincial services due to downsizing. Prince George experienced the loss o f 150 jobs and the complete withdrawal o f certain services like the Land Titles Office (Service Delivery Taskforce, 2002: 3). Unlike the Lower Mainland, Prince George was not in the position to absorb the cuts because o f the depressed state o f the local economy (Lee, 2003: 16, 21). 45 Two cases demonstfate how the community has come together and used its status o f 'EC's Northern Capital' to secure services from a reluctant provincial government. The Hrst is the creation o f the University o f N orthern British Columbia in the late 1980s. Local organizers faced a reluctant minister o f advanced education who reportedly said, “In the Interior, people don’t think o f education beyond Grade 12. The questions they ask at the end o f day are ‘How many trees did you cut today? O r ‘How were things down at the mine” (McAllister, 2004; 268269). This initiative for a full university succeeded, despite this lack o f initial provincial support, due to the support from local governments, regional districts. First Nations, regional colleges, industr)r, the media and 15,000 individuals who paid $5.00 to become a member o f the organizing group. The second case occurred in June 2000, when 7,000 people filled an arena in P rince George to protest the stams o f health care in the city and to hear community leaders offer recommendations. A primary concern was the continued shortage o f health care professionals, particularly doctors. This large public protest lead to a national rural health care summit held in Prince George in 2001. It also helped spark the creation o f the N orthern Medical Program, which is a joint program between UNBC and the University o f British Columbia to train doctors in Prince George. The fact that it takes w hat m ost perceived as extraordinary effort to secure services Hke the above is evidence that, despite Prince G eorge’s increased size, it continues to be part o f BC’s Hinterland. CONCLUSION P rince George remains strongly connected to the forest industry. This is immediately apparent to visitors due to the dominance o f the three local pulp mills and is further evidenced by the community banners on the streetlights prominently displaying the Canfor logo. In addition, the community has embraced this connection; for example, many businesses 46 prominently display a florescent sign that reads, 'T his business is supported by timber dollars." Many large community projects, like the capital campaigns o f art gallery, museum and aquatic centre, received substantial support from Canfor. As a regional centre o f a resource-based region. Prince George exhibits some, but not all, characteristics o f resource-based communities in general. There are some important differences between it and smaller resource-based communities. Perhaps the biggest difference is that it does not meet the small size criteria. The literature limits this criterion to communities with fewer than 30,000 people. It is im portant to note that nearly half o f resource-based communities are under 1,500 (Adas o f Canada, 1996). Prince G eorge’s larger population has allowed for a range o f services not possible in m ost resource-based communities. As a result, it has become the economic and political hub o f northern British Columbia. A n earlier expansion o f Prince George’s regional role came in the late 1960s with the completion o f highway infrastrucmre links in 1968 and with the development o f College o f New Caledonia in 1969. More recently, in the 1990s, the development o f UNBC and the N orthern Health Authority, with their regional mandates and the arrival of big box stores, which rely on a regional market, have strengthened Prince George’s regional presence. Diversification has reduced Prince George’s reliance on the forest industry, as its reliance on the forestay industry falls below the 50% threshold. By growing as a regional centre, one may expect Prince George to identify itself no longer as a resource-based community. However, this has not been the case as many new initiatives (e.g., UNBC's focus on natural resource management) have drawn upon this identity to distinguish Prince George from other communities of similar size and to build upon its leadership role in northern British Columbia. 47 CHAPTER 4 METHODOLOGY In the extended case method, the data o f an additional case study is reviewed through the lens o f the relevant Hterature on existing cases in order to improve the existing theory (Babbie, 2001: 283). Therefore, a preliminary task was to engage in an extensive hterature review. The next step was to review background data on Prince George. A review o f this hterature and a case study review form the basis o f the previous two chapters. The first section o f this chapter addresses the impact o f my insider status on the methodological approaches used by describing the nature o f it along with its associated benefits and drawbacks. It also details the methods used to mitigate the impact o f some o f its inherent disadvantages. The primary focus o f this chapter is to highhght the m ethods used to gather the raw data, which were cohected in order to add the Prince George case to the existing literamre on recruitment and retention issues in resource-based communities. In this regard, it presents an overview o f how I engaged in a participator}^ action research process by working with a local recruitment and retention committee. The next two sections detail the fieldwork com ponent which involved using both survey and interview m ethods with two study groups: (1) key informant interviews with local human resource (HR) professionals and (2) new residents, people who had moved to Prince George in 2001 or later.^ 4.1 The Insider As a long-term resident o f Prince George, I am inescapably an insider. In the mid 1970s, my parents came to Prince George for employment and initially planned to stay only a couple o f years. In addition to being bo m and raised here, I have been involved with several community ^"The survey and interview m ethods used in this study received ethics approval from the U N B C Research Ethics Board. 48 developm ent projects as an adult. As an insider, I have the advantage o f 'intimate knowledge' by having a more comprehensive overview o f the community (Sullivan, 2002). Like other insiders, there were a num ber o f interrelated reasons why I decided to study an issue faced by my own community (Kanuha, 2000: 441). I chose this topic because I worked in an organization that attempted, unsuccessfully, for over one year to fill a professional job, while paradoxically many other individuals in the community were struggling to find meaningful employment or were forced to leave. Like other insiders, I sought to get a better understanding o f a problem affecting my community. As a student, I appreciated that placing this issue into a theoretical framework would provide further insight. Lastly, I perceived this issue to be im portant for Prince George; as such, I was looking to contribute by providing research findings to local decision-makers. Naples (1996) argues that the insider and outsider dichotomy “neglects the interactive processes through which 'insiderness’ and ‘outsidemess’ are constructed;” and therefore they “are not fixed or static positions” (84). While I was an insider o f Prince George, I was also an ‘outsider’ to both respondent groups. As a long-term resident, I was an outsider to the experiences o f the newcomer respondents as they had made a conscious decision to move to Prince George and were in the process o f integrating themselves into the community. As nonH R professional, I was also outsider to the key inform ant respondents as I had never been involved in recruiting a prospective employee from another place. I took deliberate steps to minitnize the main disadvantages o f being an insider. First, due to over-familiarity with the case situation, insiders may falsely classify an event or action as normal rather than perceive the uniqueness. Second, insiders may have difficulty in ensuring objectivity due to theit personal connections with the subject matter (Sullivan 2002; Widdowfield, 2000). First, by using the ‘extended case m ethod,’ I applied current theories on 49 recfuitm eat to tesoutce-based communities to the new context o f a regional centre o f a resource-based region. This grounds the case results in the prevailing theory to discover its uniqueness. Second, I engaged in the participatory action research m ethod as detailed below. These methodological approaches incorporated multiple perspectives and provided the framework for evaluating my results. 4.2 P articip ato ry A ction R esearch D ue to the importance o f this issue to the community, I engaged in a participatory action research (PAR) m ethod by working with the members o f the Living and Working in Prince George Committee.*' Although PAR originated with researchers who work with disadvantaged groups throughout the research process, the PAR m ethod has been used in a variety o f settings, including community and corporate research (Babbie, 2001: 288). A n associated benefit is that this type o f research creates not only new knowledge but also leads to feelings o f ownership and advocacy within the participant group (Babbie, 2001: 288). Although originally formed to address the shortages o f health care professionals, the Living and Working in Prince George Committee quickly broadened its focus in order to foster a community-wide recruitment strategy and to develop recruitment tools available to both large and small employers.^* Its membership consists o f HR professionals from the major employers and representatives from Initiatives Prince George and the Chamber o f Commerce. To engage in this PAR process, I joined the committee as a regular member in September 2002 and began attending regular monthly meetings. A t these meetings, I presented The recommendations contained within this thesis do n o t necessarily reflect the views o f the Living and W orking in Prince George Com mittee or its individual members. 22 T he Living and the W orking in Prince G eorge com m ittee was first housed at Initiatives Prince G eorge (formerly called the Prince George Regional D evelopm ent Corporation). In 2002, it becam e a com m ittee o f the Prince G eorge Chamber o f C om m erce w ith the Cham ber providing som e administrative support. Inform ation about the com mittee’s principal objectives can be accessed at http: / / w w w.livingwotkingpg.com/ab o u t.h tm l. 50 fw ular updates on my teseatch progress. This allowed members to be involved throughout the research process beginning with the literature review, to recommending and reviewing the survey design and questionnaires, to distributing invitational emails to potential respondents. Although the Living and Working Committee Members were involved throughout the project, they had the largest im pact on how and when the survey was delivered to their new employees. The delivery m ethod (switching from a paper-based survey to a web-based one) and timing (delaying the start o f survey m ethod to fall 2003 instead o f late Spring 2003) were based on the recom mendations o f the committee. These developments pushed back the original timeline for the research project. In addition, the way that the invitational email was sent by the Living and W orking Committee Members meant that an accurate response rate could n o t be calculated. D ue to the sharing o f control when engaging in the PAR process, events like the above are to be expected. However, steps were taken to ensure that ethical concerns did not materialize. For example, one concern would be if the Living and Working Committee had direct access to individual results as respondents were asked to comment on items Hke w ork satisfaction and how long they planned to stay in Prince George. To protect the respondent’s anonymity and confidentiaHty, the Living and Working committee members only had access to aggregated results. In addition to their time commitment, the Living and Working Committee members also supported the project by covering the financial costs o f hosting the web-based survey. The committee reviewed both preliminary and final summary web results. A t various meetings, committee members expressed particular interest in the following areas: the role that the spouse plays in the recruitment and retention process, the perception o f Prince G eorge’s climate and the necessity o f having available employment opportunities. In addition, committee members expressed interest in the push and pull factors which related to their organizations’ core business 51 Of service areas. Throughout this process, I engaged in practices (maintaining continuous com munication, involving their expertise in an advisory group capacity and informing them o f research limitations), which are known to enhance the credibility o f the research (Hedrick et ai, 1993: 36). As stated above, one o f the primary benefits is that the participants assume ownership o f the process and the results. To aid in the distribution o f the results, I made a final presentation to the Living and Working Committee in January 2005. The committee wiU also receive an electronic and paper version o f the completed thesis. They have indicated that they plan to use the results to aid in their long-term planning o f the committee as well as sharing the information back to their member organizations. O ne member has already used some results as supporting material for the development o f recruiting policies. 4.3 Key In fo rm an t Interview s One o f the principal goals o f this study is to determine what brings newcomers to Prince George. To provide a broader context to the newcomer surveys and interviews, I conducted eight key informant interviews with the majority o f interviews consisting o f members o f the Living and Working Committee. As I wanted to obtain similar information from multiple individuals, I used a structured interview guide, consisting o f both closed and open questions, to enhance the reliability o f the results (Hedrick et al., 1993: 85). Each interview contained questions around the following three themes: (1) how their organization promotes Prince George as part o f the hiring process; (2) what were the successes and challenges experienced by their organization in recruiting and retaining skilled personnel; and (3) what were the attributes o f Prince George they thought new recruits found appealing or, conversely, disliked (See Appendix A). Each interview was recorded and detailed notes based on the recording were 52 made in a text 51e. This stnictuted format facilitated the comparison o f these interviews to determine, predominately, manifest patterns within the responses. 4.5 N ew co m er Survey an d Interview s The next phase o f this study was to survey new residents to the community. A survey m ethod was selected because o f its benefit o f standardizing the data collected (Babbie, 2001: 271). For the purpose o f this study, a new resident is anyone who moved to Prince George between 2001 and 2003. In addition, this study focuses on professional fields for the following reasons: (1) these job classes were identified in the key informant interviews as being the most difficult to recruit; and (2) there was recently a large smdy. Skilled Trade Shortages: A Study of the North-Central Region, examining recruiting skilled trades people to the area (College o f New Caledonia, 2003). The Ii\Tng and W orking in Prince George Committee recommended establishing a webbased survey as they felt this would garner a higher response rate from their employees. Survey questions were developed using information garnered from the Hterature review, the previous quahty o f Hfe study on Prince George and the results o f key informant interviews. Prior to the launch o f the web-based survey, the survey questions were reviewed at a regular Living and W orking Committee meeting and were pre-tested with one newcomer respondent using an interview format. To assist me in identifying new residents, the members o f the Living and Working Committee sent out an invitational email to their new professional employees inviting them to self-select themselves into the study. This was necessary because members were unable to release the Hst o f employees for reasons o f confidentiaHty. Members o f the Living and Working Committee who participated in the committee worked for the top five largest employers in Prince George: School D istrict No. 57, Canfor, the N orthern Health Authority, the 53 College o f New Caledonia and the City o f Prince George. In addition to the other members, the University o f N orthern British Columbia (7* largest employer) and Initiatives Prince George also participated. It is n o t possible to determine a response rate as the email invitations were sent to employees who fell outside o f the study class (e.g., new employees w ho moved to Prince George prior to 2001). Initially, it was hoped that the survey could also be directed towards people who refused a job offer made by the organization to find out why they did not come. However, many o f the members could n o t readily identify these respondents; therefore, this survey class had to be dropped. In addition to having access to email addresses, researchers have identified that webbased surveys are particularly useful for employee groups o f respondents as they are likely to take a web survey seriously as part o f their job or consider it official business (Schonlau et al, 2002: 82). The web-based survey (Appendix B) contained both closed and open answers on the following broad questions: (1) W hat was the interviewing process that they went through?; (2) W hat attributes o f Prince George did they view positively or negatively when deciding to move?; (3) How did they view these services after the move?; (4) W hat were their feelings o f attachment to the community; and (5) D id they consider Prince George to be a northern community? (Appendix B). The web survey was open to respondents for three months from mid-September to mid-December in 2003. This approach resulted in 51 useable survey responses, representing 65 percent o f received responses. Overall, there were 79 responses collected o f which 28 were rejected because they either fell outside o f the survey class (i.e., they moved to Prince George before 2001) or the surveys were too incomplete to be used. I reviewed survey results in two ways. First, every respondent’s survey was printed off as a complete document. This allowed me to develop a better overall understanding o f the issues being raised and types o f respondents. Second, 1 obtained the results for the web-survey in an Excel format. From this, all closed- 54 ended questions were coded into Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS Release 12) to aid in the analysis. Responses for open-ended questions were also grouped together by column in an Excel spreadsheet. Themes emerged by looking for similarities and differences among the individual responses. This content analysis allowed me to count frequencies o f certain responses. This was particularly useful in understanding respondents’ definitions o f a northern community. The majority (73%) o f newcomer respondents were married and had no children living at home^’ with them (61%) (Table 4.1). As the focus o f the survey was professionals, the high educational attainment levels are attributed to this selection process, for example, university professors, health care professionals, lawyers and accountants (Table 4.1). Although there were respondents in each working age cohort, the majority fell within the middle o f their working career: 30-39 and 40-49 (Table 4.1). The smaller presence o f older professionals is hkely due to the fact that many ‘senior’ positions are not available within the community and older professionals may be unwilling to move to a community that they do not view as a desirable retirement community. In mature resource-based communities, young adults often need to leave to pursue career and educational oppormnities, this hkely accounts for the small number o f young professionals. All survey respondents were asked whether they would be willing to participate in a follow-up interview. In ah, I conducted 17 foUow-up qualitative interviews that engaged respondents into a directed conversation.^ The typical interview lasted approximately half an O ne intention o f this survey was to examine the influence that children had o n their parents’ decision to relocate. A s such, it contained questions that asked the respondent about their children’s preferences concerning the move. However, there were n o t enough responses to analyze, as many o f those respondents w ith children did not com plete these questions. In the foUow-up interviews, a few respondents w ith children indicated that their children were too young to express preferences about the move. 2+ N ew consent forms were n o t signed as the original consent form included the possibility o f foUow-up interview. This was confirmed o n tape at the beginning o f each interview. 55 hour and was taped recorded. The interviews were structured around the sections o f the web survey; as such, this allowed the respondents to expand and/or clarify their previous answers. Interview responses could then be related to the quantitative data obtained through the web survey. W hen reviewing the web survey data, I could then turn to the interview responses to help interpret the results. I had two primary reasons for employing this supplementary process. First, it increased the richness o f the data because it allowed respondents the opportunity to raise their own issues (Babbie, 2001; 291). This process allowed me to overcome some o f the weaknesses o f survey data including its inherent inflexibility (Babbie, 2001: 271). Second, this additional step increased the reliability o f my survey data as it allowed me to re-examine the data. TABLE 4.1 N ewcomer Respondents’ Demographic Characteristics Gender Male Female 16 21 9 5 Characteristic Total % 37 14 73 37 Marital Status Married or Common-Law Single (incl. divorced & separated) Children in the Household Children under the age o f 18 N o children in the household under the age o f 18 8 10 9 21 17 31 33 61 21-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-64 3 6 7 4 1 7 13 9 1 0 10 19 16 5 1 20 37 31 10 2 High school or less 1-3 years o f post-secondary Trade certification Undergraduate degree Post Graduate Degree 1 4 2 4 10 0 2 0 12 14 1 6 2 16 25 2 12 4 31 49 Age Educational Level Source: Online Newcom er Survey, 2003 56 4.6 Limitadoas There are several Limitations to the methodology used in this study. D ue to the way survey respondents were selected and the limited sample size, it is unknown to what degree the survey respondents are representative o f the overall new resident population. For example, participants w ho have strong positive or negative feelings may be more Hkely to participate in order to voice their opinions. To mitigate the impact o f these limitations, survey responses were evaluated against the key inform ant interviews, a larger previous quahty o f Hfe study and the existing migration Hterature on resource-dependent communities. By conducting research on only one case smdy. Prince George, it is not known how representative the results would be o f other cases. As a result, I am unable to make generalizations about recruitment and retention issues faced by other regional centres o f resource-based regions. 57 CHAPTERS BEHIND THE MOVE: NEWCOMERS' RELOCATION TO PRINCE GEORGE The decision to relocate to a new community, m ost often for a new job, is a very personal decision. Common questions running through one’s mind may be; Is this the right job for me? Wül I like living there? Can my family’s needs be met there? As outlined in Chapter 2, new residents often view some community characteristics (e.g., employment opportunities and the natural setting) as pull factors drawing them to the new community, while others community factors (e.g., a cold climate) may serve as push factors. The primary focus o f this chapter is the responses o f the newcomer respondents, professionals who had relocated to Prince George between 2001 and 2003. The chapter begins by examining the newcomers’ past experiences and knowledge about Prince George. This will assist in understanding some o f the background influences that newcomer respondents are using in their initial perceptions o f Prince George. The main body o f the chapter examines Prince George’s particular push and puU factors. This section links these factors with those identified in the existing hterature. Lastly, this chapter reviews newcomers’ expectations about how long they plan to reside in Prince George and the factors that would cause them to leave. Throughout this chapter, experiences o f H R professionals will be added to supplement the newcomers’ responses. 5.1 Newcomer Respondents' Past Experiences & Knowledge of Prince George It is important to understand the depth o f experience and knowledge that the newcomer respondents and their famhies had prior to deciding to move to Prince George, as this would have influenced their perceptions and expectations o f Prince George. Therefore, this section examines the following characteristics o f the newcomer respondents: (1) their past experience with Prince George; (2) the population size o f their last community; (3) whether or n o t they have 58 previously lived iu a nofthem community; and (4) how Ptince George was portrayed in the interview process. Table 5.1 details the newcomer respondents' previous experience with the Prince George community. An important observation is that the majority o f respondents (approximately 78%) had some pervious experience with Prince George with a minority (27.5%) being returning residents. However, respondents’ spouses appear to have significantly less prior exposure and connections to the community. Possible ramifications o f this will be discussed in the Chapter 6 discussion on the inclusion o f the spouse in the recruitment process. TABLE 5.1 Before deciding whether or not to move to Prince George, what was your past experience with the community? Your spouse’s/partner’s experience? Please select all that apply. Prior Experience Respondent “ N % 14 28 Lived in P G before Family or friends Hve/have Hved 23 in P G Visited P G previously for 17 business reasons Visited P G previously for 27 personal reasons 11 Never been to P G “O ut o f 51 respondents. '’O ut o f 37 respondent spouses/ partners. Source: Online New com er Survey, 2003 Spouse/Partner ^ N % 6 16 45 6 16 33 6 16 53 12 32 22 13 35 How individuals view a new community is Hkely to be influenced by the size and type o f community from which they are coming. For example, if a person used to have a long commute in a metropoHtan area, they are Hkely to view a shorter commute as a positive attribute. Table 5.2 details the place where respondents previously Hved prior to moving to Prince George. 59 TABLE 5.2 W hat category best describes where you lived last before moving to Prince George? G ender Type o f community Rural area Village <1000 Town (1000-10,000) SmaH City (11,000-30,000) Medium City (31,000-100,000) Large City (>100,000) Suburb o f a large city Total Source: Online Newcomer Survey, 2003 Total Male Female 0 0 3 3 5 7 3 21 5 1 4 2 6 9 3 30 5 1 7 5 11 16 6 51 A minority (22%) o f respondents came from a medium sized city, which is the same size category as Prince George. It is likely that they were familiar with the types o f services and facihties typically found in a community o f this size. Thirty-five percent o f newcomer respondents migrated from smaller communities and rural areas. This leaves the largest num ber o f respondents (43%) coming from metropoHtan areas. This first appears contrary to the Hteramre on resource-based communities which states that the majority o f in-migration consists o f residents moving from another resource-based community to continue to work in a resource sector a n d /o r to maintain a small town Hfestyle (Halseth, 1999). However, the high num ber o f respondents from metropoHtan areas is Hkely the result o f the survey’s focus on professional fields, as many professionals are only able to pursue either educational training or their career in metropoHtan areas. The majority (62%) o f newcomer respondents m oved to Prince George from elsewhere in British Columbia. SpecificaUy, 25 percent o f respondents relocated from the metropoHtan area of the Lower Mainland and the Capital Region with people Hving elsewhere in the province accounting for the other 37 percent. Interprovincial migration accounted for 24 percent o f the 60 fespoadeats while mtemadooal migradoas accounted for the stnaEest share o f respondents at 14 percent. The City o f Prince George considers itself to be a northern community. Ninety-two percent o f the newcomer respondents also defined Prince George as a northern community (Table 5.3). TABLE 5.3 D o you consider Prince George a northern community? Gender Prince George is a northern community Total Male 16 4 20 Yes No Total Source: Online Newcomer Survey, 2003 Female 30 0 30 46 4 50 W hen asked to define what makes a northern community, many o f the respondents identified the com mon characteristics o f a resource-based community with that o f northern community. For example, in addition to climatic conditions, respondents’ definitions included references to: o resource-based economy (e.g., “depressed economies,” “heavy reliance on non­ renewable resource industries”) o remote location (e.g., “more remote from larger communities”) o small town atmosphere and rural lifestyle ( e.g., "tight knit group with strong ties and friendship” and “more attachm ent to the land and hunting lifestyle”). As outlined in Chapter Two, a community’s northem ess can exacerbate some o f the challenges (e.g., isolation due to remote location) faced by resource-based communities in general. As Table 5.4 shows, 44 percent o f respondents previously lived in a northern community, which 61 suggests familiarity with a aorthem lifestyle (e.g., climatic coaditioas). However when one includes former Prince George residents, this percentage rises to 54 percent. TABLE 5.4 N o t considering Prince George, have you ever lived in a ‘northern’ community? Lived in a northern community Gender Male 9 11 20 Yes No Total Source; Online Newcomer Survey, 2003 Total Female 13 17 30 22 28 50 O ne o f the best ways for a candidate to obtain a sense o f a new community is to travel to that community for the job interview. Seventy-three percent o f respondents indicated that they had travelled to Prince George for an interview. However, the process varies considerably among the various organizations. For example, one organization brings potential employees out for two interviews (Key Inform ant Interview #1). The first interview is an exploratory process involving a job-related interview; however, it is also used to gauge the applicant’s knowledge o f Prince George and to determine what community factors serve as push or puU factor for the particular applicant. The organization then brings candidates w ho they are serious about, and their spouses, to Prince George for a second interview. In addition, they arrange specialized tours and connect bo th the potential employee and their spouse with people in the community who share similar interests. Many H R professionals remarked that it is very im portant that the individual receives a positive, but realistic, impression o f the city. For instance, one key informant stressed this point as follows: The key issue is to do a really good job in showing the city . . . so they understand that we are a community that is developing and that we need some 62 work in some areas but in other areas, there are huge positives. So people go away and say, “I can see myself Hving in the city.” (Key Inform ant Interview #1) Arranging a to u r for the candidate is not a widespread practice as only 22 percent o f the survey respondents w ho came to Prince George for an interview were given a general tour and only 8 percent received a tour designed to meet their specific interests. This number dropped significantly for the spouse/partner as only 11 percent participated in a general tour. Conversely some organizations do n o t bring the candidate to Prince George for the interview process. One organization conducts aU o f its senior level interviews from their head office in Vancouver with the local Prince George manager and the potential appHcant, unless they reside in the Lower Mainland, participating by phone (Key Inform ant Interview #4). O ther organizations’ interviewing practices fit somewhere in between these examples. Cost was the primary reason that spouses and candidates were not always brought to Ptince George for an interview. Whatever the process used, it should be clearly explained to the appHcant in order to prevent misunderstandings, as one survey respondent noted: I was surprised and annoyed that my spouse was n o t invited to join me for the interview. GeneraUy there are two interviews for [this type of] position, so I did not find out there would be no second interview until after [I attended the] first [one] (OnHne N ewcomer Survey #8). Many o f the key informants noted that they provide informational pamphlets about the city to potential recruits and in particular, they used the package produced by the Living and Working Committee. One HR professional described how they try to tailor the package to the individual candidate: We used the recruitment and retention resources. Within that are brochures on leisure and amenities that the city has and different organizations that people can volunteer with or play hockey, baseball... It is catered to the candidate’s needs as well as it can be. If they ask for specific inform ation on the community, we try to get it and send it (Key Inform ant Interview #2). 63 For the two otgaoizatioiis that did not provide materials, one indicated that it was because o f cost and the other because o f a provincially centralized recruiting process (Key Informant Interviews # 4 and #5). Despite this, the majority o f newcomers surveyed indicated that they did n o t receive any information about the city during the interview process with only 37 percent o f respondents having received some general information. In addition, the percentages are lower for the m ore specific information (Table 5.5). TABLE 5.5 O n what, if any, subjects did the employer provide you with written material(s) during the interviewing process? Please select aU that apply. Respondents ” Type o f material received N % General 19 37 Recreational facilities 12 24 O utdoor opportunities 12 24 Post-secondary institutions 11 22 Cultural institutions 5 10 Sports organizations 4 9 D ue to the acceptance o f multiple responses, the total number responses is greater than 51 and the total percentage is greater than 100%. Source: Online Newcomer Survey, 2003 Parts o f the interviewing process can be im portant tools in portraying an accurate picture o f Prince George, as candidates may already have negative impressions o f the community. For example there continues to be an impression held by some that Prince George is a ‘redneck’ town. HR professionals must often confront this perception when they are interviewing a candidate, as two o f them remarked in their key inform ant interviews: Another perception o f Prince George is that it is a redneck town, so they may be referring back to the 1960s or whatever so they don’t know what it is like now (Key Informant Interview #2). [One thing that we are struggling against is] the bad rap that Prince George has gotten particularly from the Lower Mainland. There is a certain level o f arrogance from people from there that you do not get from people coming from Ontario. [Lower Mainlanders] look down on Prince George as being the last 64 outpost in the North: “Its frozen over, it was whole bunch o f drunk people fighting.” Arrogant negativity that we have to fight against. It is often from people who have never been here (Key Inform ant Interview #1). W hen brought to Prince George, a potential employee has the opportunity to form a current impression o f the community. Tours, brochures and introductions to people with shared interests can help ensure that the candidate has a full and accurate picture. Despite the fact that the spouse/partner o f newcomer respondents have less previous experience with Prince George (Table 5.1), many organizations do n o t include them as part of the interview process. There was a large minority o f spouses (41%) w ho did not move to Prince George at the same time as the survey respondent. As detailed in Table 5.6, there were a multitude o f reasons for delaying the relocation of the spouse/partner. Only a very small minority (2 spouses) had no intention o f moving to Prince George. The majority (60%) o f the spouses who did not move at the same time planned to move to Prince George within a year. TABLE 5.6 Why hasn’t (didn’t) your spouse/partner move at the same time as you? Please select aU that apply. Spouse/Parm er “ Reason N % Job keeping them behind 5 33 Waiting to secure employment here 4 27 Waiting for the house to sell 4 27 4 27 Children keeping them 2 13 D oesn’t want to m ove 0 My job is only temporary 0 O ther 10 66 “ D ue to multiple responses being accepted, the total number o f responses is greater than 15 and the total percentage is greater than 100. Source: Online Newcomer Survey, 2003 65 As the above subsections demonstrate, new residents have a diverse range o f experiences regarding Prince George. In addition, they often have diverse points o f reference from small communities to large metropolitan centres. A t its best, the interviewing process can be used as an equalization process among the candidates to ensure that all have a realistic portrayal o f the community. H um an resources managers may recognize the value o f bringing the spouse to Prince G eorge but believe they cannot afford it. This may be detrimental because, as the next section will show, the inclusion and satisfaction o f the spouse has an im portant bearing on whether the candidate ultimately remains in Prince George. 5.2 P u ll Factors PuU factors are w hat drew the newcomer respondents to Prince George. This section highlights Prince George’s top ten favourable attributes as viewed by newcomer respondents. The attributes are grouped into three categories. M ost respondents indicated that employment was their primary reason. For most, an employment offer had to be secured before other factors were seriously considered. Therefore, it is discussed separately from the other attributes. Second, positive geographical attributes o f Prince George are discussed, specificaUy respondents’ appreciation o f the natural setting and the opportunity to engage in year-round recreation. Lastly, attributes relating to Prince George’s community size and its status as the regional centre o f a resource-based region are discussed. This section captures both positive qualities associated with its size o f Prince George (e.g., commuting distance to work) and attributes associated with its role as regional centre (e.g., the availability o f post-secondary institutions). An overwhelming num ber o f newcomer respondents (65%) indicated that their primary reason for moving was the employment opportunity (Table 5.7). A nother 24 percent of 66 fespondents listed the job within the top Eve reasons for choosing to m ove to Prince George. T he overall importance o f this variable is evident by its score, which is approximately 4 times greater than the 2°^ ranked characteristic. Only a minority o f respondents (16%) viewed the employment opportunity as a negative aspect when they were deciding to m ove here (Table 5.10). The statement below captures the sentiment expressed in the majority o f the newcomer surveys and follow-up intenhews: “The employment [opportunity] was the only factor, the community a n d /o r location was a secondary item” (Online Newcomer Survey #32). Although the employment opportunity remains the primary reason for moving, it is n o t always by choice as one follow-up interviewee stated, “It is what my wife calls a Campbell chop. D ue to government cutbacks, it was the choice o f accepting severance pay or moving” (FoUow-up Interview #1). In a few cases, the employment opportunity o f the spouse was the primary motivation behind the move. In these cases, the newcomer respondent’s employment was found after the decision to move had already been made. Interviews with HR professionals also confirmed that the employment opportunity was the primary reason why individuals move here. This comment captures the feelings expressed throughout the interviews: “It is essentially the job they are coming to, obviously there is something [in Prince George] that they want to do” (Key Inform ant Interview #6). In addition to salary and the benefits o f the job, some o f the key informants also emphasized the need to prom ote how a job is different here than in a larger community, as stressed in the sentiment below: I think the opportunities to practice [the profession] in the community like this are very different than in Vancouver. They would get to do a lot o f different things that they wouldn’t be able to do in Vancouver. It is not just the community but also the nature o f the work (Key Inform ant Interview # 4). 67 The overwhelming dominance o f employment opportunities as the primary motivation for moving is consistent with both the general and specific migration literature on resource-based communities (Halseth and Sullivan, 2000; Michalos, 1997). Respondents viewed the natural setting as the m ost positive geographical characteristic of Prince George. Closely related to this characteristic is the ability for respondents to engage in a variety o f outdoor recreational pursuits in the surrounding natural landscape. Forty-five percent o f respondents identified an attraction to the natural setting as one o f their top five choices. As a result, it ranked second overall, which is also consistent with other migration smdies on resource-based and rural communities (Dahms and McComb 1999; Nelsen 1997). Forty-eight percent o f respondents’ spouses were also impressed by the namral setting (Table 5.8). The Healthy Communities Committee (1997) found that new residents included both proximity to nature and year-round recreation in the top five best things about living in Prince George (26). As one survey respondent indicated, “We are very active people, so we like that we can go hiking, canoeing and skiing” (Online Newcomer Survey #18). Twenty-seven percent of survey respondents ranked year round recreation in their top 5, resulting in overall placement o f ninth (Table 5.6), while 30 percent o f respondents who have spouses indicated that their partner was also impressed with recreational opportunities (Table 5.8). O ne H R professional noted that the financial accessibility o f recreational opportunities like downhill skiing was an attraction (Key Informant Interview #1). As discussed below, the concept o f ‘country lifestyle/city conveniences’ is also tied into natural setting characteristics. 68 TABLE 5.7 W hat attributes o f Prince George did you view favourably, when deciding whether or not to move? Please indicate your top 5 reasons, with the 1 as your top reason. G ender Relative Score Rank Attribute ' Rank Em ployment O pportunities Proximity to Nature Presence o f family and friends Size o f community Friendly nature o f the community Commuting Distance Male 1 2 % 4 5 6 Female N % N % 205 First Second Third Fourth Fifth Toia/ 15 1 1 1 0 /g 71 5 5 5 0 18 6 2 0 1 27 60 20 7 0 4 ^0 56 First Second Third Fourth Fifth Total 2 0 1 1 1 5 10 0 5 5 5 24 1 2 4 4 7 18 3 7 13 13 23 53 First Second Third Fourth Fifth Toia/ 1 3 0 1 1 6 5 14 0 5 5 1 4 2 3 0 10 3 13 7 10 0 30 52 First Second Third Fourth Fifth TbW 1 1 2 1 1 7 5 5 10 5 5 0 2 6 2 4 14 0 7 20 7 13 46 47 First Second Third Fourth Fifth To/a/ 3 1 1 1 3 9 14 5 5 5 14 2 2 2 3 0 9 7 7 7 10 0 ^0 45 First Second Third Fourth Fifth Total 0 2 2 3 2 9 0 10 10 14 10 42 0 2 4 1 1 8 0 7 13 3 3 27 Score 69 TABLE 5.7 (continued) W hat attributes o f Prince George did you view favourably, when deciding whether or not to move? Please indicate your top 5 reasons, with the T ‘ as your top reason. Gender Relative Score Rank Attribute Rank P ost secondary education Spouse already here Year round recreation G ood place to raise children Male 10 Female N “ % N"’ % 42 First Second Third F ourth Fifth 'Total 0 2 3 0 0 5 0 10 14 0 0 24 2 2 0 3 0 7 7 7 0 10 0 2j 38 First Second Third Fourth Fifth Total 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 5 0 0 0 5 6 1 0 0 0 7 20 3 0 0 0 2^ 37 First Second Third Fourth Fifth To/a/ 1 1 1 1 1 5 5 5 5 5 5 24 1 2 1 1 4 9 3 7 3 3 13 30 35 First Second Third Fourth Fifth Total 1 4 0 0 0 5 19 0 0 0 24 0 1 2 2 1 6 0 3 7 7 3 20 Score '‘Only the top 10 responses are listed. ’’To give weight to the various respondent’s rankings, the relative score was calculated on the following basis: first -5 points, second-4 points, third-3 points, fourth-2 points and fifth-1 point. “O ut o f 21 total possible responses. ‘’O ut of 30 total possible responses. “The percentage rises to 65% when considering only the respondents (17) who have children under the age of 18 living at hom e with them. Source: Online Newcomer Survey, 2003 70 TABLE 5.8 According to your knowledge, what attribute(s) o f Prince George was your spouse/partner im pressed by? Please select all that apply. Spouse/Partner Reason “ Proximity to nature/beautiful surroundings Friendly nature o f the community Comm uting distance from work Country hfestyle/city conveniences Available amenities Job offer/opportunity G ood place to raise children Size o f community Year-round recreation Closer to extended family & friends Avahabihty o f post-secondary instimtions ^ Only the top 7 responses are listed. ’’Total possible response for each reason is 37. Source; Online Newcomer Survey, 2003 N 18 15 14 14 13 12 11 11 11 9 9 % 49 41 38 38 35 32 30 30 30 24 24 Many o f the perceived favourable characteristics are tied to Prince George’s role as a regional centre o f a resource-based region. Prince George’s current size was rated very highly, resulting as in an overall ranking o f fourth (Table 5.7). The size was often characterized as being big enough to have a good level o f amenities b u t small enough to retain several positive attributes associated with small-town atmosphere a n d /o r rural living. O ne o f these attributes is the short commuting distance, which received overall ranking o f sixth (Table 5.7). In a followup interview, a respondent remarked about how she bought an acreage but was sdll only a nineminute commute to her workplace (Follow-up Interview #2). She saw this directly contributing to the betterment o f her overall quality o f life. This feeling was also expressed by other respondents, as 29 percent o f survey respondents ranked ‘city conveniences/ country Hfestyle’ in their top five. This characteristic appears be a long-term puU factor as according to a 1997 71 quality o f life study, loog-tetm residents indicated it was best thing about living in Ptince George while short term residents ranked it 7* (Healthy Communities Committee, 26). As a survey respondent noted, “the size was presented as an asset; i.e., a smaller friendlier place” (Online Newcomer Survey #9). In the survey, 33 percent o f respondents ranked friendly nature o f the community as one o f their top five choices resulting in an overall ranking o f fifth. In addition, 41 percent o f the married respondents indicated that their partner was also impressed by the friendly nature o f the community (Table 5.8). In a previous study, both short and long-term residents ranked the friendliness o f the community as the best thing about Prince George (Healthy Communities Committee, 1997: 26). The increased rise in its prominence in the earlier study is likely attributed to new residents integrating themselves into the social fabric o f the community. While m ost respondents were sold on the idea that Prince George is a friendly community during the interview process, one human resources manager remarked that: It comes across but n o t direcdy. It comes as a perception after they have been here, not before they were here. If they are coming from BC, in particular the Lower Mainland, their perception is coloured by a fair degree o f negativity. You only really realized it after you have been here for a year or two (Key Informant Interview #1). In follow-up interviews, the majority o f respondents indicated that they had Httie difficulty incorporating themselves into the community. This is reinforced by the survey data, which shows that 53 percent were satisfied with their social interactions and another 14 percent very satisfied (Table 5.9). 72 TABLE 5.9 W hat were your immediate impressions after moving to Prince George o f the following situation —social interactions? Level o f satisfaction Very satisfied Satisfied N eutral Dissatisfied Very dissatisfied N o response Total Source: Online Newcomer Survey, 2003 Gender Male 4 10 5 1 0 1 21 Female 3 17 6 1 2 1 30 Total 7 27 11 2 2 1 51 However, it appears that some single professionals found it more difficult to integrate themselves as they find the community oriented to famUies. Only 30 percent o f single respondents indicated they were satisfied with their social interaction compared 76 percent of married respondents who indicated they were satisfied or very satisfied. Despite a familiarity with making new friends due to successive moves, one single professional remarked: Unless you are in a couple here, it doesn’t work. I’m not going to the bar. Where are the professionals? I haven’t m et them. My job is high profile; you think that if anyone were going to meet anyone it would be me. (Follow-up Interview #4) The size o f community also relates quite strongly with the idea that Prince George is a good place to raise children. Sixty-five percent o f respondents with children ranked the idea that Prince George is a good place to raise children in their top five. For these respondents, it was the second biggest draw after employment (Table 5.6). In addition to the ability to purchase a house and a short commute, a respondent noted that she appreciated the accessibility and scope o f children’s programs (Follow-up Interview #9). With an overall ranking o f 7*, the presence o f post-secondary institutions was viewed favourably. The presence and scope o f post-secondary institutions in Prince George is directly 73 related to its role as régional centre for northern British Columbia. Three factors contributed to this overall ranking. Some respondents worked in post-secondary institutions. In general, these respondents had an overall favourable outlook on the local institutions. O ther respondents wanted to have the opportunity to continue with their education or viewed the presence o f post­ secondary institutions as beneficial for their children. aw/ Fww/t For 29 percent o f the respondents, the presence o f extended family and friends was an im portant factor in their decision to relocate to Prince George. This includes a few residents who had grown-up here and moved back to be closer to their families. D ue to the relative importance o f this variable to respondents who listed it, it ranked 3'^ overall. One respondent explained how she moved back h o m e’ after 17 years; For a few years, my parents said, “when are you going to move back” . I told them that there was only one job for me and it was not available. It became available (Follow-up Interview #4). The primary motivation behind their relocation to Prince George for one group of respondents (11%) was the fact that their spouse was already here. As this attribute garnered the second m ost responses as a first choice, after employment opportunities, it ranked 8* overall. 5.3 Push Factors Every community has some undesirable characteristics, but it is how residents perceive them that wiU determine whether these factors push potential, or current, residents away. In the online newcomer survey, respondents were asked what attributes o f Prince Geotge they viewed unfavourably when deciding to move here. In the short-term, as all survey respondents ended up moving here, none o f these factors were sufficient to deter them. However, understanding 74 what new tesideats view negatively about Ptince Geotge is impottant fot three teasons. First, the next section, “Intentions to Remain”, demonstrates how some o f these initial misgivings becom e reasons why the respondent may leave. Second, it is likely that these identifiable unfavourable factors led to others refusing employment offers in Prince George or not applying in the first place. Third, where individuals have multiple employment offers, community characteristics play an even stronger role. W hen weighing two job offers one in Prince George and one in Southern Ontario, one respondent remarked, “it would have been a massive commute to have a similar lifestyle” (FoUow-up Interview #2). This subsection groups the undesirable characteristics into the following sections: geographical characteristics consisting o f air quality, climate and isolation; economic attributes associated with a resource-based economy; and attributes associated with the size o f Prince George. 75 TABLE 5.10 W hat attributes did you view unfavourably when deciding whether or not to move? Please select your top five reasons, with the T' being the most undesirable. Gender Relative Score Rank A ttribute Rank Air quality Climate Overall economic climate Isolation Spouse’s job opportunities ‘ Crime Male 1 Female N" % 149 First Second Third Fourth Fifth Total 4 5 3 3 3 18 19 24 14 14 14 12 4 2 3 3 24 10 13 7 10 10 106 First Second Third Fourth Fifth Total 8 3 0 1 0 12 38 14 0 5 0 57 4 5 3 0 3 15 13 17 10 0 10 50 84 First Second Third Fourth Fifth Total 0 2 6 3 2 13 0 10 29 14 10 5 1 2 3 9 20 17 3 7 10 30 67 63 First Second Third Fourth Fifth Tb/a/ 0 1 5 0 2 0 5 24 0 10 1 2 7 4 0 14 3 7 23 13 0 47 52 First Second Third Fourth Fifth To/a/ 2 2 0 1 1 6^ 10 10 0 5 5 2^ 3 2 2 0 2 9 10 7 7 0 7 jO 51 First Second Third Fourth Fifth Total 2 0 2 4 0 2 10 0 10 19 0 /o 0 2 5 1 2 10 0 7 17 3 7 Score 76 % TABLE 5.10 (coatinuec^ W hat attributes did you view unfavourably when deciding whether or n o t to move? Please select your top five reasons, with the T‘ being the m ost undesirable. Gender Relative Score Rank Attribute ' Rank Housing-Risk of Investm ent Available Shopping Choices Other Job Oppormnities Male 7/ 8 9 10 Female N' % N 4zl7/ First Second Third Fourth Fifth Total 1 2 1 1 2 7 5 10 5 5 10 33 0 3 2 7 1 13 0 10 7 23 3 43 0 1 1 1 0 3 0 5 5 5 0 14 1 37 First Second Third Fourth Fifth To/a/ 4 1 2 0 8 3 13 3 7 0 27 27 First Second Third Fourth Fifth Total 0 0 0 0 3 3 0 0 0 0 14 14 2 3 0 2 0 7 7 10 0 7 0 23 0 0 5 0 5 5 14 1 0 20 First Second Third Fourth Fifth 7o/o/ 3 0 3 7 3 17 Score 1 0 1 1 3 1 2 1 5 "Only the top 10 responses are listed. ’’To give weight to the various respondent’s rankings, the relative score was calculated on the following basis: first -5 points, second-4 points, third-3 points, fourth-2 points and fifth-1 point. ‘’O ut o f 21 total possible responses. O ut o f 30 total possible responses. “The percentage rises to 65% when considering only the respondents (17) who have children under the age o f 18 hving at home with them. Source: Online Newcomer Survey, 2003 77 Migration studies on resource-based communities identified that remote location/ isolation and cold climate are often perceived to be push factors. General migration studies also identified the presence o f pollution as another push factor. As the discussion below details, the newcomer respondents and key informants identified all three as Prince George’s push factors. The num ber one undesirable characteristic o f Prince George is poor air quality, as 78 percent o f the respondents ranked it within their top five undesirable choices. Below are some representative comments: Stinky miU town was my impression from others before arriving (Onhne Newcomer Survey #15). The pollution was somewhat alarming, but I reahzed it is n o t too bad near the university or west o f town, where I hoped to buy a hom e (Online Newcomer Survey #9). I am concerned about pollution [ait quahty]. I asked my employer w hat areas experienced better air quahty. I knew from friends who Hved here to stay out of the bowl (Online Newcomer Survey #27). I don’t like that it is a bowl and that if you want to hve downtown you are smck with the [poor] air quahty (Follow-up Interview #10). Also, 76 percent o f married respondents indicated that their spouse dishked the air quahty (Table 5.11). Previously, a 1997 quahty o f hfe study found that recent residents ranked poor air quahty as the second worse thing about hving in Prince George (Healthy Communities Committee: 27). In a review o f migration studies, Michalos (1997) found that low pollution was an attractive quahty; therefore, it is n o t surprising that the reverse is also true. Unhke air quahty problems in other places (e.g., smog in metropohtan areas due to vehicle emissions). Prince George’s air 78 quality problems are very noticeable because tbe pulp mill emissions have an unpleasant smelL^ T he highest ranking (85%) o f dissatisfaction with the air quality came from respondents from the Lower Mainland who would be famüiar with other types air pollution (e.g., vehicle emissions). In addition, there are significant variances in the air quality problem because o f the city’s geography, weather patterns and the location o f industry. In 2003, the days that the particulate m atter exceeded 50 micrograms resulting in an air advisory warning differed among the three m onitoring sites from a low o f 5 days, followed by 15 days, to a high of 29 days (Nielsen, 2004: 1). O ften these variances are pointed out to potential new residents either during the interviewing process or by a real estate agent. For example, one key inform ant interview remarked: I tell people that we have air quality problems some days in winter, particularly in the ‘bowl’ and if they have a problem with that then they should considered living on the outskirts. College Heights or the H art (Key Inform ant Interview # 1). Several o f the follow-up survey respondents indicated that they purposely chose a house in neighbourhoods where air quality was better. Prince George’s climate ranked as the second overall undesirable attribute when deciding to move, as 52 percent o f the respondents listed it as one o f their top three choices. However, it received the second highest frequency o f num ber one responses with 23 percent o f respondents rating it as Prince George’s m ost undesirable characteristic. However, all point-of-origin subgroups do not uniformly hold a negative perception o f Prince George’s climate. Only 14 percent o f international respondents ranked it within their top 5 undesirable characteristics compared to 42 percent o f inter-provincial respondents, 58 percent o f respondents from outside the Lower Mainland and 77 percent o f Lower Mainlanders. International respondents are ^ This is not to suggest that the pulp mills are the only causes o f the air quality problem in Prince G eotge. O ther know n causes are the use o f w ood-burning fireplaces, road dust and other industries. 79 already likely to perceive Canada as a cold country whereas Lower Mainlanders enjoy unusually mild weather for Canadians. This gives credence to the belief o f HR professionals that climate is a larger problem when recruiting from the Lower Mainland than other parts o f Canada (Key Inform ant Interviews #1 and #5). According to the respondents, climate was also viewed unfavourably by 35 percent o f their partners (Table 5.11). The discussion on climate also garnered strong responses from the H R professionals. Several key informants felt that potential recruits often over-imagined the severity o f Prince G eorge’s winter climate, for example, one remarked: I would say that m ost candidates generally have a negative view o f our chmate. I try to personally change those perceptions because I don’t believe that Prince George’s climate is as a negative as people think. I myself moved here 10 years ago and I thought it was much worse than w hat it is (Key Inform ant Interview # 2) Several had the belief that the prevalent view o f Prince George as a northern community, reinforced by the city’s slogan o f ‘EC’s N orthern Capital,’ can lead to a false impression o f how cold Prince George actually can get. For example, one remarked that: People outside o f Prince George think o f us as a northern community^ not central, so they automatically assumed that we are very cold (Key Inform ant Interview #3). To combat this misconception, this interviewee suggested that it would be beneficial to place weather data on the organization’s web page to show that the climate is milder than what many perceived it to be. Both long-term and recent residents ranked long, cold winters as the worst thing about living in Prince George (Healthy Communities Committee, 1997: 27). In this limited study, new residents ranked it as the second m ost undesirable characteristic o f Prince George when they were deciding to move here. Feelings o f isolation remain relatively strong with 43 percent o f respondents viewing it as one o f Prince George’s m ost unfavourable attribute when deciding to move here. For m ost 80 tespoadents, it is the physical distance Erotn either the larger centres and/or distance Erom their extended family and friends that is the challenge. For example, one respondent described the effort she goes through to maintain being connected: I spend an enormous am ount o f time and a great deal o f money leaving Prince George in order to feel connected to family and friends and to feel like an active m em ber in my field o f study [e.g., going to conferences, doing research abroad] (Online Newcomer Survey #41). However, it is im portant to note that only 28 percent o f international respondents felt that Prince George was too isolated whereas inter-provincial respondents felt it to be the m ost isolated at 58 percent. There are likely two reasons why international respondents registered so low. W ithin this small subset group, there are returning Canadians who indicated that they were now geographically closer to theit family. For the other international respondents, they already made the decision to leave their country o f origin; therefore, the increased distance to Prince George may seem insignificant. O ften the largest financial tie to a community is the purchase o f a house. The inability to sell a house can result in being tied to the community or selling at a significant loss. As many o f the survey respondents embarked on a house-hunting trip prior to the move, this is their first introduction to the state o f local economy. As outlined in Chapter 3, the housing market has dropped significantly since 1998 and is only just beginning to recover. This recent downturn likely contributed to the negative perception o f risk held by 39 percent o f newcomer respondents who listed the risk o f investing in the housing market as one o f the undesirable characteristics of Prince George. Thirty-five percent o f respondents who have spouses indicated that their parmer also disliked the risk o f investing in the Prince Geotge market (Table. 5.11). This creates a level o f nervousness for the family about making a com m itm ent to Prince George: 81 We were very nervous about buying a bouse and losing money or being stuck with it based on recent price declines and the poor economy (Online Newcomer Survey #8). The limited job market in many resource-based communities often makes it difficult for the spouse o f a new resident to find suitable work, especially in the case o f two-professional families. Forty-one percent o f survey respondents who have spouses noted the lack o f available job opportunities for their spouse as one o f the top five undesirable characteristics o f Prince George. This message is also echoed by all the key informants interviewed, as one HR professional remarked, “If the spouse can’t find work, or it doesn’t look favourable, this is why we lose people” (Key Inform ant Interview #7). Hum an resources professionals would hke to provide additional services to help integrate the whole family by assisting the spouse in their job searching and networking activities (Key Inform ant Interview #6). T he negative perception of Prince George’s overall economic climate appears to have continued after the majority of respondents m oved to Prince George, as only 6% o f respondents expressed satisfaction in the state o f local economy (See Table 5.12). TABLE 5.11 According to your knowledge, what attribute(s) o f Prince George did your spouse/partner dislike? Spouse/Partner Attribute “ Air quality Overall economic climate Climate Housing market —risk o f investment Available shopping choices Job opportunities for your spouse Crime City too isolated Housing market (availability o f choice) ' Only the top nine choices are listed ^ Maximum number o f possible responses is 37 Source: Online Newcomer Survey, 2003 82 N 28 14 13 13 11 10 10 8 8 % 76 39 35 35 30 27 27 22 22 TABLE 5.12 W hat were your immediate impressions after moving to Prince George o f the following situation —overall economic climate? Level o f satisfaction Very satisfied Satisfied Neutral Dissatisfied Very dissatisfied N o response Total Source; O nhne Newcomer Survey, 2003 Gender Male 0 2 7 10 0 2 21 Female 0 1 14 11 3 1 30 Total 0 3 21 21 3 3 51 While many identifiable puU factors are closely associated with Prince George’s size, a minority o f respondents are unhappy with the available shopping choices and have a perception that the community^ is too smah. O f the 10 percent o f respondents who beheve Prince George is too small, 60 percent originated from the Lower Mainland. Overall, 22 percent of respondents were dissatisfied with the available shopping choices; however, a higher percentage o f women (27%) than m en (14%) were unhappy. O ne female respondent explained about the lack o f good clothing stores: My job takes me to Vancouver and Los Angles; I do my shopping down there. I am not the only one complaining about this —where do the women shop? My brother and his wife (go to) Vancouver and drop $2,000 buying their clothes. They should have a Fairweathers, Eddie Bauer, the Gap and high end shoe stores . . . Shopping here is n o t consistent. You can go buy a $40,000 truck or snowmobile but you can’t buy a good pair o f shoes (FoUow-up Newcomer Interview #4). Some spouses also felt this dissatisfaction, as 27 percent o f married respondents indicated that their partner disliked the available shopping choices. As one FIR professional said, “ [candidates] 83 want to know what main chains stores ate here because that gives them a message about the vibrancy o f the community" (Key Informant interview #1). A com m on perception is that small communities, including resource-based ones, are safe. Therefore, the inclusion o f crime as push factor is likely attributable to Prince George’s larger size. Overall, crime was ranked sixth (Table 5.10). Respondents from British Columbia were more likely to include crime in their top 5 push factors than the other subgroups, as 46 percent o f respondents from Lower Mainlanders and 37 percent o f respondents from the rest of British Columbia included it in their top 5. Only one H R professional interviewed included crime as push factor (Key Inform ant Interview #8). O n average, the Prince George area has higher serious crime rate^’ at 3.9 for violent crimes and 15.3 for property crimes compared to provincial rate o f 2.9 and 12.5 respectively (BC Stats, 2004). However, it would be incorrect to assume that serious crime is absent in all small resource-based communities. For example, the rate for non-cannabis drug offences in Fort N elson is 465.6 whereas in Prince George it is only 127.7 (BC Stats, 2004). 5.3 Intentions to R em ain It is not simply enough to pay attention to w hat attracts new residents if there continues be an overall transient population within the community. This is despite the fact that the majority o f respondents (55%) rate their quality o f life in Prince George better than their previous community (Online Newcomer Survey, 2003). Therefore, it is im portant to probe the reasons that would push the respondents to leave Prince George and to find out how long the newcomers see themselves hving in the community. 21 Prince George area statistics includes the com m unities o f Mackenzie, V alem ount, and McBride, Crime rate = # o f offences per 1,000 population. This rate represents an average from 2000 to 2002) 84 L fa w M g f — f F a c A r f T he loss o f employment was ranked as the primary reason that respondents would leave (Table 5.13). However, there are some im portant differences between various sub-groups o f respondents on this issue. Seventy-one percent (10 out 14) o f single respondents indicated that loss o f their employment is one o f their top three reasons to leave Prince George as com pared to only 41 percent (15 o f 27) o f married respondents (Online Survey, 2003). There is likely less need for married respondents to move if their spouse has employment in Prince George. Relocation decisions for married respondents may also be more difficult as they have to take into consideration the needs and desires o f both partners. In addition, the point-oforigin o f the respondent also appears to be a factor in influencing the respondents’ decision to leave because o f a job loss. Sixty-three percent (20 o f 32) o f respondents originating from British Columbia ranked “loss o f employment” as one o f the top three reasons why they would leave Prince George as compared to only 26 (5 o f 19) percent o f people from elsewhere. However, aU five o f these respondents indicated it would be their primary reason to leave Prince George. Although the majority o f survey respondents decided to move to Prince George based on theit employment opportunities, their relative satisfaction with future career opportunities drops after moving here. The majority o f the survey respondents believe that in order to advance their career or find a new job they would need to leave Prince George (Table 5.13). According to a quality o f life study, job/career opportunities dropped to the 4* best thing that short-term residents thought about living in Prince George (Healthy Communities Committee, 1997; 26). This attitude was also reinforced in the interviews with the H R professionals who noted that there is generally just a few opportunities in a particular professional sector at any one 85 time and m o st likely, especially for a senior level professional, the person would need to leave Prince G eorge to find equivalent employment in the event o f job loss. Resource-based communities typically have an incomplete age structure with a dominance o f young families and few retirees and elderly people hving there (Coates, 1993/1994). Like many communities. Prince George’s population is aging with baby boomers and has fewer young famüies as evidenced by the closure o f numerous elementary schools. Many respondents do not view Prince George as a place in which they wish to retire. As a result, “no t wanting to retire in Prince George” was third in the rankings that would cause them to leave (Table 5.13). O f the 6 respondents who were 50 and older, only one indicated that this was not one o f their top three reasons. Both the general migration hteramre and the specific hterature on elderly migration indicate that a m üd climate and good health services are positive attractions (Moore and Rosenberg, 1997; Lorch and Kelly, 1994). Prince George’s winter chmate, hmited health services and the desire o f the respondent to be closer to grandchildren or elderly parents are probably the primary motivations behind a planned retirement elsewhere. W hether or not a large percentage o f Prince George residents are deciding to ‘age in place’ is an issue for future research. 86 TABLE 5.13 O f the stated reasons, what do you think would be the three m ost im portant reasons that would cause you to leave? Rank in order with the T' being the strongest. Relative Score Reason ^ Loss o f respondent’s employment Career advancement D o not w ant to retire here Move to be closer to family Air quahty Rank 1 Gender Rank N" 6 2 0 8 % 29 10 0 Female N '' % 12 40 3 10 2 7 17 57 29 14 0 43 1 1 5 19 23 23 17 To/a/ 6 3 0 9 41 First Second Third Total 3 2 6 11 14 10 29 52 3 3 7 13 10 10 23 45 41 First Second Third Total 3 5 3 11 14 24 14 52 2 5 3 10 7 17 10 33 20 First Second Third Total 1 2 1 4 5 10 5 19 1 4 4 9 3 13 13 50 Score 66 First Second Third ToAf/ 2 3 3 4 64 First Second Third Male Only the top 5 responses are listed. *’To give weight to the various respondent’s rankings, the relative score was calculated on the following basis; first -3 points, second-2 points, third-1 points. O ut o f 21 total possible responses. ^ O ut o f 30 total possible responses. Source: Online Newcomer Survey, 2003 For 25 percent o f the respondents, ait quality is bad enough to be a factor that would cause them to leave. W omen were more likely by a half to rate it in their top three than men (Table 5.13). In the follow-up interviews, a few individuals with respiratory problems (e.g., asthma) found that it had strong impact on their overall quahty o f life. While respondents identified poor air quahty as the number one push factor w hen deciding to move to Prince 87 Geotge, they tanked it only as the fiontth push factot that would ttigget them to leave. This difference is likely explained by the fact that some respondents purchased a house in an area known to have better ait quahty; therefore, mitigating poor air quahty’s im pact on their overall quahty o f hfe. Second, others may find that, over time, the smeU becomes less offensive. Differences in this factor shows some o f the differences between how people view push and puU factors w hen deciding to move to Prince George and after their relocation. Human resource professionals should be cognisant o f these differences as air quahty is a larger factor when recruiting a prospective employee rather retaining a current one. The lack o f available health services is a concern felt by many survey respondents after they m ove to Prince George. As such, it did not rank in the top 10 puU factors that they perceived when deciding to move here. However, only 30 percent o f respondents were satisfied or very satisfied with the available health services after there arrival (Onhne Newcomer Survey, 2003). When considering only respondents with children, this percentage drops to 17 percent. For most, it first becomes evident when they have difficulty in finding a family doctor. Many people indicated that they did not have an immediate need for a family doctor, but that finding a family physician was im portant in creating a sense o f security. Some also expressed dissatisfaction over the lack o f choice. Twenty-nine percent o f the respondents with children indicated that if they needed to access health services outside o f Prince George they would hkely leave; whereas, only 19 percent o f those without children would do so. It should be noted that a small num ber of individuals (16%) were very satisfied with the level o f health services in Prince George. For a minority o f married respondents (24%), the abihty o f their spouse to find meaningful work is an im portant consideration in deciding how long the household plans to stay in Prince George. Survey results showed very httle difference (only 1.3%) between those who had childten and those without. However ductog the follow-up interviews, there was a wide discrepancy in the am ount o f time (ranging from 6 m onths to 2 years) that individuals were prepared to wait for their spouse to secure work. Many key informants noted that when the spouse is unhappy, their new employee is likely to begin searching for a new job and will leave the community: I think that often the changes have been spouse driven. [For example, the spouse does n o t Hke Prince George or would Hke to rejoin their family elsewhere.] That is difficult to control as an employer. Maybe the reaHty in some o f those situations [was that] n o t enough conversations were held between the parties themselves about the values o f Hving in Prince George (Key Inform ant Interview #4). M ost o f the largest organizations Hi Prince George do n o t have a specific retention poHcy. They indicated that they rely largely on the ‘golden handcuffs’ o f good wages and benefits. O ne o f the largest employers in Prince George spoke o f retaining their employees within the overall company by providing them growth oppormnities at their operations outside o f Prince George (Key Inform ant Interview #1). Another organization is currently looking at an internal succession strategy to plan for the eventual retirements o f their senior managers. However, the human resources manager noted that this was n o t a creation o f a retention strategy as those middle managers that do not make the Hst may choose to leave (Key Inform ant Interview #2). O thers tied recruitment benefits (e.g., covering the cost o f the move) with the length o f stay. A) PnW Coates (1993/1994) identified that the presence o f a significant transient population (e.g., residents staying less than 5 years) as one o f the main barriers to the long-term sustainable future o f northern communities. Forty-six percent o f respondents planned to stay five years or less and, therefore, would be classified as short-term residents. Close to a quarter o f the respondents planned to stay less than two years. Sixteen percent o f respondents’ spouses have 89 indicated that they would like to move away ftom Ptiace George. This amount o f turnover represents a significant challenge for businesses and the community. There is a strong correlation between job satisfaction and expected length o f stay, as 86 percent o f respondents, who indicated that they were dissatisfied with their current employment, envisioned themselves as short-term residents (i.e., planned to live in Prince George less than 5 years). In addition, 46 percent (11 out o f 24) respondents who expect to be short-term residents perceive their quality of Hfe in Prince George as worse than their last community. TABLE 5.14 How much longer do you expect to be in Prince George? Expected length o f stay G ender Male Female 0 3 <1 1-2 5 4 3-5 5 6 1 1 6-10 5 6 >10 5 10 D on’t know 21 30 Total ^Due to the rounding o f percentages, the total is 101. Source: Online Newcomer Survey, 2003 Respondents N 3 9 11 2 11 15 51 % 6 18 22 4 22 29 100" However, what is often missing in discussions on resource-based communities is that a sizable minority (41%) have strong feelings o f attachm ent and plan to make their community their home (Table 5.15). This attachment is particularly strong for returning Prince George residents as 64 percent indicated strong or very strong feelings o f attachment to the community and 57 percent o f former residents plan on becoming long-term residents. Only 15 percent o f first­ time residents see themselves becoming long-term residents; however a sizable minority (37%) are uncertain. In addition, the small subset o f international respondents appears to have above average attachment with 57 percent o f them indicating a strong attachm ent to Prince George. 90 According to the married respondents, 41 percent o f their spouses have also indicated a preference to stay in Prince George. Sixty-nine percent o f respondents who perceived their quality life in Prince George as better than their last community envision themselves becoming long-term residents. Seventy-seven percent o f respondents who relocated from the Lower Mainland indicated that their quality o f life in Prince George was higher than their previous community. Yet, only 54 percent o f these respondents indicated that they had strong feelings of attachment and even smaller percentage (23%) planned on becoming long-term residents. O ne m ust remember that these are only intentions; as such, there may be opportunities for Prince George to transform undecided or expected short-term residents into long-term ones. This would not be unusual; as many Prince George residents tell you that they never thought they would stay long-term in the community. For example, 39 percent o f respondents who relocated from the Lower Mainland indicated that they are uncertain about their expected length o f stay in Prince George. Since 77 percent o f the respondents from the Lower Mainland indicated that their quality o f Hfe is better in Prince George compared to 55% generally, this group represents an im portant potential source o f long-term residents. Conversely, Prince George will likely lose residents, whose intentions are to remain, if they lose their employment or are unable to pursue career advancements in the city. TABLE 5.15 Which o f the following best describes your feelings o f attachm ent to Prince George? Strength o f feelings Gender Male Female Very Strong 1 3 9 Strong 8 Neutral 11 10 1 3 Weak 0 5 Very Weak Total 21 30 Source; Onhne Newcomer Survey, 2003 91 Respondents N % 4 8 17 33 21 41 4 8 5 10 51 100 CONCLUSION The newcomer respondents and the key informants have identified a number o f strengths and weaknesses within the Prince George community. In deciding to move, newcomers evaluate their potential new community to determine whether it will meet their needs. Although securing an offer o f employment is m ost often the necessary first step, newcomers placed varying degrees o f weight on community factors. This chapter reviewed why respondents decided to relocate to Prince George and supplemented this overview by looking at how certain subgroups (e.g., respondents with children or respondents who originated in British Columbia) differed in viewing Prince George's attributes. It is im portant to note that respondents who have families evaluate Prince George’s attributes on the basis o f how they think Prince George will meet their family needs. This was perhaps best evident in the cases o f a follow-up spouse (relocating to Prince George to rejoin their spouse) and a spouse seeking employment. These findings contribute to the idea that recruiters need to consider how to integrate the ‘whole family’ not just the new employee. Single new employees have their own challenges; in particular, they find it more difficult to socially integrate themselves into the community. These are just two examples, which demonstrate how one m ust pay attention to im portant sub-characteristics when recruiting and retaining employees/residents. In addition, it is important to note that strength o f certain push and pull factors will vary over time. For example, the results demonstrated that air quality is large issue for when recruiting employees than retaining them. Table 5.16 summarizes the key findings. A natural next step is to ask the question, “How can the community maximize these assets and minimize these drawbacks?” Chapter 6 begins to answer this question by further examining these findings in relation to w hat we know about resource-based communities in general and to local challenges and opportunities in particular. 92 TABLE 5.16 Snfnmaty n f K ey Findings Newcomer Respondents’ Past Experiences and Knowledge 1. As a group, respondents’ spouses have significantly less prior exposure and connections to Prince George than the respondents. 2. Only a minority o f respondents (22%) had no prior connections with Prince George. 3. The greatest number o f respondents (43%) relocated from metropolitan areas. 4. The majority (62%) o f respondents m oved to Prince George from elsewhere in BC. 5. Ninety-two percent o f respondents consider Prince George to be a northern com munity whereas only 44 percent o f respondents have previously lived in a northern community. Prince G eorge’s PuU Factors 1. T he employment opportunity was the primary reason why the majority o f newcomer respondents (89%) moved to Prince George. 2. For a minority o f respondents (11%), their primary reason was to join a spouse who had already moved here. 3. Overall, Prince George’s natural setting is the secondary reason why newcomers moved here with 45% o f respondent listing it in their top 5 reasons. 4. However, the majority o f respondents with children (65%) ranked the ‘good place to raise children’ as their secondary reason. 5. Five o f the top 10 pull factors are related to Prince George’s character as a regional centre o f a resource-based region. For example, small enough to maintain some positive aspects o f small town atmosphere while large enough to have an increased level o f amenities (e.g., the presence o f post-secondary institutions). Prince George’s Push Factors 1. Poor air quality is the number one undesirable characteristic. 2. Overall, Prince George’s climate was ranked second but there were significant differences based on point-of-origin o f the respondent from a high 77% o f Lower Mainlanders to a low o f 14% o f international respondents. 3. The downturn with Prince George’s overall economic climate was rated as the third m ost undesirable characteristic. British Columbia respondents were almost twice as likely to rank it within their top 5 than any other group. 4. Two other factors, a perception o f personal financial risk by purchasing a house and the limited opportunities for the spouse, are concerns that have been documented in this study. Intentions to Remain 1. Employment reasons form the num ber one and two reasons that would cause the newcomer respondents to leave. 2. Within the respondent group, there is bo th a transient population segment as well as a segment that intends to make Prince George their long-term hom e 3. Many of the respondents still do not view Prince George as a place where they want to retire. Source: Online Newcomer Survey & Follow-up Interviews, 2003 93 CHAPTER 6 NOT JUST A BUSINESS ISSUE The introductory chapter argued that recruitment and retention issues are a concern for the whole community, including local government, businesses and the non governmental sector. Perhaps the clearest example o f this is the shortage o f health care professionals. The introductory chapter described two situations in Prince George where the shortages o f health care professionals resulted in immediate impacts for various other community sectors. The first example given was how the loss o f a local pathologist resulted in delays for processing o f criminal cases. The second example given was how the closure o f special care delivery unit over Christmas resulted in some pregnant women having to go elsewhere to delivery their babies. The shortage o f health care professionals is affecting communities across the country, particularly rural and remote communities. Some o f the hardest hit communities have taken local action to resolve their local shortage o f doctors. For example, Barrington, Nova Scotia, a community o f 9,000 people, successfully lobbied the provincial government, through the adoption o f a private m em ber’s bill, to allow the community to provide special financial incentives and to supplement a physician’s salary above the provincial am ount (Moulton, 2002). In Hemingford, Quebec, the community joined together to “create a package that included a car, free housing, reduced clinic rental, and a choice o f a boat or a snowmobile. Within months, the community had the bilingual physician [that] they were looking for” (Crump, 2002). As described in Chapter 3, the community o f Prince George has also taken action on this issue. As a result o f the partnership among many communities and outside actors, the N orthern Medical Program was launched in September 2004 to train doctors in Prince George. The short description above describes how the recruitment and retention o f health care professionals is a local governance issue in two im portant ways. First, the shortage of health 94 care professionals affects the quality o f life with a community. Second, to address this crisis, communities have taken to forming networks both within the community and with outside actors. While there are many definitions o f governance, this thesis uses the definition below as it captures the interconnected responsibility o f the governmental sector with the private and non­ governmental sector. Governance can be defined as the collective results from the exercise of authority and control through multiple governmental and other organizations, each following their own decision-making processes. The concept o f governance extends beyond ‘government’ and the roles that governmental agencies play, to include corporate and other private non governmental organizations. (Francis, 1996: 303). However, resource-based communities have difficulty in attracting not only professionals that are experiencing countrywide shortages but also other professionals. As Chapter 2 described, this added difficulty is often directly related to inherent community characteristics (e.g., the boom and bust economy). Therefore, this is a third im portant way that the recruitment and retention issue is also a governance issue. The reasons why individuals move to and subsequently leave resource-based communities are governance issues, as many o f the push and puU factors relate to overall quahty^ o f life issues. This is to say that these issues are larger than just one actor. Francis’ definition o f governance is also appropriate for this third reason, as the ability to enhance puU factors or resolve push factors that are n o t directly related to the job are largely outside o f an employer’s control. Throughout Chapter 5, this thesis described how newcomer respondents were looking for a certain kind o f community infrastructure to be present. Essentially the newcomer respondents were describing what kind o f community they and their families wanted to live in. The results demonstrated that there were im portant sub-groups who view Prince George’s assets and drawbacks differently. As many o f the push and pull factors identified relate to overall quality o f life issues, these are not ‘new’ issues for the community. The sentiment o f the City o f 95 Prince G eorge’s vision statement captures many o f the things that newcomer respondents are looking for; it reads as follows: As E C ’s N orthern Capital, the City o f Prince George will be a vibrant, active and diverse community that provides a strong focal point and identity for the north, with a thriving economy that offers full opportunities for housing, education, employment, recreation and the cultural life o f residents (2001: 4). In many cases when implementing this vision, the City’s role is restricted to that o f a facilitator or a supporter o f the activities. For example while it strives to improve the 'cultural life’ for its citizens, it does not manage cultural facihties. Therefore, the quality o f life envisioned by local government is also a collective responsibility. Yet, this is arguably a new role for local government that is m ore compatible with the contemporary idea o f local governance rather than its past role o f pro\tiding traditional services. The success the community has in fulfilling the City o f Prince George’s vision would likely help reduce the recruitment and retention issues faced by local employers. In turn, the abüity o f employers to quickly fulfill their professional vacancies will also help make this vision a reality. As it is unlikely that local employers will be able to fulfill all their professional needs internally within the community, recruitment and retention issues m ust be considered not just a human resource issue b u t an issue worthy o f the broader community’s attention. This chapter reviews three key areas o f findings. For each issue, this chapter relates how the particular push and pull factors is related to broader community life issues and therefore is a contemporary local governance issue as described above. The issues considered are the following: (1) the overwhelming importance o f employment factors in attracting and retaining professionals; (2) the environmental pull (the natural setting) and push factors (air quality, cold climate and isolation); and (3) quality o f life characteristics relating to Prince George’s size. Lastly, this chapter offers recommendations for local employers and the City o f Prince George. 96 6.1 Em ploym ent Factors Consistent with the 1999 Halseth study, ''W e came here for work,” this study found that the overwhelming majority o f newcomer respondents came to Prince George for their specific job opportunities. In this study, many respondents indicated that the loss o f employment would be a significant push factor. The Halseth (1999) smdy demonstrated that a loss o f employment was a push factor. Both the significant difficulty in recruiting professionals combined with the large percentage o f professionals who stay less than 5 years has long-term implications for the broader community. A stagnate economy and a decreasing population affects recruitment and retention issues in the following three ways. First, despite the fact that the majority o f respondents did not work directly m the forest industry, many felt that they were stiU affected by the downturn in Prince George’s economy. This in turn created two significant push factors: unhappiness with the overall economy and uncertainty about purchasing a house. Second, many government programs are funded on a per capita basis. As a result, lower funding for pubHc instimtions wül likely result in job losses and service reductions rather than new employment oppormnities and programs. For example, the lay-offs o f teachers in Prince George have n o t only affected current employees but also made recruiting other professionals m ore difficult when their spouses works in the K-12 education system. In addition, this region cannot rely on demographic growth to fuel economic expansion; therefore meeting projected demands for labour will require recruiting professionals from outside Prince George or increasing training opportunities for residents (UNBC, 2004: 3). The importance o f this finding is that while the majority o f H R professionals interviewed projected an increased demand for new professionals largely as a result o f pending retirements in the medium term o f three to five years, they will have difficulty finding them. T iming will be critical as Prince George’s labour market is not a large enough to hold 97 ptofessiooals if they do not foresee meaningful job prospects in the short term. Moreover, those seeking advancement will likely leave Prince George because more advanced positions are either very limited in number or n o t found in Prince George. This study found that roughly half (46%) o f the professionals surveyed planned to remain in Prince George for less than 5 years with almost a quarter o f them leaving in 2 years. As Halseth (1999) noted, this can result in a significant loss o f social capital. Given this trend, the community should moderate the negative effects o f this loss o f social capital by planning for the transient nature o f many professionals. This is already happening in some resource-based communities. For example, bank mangers in a nearby small resource-based community are routinely rotated. Upon arrival, the community members ask the new manager to join a variety o f economic development and community groups. This helps to maintain the im portant linkage and expertise, which this type o f individual brings to the community (personal communication). O ne o f the perceived benefits o f southern professionals training and working in the north is that there is an opportunity for them to gain a better understanding o f resource-based communities (Nord, 2002). The challenge for communities is how to maintain positive connections with those who have left in order that they may help bring wider attention to the benefits o f living in, and the needs of, resource-based communities. This could be a significant asset because it may reduce urban/rural conflict as result o f an increased in understanding and strengthen the voice o f resource-based communities in the provincial and national agendas. 6.2 Emdfonmental Factors The preceding chapter detailed how newcomer respondents perceive certain environmental factors as puU (the natural setting) or push factors (air quality, climate and 98 isolation). This section details the relationship between these attributes and other community issues. This study revealed that the newcomer respondents ranked Prince George’s surrounding natural setting as the second m ost desirable aspect o f the community. Previous studies have also demonstrated the importance o f the natural setting in attracting new residents, especially those not dependent on the traditional sources o f employment in resource industries (Dahms and McComb, 1999; Nelsen 1997). An immediate threat to this is the possible loss of over 45 percent o f Prince George’s forest cover, which is being threatened by the m ountain pine beede (City o f Prince George, 2004: 2). After a mountain pine beede attack, the tree quickly turns red and then grey. The City has already removed numerous infested trees from its parks and greenbelt areas. In addition, the epidemic has infected forests throughout the Prince George region. It is not uncom m on to see large tracts o f red or grey forests from the highways. A new resident, who moved to Prince George 2 years ago from Vancouver, lamented over the destruction o f trees on her property by the mountain pine beede; but as shown in her statement, “there’s still that part o f me that’s in denial It’s just a monumental loss” (Hoekstra, 2004: 13). Under these circumstances. Prince G eorge’s natural environment, as the result o f either large amount o f dead stands or cleared areas, may not be ranked second by future new residents. While the mountain pine beede may be one o f the m ost significant threats to the natural setting. Prince George area does benefit from numerous trails and parks both within city limits (e.g., the Heritage Trail System, Forests for the World, and Fort George Park) and the surrounding area (e.g. over 20 small provincial parks). As “year round recreation” placed 7* overall, the availability of good outdoor recreation opportunities is important. However, it is im portant that 99 aewcom ets ate portrayed a realistic picture o f the opportunities available (e.g., there is no large downhill skiing facility) to prevent false expectations. Maintaining the quality o f the natural setting and outdoor recreational opportunities will be an im portant factor in attracting professionals to Prince George and other resource-based communities. The newcomer respondents’ negative perceptions o f Prince George’s air quality have larger community implications than not liking how the air smells. First, many newcomers indicated that better air quality was one o f the primary reasons why they purchased a house outside o f the h o w l’ area, the central core o f Prince George. In the Official Community Plan, the City o f Prince George (2001) states that one o f their high priorities for the future of residential housing is to: Develop residential areas in a logical phased manner, with a focus on infiUing and improving existing neighbourhoods prior to developing new areas (39). Despite this intention, both residential and commercial growth o f the City has largely been outside the h o w l’ area occurring on the city’s west side where the air quality is known to be significantly better. For example, this area registered only 5 days/year o f poor air quality (high particulate matter) compared to other areas o f city, which registered 29 days/year (Nielsen, 2004: 1). Therefore, the relatively poor air quality wül likely be one barrier to any major redevelopments or infilling o f the housing stock in the existing ‘Bowl’ neighbourhoods. Second, poor air quality reinforces the ‘stinky mill tow n’ perceptions associated with Prince George as a resource-based community. Compounding this attitude is the common expression that pulp mül effluent is the ‘smell o f money.’ Newcomers may be unlikely to relate to this sentiment because they do not have the historical memory o f the heydays. Also, for many new residents, this may create the impression that the community complacently accepts 100 poor ait quality in return for the economic beneEts derived Eom the forest industry. While this may have once been the case, there have been recent efforts to improve the situation. In 1998, various community, government and industry stakeholders prepared the Prince George A ir Quality Management Plan to m onitor air quality and reduce emission sources. In their 2001 Annual A ir Quality Report, the BC Ministry o f Water, Land and Air Protection noted: The overall trend in [particulate matter], very likely reflects the benefits of beehive shutdowns, reduced pulp null emissions from some sources and im proved street sanding and spring-cleaning. The additional particulate emissions reductions included in the Air Quality Plan are needed, however, to continue this trend and to prevent its reversal (2). N o t only has this led to improvements in air quality but also the process o f improvement is ongoing. A working group o f researchers, as well as government and industry representatives, recently solicited proposals to develop a dispersion-modelling program to determine the relative significance o f specific emission sources (City o f Prince George, 2003^: 3). Subsequent reductions o f emissions may not be enough, as both potential and new residents do n o t have an historical memory o f the air quality being worse. In addition, potential and new residents may n o t accept poor air quality even if they come from other areas with air quality issues. Respondents from Lower Mainland were the m ost likely to rate Prince George’s air quality in their top five undesirable characteristics. Air quality will continue to be a barrier to recruiting new residents as long as a negative perception remains. Newcomers who are not used to the smell o f pulp mill emissions wül probably continue to perceive it as negative characteristic. To help mitigate this negative impression, the community’s ongoing efforts to reduce emissions m ust be better communicated in order that newcomers understand that the broader community also recognizes it as a problem and is actively working to improve this problem. By demonstrating that they share a common concern, this wül help to align newcomer and resident values. 101 As detailed in Chapter 3, the City o f Prince George and other organizations such as UNBC, actively and consistently foster a northern identity, which is symbolized strongly in the phrases ‘BC’s N orthern Capital’ and 'In the N orth, for the N orth.’ While this strategy has numerous benefits (e.g., setting Prince George apart from other medium-sized cities in the province and establishing a niche for UNBC), the data have shown that it is also having unintended consequences. Many o f the human resource professionals interviewed believed that Prince G eorge’s portrayal as a northern community was making their job more difficult as they had to dispel the myths about the severity o f Prince George’s climate and the remoteness o f its location. Newcomer respondents’ results confirmed that both Prince George’s climate and isolation were considered strong push factors, as they ranked third and fourth respectively. Since 1991, the City o f Prince George (2003*’) has a standing Winter Cities Committee whose mandate is to “prom ote positive winter life-styles.” This committee builds upon Prince George’s strategy o f constructing and presenting a positive northern identity by developing cold climate expertise and encouraging a m ore positive outlook to winter (e.g., winter recreation and tourism). While well-meaning, this strategy will probably have limited success in attracting new residents as it reinforces the negative connotations already associated with being northern. Instead o f emphasizing its northemess, there are a number o f alternatives that could minimize the effect o f these as push factors. The community should better emphasize the other seasons by portraying Prince George as a four-season community. For example, the City o f Prince George could publish more extensive weather data comparisons to other Canadian cities and include photos o f all four seasons on websites. There are at least three possible ways to mitigate feelings o f isolation. First, improved transportation links can reduce the cost and time o f travelling to other centres. In 2003, a local 102 aifpoft authoâty assumed control o f the Prince George Airport and is actively improving its infrastructure, including building an international arrivals and customs facility, to attract transborder and international flights (Prince George A irport Authority, 2004). If successful, this initiative will help reduce the perception o f isolation, as it wiU be easier to travel both domestically and internationally to Prince George. This is especially im portant for professionals who travel extensively. Many o f the survey respondents and key informants noted that they found the added costs o f the Prince George leg made it too expensive to travel by art when they had to cover the cost o f the flight themselves (e.g., they were not travelling for business). In addition, the time and cost to travel to larger metropolitan centres throughout W estern Canada (e.g., Edm onton) is increased as most scheduled flights travel through Vancouver. However, the presence o f the larger airport with more flights remains an advantage for Prince George over other small resource-based communities in the region. Considering that a significant am ount o f travel is to visit family and friends, the data suggest that another way to reduce feelings o f isolation is the nearby presence o f family and friends. W ith the arrival o f UNBC, Prince George is retaining more o f its young adult population who previously left to pursue educational opportunities.^^ As discussed in Chapter 7, more research is needed to understand how to assist students with transitions into meaningful employment in the hope o f reducing the percentage o f young people that leave. Further study may also be done to reduce the out-migration o f retirees. Both result in a loss to the community of not only financial capital b u t o f hum an and social capital as well. Third, feelings o f isolation may be reduced by increasing the level o f services and events, especially those o f national calibre, offered in Prince George. For example, in 2004, the Two 22 Prince George residents form approximately 30 percent o f U N B C ’s student body o f 3,900. Previously, these students would leave Prince G eorge or w ould Hkely n o t have pursued post-secondary education. T he num ber o f high school graduates from n orthern BC going on to university has risen from 6 percent in the late 1980s to 15 percent currently (UNBC, 2004). 103 Rivers Gallery, a public art gallery, hosted an exhibition o f m odem art that was circulated by the N ational Gallery o f Canada. In addition, this study identified several underdeveloped publicly and privately provided services (e.g., the difficulty o f obtaining a family doctor and the perceived need for more options in w om en’s clothing). Filling these needs by providing them locally wül also reduce feelings o f isolation, as the residents will view that the community meets more of their needs. 6.3 T he R egion al Centre —Just the right size? As detaüed in Chapter 5, many o f the survey respondents appreciated the higher level of amenities that Prince George provides compared to smaller resource-based communities. For example, FIR professionals who also recruited for smaller communities in northern BC remarked that it is much easier to recruit for Prince George than for these other communities. Furthermore, newcomers from smaller communities felt that Prince George had more amenities than their point o f origin. The sentiment that Prince George is the ‘right’ size in many aspects was expressed in variety o f ways but can be captured in the following idea. There is sufficient enough population that Prince George can provide many services b u t that it is still small enough community that residents can fairly easily access them (e.g., they are not caught in a traffic and there are spaces avaüable). H R professionals linked Prince George’s comparative success in recruiting and retaining professionals to its status as regional hub. Many o f these additional services, from the cultural facilities funded by the regional district to the big box stores rely on a regional population. All three sectors (business, government and non-profits) are responsible for providing this increased range o f services. Yet with the advantages o f its increased size also come associated problems, such as urban decay and poverty in some areas o f the community. Unlike smaller resource-based communities, which are often perceived as ‘safe’ communities. 104 newcomer respondents ranked crime as a push factor. This is likely evidence that they also perceived som e associated problems with Prince George’s larger size. While the City o f Prince George has recognized these challenges in its Official Community Plan, the solutions wül involve partnerships with the other sectors. For example, the City o f Prince George collaborated with a downtown business association to revitalize one downtown street. Prince George’s challenge wül be to diversify its economy and improve its city conveniences while maintaining the benefits o f the small-town/rural lifestyle. 6.4 R ecom m endations Whüe the section below outlines recommendations for both local employers and the City o f Prince George, it is necessary to com ment first on the importance o f recognizing im portant sub-groups within the newcomer respondents survey class. The effects o f implementing various recruitment and retention policies may vary according to the foUowing subgroups. First, the limited data on families with children precluded any exploration of whether specific policy options were needed to address their concerns. However, Rossi’s (1980) study demonstrated that famüy mobüity decisions (e.g., housing and neighbourhood choices) are often based on their particular point within their life cycle (e.g., the addition o f chüdren). Intuitively, this suggests that children, whether or n o t they old enough to express preferences, have an impact on parent’s migration decisions. So whüe this thesis cannot offer specific policy recommendations, they may be needed. Second, this thesis demonstrated that recruiting households is different than recruiting single individuals. For example, the newcomer survey documented that 22 percent o f married respondents m oved here because their spouse was already here. Also, the inability o f a spouse to find suitable work was identified as a push factor. Previously, families often moved for the husband’s employment and the wife either stayed at 105 home Of b ^ a a to look for secondary employment. W hile this may continue to be the dominant pattern, follow-up interviews demonstrated that in a few cases the husband followed the wife to Prince George and was currently the stay-at-home parent. O n the other hand, single people may have a harder time integrating themselves into the community as they may find it too family oriented. Therefore, recruitment and retention strategies should accommodate the differences between households and famihes. In addition, they also need to recognize whether the spouse of a prospective employee wishes to remain at hom e or look for work. Third, with certain push and pull factors, age o f the newcomer respondents may play an im portant factor. For example, 83% o f newcomer respondents over 50 indicated that they do n o t wish to retire in Prince George. T his has im portant impHcations for the community if it wishes to retain its older residents. However, the ability for career advancement is likely more im portant for younger professionals. Where a person is in their Hfe cycle wiU im pact how they view Prince George’s attributes. For Focal Fmployers This chapter began by emphasizing that many o f the push and pull factors are often outside the control o f the employer; however, this is n o t to suggest that employers do not have an ability to shape how a job candidate perceives the community. Table 6.1 makes a num ber o f recommendations that would assist local employers in making a positive, but realistic introduction o f Prince George to the candidate. Second, it is im portant to provide services to the new resident and h is/h er family to ease their transition into Prince George. The second section in Table 6.1 makes recommendations in this regard. Throughout the interview process for prospective candidates with famihes, local employers should adopt the philosophy that they are recruiting the whole family, not just the individuals. While this places an extra load on HR 106 professionals, it wül likely increase the probability o f hiring a person who is more likely to stay. The additional expenses are relatively small when compared to the costs o f a poor recruitment (e.g., the costs associated with advertising, loss o f services because o f vacancy and the adjustment period). TABLE 6.1 Recommendations for Local Employers Selecting the Candidate 1. Send out an informational package to all candidates currendy living outside o f Prince George. 2. Count experience in either northern a n d /o r resource-based communities as a positive asset. Research shows that people who have past experience with these types o f communities are more likely to have realistic expectations. 3. Bring the candidate and their spouse to Prince George as part o f the intendewing processes. This gives the candidate and h is/h er spouse the best opportunity to ask questions about the community. O ne organization noted that a tour given by a guide from outside the company is perceived as having m ore credibility because the candidate feels that the person is n o t over selling the community to convince them to take the job. The cost o f bringing the spouse is small compared to the costs o f a poor recruitment (e.g., the costs associated with advertising, loss o f services because o f vacancy, the adjustment period). 4. Be realistic in the portrayal o f Prince George and the specific job opportunities for both the candidate (e.g., advancement, professional development, work duties) and the spouse (e.g., likelihood o f finding a job in their field). Unrealistic expectations quickly transform into push factors. After the move 1. Link the candidate and h is/h er spouse with other people, either within the organization or on the outside, who share similar interests. 2. If the spouse is looking for work, assist in h is/h er efforts by providing names to help with networking and direct h im /h er to one o f the local employment agencies. 3. Hire the spouse directly in the organization if h e/sh e is qualified for an available opening. 107 For A&g Gfo/gf T he City o f Prince George has an im portant role in developing and showcasing Prince G eorge’s vision and identity. Table 6.2 highlights some specific recommendations that the City could incorporate in order to help reduce the community’s push factors and accentuate its puU factors. Many o f the recommendations are already specific planning priorities described within the City o f Prince George’s Official Plan. For example, the Plan lists the need for significant improvements in air quality, job creation and economic vitality and to maintain the natural values within the city (City o f Prince George, 2001: 4). 108 TABLE 6.2 Recom mendations for the City o f Prince George N orthern Identity 1. Adjust the portrayal o f Prince George’s northern identity to include references to all four seasons. Market Prince George as a four-season community by: o Including photos o f all four seasons on the City’s web page. o Including weather data (average temperatures, precipitation, sunshine) for Prince George and contrast to other Canadian cities located further south and north. o Encouraging tourism throughout the year. 2. Prince G eorge’s northern identity helps foster the belief that the city is more remote than it actually is. Reduce perceptions o f isolation by: o Working with the local airport authority to increase direct commercial flights to regional locations and the metropolitan areas o f Victoria, Edm onton and Calgary. o Supporting efforts to bring national calibre events to Prince George. o Prominently displaying a map o f British Columbia identifying the location of Prince George on the City’s web page. Econom ic Developm ent 1. Coordinate recruitment services targeted at professionals and their families. Specifically, the City o f Prince George should support strengthening the Living and Working in Prince George committee by providing funding, in conjunction with the other members, to create a community-wide recruitm ent/retention strategy and tools (e.g., joint marketing o f local employers at outside job fairs). 2. Foster stronger connections with other regional centres o f resource-based regions to learn from the successes and failures o f others in their efforts toward community economic development. 3. Make it easier for prospective new residents to find out about the community by including a special section for ‘Prospective Residents’ on the city’s web page. Environmental Stewardship 1. As poor air quality is Prince George’s m ost undesirable characteristic, the City should work with the other members o f the Prince George Implementation Committee to improve air quality more quickly. Improvements should be widely advertised to residents to show that the problem is being taking seriously. 2. Maintain and restore city parks and natural landscapes. Specifically address the current mountain pine beetle problem by quickly replacing dead pine stands with new trees. Lobby the federal and/provincial governments to help compensate property owners for the costs o f removing dead trees and replanting. Regional Centre 1._____ Encourage the provincial and federal government to increase the num ber o f regional ______ services located in Prince George._______________________________________________ 109 CONCLUSION N ew com er respondents perceived their quality o f life in Prince George to be relatively high. Seventy-three percent o f respondents indicated that it was the same or an improvement over their previous community. However, this is not enough to keep the majority o f these individuals and their families in the community as only 26 percent envisioned themselves as long-term residents (remaining more than 5 years). The paradox is that while Prince George appears to be meeting their current personal and professional needs, the newcomer respondents surveyed perceive their future opportunities resting outside o f the commumty. This is a result of employment reasons dominating the push and pull factors. Although the majority o f newcomer respondents do n o t envision themselves as long-term residents, this may change especially if they and their spouse are able to fulfill their career aspirations in Prince George. Many long­ term residents have been known to teU the story o f how they came to Prince George for only 6 months or 2 years. However, even if Prince George were able to turn some o f the newcomers into long-term residents, it would be to Prince George's benefit to incorporate this transient population quickly in order to harness their contributions while they are here and to make allies o f them when they leave. 110 C H A PTER? N E X T STEPS The primary trend in the resource-based community literature is the focus on small towns and cities with populations o f under 30,000. A m ore recent trend within the literature is to showcase the diversity o f resource-based communities by demonstrating the differences am ong communities. W ith a population o f 72,000, Prince George clearly does not m eet the criterion o f small size. Using the forest vulnerability measure, it falls below the 50% threshold. It does however fit the criteria o f remote location, rapid social change and inferior political status o f being located in a periphery region. By extending the existing migration hterature on resource-based communities to Prince George, BC, this thesis determined that valid comparisons between Prince George, a regional centre o f a resource-based region and other resource-based communities can and should be made. 7.1 R esearch Q uestions Before either o f the two research questions could be answered, it was necessary to situate Prince George into the matrix o f resource-based communities. This thesis then proceeded to answer the following two research questions: 1. W hat are the factors that attract (puU) or deter (push) professionals to and from relocating and staying in Prince George, a regional centre o f a resource-based region? 2. Are Prince George’s migration patterns consistent with those identified in the existing literature on small resource-based communities? The first research question was answered by employing a variety o f survey techniques with professionals who were new to Prince George and HR professionals responsible for recruitment and retention. The employment opportunity was the primary puU factor and m ost often needed to occur first in order for the newcomer respondent to relocate to Prince George. O ther pull factors related strongly with overall quality o f life factors. The identifiable push factors 111 cottesponded strongly with Prince George's resource-based economy, location and size. Poor air quality was overwhelmingly perceived as the strongest negative attribute o f Prince George and respondents clearly associated it with the pulp mills. However, it is im portant to remember that the strength o f either positive or negative views towards a particular attribute varied among some identifiable subgroups (e.g., marital status, the presence o f children at home and the pointof-origin o f the respondent). The second research question received mixed results. For the m ost part. Prince George’s migration patterns were consistent with the existing literamre on resource-based communities. The employment opportunit}^ was identified in both this study and previous smdies on resource-based communities as the biggest draw for new residents. O ther shared puU factors were the natural setting and characteristics associated with a small town atmosphere like the friendly nature o f the community and the idea that Prince George is a good place to raise children. Prince George’s puU factors differed on the basis o f the additional services and facilities located in Prince George. M ost notably, newcomer respondents identified the local post-secondary institutions as pull factor. Push factors were consistent with those previously identified in the literature on resource-based communities. Many o f the push factors identified in this study on Prince George clearly related to the m ore limited economy found in resourcebased communities. For example, respondents identified the following four concerns: dissatisfaction with the economic downturn, a concern with investing in the housing market, the limited job opportunities for the spouse and the limited ability to further one’s career or find a replacement in the advent o f job loss. All o f these factors have been identified previously as some o f the major drawbacks o f resource-based communities in general. It is clear that these problems are also to be expected in regional centres o f resource-based regions. The drawbacks o f a cold climate and isolation were identified both in this study and previous ones. Two 112 notable exceptions found in this study were that ait quality and crime were identihed as push factors. O ther resource-based communities are confronted by environmental problems linked with resource industries. However, due to particular characteristics o f the environmental problem (the unpleasant odour in the air) and the geography o f the community (the air ‘sits’ in a bowl creating inversions), new residents are confronted by the poor air quality. The general migration literature has documented that a healthy environment is a puU factor. Therefore, it is n ot surprising that this study found that poor air quality was a push factor. The literature on small resource-based communities has identified that the feeling o f safety within the community is a strong pull factor. However, the opposite was found in this study as newcomer respondents identified perceptions o f crime as the 6* m ost undesirable characteristic o f Prince George. By adding the case o f a regional centre o f resource-based region, this thesis makes a contribution to the Hterature on resource-based communities. The fact that Prince George experienced many o f the same recruitment and retention challenges suggests that regional centres may also share other challenges faced by their smaller resource-based neighbours. As highlighted below, it would be beneficial if future studies considered a m ore integrated approach by studying how other regional centres approach these challenges and to w hat degree they share these challenges with smaller resource-based communities. In addition, by framing the issue as a governance issue, this thesis makes another contribution to the recruitment and retention literature. For resource-based communities, this thesis demonstrated that the issue is larger than an individual employer. As a governance issue, successful results in recruiting and retaining professionals will also depend on various community actors coming together. The push and pull characteristics identified in this thesis and the previous migration Hterature relate directly to quaHty o f Hfe issues. This relationship between migration and quaHty o f Hfe has been studied for over 30 years (Michalos, 1997). While migration studies continue to 113 identify that the m ost frequently reported motives for moving are job-related, people are also looking for areas which have "mild climate, low crime rates, good health services and good educational opportunities” (Michalos, 1997: 155). People wül continue to move until they find a place, which meets the majority o f their needs (155). Whüe H R professionals may stress the community benefits in the recruitment process, their organizations continue to rely on the ‘golden handcuffs’ o f good salaries as a retention strategy. This thesis demonstrated that this approach is insufficient. Retention strategies m ust also incorporate broader quality o f Hfe concerns. 7.3 Future R esearch Q uestions The primary focus o f this thesis was to discover what attracts newcomers, in particular professionals, to Prince George and also what deters them. As such, various community strengths and weaknesses were identified; however, their impHcations for broader quaHty o f Hfe issues and their impact on community development in general was only briefly touched upon in Chapter 6. A number o f im portant issues were raised, which could be the subject o f fumre research. First, future research could expand on this study’s findings by surveying a larger group o f newcomers. This would test whether the findings o f this survey on professionals were appHcable to other new residents. In addition, this thesis considered only one regional centre o f a resource-based region, which for the m ost part had simüar migration patterns to those previously identified. This thesis argued that other regional centres o f resource-based regions would Hkely also have similar patterns. However, as it did not directly examine other communities, it would be beneficial to conduct similar studies. This would help estabHsh a 114 com ptehensive overview o f what characteristics regional centres o f resource-based regions share with each other and with smaller resource-based communities. Second, there is need to examine Prince George’s job market as the majority o f respondents m oved to Prince George for an employment offer and would leave for employment reasons (i.e., career advancement, loss o f employment and inability o f spouse to find work). W ithout new sources o f employment. Prince George is unlikely to grow or even recoup its lost population. Although the removal o f beetle-invested wood may change this for a short while, increases in Prince George’s population are unlikely to come from the forest industry. This is due to a decreasing workforce as a result o f consolidations and technological improvements. There are a num ber o f possible approaches to rectify this problem. O ne can try to increase the limited job market by attracting new businesses or developing new markets for local products and services. The local development corporation. Initiatives Prince George, is currently undertaking this strategy. The majority o f Hterature on resource-based communities has examined economic diversification in smaller communities. Consequently, future research in the successes and failures in economic diversification in regional centres o f resource-based regions, like Prince George or Thunder Bay, is warranted. A nother approach in addressing skilled shortages is to increase post-secondary opportunities in resource-based regions. Other research on certain professions (e.g., doctors) demonstrates that people who come from rural areas and/or train in a program that has a rural focus are more likely to stay because o f their familiarity and acceptance o f the lifestyle.^ As m ore post-secondary programs open, future research could examine how to better assist students in transferring from education into ^ In an article in the Canadian Journal o f Rural Medicine, H utten-C zapski and T hurber (2002) identified that "applicants (to medical schools) o f rural origin (are) 2 to 3 times m ore likely to becom e rural practitioners as their urban counterparts” (99). However, these authors draw attention to the fact that a “rural focus is n ot guaranteed by a regional training setting” as dem onstrated by the differences betw een one program in T h under Bay and another in Sudbury (99). The T hunder Bay program produces m ore rural practitioners than urban ones; whereas, the Sudbury program produces only 14 percent, w hich is less than its parent instim tion, the University o f Ottawa. 115 meaningful employment in tesoutce-based communities. This strategy was recommended by one hum an resource manager and has been briefly discussed at some meetings o f the Living and W orking in Prince George Committee. Interviews with the key-informants demonstrated that many organizations are confronting similar recruitment and retention issues. The Living and W orking in Prince George Committee currently provides some coordinated efforts by providing local organizations with tours and informational packages for their job candidates on a low cost basis. Despite a desire to provide more services to the prospective candidate and in particular h is/h er spouse, many o f the key-informants did n o t envision increasing their recruitment services in the near future for financial reasons. Therefore, it would be beneficial if future research investigated ways to develop and implement a cooperative strategy o f marketing Prince George as a good place to live and work^. Third, this thesis demonstrated that employers need to incorporate the idea that they are recruiting the ‘whole family’ and not just the prospective candidate. This study demonstrated that several o f Prince George’s push factors relate to the unsuccessful integration o f the spouse, particularly the failure to secure a meaningful occupation. This research found that the first 3-6 m onths are crucial in the integration o f new employees and their families into the community. While recognizing the role o f individual responsibility, future research could review ways to make this process easier. For example, some recommendations included employment services for new residents, a newcomers club and a rental-housing registry. Fourth, while it is clear that there is an increasing num ber o f older residents living in Prince George, it is not clear whether the rise in percentage is because o f the aging o f the population as a whole or whether there is an increasing number o f older residents deciding to retire in Prince George. Almost half (47%) o f the newcomer respondents indicated that they do A ny strategy would need to provide an accurate portrayal o f Prince G eorge in order to help attract new residents but n o t set unrealistic expectations w hich then result in losing people. 116 not foresee themselves retiring in Prince George. Like relocating to a new community, the decision o f where to retire is a personal decision. People will often leave their previous community to live in a warmer climate or to be closer to adult children. However, a widespread practice o f retirees leaving Prince George can be detrimental to the larger community as it removes retirement income and limits the types o f services that can be offered to the remaining retirees due to the reduced demand (Lorch and Kelley, 1994: 127). Further research into w hether or n o t increasing numbers o f retirees are deciding to ‘age in place’ in Prince George and how retiree out-migration affects the community is necessary. As the num ber o f residents over 55 rose approximately 3.5 per cent between 1996 and 2001, this is a crucial issue. W hether retirees stay or not affects the recruitment and retention issue as a whole since the presence o f family is a pull factor. Prince George wiU likely be more successful in recruiting and retaining new residents when it has m ore multi-generational families. Fifth, HR professionals continually stated that they often had the m ost difficulty recruiting individuals from the Lower Mainland. Twenty-five percent o f the newcomer respondents were from this region and their perceptions differed from other point-of-origin subgroups on attributes like the cold climate and the state o f Prince G eorge’s overall economic climate. As many professional programs are located in the Lower Mainland and some professions require provincial certification, the Lower Mainland will remain an im portant source o f professionals. Therefore, it would be beneficial to conduct a survey o f professionals currently living in the Lower Mainland to obtain a better understanding o f their perceptions and knowledge o f Prince George and resource-based communities in general. Also it would be im portant to understand the roots o f these impressions. Sixth, survey results demonstrated that returning Prince George residents had very high levels o f attachment and planned to become long-term residents. Therefore, a different 117 approach to address the recruitment and retention issue would be to identi^ pockets o f Prince George residents in other communities (or in professional schools) to determine why they left and w hat it would take to bring them back to the community. This approach was used to survey Newfoundlanders who were working in Fort McMurray, Alberta (Storey et al., 1996). Lastly, newcomer respondents’ attitudes often differed depending on demographic factors. The best example o f this was the response “Prince George is good placed to raise children,” which was named the second m ost positive attribute by those respondents who had children. Yet this response placed 10* overall. Like many resource-based communities. Prince George previously attracted many young famüies and geared many o f its community services towards these families. Prince George’s demographic makeup appears to be changing as evidenced by the steady decline o f school age children. When marketing to new group of professionals, employers wiU need to emphasize other characteristics o f Prince George, rather than relying on its reputation as good place to raise children, as only 33 percent o f the newcomer respondents had children. In this regard, further research is needed to determine how Prince George could better position itself to meet the needs o f other demographic groups. CONCLUSION Despite its population base o f 72,000 and its position as a regional centre, Prince George is confronted by a difficulty in recruiting and retaining professionals. Since 2000, the Living and W orking in Prince George Committee, a group o f H R professionals, are working towards solutions to this problem. To aid this committee’s work, this thesis provided them a comprehensive overview o f 51 professionals who moved to the community between 2001 and 2003. It examined where they came from, why they came and w hat would cause them to leave. Comparing the results to the literature on communities, including other BC interior 118 communities, it was discovered that Prince George’s migration problems are n o t dissimilar from those confronting smaller resource-based communities. In addition, this thesis argued that many o f these recruitm ent and retention issues are n o t just business issues. The recruitment and retention issue is essentially a contemporary governance issue. Issues identified in this thesis speak directly to quality o f hfe issues and Prince George’s identity as a northern regional centre o f a resource-based region. Addressing community drawbacks and strengthening the community’s assets, as identified in this study, requires the collective action o f multiple actors. 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Section A This first section asks questions about how your organization promotes Prince George as part o f the hiring process. 1. D o you send any information about Prince George to potential recruits? A. Yes B. N o Please describe: 2. D o you bring people from out o f town to Prince George as a part o f the interviewing process? A. Yes B. N o Please describe: If yes go to question 3, if no go to question 5 3. During their visit to Prince George, how do you prom ote the city? 4. D o you provide/arrange any services targeted at the spouse/partner o f the recruit? A. Yes B. N o 5. W hat additional services, if any, would you Hke your organization to provide in order to assist you in attracting new employees to Prince George? 6. What services, if any, do you think the community, the City, or businesses should provide to attract people to Prince George for employment? 130 Section B This section asks questions about successes and challenges experienced by your organization in recruiting and retaining personnel. 7. In which sector/ industry is your organization primarily involved? 8. W hat type o f jobs do you have difficulty filling? 9. For the jobs listed above, what factors create this difficulty? 10. In your experience, what attributes o f Prince G eorge do your recruits view favourably when deciding whether or not to move? Pick all that apply. A. Accessible amenities B. Affordable housing C. Climate D. Commuting distance from work E. Country hfestyle/City conveniences F. Close to outside transportation finks (i.e. airport) G. Employment H. Extended family and friends I. Friendly nature o f the communit}^ J. G ood place to raise children K. H unting/Fishing opportunities L. Oppormnities to use an ATV/ snowmobile M. Proximit}" to nature N. Size o f the community O. Spouse/partner was already here, moved to be together P. Year round recreation Q. O ther (please specify) __________________________________________ 11. O f the reasons that you identified in question 10, w hat do you think are the top three favourable attributes o f Prince George, as perceived by your recruits? Please describe the reasons behind your choices. Letter First Reason Second Reason Third Reason 131 12. In youf expedence, what attributes o f Prmce George do your recruits view unfavourably when deciding whether or not to move? Please pick aU that apply: A. Air quality B. Climate C. Crime D. Downtown E. Em ploym ent opportunity for recruit F. Em ployment opportunity for their spouse G. Educational services H. Health services I. Housing market J. City too isolated K. Overall economic climate L. Shopping M. Size o f community' (too big) N. Size o f the community (too small) O. O ther (please specify) 13. O f the reasons that you identified in question 12, what do you think are the top three unfavourable attributes o f Prince George, as perceived by your recruits? Letter First Reason Second Reason Third Reason 14. In your experience, what reasons would cause your employees to move away from Prince Geotge? A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H. I. J. K. Loss o f employment Greater employment oppormnities Spouse/partner unable to secure employment here Move to be closer to family or friends Do not view Prince George as the place you want to refire in Climate Health services Educational services Career advancement Shopping O th er:________________________________ 132 15. O f the reasons that you identihed in question 14, what do you think are the top three reasons why your employees move away from Prince George? Letter First Reason Second Reason Third Reason 16. W hat measures does your organization take to retain their employees? Section C Tell us about your organization and yourself. 17. The num ber o f employees in the immediate Prince George Area Fulltim e:______________ Part tim e:______________ Casual:_________________ 18. How many openings did you have in Prince George in 2002? 19. How were these openings filled: (number) Current employees in Prince G eorge:_____________ Current employees from outside the city: New employees from Prince George: New employees from outside Prince George: 20. How many years have you worked in Recruitment and Retention? In this particular industry? ___________ For this particular em ployer?__________ Section D: 21. Any final remarks or questions you would like to add/ask? Thank-you for your time. Your assistance and willingness to share your experiences and perceptions about Prince George is greatly appreciated. 133 6. Has the issue o f couhdeatiality been explained to you? D o you understand who will access to the information you provide? Y es/N o 7. I agree to take part in this study. Y es/N o 8. Your contact information: Name: Email: Phone: 3. Deciding to Move The first part o f this questionnaire asks you questions concerning your perceptions about Prince George during the time that you were deciding whether or not to move to the city. 9. W hat factors influenced your decision to apply for employment in a new communit}^? 10. H ow did you learn about the employment oppormnity in Prince George? Please select all that apply. □ From the local daily paper (The Prince George Citizen) □ From the local community paper (The Prince George Free Press or Prince George This Week) □ From a trade pubUcation □ From a friend/peer □ From the organization’s web page □ Other, please specified 11. Before deciding whether or not to move to Prince George, w hat was your past experience with the community? Your spouse’s/ partner’s experience? Vij'M Lived in Pi'incc George before is;led \ i .-:1 in-îie: î.e o re i ;;i! \ :oï:-. \ :'oi o i i s u i ; ' |!l. , i-iie» l O i i l ! V;.! { ]:n Nev er been to Prince George 136 Soul Spojihe/PiKiruf 12. O n what, if any, subjects did the employer provide you with written informational material(s) during the interview process? Please select all that apply □ Cultural groups or institutions □ General info on the city (e.g., location, population) □ T he housing market □ Post-secondary institutions □ Recreational facilities (e.g., ice rinks, swirnrning pools). □ Sports organizations (e.g., hockey leagues) □ O utdoor recreational opportunities (e.g., hiking, fishing) □ The employer did not provide me with any written materials. □ O ther, please specify__________________ 13. D uring the interview process, how did your potential employer describe Prince George to you? W hat did you find particularly useful? 14. D id you come to Prince George for an interview? If you answer yes, you wiU be directed to question 15. If you answer no, you will be directed to question 17. □ Yes □ No 4. D ecid in g to M ove - Interview V isit 15. W hat service(s) did the employer provide/arrange for you a n d /o r your spouse/parm er that prom oted or introduced you to the community? Please select aU that apply. You General tour o f die city l.iill til'•Iglls d lO .idilu Your Spouse/Partner nu Itui U >1". lo u r ol the city with a real estate agent 1ook you out for lunch or dinner liie emploxcr did not jrrovuie any scrvice(s) promoting the city. i )thet 16. During your visit, what was your impression o f Prince George? 137 17. W hat attributes o f Prince George did you view favourably, when deciding whether or not to move? Please indicate your top 5 reasons, with P ‘ as your top reason. r 2"^ a'' 4* 5* N /A Accessib)e amenities \tïonlal)l(' housing Avftilabilitv o f post secondary institutions Cdimate ( !omniuting distance trom worli tio u n tn lifestyle.A at\ conveniences (dose to outside transportation linlolatcd ( riime I .mploynieni o]t]i>)ttunit\ fur you 1'.mployment opportunity tor your spouse I'.ducaiional services (K id) Kducatiuna] services (jvost secondary) I lealtb services Mousing market {availability ol choice) 1lousing market (risk ol investment) Mousing market (prices) ( eta 11 economic climate Shopping Si/e o f community (too bigj Size, o f the community (too small) O ther (please specify) 20. Please describe the reasons behind your selection o f unfavourable attributes (question 19). If you selected other, please be sure to specify your reason. 139 21. According to your knowledge, what attribute(s) o f Prince George does your spouse/partner a n d /o r children like? Please select all that apply. \iju t V nur child Spousc/Parmef or children /Accessible ameiunes .Affordable housing < liinme * . o I U l U i ! I i n ; i d' . ' -l. incs h o l U ' \ O i k < ouinr\ liiesuIc, < il' . oiu cniCiHes ( 1, <:-e to oiMsiiU traiisp. (ii-.iiJiin I >nniiu n lal aiipot l '.tnplo\ iuent ( )pportuniiy (i ,g 1Extended family and friends briendlv nature o f die comnumily G ood place to raise children llu n fin g /l ishing ( )pp< in unities lo use 1 \ /snovvmobiU- Proximity to nature Stxe o f the conimiinin Spouse/Partner was already here Aear Round recreation O ther 140 N /A 22. According to your knowledge, what attribute(s) o f Prince George does your spouse/partner an d /o r children dislike? Please select all that apply. Vour nui child N/.A SptmKc/Parinef or chtldfca Air quality (dimate ( 'rime ! mpli iiu in i!))pofUii’ii; I": ,iu 1'.niploymcnt opportunity for \100,000) □ Suburb o f a Large City Please fill in the name o f community (___________________ ) and circle the appropriate category. 54. Which of the following best describes your current employment status? □ Employed full time □ Employed part time □ Employed seasonally □ Unemployed 146 12. Thank-you Thank-you for your time. Your assistance and willingness to share your experiences and perceptions about Prince George is greatly appreciated and will help the community to better understand the needs o f newcomers. 55. Is there anything m ore that you wished to share with the researcher? 56. I am interested in learning more about your experiences. W ould you be willing to take part in a follow-up interview be either phone or in person? a Yes a No 147