The Impact Of Mining Development On Subsistence Practices Of Indigenous Peoples: Lessons Learned From Northern Quebec And Alaska Paul E. Koke B.A., Carleton University, 2005 Thesis Submitted In Partial Fulfillment Of The Requirements For The Degree Of Master Of Arts in International Studies (Global Environmental Policy) The University of Northern British Columbia September 2008 © Paul E. Koke, 2008 1*1 Library and Archives Canada Bibliotheque et Archives Canada Published Heritage Branch Direction du Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-48776-1 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-48776-1 NOTICE: The author has granted a nonexclusive license allowing Library and Archives Canada to reproduce, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, communicate to the public by telecommunication or on the Internet, loan, distribute and sell theses worldwide, for commercial or noncommercial purposes, in microform, paper, electronic and/or any other formats. AVIS: L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou autres formats. The author retains copyright ownership and moral rights in this thesis. Neither the thesis nor substantial extracts from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced without the author's permission. L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement reproduits sans son autorisation. In compliance with the Canadian Privacy Act some supporting forms may have been removed from this thesis. Conformement a la loi canadienne sur la protection de la vie privee, quelques formulaires secondaires ont ete enleves de cette these. While these forms may be included in the document page count, their removal does not represent any loss of content from the thesis. Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu manquant. Canada ABSTRACT The Arctic region is increasingly viewed as an important resource-base, and is being explored for its resource development potential. While many researchers in the 1960s suggested that northern populations would eventually transition from a traditional, subsistence-dominated economy to a modern, wage-based economy, more recent studies reveal that the traditional economy remains important, desirable, and of benefit to northern individuals and communities. In this thesis I explore the relationship between traditional and modern economic activities related to one resource-based sector in the Arctic, the mining sector. Specifically, I explore the relationship between northern mining developments and subsistence activities and values in two Arctic regions, Canada's Nunavik region in the Province of Quebec and the United States' Northwest Arctic Borough in the State of Alaska. The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: does mining development in the Arctic lead to an increase or decrease in the importance of land-based subsistence participation and activities of local indigenous peoples. This study draws upon recent data that was collected in the Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic (SLICA), an international project that comparatively studies aspects of living conditions for the Inuit, Inupiat, Saami, and Indigenous peoples of Chukotka. Four mining projects are utilized as case studies in this project, in order to help explain the findings from the results of the SLICA analysis. Two of these projects are currently in full operation, and two are presently in planning and approval phases. In Nunavik, the Raglan Mine and the proposed Raglan South Nickel Project are examined, and in Alaska, the Red Dog Mine, and its proposed Aqqaluk Project expansion are addressed. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract Table of Contents List of Tables List of Figures List of Acronyms Acknowledgement Chapter One: Introduction Chapter Two: Industrial Development and Subsistence in the North: A Review of the Literature 2.0 Introduction 2.1 History of Mining in the Arctic 2.2 The Impact of Industrial Development on Income and Employment 2.3 The Impact of Industrial Development on Environmental Quality 2.4 Indigenous Influence over Natural Resources and the Environment 2.5 Subsistence Participation 2.6 Community Life and Education 2.7 Summary Chapter Three: Physical, Socio-Economic and Political Landscapes 3.0 Introduction: Nunavik 3.1 Nunavik Region Physical Landscape Climate Change 3.1.1 Nunavik's Political Landscape 3.1.2 Nunavik's Social Landscape 3.1.3 Nunavik's Economic Landscape 3.2 Alaska and the Northwest Arctic Borough 3.2.1 Northwest Arctic Borough Physical Landscape 3.2.2 Northwest Arctic Borough Political Landscape 3.2.3 Northwest Arctic Borough Social Landscape 3.2.2 Northwest Arctic Borough Economic Landscape Chapter Four: Large-Scale Mining Projects in the Arctic 4.0 Raglan Mine 4.1 Raglan South Nickel Project 4.2 Red Dog Mine 4.3 Red Dog Mine Extension - Aqqaluk Project Chapter Five: Methodology 5.0 Introduction 5.1 Finding the Right Methods 5.2 Qualitative Methods 5.2.1 Literature Review and Networking 5.2.2 Public Consultations 5.2.3 Content Analysis and Public Consultation Transcripts 5.3 Quantitative Methods ii iii vi viii ix x 1 10 10 11 13 16 18 20 21 22 24 24 25 28 29 30 33 35 38 40 41 43 45 45 48 51 54 56 56 56 57 57 58 60 62 5.3.1 Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic 5.3.2 Statistical Analyses Chapter Six: Results 6.0 Introduction 6.1 Results: Environmental Impact Assessment Studies in Alaska and Northern Quebec 6.1.1 Red Dog Mine - Aqqaluk Project Supplementary Environmental Impact Statement 6.1.2 Raglan South Nickel Project - Public Hearings and Consultations 6.2 Overview of the SLICA Population 6.2.1 Income Income and Subsistence activities Income and Subsistence Values Income and the Sale, Exchange, and Purchasing of Country Food Income and Ownership and Use of Subsistence Items Income and Perceptions about the Future of the Subsistence Economy 6.2.2 Employment Preferred Ways of Earning a Living Inuit Perceptions of Employment 6.2.3 Environmental Quality Perceptions of the Natural Environment in Northern Alaska Indigenous Peoples Influence over Natural Resources and the Environment 6.2.4 Subsistence Subsistence Participation and Traditional and Formal Systems of Education Subsistence and Community Life 6.3 Summary Chapter Seven: Analysis 7.0 Introduction 7.1 Discussion: Mining and Subsistence Activity 7.1.1 Income and Subsistence 7.1.2 Employment and Subsistence 7.1.3 Environmental Quality and Subsistence 7.2 Short-Term Versus Long-Term Impacts 7.3 Environmental Impact Assessment Chapter Eight: Conclusion 8.0 Introduction 8.1 Summary of Study Findings 8.2 Regional Economic Development and Mining Development in the Arctic 8.3 Mining Projects and the Public 8.4 Further Research and Action References Appendix A: Supporting Tables from Analysis of SLICA Data Appendix B: Contacts from Alaska Field Work (Fall 2007) Appendix C: SLICA - Traditional Values Indicators 62 63 66 66 67 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 77 80 80 81 83 84 84 88 90 92 93 95 97 97 98 98 100 102 104 105 107 107 107 Ill 113 113 118 126 127 128 IV Appendix D: Subsistence Related Comments from Red Dog Mine SEIS Scoping Sessions 129 Appendix E: Subsistence Related Comments from RSNP Social and Environmental Impact Assessment Public Consultations 135 v LIST OF TABLES Page Table 1. Matrix of comments received from Aqqaluk Project scoping period (Fall 2007) 68 Table 2. Matrix of comments received from the RSNP Social and Environmental Impact Assessment (Summer 2006) 69 Table 3. Total household income adjusted for purchasing power by region 73 Table 4. Employment income by participation in subsistence activities in past year in the Canadian Arctic 74 Table 5: Participation in subsistence activities in past year by employment income in Kuujjuaq 74 Table 6. US PPP dollar per hour wages by importance of subsistence values 75 Table 7. Country food as a proportion of total diet by community/region 75 Table 8. Personal employment income by country food purchased in the past year throughout the Canadian Arctic 76 Table 9. The sale of country food, and exchange of country food for other goods by employment income - Kangiqsujuaq, Nunavik 77 Table 10. Country food bought and sold in the past year in Nunavik communities 77 Table 11. Equipment used in household production in past 12 months by region/place size 79 Table 12. Proportion of all meat and fish harvested by household by number of items used for subsistence 79 Table 13. Personal employment income by changes to subsistence activities 80 Table 14. Proportion of all meat and fish harvested by household by the number of adults who worked full-time per adult household member 81 Table 15. Preferred ways for making a living in Alaska's northern regions 82 Table 16. Preferred ways of making a living by age 83 Table 17. Perception of unemployment as a problem for Indigenous people by country.. 84 Table 18. Mean employment characteristics 84 Table 19. Perceived environmental problems by region/place in Arctic Alaska 86 Table 20. Satisfaction with the health of the local natural environment, and with opportunities to hunt and fish by region and place in Northwestern Alaska 88 Table 21. Satisfaction with influence of Indigenous people to reduce environmental problems in their own area by community/region 89 Table 22. Satisfaction with influence Indigenous people have on the management of natural resources like fish and game by country/region/community 89 Table 23. Satisfaction with influence Indigenous people have on management of natural resources like oil, gas and minerals by country/region/community 90 Table 24. Participation in subsistence activities by region/place size 91 Table 25. Level of subsistence participation by gender 92 Table 26. Level of subsistence participation by age of respondent 92 Table 27. Level of subsistence participation by education level 93 Table 28. Participation in subsistence activities by level of traditional education 93 vi Table 29. Considered moving away from community in the past five years by country/region/place size Table 30. Level of subsistence participation by promotion of traditional values in community 94 95 vii LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 1. Territory of Nunavik Figure 2. Alaska Borough Map with Administrative Centres Figure 3. Alaska's Northwest Arctic Borough Communities Figure 4. Raglan Mine Location Map, Nunavik 25 36 37 46 LIST OF ACRONYMS ANCSA: Alaska Native Lands Settlement Act ANILCA: Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act ATV: All-terrain Vehicle CEAA: Canadian Environmental Assessment Act CRI: Canadian Royalties Incorporated CWA: Clean Water Act EIS: Environmental Impact Statement EQA: Environment Quality Act ESIA: Environmental and Social Impact Assessment IBA: Impact and Benefit Agreement JBEC: James Bay Energy Corporation JBNQA: James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement KEQC: Kativik Environmental Quality Commission KRG: Kativik Regional Government KSB: Kativik School Board NANA: Northwest Alaska Native Association NPDES: National Pollutant Discharge Elimination System NRBHSS: Nunavik Regional Board of Health and Social Services NSB: North Slope Borough NWAB: Northwest Arctic Borough PFD: Permanent Fund Dividend RSNP: Raglan South Nickel Project SEIS: Supplementary Environmental Impact Statement SLICA: Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic USEPA: United States Environmental Protection Agency ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to express my sincerest appreciation to my thesis supervisory committee for their efforts throughout the duration of this study. In particular, thanks to my supervisor Dr. Heather Myers for her commitment to this undertaking; Dr. Gail Fondahl and Dr. Gary Wilson for their support and insights; and Dr. Ken Wilkening for his time and guidance throughout my entire degree process. I would also like to acknowledge the SLICA initiative, and the many members contributing to the project. SLICA has provided me not only with an incredible source of information for this thesis, but has also granted me with invaluable research opportunities and life experiences. Notable mention goes to Dr. Jack Kruse and Dr. Gerard Duhaime for their direction and advice during the early stages of this research. I feel truly blessed to have a supportive family who has always encouraged me to follow my heart, seek new adventures and always persevere. A special thanks to my father, Edward Koke for his steady support, skillful editing and interest in this study. The advice and efforts from all these people have significantly contributed to the success of this venture. x CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION The circumpolar Arctic region has undergone significant economic, political, and demographic changes over the past five centuries, largely as a result of integration and interactions with Europeans and people of European descent. This process has gained momentum since the middle of the 20th Century with far-reaching implications for indigenous peoples and communities in the Arctic. Despite this period of dramatic change, indigenous peoples residing in Arctic regions have been successful in retaining many characteristics of their traditional ways of life. Of the four million inhabitants of the Arctic, one-third are indigenous peoples spread amongst over thirty different cultural groups (United Nations Environment Programme, 2006, p. 1). However, because of its extreme climate, lack of arable land and demographic composition, the economic activities and structures existing in many Arctic areas face distinct challenges. Three distinct sectors comprise the modern economy of the Arctic. First, the largest is a tertiary sector economy typified by public sector employment and services. This economy is supported mainly by monetary transfers from regional or central governments. Second, and growing in significance, is the formal or market economy, which often relies heavily on industrial-scale natural resource development and exploitation, but also includes other forms of production and related activities. The types of activities associated with this market-based economy have resulted in a considerable increase in the relative wealth of many communities. However, most regions of the Arctic remain both socially and economically marginalized. Third is a traditional and family-based hunting, fishing, herding, and food gathering economy. This is commonly referred to as the traditional, domestic or subsistence 1 economy, and includes associated activities such as equipment construction and resource processing (Kruse, 1991, p. 317). While there is value in examining these three sectors independently, in the Arctic context it is also helpful to consider the concept of a "mixed" economy. This concept is commonly used to describe the combination or coexistence of a formal, market economy together with an economy based on subsistence production activities (Wolfe and Walker, 1987, p. 57). Although most researchers in the 1960s suggested that most northern populations would ultimately make the transition from subsistence-dominated economic activity to wage employment, at present, the traditional economy and the mixed economy remain important (Buklis, 1999, p. 41; Duhaime et al., 2004, p. 298). An examination of existing conditions in many predominantly indigenous communities in the Arctic reveals that a market economy and a subsistence economy can coexist. In fact, recent academic studies suggest that this combination of economies is desirable, and to the overall benefit of local individuals and communities (Bone, 1992; Berkes et al., 1994, p. 357). Given the present-day, unprecedented worldwide demand for non-renewable energy and mineral resources, the Arctic region is increasingly being viewed as an important utilitybase, and is being explored for its resource potential (Stefansson Arctic Institute [SAI], 2004, p. 69). While the development of natural resources is driven by economic potential and gains, there is also clear evidence suggesting that there are substantial negative socio-economic and environmental implications stemming from these types of activities. To examine the effect of industrial development on the traditional economy, it is necessary to look at the impact that an increase in wage-based activity, incomes, and shifts in employment patterns have on traditional subsistence economies. Also, because of the 2 relationship between the natural environment and subsistence activities, it is essential that local source pollution, as well as associated alterations to local ecosystems are examined (Usher, 1986, p. 8; Chance & McBeath, 1990, p. 407). The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: does mining development in the Arctic lead to an increase or decrease in the importance of land-based subsistence participation and activities of local indigenous peoples? In addition to this main objective, regulatory processes and mining company policies will be examined in order to clarify the complex relationship between mining and subsistence participation and practices. The main hypothesis that is advanced in my study is simple. When large mining projects are developed in remote and northern regions, there will not be a decline in the traditional values and participation in subsistence activities of local indigenous peoples. The conclusions reached in this thesis differ from those of many other researchers; for instance, Haller et al., (1968), Graburn (1969), and Donaldson (1983). These authors suggest that industrial development, including mining activity, will result in an overall decline in the level of subsistence participation and activity of local indigenous peoples. In contrast, this study finds that there does not appear to be a decline in local subsistence participation as a result of large scale mining projects in nearby areas. However, following the introduction of large scale mining projects and industrial development there is a shift in the way these subsistence activities are carried out. For example, there may be a change in the duration of hunting and fishing trips, the type of equipment used for subsistence activities, and in the ownership of items used for subsistence. The main research question will be examined using a binational framework. Conditions in Canada's Nunavik region in the Province of Quebec will be compared and contrasted with those in the State of Alaska's Northwest Arctic Borough (NWAB). However, the study also considers the entire northern circumpolar context, and draws upon survey data collected in regions outside of North America. Alaska's Northwest Arctic Borough and Canada's Nunavik region were chosen for this study for several reasons. The regions are characterized by similar socio-economic and environmental conditions, and each land area is held under a native land settlement agreement. However, the circumstances under which each region has evolved are not parallel, and today they are each subject to the management and direction of different kinds of regional development corporations, as well as to different political and decision-making regimes. This difference is particularly significant in the planning stages of the proposed industrial projects. Both Nunavik and the NWAB are home to large-scale mining operations, and are each the focus of project proposals seeking further mineral extraction activities. I examine four mining developments, two of which are currently in full operation, and two of which are currently undergoing mandatory environmental impact assessments (EIAs) and are presently in the planning stage. In Nunavik, I investigated the Raglan Mine and the proposed Raglan South Nickel Project (RSNP), and in Alaska, the Red Dog Mine, and its proposed Aqqaluk Project expansion. The purpose of examining these projects is two-fold. Firstly, using these case studies helped to identify how mining has influenced the subsistence economy and lifestyles of people in the region since operations began, by assessing both pre-project and current conditions. Secondly, they are used to gain insight into how project designs can be tailored for currently proposed and future projects, in order to take into account traditional land-based and subsistence practices. The examination of these case studies includes a 4 lengthy analysis of the opinions, comments and priorities pertaining to mining and traditional land-use activities, which have been expressed by government consultative agencies, community groups, Inuit organizations, and local indigenous peoples through public environmental impact assessment consultation processes dealing with the expansion of mining. For the purpose of this study, it is important to have clear and comprehensive definitions for several key concepts. In order to maintain consistency and reliability in their use, these concepts have been developed in accordance with the specific questions that were included in the core international questionnaire used in the Survey of Living Conditions in the Arctic (SLICA). This study is an international project that comparatively studies aspects of living conditions for the Inuit, Saami and Indigenous Peoples of Chukotka. The Arctic Council designated the SLICA project as part of its Sustainable Development initiative in 2000 (Arctic Council: Sustainable Development Working Group, 2002, p. 1). Subsistence activities are defined as land-based harvesting activities including hunting, fishing, trapping, and herding, as well as skinning, butchering, food preparation, and craft-making. These activities are not likely to be cash oriented, but can be. Subsistence values refer to the importance that people place on being involved in and maintaining subsistence types of activities. Industrial development involves activities that are based on the extraction of nonrenewable resources, such as minerals and hydrocarbons. This form of development is considered to be relatively short-term in nature, lasting for a period of no more than 40-50 years, and sometimes for as little as 10-15 years. 5 In addition to the concepts developed from the SLICA initiative, the concept of mining is defined as the extraction of solid mineral substances from the earth, either near the surface or at some depth. These resources include ores, which contain commercially valuable amounts of metals, such as nickel and zinc; precious stones, such as diamonds or granite for building; and solid fuels such as coal and oil shale. A mining process will typically consist of six main stages including prospecting or exploration, resource estimation, feasibility studies, site development and construction, operation, and reclamation and monitoring. In an effort to be proactive and provide meaningful findings, this study draws upon recent and relevant data that was collected in SLICA. My study shares the same assumption as that which underlies the SLICA project, namely that it is more important to examine differences in living conditions among peoples with similar cultures and environmental circumstances than to compare living conditions of northern indigenous peoples and southern-based cultures. Additionally, this study shares many of the same broad objectives of the SLICA international project. These objectives include: • Measuring living conditions in a way which is relevant to Arctic residents • Documenting and comparing the present state of living conditions among the indigenous peoples of the Arctic • Improving the understanding of living conditions to the benefit of Arctic residents • Examining the relationship between industrial development and traditional land-based activities and lifestyles (Arctic Council, 2002). In order to meet its goals, this study also builds on previously conducted exploratory and descriptive research pertaining to employment, income, subsistence activities, mining, and other forms of industrial activity in the circumpolar northern region. An extensive review of recent and relevant literature is included and is used to support and compare the findings 6 derived from a quantitative analysis of SLICA survey data. The analysis of SLICA data concentrates on data sets pertaining specifically to income, employment, and the natural environment and how they relate to numerous variables associated with subsistence activity. The overall aim in undertaking this study is to contribute to the decision-making of local, regional, national and international bodies in the circumpolar Arctic, with a particular focus on improving the coexistence of mining and the subsistence economy. In order to effectively achieve this goal a number of research objectives must be addressed: a) To briefly survey the historical political, social, and economic evolution that has taken place in both Canada's Nunavik region and Alaska's Northwest Borough. This will provide a framework for understanding the present conditions existing in these regions. These include people's attitudes towards industrial development, subsistence activities and local environmental resources. b) To analyze and interpret recent findings from the SLICA survey of Arctic living conditions and apply these results against existing historical data, related literature and common assumptions regarding industrial development and its impact on aspects of living conditions. c) To consider the two regions and representative communities and the impact that different levels of industrial activity have on patterns of subsistence activity. By examining this relationship within a bi-national framework, it is anticipated that this study's findings will begin to contribute to a greater understanding of the diverse nature of the circumpolar Arctic, and the impacts and opportunities of different forms of governance. 7 d) To enhance the understanding of the importance to Arctic peoples of the balance between subsistence activities, and mining and other industrial activity. e) To develop and make recommendations for future mining projects, particularly by addressing those socio-economic and environmental aspects of mining projects which influence peoples' traditional lifestyles and subsistence activities. This will include suggestions pertaining to project development and planning processes in the United States and Canada. This thesis is divided into eight chapters. Chapter Two presents historical and conceptual themes derived from a review of the literature relevant to income, employment, environmental quality, subsistence and industrial activity, and pays particular attention to Arctic regions and indigenous peoples of North America. Chapter Three outlines the physical, socio-economic and political landscapes of the two study regions. The information outlined in this chapter provides the necessary background for understanding how the relationship between mining development and northern communities is often different than in southern and more developed regions. Chapter Four presents the four main mining case studies, and examines their planning and approval processes. Chapter Five presents the combination of qualitative and quantitative research methodologies that were utilized, and the appropriateness of this research design for this particular study. Chapter Six presents a quantitative analysis of SLICA data, which provides the basis of results in this study. Public comments that were recorded during consultation activities pertaining to the mining projects currently being undertaken in each study region are included in this section. Specific views and comments from the public are included in order to improve the interpretation and understanding of the results from the SLICA data analysis. Chapter Seven discusses the main 8 findings from the analysis which was presented in Chapter Six. This discussion centres on the issues that were identified in the literature review as being important in influencing subsistence lifestyle practices in the Arctic. Environmental regimes adopted in Canada and the United States, and the consequences of these administrative systems on mining and subsistence practices are also discussed. Chapter Eight summarizes the thesis and suggests areas requiring further research and action. CHAPTER TWO: INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT AND SUBSISTENCE IN THE NORTH: A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 2.0 Introduction Over the past 40 years, numerous studies have documented social, economic, and environmental impacts related to increasing industrialization in northern regions. Studies range from general overviews which outline the overall effects of introducing industrial activity to remote and northern regions, to more specific studies which focus on the impacts related to one particular development project. Understanding the historical and conceptual context of industrial development in the north, and the discussions and literature surrounding issues related to industrial activity will help provide insight into current conditions, and provide a rationale for undertaking this study at this particular moment in time. In North America, there has been no shortage of discussion about the socio-economic, cultural, and environmental effects related to non-renewable resource development. The foundation of this discussion was laid in the 1960s and 1970s by researchers such as Graburn (1969), Berger (1977), and Usher (1978). In the mid 1970s, the Government of Canada's commissioning of the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry to investigate the socio-economic and environmental impacts of a proposed gas pipeline in the Northwest Territories raised the level of attention and discussion on these issues (Berger, 1977). More recently this discussion has been advanced by researchers including Kruse (1991), Huskey (1992), Berkes (1994), Caulfield (2000), Myers (2001), and Duhaime (2003). This literature review is focused on the two major themes of this study: industrial development and mining, and subsistence lifestyles. Also relevant to this review are the 10 concepts of income, employment, and environmental quality. These concepts have been identified and documented by many leading researchers in the field as being influenced by the presence of large-scale industrial activities. More importantly, for the purpose of this study, these concepts have been widely recognized as being factors that may potentially induce changes to the nature of subsistence activity in the north. The main hypothesis put forth in this thesis contrasts findings reported in several studies which contend that there would be an erosion of subsistence economies as a result of industrial development and increased opportunities for wage employment (Graburn, 1969; Usher & Wenzel, 1987). Of particular significance is Judge Thomas Berger's Report of the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry, which asserted that pipeline development would undermine local economies based on hunting, fishing and trapping. Simply stated, my hypothesis is that when large mining projects are undertaken in remote and northern regions, local participation in subsistence activities and peoples' traditional values may change, but there will not be an overall decline. 2.1 History of Mining in the Arctic The presence of large mining projects in the circumpolar north dates back to the early 20th Century. Fluctuations in gold prices affected the degree and intensity of mining exploration in northern regions of North America from 1920 to 1939. Growing worldwide demand for both precious metals (e.g. gold and silver) and non-precious base metals (e.g. zinc and lead) revitalized exploration activities in the early 1950s after a period of lower demand in the late 1930's and 1940's (Nassichuk, 1987, p. 274). The legal framework for exploration and development of minerals varies by country, but in the mid-1900s, it was generally open, straightforward, and encouraging in both Canada 11 and the U.S (McPherson, 2003, p. 24). The common perception at this time was that access to, and exploitation and development of mineral resources would lead to a better world, and the eradication of poverty (Duhaime et al., 2005, p. 268). Demand for mineral resources remains high today, as a result of the dramatic recent growth of the global economy, and in particular the rapid growth of Asian markets. Consequently, mineral exploitation spans the entire Arctic, from Alaska and Canada in the west, to northern Scandinavia and Finland, and Siberia and the Russian Far East. The relationship between mining operations and local communities is wide-ranging and complex. In those cases where people inhabit or often use land that borders areas of mineral development, there are numerous effects on the human environment. These effects may include changes in how people move over land in fishing, hunting or trapping areas, and the quality and quantity of available subsistence resources (SAI, 2004, p. 71). Heightened concerns for the welfare of northern communities and the sustainability of renewable resources during the past 30 to 40 years have led to the development of policies and procedures that have necessarily had a direct impact on non-renewable resource exploration and development (Halley & Verrault, 2000, p. 2; Shadian, 2006, p. 251). Regulatory procedures have been developed and introduced to monitor land-use and to assess the environmental and socio-economic impact of resource development. In addition to tightening regulatory regimes, northern residents have taken advantage of the increased opportunity to influence the regulatory process by participating in public consultations and hearings, and by serving as members on review panels and boards. Greater control of land through the signing of land claim agreements has also contributed to more active Aboriginal participation in decisions relating to mining development. This has been important for aboriginal 12 communities, which are mostly situated in remote, mineral-rich areas. For example, it is estimated that 60% of all mining activity in Canada takes place on Aboriginal lands (Mining Watch, 1999, p. 12). 2.2 The Impact of Industrial Development on Income and Employment The primary economic sector in many regions of the Arctic is based largely on the development of wildlife resources for subsistence purposes, together with mining exploration and development activities. As the market economy in the north expands, this sector is becoming increasingly important in the region, and has gained significant attention from both academic and non-academic communities in recent years. Mining exploration activities are widespread throughout northern areas of North America, and a significant rise in the price of metals in recent years has encouraged an unprecedented level of growth in this sector. Efforts have not only been made by corporations and extractive industries to enhance development and related profits in northern regions, but in many cases, regional governing bodies have actively encouraged large industry. The Kativik Regional Government in Nunavik and the Northwest Arctic Borough government in Alaska have both backed operations of mining companies, and currently support proposals for the development of new projects. For decades now, the Inupiat controlled North Slope Borough has also been an ardent supporter of expanded oil and gas development in the region as a means of providing jobs and income for local residents (Kruse, 1986, p. 6). The presence of cash and commodity-based economies throughout the Arctic, driven in large part by non-renewable resource activities, has produced fears that subsistence pursuits and traditional values may be threatened. Usher (1982) suggests that a growing wage 13 economy is a sure index of modernization and development, and that resource development projects in the north will greatly expand the local opportunities for wage employment. In an assessment of the impact of unprecedented oil activity in the Beaufort Sea in the 1970s, he also found that wage employment has increased personal income in the region (Usher, 1982, p. 40). Nevertheless, Usher notes that "one of the advantages of industrial wage employment is said to be that it is the best means of generating the cash now necessary for the operation of the traditional sector" (Usher, 1982, p. 40). Is wage employment in the north the primary focus of economic life, or rather a means to an end for most indigenous peoples? The hypothesis that wage employment provides a means of financing the harvesting sector is grounded in the income and expenditure estimates that were developed in the course of the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry (Berger, 1977, p. 123; Usher, 1978, p. 155). There has also been documentation over the past few decades supporting the theory that rising employment and income levels in the north have been accompanied by rising harvest levels (Usher, 1982, p. 42; Hobart, 1982, p. 55). Kruse (1991) notes that in 1977, men who worked 12 months of the year reported fewer subsistence activities, on average, than men who worked for pay fewer months per year. However, follow-up studies conducted in 1988 revealed an opposite situation, where men working 12 months of the year reported slightly more, not less subsistence activity. With data from SLICA available, and a documented increase in the wage economy since 1988, this relationship can now be reexamined (Kruse, 1991, p. 318). Over 15 years ago, Norman Chance pointed to an emerging class division between Inupiat government and corporate elites, and the rest of the population. This division was generated by the emergence of a competitive market economy, which contrasted with the 14 longstanding values of sharing and communal activities which characterized traditional Inupiat culture (Chance & McBeath, 1990, p. 407). While the potential threat to Ifiupiat cultural values and subsistence activities resulting from the presence of a market economy, and in some instances, the establishment of socio-economic class divisions has generated a great deal of discussion, economies throughout the north are still predominantly based on subsistence production activities augmented by cash employment and government transfers (Northwest Arctic Borough [NWAB], 2004). The importance of country food to northern indigenous peoples has also come under assessment by researchers in recent years as a result of greater participation levels in formal employment activity. The terms "country food" and "traditional food" are used synonymously in this paper to refer to "foods that are available from local natural sources and which are culturally acceptable" (Myers et al., 2005, p. 24). Robert Bone notes that many indigenous peoples are "cash poor" but "food rich". He raises the question of whether or not an increase in wage employment would reverse this relationship, and reduce the consumption of country food (1992, p. 1). While income from wage employment and government transfers enables households to obtain valued country foods like seal, caribou, and fish, money is also essential for the purchasing of modern items used for subsistence activities. Items such as boats, snow machines, and ATV's have become staple items used for harvesting activities and present a considerable financial cost to households. Issues pertaining to income, employment, and the expansion of market economies have been central to discussions pertaining to large-scale industrial activity in the Arctic. For the purpose of this study, it was necessary to advance two hypotheses which take into account shifts to employment and income, and how such changes may impact subsistence 15 lifestyles. Firstly, if there is an increase in personal and household income, then there will be an increase in people's participation in subsistence activities. Secondly, if there is a greater level of employment in the wage economy, then there will be higher rates of participation in subsistence activities. 2.3 The Impact of Industrial Development on Environmental Quality The circumpolar region is often wrongly assumed to be a pristine and unpolluted area (Bjerregaard et al., 2004, p. 393). This view can be linked to the fact that most sources of contamination are invisible in nature. There may only be a few types of industries present in the Arctic, but there is large-scale industrialization in the form of mineral and petroleum extraction and processing which can have a serious deleterious effect on the immediate environment. These activities are particularly common in northern regions of Canada, Alaska, and Russia. In addition to local sources of pollution, the long distance transport of manufactured chemicals (e.g. PCB's, dioxins, and pesticides) by ocean and atmospheric currents are increasingly responsible for degrading Arctic ecosystems (SAI, 2004, p. 69). Fikret Berkes (1995, p. 82) notes that since the 1970s, land-use studies in the North have been carried out with two main objectives. Firstly, studies aimed to document native land claims, and secondly to assess environmental impacts from development projects. This particular study addresses the latter objective, and aims to advance the understanding of how large-scale mining projects affect the environment, and how environmental changes may influence social change, and examine how these factors impact subsistence practices. Thus, an examination of a fourth hypothesis is necessary. This hypothesis is that there will be a 16 change in subsistence practices in local communities as a consequence of environmental change from increased industrial activity. While the environmental impacts from oil activities, such as those at Prudhoe Bay in Alaska's North Slope Borough are often the focus of attention, many of the same types of disturbances occur as a result of mining and mineral development (Halley & Verreault, 2000, p. 2). The key impacts that are most often associated with the extraction and processing of metals include land disturbance, tailings and effluents, and emissions to air from smelting and refining operations. The end uses of some metals (e.g. mercury and lead) are also of concern because of their toxic properties (Natural Resources Canada, 2004, p. 4). Also of significant concern is the prospect of large oil or chemical spills, such as the 1989 Exxon Valdez oil spill, as well as the clean up and monitoring of abandoned or decommissioned mineral exploration and extraction sites (Duhaime et al., 2005, p. 1). In the 1970s, environmental pollution and issues related to natural resource conservation were commonly raised in response to the apparent imminence of expanded large scale natural resource projects and their potential impacts. Environmental contaminants such as PCBs and other toxic compounds were reported in animal and human tissue during this period, but many of the sources and effects were not well understood at the time (Usher, 1986, p. 34; Duhaime et al, 2005, p. 1). The impact of mining on the natural environment is considerable and is better documented today, in particular by the Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Program (Duhaime et al., 2005, p. 2). However, Duhaime, Bernard and Comtois (2005) note that from an environmental viewpoint, many of the impacts of past and current mining activities in areas such as Nunavik require further research (p. 262). 17 The social concerns and effects on subsistence lifestyles related to changes to the natural environment also require greater attention according to Duhaime and his colleagues (2003). It is their contention that from a socio-economic and cultural standpoint, the effects of environmental contamination in the region on hunting and fishing activities would be considerable if these areas are extensively used by local populations (Duhaime et al., 2003, p. 4). These statements are echoed in the Arctic Human Development Report (AHDR) which notes that large-scale natural resource exploitation can have a considerable impact on the natural environment, and these effects can force changes in how people travel over land in fishing, hunting and trapping areas. Moreover, the productivity of traditional and commonly used subsistence areas can be diminished when the land is disturbed (SAI, 2004, p. 71). For example, a 2004 report released by the Alaska Community Action on Toxics (2004) identifies that locations used by residents from the village of Kivalina for subsistence gathering of berries and other vegetation have higher than normal levels of lead and cadmium from the Red Dog Mine (ACAT, 2004, p. 1). 2.4 Indigenous Influence over Natural Resources and the Environment Since the late 1960s, the impact of industrial activity on habitat and organisms has been a central concern of all who depend on or are interested in northern wildlife (Usher, 1986). These concerns have been expressed through public inquiries, public reviews, and even court cases respecting the possible socio-economic and environmental impacts of development since the early 1970s. Indigenous peoples of the north have not been absent from this process. Their views were expressed on record at scientific conferences dating back 18 to 1969 and 1972, and considerable public attention was gained through their strong opposition to exploration at Sachs Harbour and Coral Harbour in 1970 (Usher, 1986, p. 32). In more recent times, conflicts have developed with increasing frequency between customary and traditional uses of renewable resources by indigenous peoples and the activities of industries involved in the exploration and development of non-renewable resources (Chance & McBeath, 1990, p. 4; Nuttall, 1998). After years of experiencing the effects of industrial projects, residents of Alaska's northernmost communities appear to have come to terms with some of the tradeoffs associated with the local presence of industrial development (Duhaime et al., 2003; NRC, 2004, p. 2). The formation of regional governments, economic development corporations, and Impact Benefit Agreements (IBA) has contributed to a sense of greater local control by indigenous peoples over their homelands. For instance, the NANA Corporation and Tech Cominco's Red Dog Mine reflects a careful calculus between the risks imposed by potential environmental degradation, new types of employment and higher incomes, and associated social changes. Despite improvements in mitigating risks, there are challenging issues that must be confronted between an industry proponent and a population that has had a close relationship with the land for many generations. Both mandatory and voluntary public consultation activities relating to industrial projects are important forums where contentious issues have surfaced. An examination of the opinions and views expressed during public consultations for two major northern mining projects will provide more specific information and greater insight into the relationship between mining companies and their operations, and subsistence practices and values. 19 2.5 Subsistence Participation In most regions of the circumpolar north, economic development through activities such as natural resource extraction is viewed as the best way to promote social advancement and improve living conditions (SAI, 2004, p. 69). In this view, the importance of the traditional economy is undervalued. Heather Myers (2001) notes that although renewable resources such as Arctic fish and wildlife are not acknowledged in economic or employment statistics, traditional harvesting is the most important economic activity undertaken by many northern aboriginal residents. Furthermore, Alaska Natives themselves perceive hunting and fishing to be the most secure economic base (Palinkas, Harris & Peterson, 1985). As a result of this growing realization about the importance of subsistence resources, more and more Natives have become involved in land management schemes since the mid-1970s (Schneider, 1982). Results from SLICA reveal that participation in subsistence activities across the Arctic varies considerably. Also, there are large differences in participation rates amongst different age cohorts. For example, since the late 1980s in Canada's Northwest Territories, full-time participation rates of males aged 25 and older in harvesting activities have been nearly twice as high as that of 15-24 year olds. Importantly, however, participation in family and community networks remains high in many regions, and ensures a minimum level of subsistence for most members of the population (Bernard, 2005, p. 11). Overall, rates of participation in the traditional sector remain strong, despite much discussion in past decades about its inevitable decline (Wolfe & Walker, 1987; Berkes, 1990). 20 2.6 Community Life and Education The Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry was notable because of the voice it gave to the indigenous peoples whose traditional territories would be traversed by the pipeline. In the 1977 release of findings from the inquiry, Berger mentions that "we have never fully recognized that industrial development has, in itself, contributed to social, economic, and geographic dislocation among native people" (1977, p. 123). Although there are notable changes to local economies and the natural environment stemming from resource industry mega-projects, the ideology of subsistence is still an important integrating mechanism within northern communities. As Condon and his colleagues note, subsistence provides social continuity with the past and a sense of self-worth to those struggling with identity as a result of the dramatic economic, political, and demographic changes that have occurred in the past few decades (1995, p. 32). While there is evidence that more young people are seeking formal education and wish to have career oriented jobs, there seems to be little evidence that large numbers of northern people are leaving home communities in search of employment (Myers & Forrest, 1999, p. 135). These findings from studies conducted in the 1980s and 1990s, are echoed in the results from SLICA. The majority of young people growing up in the Arctic today are exposed to formal educational systems (e.g. secondary and post-secondary), which are characteristic of southern regions, as well as traditional forms of education. Aspects of traditional education include such things as learning native languages, preparing country foods, making traditional clothing, or participating in harvesting expeditions. Both types of education have been documented as having an influence on people's future participation in subsistence activities 21 (Stabler et al., 1990; Stevenson, 1996; Dinero, 2007). While the mining industry may employ indigenous peoples, if these cultural values and traditional forms of education are taught when a person is young, it is believed by many that the subsistence culture will remain an important element of life (Kruse, 1991; Bone, 1992; Condon et al., 1995). 2.7 Summary Usher states that "social impact assessment requires us to know where we are, where we are going, and where we want to go" (1982, p. 76). That means that we require a sound characterization of both the local economy and society, and of the major development project as part of a larger social process. It is also important to understand the values and perspectives of the affected population, and how these values and perspectives relate to their situation and to the processes that they are experiencing (Usher, 1982). Income, employment, environmental quality, and subsistence were selected as this project's key variables because they were identified as being the issues most influenced by mining projects in Arctic regions. It is necessary to understand the nature of these four variables and how they interact in this context in order to realize the dynamic relationship between large scale mining operations and Arctic communities characterized by "mixed" economic activity. The cash generating component of the "mixed" economy is primarily measured in terms of income and employment, while the subsistence component is measured by harvesting and processing activities, traditional education, food consumption, and equipment used or subsistence purposes. An examination of environmental conditions, such as wildlife habitat and water quality, and people's perceptions, both positive and negative, of their local environment is important because of the relationship which exists between mining and environmental change, and the significance of the natural environment in the undertaking of many subsistence activities. These indicators allow for an examination of the extent to which individuals and households participate in the "mixed" economy, and reveal factors that are most responsible for influencing participation. 23 CHAPTER THREE: PHYSICAL, SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL LANDSCAPES 3.0 Introduction: Nunavik Coates and Morrison (1993) argue that many scholars and writers erroneously define the North as those lands lying beyond the 60th parallel. Although this definition is helpful, a more flexible definition is required if one is to undertake a comparative analysis of different Northern regions. Climate is determined by a multitude of factors and the interplay of these factors can result in areas south of the 60th parallel experiencing the same weather patterns as areas north of the 60th parallel. For example, Nunavik comprises the entire portion of Quebec that lies north of the 55th parallel and covers one-third of the province, or approximately 507,000 square km. Although only a small portion of Nunavik lies above the 60th parallel, it is commonly considered a sub-Arctic or Arctic region due to its physical characteristics, climate, socio-economic makeup, and political formation, all of which are consistent with other regions which are usually defined as being "Northern" (Duhaime et al., 1999). The regional study area of Nunavik encompasses the area situated to the east, west and south of Ungava Bay as well as the area located to the south west of the Hudson Strait and extending to the eastern shore of Hudson Bay (Figure 1). Included in this vast area are 14 Inuit villages, including Kangiqsualujjuaq, Kuujjuaq, Tasiujaq, Aupaluk, Kangirsuk, Quaqtac, Kangiqsujuaq, Salluit, Ivujivik, Akulivik, Puvirnituq, Inukjuak, Umiujaq and Kuujjuarapik. 24 3.1 Nunavik Region Physical Landscape The geography of Nunavik is representative of the northern Canadian region referred to as the Canadian Shield (Figure 1). It incorporates a number of bioclimatic and geological zones, ranging from forest-tundra biomes along the coast of Hudson Bay to tundra areas far above the tree line in the northernmost regions. This area of the Canadian Shield ranges from 305 to 610 metres above sea level in plateau regions to almost 1,500 metres above sea level in the Torngat mountain range (Laurentian University, n.d.). Geologically it is composed Figure 1. Territory of Nunavik !V!l|«Vlk - """"I KarijiqsirL-aq AKnlhfi* ' - Ouawtq Puv«r"i q • xMliirq kfeitqitvelc Aupshsk Untiu|ac itlJJfJIJHTIH k C*««II(II Tivi Galleries. (2007). Inuit story through the art. Retrieved November 12, 2007, from http://www.tivi-inuit-art.com/inuit-story-through-the-art.html 25 mainly of granite and Precambrian rock (igneous and metamorphic rock), and it is rich in metallic minerals such as iron, nickel, copper, zinc, uranium, gold, silver, platinum and molybdenum. Two geological sub-provinces, distinguishable by the wealth of their mining resources, are the Labrador trough and the Cape Smith-Wakeham Bay belt (Kativik Regional Government [KRG], 1998). Nunavik's climate can perhaps best be described as harsh and very changeable. Its land territory is vast and considerable climatic differences are found from north to south and from inland plateau regions to lower coastal areas. The rugged natural environment has an average winter temperature of -24 degrees Celsius. The short summer season is characterized by average temperatures of 12 degrees Celsius (Nunavik Regional Board of Health and Social Services [NRBHSS], 2003). Precipitation varies in the region and generally diminishes as one moves to the northern areas. Summers are characterized by long hours of sunlight and relatively mild daytime temperatures, while winters are cold with long nights. For example, villages which lie in the northernmost regions of Nunavik experience 20 to 22 hours per day of daylight in the summer months but only roughly five hours per day during the winter months (NRBHSS, 2003). As a consequence of its harsh climate Nunavik has varying levels of permafrost. Permafrost is defined as any unconsolidated deposit or bedrock that remains at or below 0°C for at least two consecutive years (Harris and the Canadian National Research Council, 1988). This thermal feature is present throughout Northern Quebec over a gradient roughly determined by latitude and altitude. The northernmost regions of Quebec are characterized by continuous permafrost, whereas regions in southern Nunavik are characterized by scattered and discontinuous permafrost. Due to the lack of trees and vegetation the snow is subject to winds, and snow on exposed slopes and on ridges is quickly blown toward more sheltered areas where it accumulates. Maximum levels of snow on the ground do not typically exceed a metre (Societe de la faune et des pares du Quebec, 2000). As is typical of tundra regions, the many lowland areas across Nunavik host rich, wet, and fairly swampy grasslands. Here, vascular plants provide extensive coverage (up to 80% locally). The areas of permafrost commonly consist of extensive areas of moist sedge tundra. Extensive areas are subject to surface water runoff interspersed with pools of water, as well as lakes (Genivar, 2007). Given the limited productivity of these aquatic ecosystems, combined with the extreme winter conditions, very few aquatic species can survive here. Only four fish species, including Arctic char, lake trout, stickleback and slimy sculpin are found in these inland freshwater bodies. However, coastal salt-water fisheries in the region have higher levels of productivity and diversity, and are important for commercial and subsistence purposes. Coastal resources include dozens of fish species, as well as about ten marine mammals including the walrus and several different species of whale and seal. In 2006, surveys also identified 30 bird species in the northern portion of Nunavik. The bird community includes seven species of waterfowl, five species of birds of prey, seven species of passerines, the common raven and the rock ptarmigan (Genivar, 2007). On the land, a relatively homogeneous sub-Arctic environment and harsh winter conditions contribute to a limited diversity of wildlife. Only about a dozen species of land mammals live in the tundra of Nunavik, and their density levels may vary depending on the season. Maintaining an abundance of marine and land mammals is of considerable interest to the Inuit. The barren ground caribou, the mountain caribou and the woodland caribou are 27 particularly valuable to the Inuit, due to their abundance and nutritional value (Genivar, 2007). Climate Change Recent events have highlighted the Earth's growing vulnerability to climate change, and signs consistent with warming temperatures have been even more pronounced in northerly regions. For example, in the Nunavik community of Salluit, the mean annual temperature has increased from -9°C in 1990 to -5.7°C in 2005. A climate forecasting model by the Ouranos Consortium projects a mean rise in temperature in Northern Quebec of roughly 5°C to 10°C in winter and about 2.5°C to 5°C in summer by the year 2050 (Committee on Transport and the Environment, 2007). Warming of this magnitude has the potential to cause a number of changes to both the physical and human environment in this region. These changes may include the increasing frequency and intensity of severe weather and natural disasters, a shift in wildlife patterns, threats to food security, and the overall deterioration of the permafrost. Deterioration of the permafrost results in the ground becoming less stable, due to its lower load bearing capacity. This increases the risks to houses and buildings, and mine and road infrastructure because of the roads becoming unstable or slumping with use (United States Arctic Research Commission, 2003). These changes to the load bearing capacity of the roadways may also affect the capacity of local communities to access the land and resources, and will therefore require adaptation strategies to deal with the new conditions and ensure that subsistence activities can be sustained. 28 3.1.1 Nunavik's Political Landscape The Territory of Nunavik is governed by the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement (JBNQA), which was signed in 1975 by the Government of Quebec, the Government of Canada, Hydro-Quebec, the James Bay Energy Corporation (JBEC), the Societe de developpement de la Baie-James, the Grand Council of the Crees of Quebec and the Northern Quebec Inuit Association. The signing of this agreement effectively created autonomous Inuit-managed institutions. Notably, this was the first indigenous land claims agreement in Canada, and is often referred to as the first modern treaty (Bone, 1992). The JBNQA is based on two guiding principles; firstly, Quebec must utilize its territorial resources for the benefit of its entire population and, secondly, the Government of Quebec should recognize the needs of all Native people (James Bay Advisory Committee on the Environment, 2005). Some of the institutions that were established following the ratification of the JBNQA include the Kativik Regional Government, the Kativik School Board (KSB), the Nunavik Regional Board of Health and Social Services and the Makivik Corporation. An important function of these institutions is to improve opportunities for Inuit beneficiaries. Employing close to 300 people in 2004, over 70% of which were Inuit beneficiaries from the land claim settlement, the KRG is the decision-making institution for Nunavik, and is also responsible for all the services that a typical municipal or regional government carries out, e.g. transportation, security, and public works (KRG, 2006). The KSB maintains exclusive jurisdiction in matters of pre-school, elementary, secondary, and adult education. Each school under the KSB adapts its program to local community characteristics and needs and emphasizes the preservation of the Inuktitut language and Inuit culture. Today, because of increasing opportunities for the Inuit in Nunavik's mining industry, the KSB has become more involved in promoting skill development necessary for many jobs in the mining sector (KRG, 1998). The Makivik Corporation is an Inuit company based out of Kuujjuaq, and is responsible for the collection and management of compensation funds provided under the JBNQA. It has a wide directive designed to promote the overall socioeconomic development of the region. It carries the following mandate: • To receive, administer, use and invest the compensation money intended for the Inuit, as provided for under the JBNQA; • To relieve poverty and to promote the welfare, advancement, and education of the Inuit; • To foster, promote, protect and assist in preserving the Inuit way of life, values and traditions; • To initiate, expand and develop opportunities for the Inuit to participate in the economic development of their society; • To exercise the functions vested in it by other Acts or the Agreement; • To develop the Inuit communities and to improve their means of action; • To assist in the creation, financing or developing of businesses, industries, resources and properties of the Inuit (Makivik Corporation, 2006). 3.1.2 Nunavik's Social Landscape In 2006, the population of Nunavik was approximately 10,100, consisting of an estimated 9, 200 Inuit residents and 900 non-Inuit residents (Makivik Corporation, 2006). This population represents only a fraction of Quebec's total population of 7,546,131. 30 Nunavik residents inhabit 15 different villages, all but four having less than 1,000 people. Kuujjuaq is Nunavik's largest community (2,055 inhabitants), and is the transportation hub for the entire region, as well as the centre for political and economic decision-making and activity. It is home to the Kativik Regional Government and the Makivik Corporation. There are no roads connecting the communities of Nunavik, nor connecting the region with the southern portion of the province. Air transport is the only means of year-round transportation linking the communities. The Inuit generally travel by snowmobile in the winter and allterrain vehicles (ATV's) in the summer. The past 20 years has witnessed a significantly higher population growth rate in Nunavik than in the rest of Quebec. This has resulted in two different age pyramids in the two regions. The number of children under 15 is twice as high in Nunavik (39%), compared to 18% for the entire Province of Quebec (Duhaime, 2004). Furthermore, as of 2001, 59% of the Nunavik population and 69% of the Quebec population were in the 15-64 age category. Since this latter age grouping comprises the main workforce, Nunavik has a greater percentage of non-working dependents and a smaller share of working-age adults than the rest of the province. Maintaining the traditional Inuit language and culture remains important throughout Nunavik. The language and culture continues to be taught and practiced in the home, and remains an integral component of both primary and secondary school curricula. Despite the influence of mainstream Western culture, and the widespread use of Canada's two official languages in Nunavik, according to findings in SLICA, Inuktitut remains the first language spoken and is understood by approximately 90% of the resident population. 31 The organization of people into communities, the establishment of social services, and the opportunities for salaried employment have led to a transition from a nomadic to a sedentary way of life for many Inuit in Nunavik. However, traditional activities and lifestyles have not disappeared. For example, the Inuit continue to value traditional harvesting activities as a means of not only providing food and nutrients, but also as a way of maintaining culture, community identity and local economies (Bone, 1992, p. 2). Inuit communities have experienced a close relationship with the land for many generations, and hunting, trapping and fishing activities continue to be practiced year-round, ensuring the survival of Inuit culture (Bronson, 2005). Coastal zones throughout the region are the most frequently used areas for subsistence fishing activities, but hunting and fishing is also carried out in the inland areas. The close relationship and dependency on the lands in the coastal areas in this region are reflected in the fact that all villages are situated within short travel distances to the coast. The KRG's land use master plan (1998) for the Nunavik region suggests that most of the region's residents would benefit from an economy based at least partly on wildlife harvesting. In order to continue longstanding harvesting practices, preserving the quality of the environment and wildlife resources is crucial. It is further noted in the master plan that certain projects, in particular industrial projects, may have serious negative consequences on the natural environment and wildlife, and by extension have the potential to negatively impact the cultural integrity and way of life of the Inuit. The potential impacts to the subsistence economy from industrial development and the recommendations proposed by the KRG closely reflect findings from related research conducted over the past few decades by the likes of Usher (1982), Stabler (1990), Caulfield (2000), and Duhaime (2003). 32 3.1.3 Nunavik's Economic Landscape There are many characteristics which distinguish Nunavik's economy from that of the rest of Quebec. In Quebec a wage-earning system has been in existence for centuries and provides the primary source of income for most residents (Bernard, 2005). The Quebec economy is diversified, integrated into national and international markets, and is characterized by a strong private sector. Conversely, the use of money has only become an integral part of economic life in Nunavik during the past 40 years, and the scope of the economy is still quite limited. Nunavik's economy is highly dependent on the provision of services to the public through the public sector. According to Duhaime (2004), government operations are the primary source of employment in Nunavik, accounting for over 50% of the regional gross domestic product, compared to only 7% of Quebec's GDP. The economies of the 14 villages in Nunavik do not vary significantly from one another in terms of employment characteristics and available opportunities. Outside of the public sector, economic activity is related to mining exploration and development, construction, retail commerce, transportation, tourism, fisheries, and the development of wildlife resources. Despite some economic diversification, there remain significant challenges to doing business in Nunavik. The Kativik Regional Government (1998) outlines five key issues that confront business, including: • Limited knowledge regarding certain natural resources, which restricts development opportunities; • Difficulty in accessing resources, notwithstanding the fact that resources are abundant; 33 • The high cost of housing and expensive transportation costs which limit the ability to purchase equipment and merchandise which could otherwise contribute to more efficient production. This also makes it more difficult to penetrate the export market; • A workforce which is not highly skilled; and • A low population density, which deprives companies of a market for their products. As a result of these challenges, the secondary economic sector in Nunavik is almost nonexistent. There is no employment in manufacturing, and jobs in this sector are almost solely concentrated in the construction industry. A tertiary sector does exist in Nunavik, and it includes some retailing activities, as well as transportation and tourism industries. Retail commerce is limited, and it continues to be dominated by small, private businesses. These businesses are increasing in number in many of the small villages, providing the inhabitants with food products and other general merchandise (KRG, 1998). The Makivik Corporation has been particularly active in promoting business, and improving services in Nunavik. The primary sector in Nunavik is based primarily on the development of wildlife resources for subsistence purposes, together with mining exploration and development activities. This sector is becoming increasingly important in the region, garnering significant attention from both academic and non-academic communities in recent years (KRG, 1998; Halley & Verreault, 2000; Duhaime et al., 2003). Mining exploration activities are widespread throughout the region, and the significant rise in the price of metals has helped this economic activity to experience unprecedented growth in recent years. The Raglan mine has been especially important in providing full-time jobs in the region. In 2005, the Raglan mine employed 562 people, 59 of whom were land claim beneficiaries, and 503 of whom were non-beneficiaries (KRG, 2006). The number of Inuit people working at Raglan 34 increased in 2006 and 2007, to a total of 96 workers. The full-time jobs for residents of Nunavik that are provided by the Raglan operation are significant since they comprise close to 18% of Nunavik's entire full-time workforce. 3.2 Alaska and the Northwest Arctic Borough The State of Alaska is home to approximately 621,000 people. Indigenous Alaskans, including the Inupiat, Yup'ik, Alutiiq, Aleut, Athabascan, Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian comprise only about 16 percent of the total population. Over half of the state's population lives in the City of Anchorage and its environs. About 20 percent of Alaska's population or roughly 125,000 people live in rural areas. These rural residents are spread across approximately 225 communities, most of which consist of fewer than 500 residents and are not connected by road to other communities. About half of this rural population is made up of indigenous Alaskans, spread across the state's 16 boroughs (Figure 2). 35 Figure 2. Alaska Borough Map with Administrative Centres Nor:*! 5 I : M \;-lh*eKj-i;lic s • -. . , ... » D»i-il / / '•~~-<--,~ , V/ane ,«" ,.•, „B n s i <- Bay £,»* •* m(*>' m ^ m ^ > ^ Val J » / 1'3IJ:<3 Be'iel m .*" F3iii>at-<5 Wa'.anuiha naTsr.Kr* v Soufssa* ' _j! . "•*£"•' '• i , v*> ' * k i PJJ.M -, . * " Peninsula ".odiak sland ' M*i'»s skagway, , Hoonah-Angoon Skag^'y^&Skia Hoonah-ftogoon < | M T I R ? \ Sitka J B p fc\ tfWaraeil- J T ^ B f e i " Psleraoyrg S M B ' ! Prince of Wales-Z^BtW% Outer Ketchikan * * W S " Ketchikan Gateway « " M M S ^>tf? Geology.Com. (2006). Alaska Borough Map with Administrative Cities. Retrieved November 10, 2007, from www.geology.com/county-map/alaska-county-map.gif This paper focuses primarily on the NWAB region. The NWAB encompasses the eastern coast of the Chukchi Sea, and is bordered by the Yukon-Koyukuk Census Area to the east, the NSB to the north, and the Nome Census Area to the south. Included in the borough are 11 villages, namely, Ambler, Buckland, Deering, Kiana, Kivalina, Kobuk, Kotzebue, Noatak, Noorvik, Selawik and Shungnak. Red Dog Mine is also a census-designated place in the borough, and as of 2004, it maintained a resident population of 44 (Figure 3). Figure 3. Alaska's Northwest Arctic Borough Communities Northwest Arctic Borough Red Dog Mine Noorvk Wan a Shungnak Deering 0 I 375 1 1 75 1 1 150 1 i 1 Miles 1 Satires: Alaska Departs; ent of Labor And Workforce Develops ent. Research and Analysis and US Census Bureau, 2000 r or less 15001 or more Total average Sold country food 33.0% 13.4% 23.2% Did not sell country food 63.9% 76.4% 70.2% Country food given in exchange 23.2% 8.6% 18.0% Did not give country food in exchange 73.7% 81.0% 76.3% A divide in the importance of country food for Inuit Adults also exists by location. The Canadian SLICA data presented in Table 10 reveals that the sale of country food is particularly important in smaller, remote communities such as Quaqtac and Kangiqsujuaq, opposed to a larger hub community like Kuujjuaq, where economic activity is much more diversified. Table 10. Country food bought and sold in the past year in Nunavik communities. Kuujjuaq Quaqtac Kangiqsujuaq Canadian Arctic Country food bought in past year Yes 48.3% 15.9% 20.2% 18.9% No 51.7% 84.1% 79.8% 75.7% Yes 8.9% 26.3% 27.3% 6.9% No 91.1% 73.7% 72.7% 93.1% Total 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% Country food sold in past year Income and Ownership and Use of Subsistence Items While income from wage employment and government transfers enables households to obtain valued country foods like seal, caribou, and fish, money is also essential for the purchasing of modern items used for subsistence activities. Items such as boats, snow 77 machines, and ATVs have become staple items used for harvesting activities and present a considerable financial cost to households (Condon et al., 1995; Dinero, 2007). These types of harvesting equipment are used by a majority of Inuit adults in Alaska and Nunavik, and rates of use are highest in the smallest and most remote communities. For example in Nunavik, 87.9% of people in Kangiqsujuaq use a 4-wheeler or ATV for harvesting purposes, whereas in larger communities like Inukjuak and Kuujjuaq, only 63.9% and 68.4% use these items (Appendix A). Similarly in Alaska, there is a 10-20% disparity in the use of subsistence items such as rifles, outboard motors, snow machines, chain saws, and ice augers in Kotzebue, compared to the dozen smaller communities in the NANA region, including Noatak and Kivalina (Table 11). It is also evident that people throughout the Arctic are embracing the introduction of new technologies, such as GPS units, and using them to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of subsistence activities (Table 11 and Appendix A). The possession and ownership of subsistence items maintains a strong association with the level in which people harvest. Results from the international SLICA data set shows that people who harvest the most are also those who have access to the most subsistence items. Households that do not possess any subsistence items are very unlikely to even harvest any of the meat and fish that they consume (Table 12). 78 Table 11. Equipment used in household production in past 12 months by region/place size. Other NW Alaska Nunavik * Kuujjuaq * Other Nunavik * 78% 74% 80% Rifle or shotgun 73% 84% 65% 86% 77% 91% Camping tent 70% 84% 60% 64% 55% 69% Outboard motor 58% 74% 46% 68% 56% 75% Other boat 43% 71% 85% 59% 50% * 80% Sewing machine 33% * 44% 52% 92% Fishnets 55% 75% 48% 67% 39% 46% Snow machine 80% 64% 48% 83% 53% 74% GPS, VHF, or CB 34% 90% 72% 78% 70% 90% Freezer NANA Kotzebue Sled 68% 71% 65% 52% 43% 56% 4-wheeler or ATV 53% 24% 30% 50% 50% * 71% Float suit 52% * 28% 62% 76% Chain saw 7% * * 58% 43% 66% Ice auger 46% 55% 39% 46% 38% 49% Truck 36% 52% 10% 24% 25% * 24% Canoe or kayak 52% * 9% 5% 5% * * * 28% 5% 25% * 30% 11% Generator Dog team 16% * 5% * data not available Table 12. Proportion of all meat and fish harvested by household by number of items used for subsistence. None 1-4 5-8 9 or more Total None 49.4% 35.8% 8.0% 4.1% 23.3% Less than half 33.9% 38.9% 47.2% 29.0% 37.7% About half 8.0% 15.5% 18.3% 27.4% 18.0% More than half 8.8% 9.9% 26.5% 39.4% 21.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Total Income and Perceptions about the Future of the Subsistence Economy In a survey of the entire Canadian Arctic population, a significantly higher percentage of people who earned above $45,000 per year believed that there would be an increase in hunting, fishing, trapping, and gathering activities five years from now, compared to those earning less than $15,000 annually (Table 13). These views are relatively consistent across both central and non-central communities alike. For example, in the village of Quaqtac in Nunavik, which maintains a relatively small population and is not a regional centre for activity, people with higher incomes were much more confident than people with lower incomes that in 5 years hunting, fishing, trapping and gathering activities would be carried out in the same way as they were at the present time (Appendix A). Table 13. Personal employment income by changes to subsistence activities five years from now. Change in hunting, fishing, trapping, and gathering 5 years from now Increase Decrease Remain the same 15000 or less 18.8% 12.5% 44.9% 15001 - 30000 20.4% 14.9% 45.8% 30001 - 45000 20.2% 12.7% 53.2% 45001 or higher 27.7% 13.7% 45.1% Total average 19.9% 12.9% 45.7% 6.2.2 Employment The extent to which individuals participate in traditional subsistence harvesting activities is also impacted by their level of involvement in the wage economy. Throughout the circumpolar north, 65.4% of Inuit adults that worked full-time jobs provided either "less than half or "none" of all the meat harvested by their household. In contrast, in households where no members are employed full-time, "about half or "more than half of their meat and fish is harvested by over 45% of the households themselves (Table 14). Therefore, when fully employed, subsistence activities and harvesting will often still take place, but not quite to the same participation levels. Table 14. Proportion of all meat and fish harvested by household by the number of adults who worked full-time per adult household member. Number of adults who worked full time per adult household member Proportion of all meat and fish harvested by household 0 Adults Less than 0.5 Less than 1 1 or greater Total None 26.1% 14.8% 13.5% 21.0% 19.4% Less than half 28.8% 34.1% 34.3% 44.4% 37.1% About half 21.2% 25.7% 27.8% 19.0% 22.4% More than half 23.9% 25.4% 24.5% 15.5% 21.1% Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Preferred Ways of Earning a Living Although employment in the wage economy has steadily increased over the past several decades in many northern regions of Canada and Alaska, people still strongly prefer involvement in a combination of activities in order to make a living. In regional hub communities where there is greater economic diversification and generally more opportunities for employment, such as in Barrow, Kotzebue, and Nome, individuals are more likely to prefer working a wage job to make a living, than people living in smaller, more remote communities. For example, 21% of people in Kotzebue prefer working a wage job opposed to only 11% in the rest of the NANA region (Table 15). In smaller non-hub communities throughout Alaska's Arctic region, a vast majority of people surveyed preferred the combination of wage and harvesting, herding, or processing activities as a means of providing a living. Overall, a majority of people living in hub communities also show a 81 preference towards mixed economic activities, but not to the same extent as in smaller communities. Also, twice as many Inuit adults in remote, smaller communities view an economy consisting only of harvesting, herding and processing as preferable. Although only a small proportion of people noted a preference towards harvesting, herding or processing as a sole means of providing a living, a significant divide existed between the community of Kotzebue and the other less populated communities in the Northwest Arctic Borough, such as Noatak and Kivalina. Also, throughout the entire SLICA population, subsistence activities as a preferred livelihood increases substantially as people get older (Table 16). An examination of the comments from the RSNP meetings in 2006 reveals that the majority of participants believe that the arrival of a new mine is beneficial. The proposed activity is viewed as being supportive to the creation of jobs and businesses in Nunavik, and that it will offer good opportunities to the local population, especially for young people. Furthermore, it was noted that education and training programs geared towards jobs in the mining field are important for young people in the region, and this should begin in elementary school. Table 15. Preferred ways for making a living in Alaska's northern regions. Barrow Other North Slope Kotzebue Other NW Arctic Nome Other Bering Strait Total Working on a wage job 35% 19% 21% 11% 25% 5% 19% Both wage and harvesting, herding, or processing 57% 73% 72% 75% 67% 89% 72% Harvesting, herding, or processing 8% 8% 7% 14% 8% 6% 9% 82 Table 16. Preferred ways of making a living by age. 16-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65 and over Total Working on a wage job 49% 47% 50% 37% 44% 30% 45% Both wage and harvesting, herding or processing 37% 34% 24% 30% 18% 22% 28% Harvesting, herding or processing 14% 18% 26% 33% 38% 48% 27% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Inuit Perceptions of Employment While a significant majority of people in Alaska claim a preference towards mixed economic activity or even a total absence of wage employment as a livelihood, in all SLICA countries, an average of 88% of people still perceive unemployment as a problem for indigenous peoples (Table 17). In Canada's north, the issue of high unemployment has been well documented over the past few decades (Berger, 1977; Caulfield, 2000; Duhaime et al., 2004). Data from SLICA helps confirm the prevalence of this problem, and also reveals discrepancies in employment characteristics between central and non-central communities. For example in Nunavik, average employment income, number of hours worked last week, and the total number of weeks worked annually in a small community such as Kangiqsujuaq is significantly less than in a larger community such as Kuujjuaq (Table 18). In terms of increasing employment and economic opportunities in Nunavik, despite some concerns about impacts from expanded mineral development, participants in the RSNP public meetings highly supported the proposed project. Participants also claimed that since the Raglan Mine set the precedent of giving priority to job candidates from Salluit and Kangiqsujuaq, this should also be the case with the RSNP. Furthermore, residents and 83 organizations believe that it is in the best interest of Canadian Royalties Inc. to hire Inuit employees, because they are more adapted to the challenging northern environment. The findings presented in this section help demonstrate that traditional activities are often preferred, but there is also broad acceptance that cash production through formal wage employment is fundamental to the continuation of peoples present lifestyles, including their subsistence activities. Table 17. Perception of unemployment as a problem for Indigenous people by country. Canada Greenland Chukotka Alaska Total Yes 87% 84% 100% 83% 88% No 13% 16% 0% 17% 12% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Table 18. Mean employment characteristics. Kangiqsujuaq Kuujjuaq Canadian Arctic Number of hours worked in the past week 13.7 20.9 12.8 Total number of weeks worked in the past year 23.5 34.4 23.9 23,695.70 29,016.50 23,582.40 Total employment income ($ USD) 6.2.3 Environmental Quality Perceptions of the Natural Environment in Northern Alaska Approximately 41% of people living in Alaska's three northernmost boroughs think that fish or animals in their community may be unsafe to eat. Nearly half of the surveyed population in these regions is also concerned about pollution in local lakes and watercourses, and the contamination of other sites located near their villages. However, an average of only 24% of people believes that pollution from industrial development is an environmental problem. Pollution from other countries and climate change are also perceived to be environmental problems for Arctic Alaska. In general, there does not appear to be a significant divide between central and non-central communities in terms of how people view the state of their environment, and the factors influencing it. However, a notable exception exists in Northwestern Alaska, where the Red Dog Mine and port site are located. People in the smaller, more remote communities in NW Alaska are more likely to perceive pollution of local watercourses, pollution from other countries, pollution from industrial development, and the existence of locally contaminated sites as environmental problems, than people in the hub community of Kotzebue (Table 19). At Red Dog Mine SEIS public consultation activities in Noatak and Kivalina, for example, the communities expressed concerns about the effect that dust, traffic, and the port are causing on water quality, vegetation and caribou herds. Furthermore, residents from Kivalina recommended that operations and issues that were assessed in the 1984 Red Dog Mine EIS should be analyzed in order to reveal what was described at the time versus the present situation and what has occurred since development began. Many similar concerns were expressed during the RSNP public consultations by people in Nunavik who have had close to 10 years of experience with mining in the region. The primary environmental concerns expressed by participants related to changes in water quality, the potential contamination of fish, changes to air quality, the potential contamination of caribou meat, and overall changes to the population's hunting and fishing activities. People from both Salluit and Kangiqsujuaq fear that mining activities will affect 85 hunting and fishing in the area, and that an agreement should be negotiated in order to compensate for any loss of areas that are commonly used for subsistence. Furthermore, there are concerns that the transporting of minerals by truck, and the increased use of helicopters could lead to shifts in caribou migration patterns. The Nunavik Landholding Corporations Association noted that at the Red Dog Mine in Alaska, transporting of minerals along haul roads is halted while caribou migrate through the region, and that the same policies should be established for both the Raglan Mine and the RSNP. Table 19. Perceived environmental problems by region/place in Arctic Alaska. Barrow Other North Slope Kotzebue Other NW Arctic Nome Other Bering Strait Total Climate change 68% 47% 54% 51% 47% 75% 57% Local contaminated sites 46% 45% 45% 51% 42% 53% 47% Pollution of local lakes and streams 49% 35% 50% 60% 30% 44% 45% Pollution from other countries 28% 25% 14% 22% 24% 29% 24% Pollution from industrial development 34% 22% 22% 29% 17% 21% 24% Fish or animals that may be unsafe to eat 32% 44% 43% 40% 39% 50% 41% Erosion of coastal areas or riverbanks 73% 56% 66% 66% 33% 55% 58% Although people in Northern Alaska have widely expressed that a number of environmental concerns exist in their respective regions, a considerable majority of people (68%) in these regions continue to be either "somewhat satisfied" or "very satisfied" with the health of their local environment. Even in regions where the economy is highly dependent on mineral extraction and processing activities (e.g. NWAB) or oil and gas development (e.g. North Slope), people are generally satisfied with the state of the natural environment (Table 20). Peoples level of satisfaction with the natural environment is also reflected in the fact that a vast majority of SLICA respondents are at least "somewhat satisfied", and in most instances "very satisfied" with opportunities to hunt and fish (Table 20). This satisfaction exists in NANA and other nearby areas of Northwestern Alaska despite the fact the Red Dog Mine has been operating in the region for over 15 years. Issues related to subsistence resources were also a central topic of discussion at the Red Dog Mine, Aqqaluk Project public hearings. Many comments identified the sensitive balance between the economic benefits provided by the mine, and the concerns about impacts to subsistence resources, which are critical to the physical and cultural well-being of villagers in the region. Residents understood during the planning phase for the Red Dog Mine in 1984 that subsistence resources would be minimally affected by mining operations, but not to the extent that they would have to adjust to resources not being readily available. For example, the Kivalina IRA Council mentioned in the SEIS scoping session that subsistence hunters have had to travel farther, and spend more time and money to continue hunting caribou. However, since caribou are important to people's cultural identity and existence, hunters will go as far as necessary to hunt and fish regardless of the expense. 87 Table 20. Satisfaction with the health of the local natural environment, and with opportunities to hunt and fish by region and place in Northwestern Alaska. NANA Kotzebue Other NW Alaska * * * 20% 47% 33% 22% Very satisfied 66% 55% 71% Somewhat satisfied 30% 37% 27% Not satisfied or neither 4% 8% 2% 100% 100% 100% Satisfaction with the health of the local environment Very satisfied Somewhat satisfied Not satisfied or neither 55% 23% Satisfaction with opportunities to hunt and fish data not available Indigenous Peoples Influence over Natural Resources and the Environment In Alaska as a whole, 64% of Inuit adults are either "somewhat" or "very satisfied" with their influence in reducing environmental problems in their own area (68% in NANA, 61% in Kotzebue, 71% in NW Arctic) (Table 23). This sense of control and influence in reducing environmental problems is relatively consistent across the communities representing Northern Alaska. With respect to the management of environmental resources, such as fish and game which have long been the foundation of local subsistence economies, an even higher proportion (74%) of individuals are satisfied with their influence. This level of satisfaction is particularly notable when compared to results from Greenland and Chukotka where only 54% and 29% of people are either "somewhat" or "very satisfied", respectively. Moreover, only 6% in Greenland and 3% in Chukotka are "very satisfied" with their influence over the management of fish and game resources (Table 22). Unfortunately, this question was not included in the Canadian version of SLICA. 88 Table 21. Satisfaction with influence of Indigenous people to reduce environmental problems in their own area by community/region. Alaska NANA Kotzebue Other NW . .. Arctic Barrow °ther North C1 slope Very satisfied 19% 19% 19% 19% 23% 20% Somewhat satisfied 45% 49% 42% 52% 47% 50% Not satisfied or neither 36% 32% 38% 29% 30% 30% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Table 22. Satisfaction with influence Indigenous people have on the management of natural resources like fish and game by country/region/community. Canada Greenland Chukotka Alaska NANA Kotzebue Other NW . .. Arctic Very satisfied * 6% 3% 35% 43% 36% 46% Somewhat satisfied * 48% 26% 39% 36% 42% 33% Not satisfied or neither * 46% 70% 26% 21% 23% 20% * 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% * data not available Since natural resource extraction activities provide such an important stimulus to many local economies throughout the Arctic, the amount of influence that indigenous people feel they have over the management of minerals and hydrocarbons is important. In Alaska, over half (53%) of individuals surveyed are either "somewhat" or "very satisfied" with the level of indigenous influence over the management of natural resources like oil, natural gas and minerals. Comparable to the high level of satisfaction with indigenous influence over fish and game resources, people in Alaska are also generally much more satisfied with their influence over resources such as oil, gas and minerals, than people in Greenland and Chukotka. Furthermore, people living in the northern, most remote communities in the State 89 of Alaska are generally more satisfied with their influence over the management of these types of non-renewable natural resources than in Alaska as a whole (Table 23). Table 23. Satisfaction with influence Indigenous people have on management of natural resources like oil, gas and minerals by country/region/community. Canada Greenland Chukotka Alaska NANA Kotzebue Other NW Arctic Very satisfied * 3% 2% 18% 21% 36% 46% Somewhat satisfied * 41% 11% 35% 40% 42% 33% * * 56% 87% 47% 23% 20% 100% 100% 100% 39% 100% 100% 100% Not satisfied or neither * data not available 6.2.4 Subsistence In the village of Kuujjuaq, there is a higher rate of participation in every type of subsistence activity referred to in the Canadian SLICA questionnaire, compared to the rest of Nunavik's smaller communities. The difference ranges from 9% to 15% depending on the activity. In contrast, those inhabiting the smaller, rural communities in NW Alaska are more likely to be involved in subsistence activities than those in Kotzebue, which is the largest population centre in the region, and is the hub for government and business. Overall, throughout Nunavik and the NWAB, over 50% of people who took part in SLICA participated in subsistence activities, suggesting that these traditional activities remain an important element of life. Particularly high rates of participation are noted in food harvesting activities, and in other activities related to harvesting (Table 24). 90 Table 24. Participation in subsistence activities by region/place size. Nunavik Kuujjuaq Other Nunavik NANA Kotzebue Other NW Alaska Total Average Fish 71% 77% 66% 86% 77% 90% 78% Prepare or pack for hunting, fishing, camping trip 75% 84% 69% 72% 65% 76% 74% Make and repair equipment or do household repairs 54% 59% 50% 52% 52% 51% 53% 62% 71% 56% 61% 50% 66% 61% 15% 9% 18% 15% 9% 4% 12% 9% Hunt caribou, moose, sheep Manufacture native crafts for sale Trap * data not available 19% 9% * * Throughout the Arctic in general, there are differences in levels of subsistence participation by both gender and age. While the involvement of men and women in subsistence activities is almost equal at a rate of over 80% each, men tend to carry out more types of these activities than women (Table 25). People between the ages of 35-54 are the most heavily involved in subsistence activities, and roughly 50% of people in this age range practice more than six different types of activities. Indigenous adults in the 25 to 34 age grouping and those who are 65 years or older have the lowest rates of subsistence participation (Table 26). People in this age range are still capable of working in wage jobs, and were also quite young when larger industrial projects were in construction and operational phases. 91 Table 25. Level of subsistence participation by gender. Subsistence level Male Female Total 0 activities 17.9% 18.3% 18.1% 1 thru 5 activities 28.9% 45.5% 38.1% 6 thru 16 activities 53.3% 36.2% 43.8% Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Table 26. Level of subsistence participation by age of respondent. Age of respondent Subsistence level 18-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65 and older Total 0 activities 19.1% 24.4% 11.8% 12.6% 18.1% 36.3% 18.4% 1 thru 5 activities 36.4% 38.9% 39.2% 36.0% 40.3% 35.7% 37.9% 6 thru 16 activities 44.5% 36.7% 49.1% 51.4% 41.5% 28.0% 43.7% Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Subsistence Participation and Traditional and Formal Systems of Education An analysis of the entire international population represented in SLICA, reveals that high educational attainment in formal educational institutions corresponds to lower levels of subsistence participation. For example, those with a post-secondary education are less likely to be involved in a very high level of subsistence activities, compared to those with just a high school diploma (13.7%) (Table 27). In contrast, a high level of traditional education is related to higher subsistence levels. A strong correlation exists between the highest level of traditional education and values, and those that engage in the highest number of subsistence activities (Table 28). 92 Table 27. Level of subsistence participation by education level. Elementary or less Subsistence level Education level Some high High school School Vocational or college Total 0 activities 18.1% 15.3% 12.4% 19.6% 17.5% 1 thru 5 activities 39.4% 45.9% 32.1% 38.6% 37.7% 6 thru 16 activities 42.5% 38.8% 55.5% 41.8% 44.8% Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Table 28. Participation in subsistence activities by level of traditional education. Subsistence level 0 activities Grouped values of traditional education index lto7 8 to 11 12 to 15 16 to 20 31.4% 15.3% 8.8% 8.2% Total 16.6% 1 thru 5 activities 51.0% 47.0% 28.9% 14.9% 37.4% 6 thru 16 activities 17.6% 37.7% 62.3% 77.0% 46.0% Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% Subsistence and Community Life The Alaskan and Canadian version of the SLICA questionnaire asked respondents if they considered moving away from their community at any time in the past five years. At the national level, in Canada and Alaska, 29% and 42% of people considered moving, respectively. At the regional level, indigenous peoples in the smaller communities of Northwestern Alaska and Nunavik had roughly the same rates. However, at the local level considerable differences exist between central and non-central communities. In the past five years 21% fewer people in Kuujjuaq considered moving to other communities in Nunavik (15% versus 36%). In contrast, 57% of people in Kotzebue, and only 34% in other NW 93 Arctic communities considered leaving their community in the past five years. The differences in data presented in Table 29 raises the question of what factors may motivate people's decision to stay or leave the community they are living in. In an open-ended question in SLICA, which asks for reasons why people would stay in their community, only 18% in the NANA region and 10% in Nunavik mentioned that subsistence activities influenced their decision (Appendix A). Table 29. Considered moving away from community in the past five years by country/region/place size. Canada Nunavik Kuujjuaq Other Nunavik Alaska NANA Kotzebue Other NW Alaska Yes 29% 27% 15% 36% 42% 42% 57% 34% No 71% 73% 85% 64% 58% 58% 43% 66% An important relationship also exists between a person's level of subsistence participation and how well traditional values are emphasized and promoted in the community. Table 30 shows that when people are satisfied with how well traditional values are promoted in their community, they may be more likely to engage in a higher number of subsistence activities. Communities can play a prominent role in promoting these values through various types of functions, such as native sporting events and festivals, community potlucks, accessible educational resources, local media, and political events. It could be suggested that although forms of industrial activity may be introduced in or near a community, the community itself is a very important agent in promoting and supporting the continuation of subsistence practices. If the values inherent in subsistence lifestyles have been deeply rooted in people through long-time participation in traditional activities, and an 94 exposure to traditional education, the subsistence base of the "mixed" economy could very likely remain strong. Table 30. Level of subsistence participation by satisfaction with promotion of traditional values in community. Promotion of traditional values in community Somewhat Somewhat Very dissatisfied Neither satisfied satisfied Subsistence level Total 0 activities 16.3% 21.2% 19.1% 10.0% 18.4% 1 thru 5 activities 36.2% 38.5% 39.6% 32.0% 38.0% 6 thru 16 activities 47.5% 40.4% 41.3% 58.0% 43.6% Total 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 6.3 Summary This chapter has provided a quantitative analysis of SLICA data, and more briefly has discussed qualitative information from two regional mining case studies. The focus of this analysis and presentation of results is on the study's four main variables and how they interact in order to realize the complex relationship between large scale mining projects and North American Arctic communities characterized by "mixed" economic activity. These main variables, as outlined throughout the paper include income, employment, environmental quality, and subsistence. An analysis of the public comments that were received during consultation activities in Alaska and Northern Quebec reveals that in the face of prospective mining development, there is a wide range of concerns held by the public. However, it is evident that the predominant issues of importance centre on potential impacts related to environmental quality and subsistence resources. 95 The examination of SLICA data reveals the existence of strong cash economies in Alaska and Northern Quebec, and that higher employment levels and incomes are associated with greater involvement in subsistence harvesting activities. Higher incomes also relate positively to peoples ownership of items used for subsistence, as well as to peoples perceptions about the sustainability of the subsistence economy in the future. Furthermore, results show that indigenous people in these two regions have a preference towards an economy consisting of a combination of formal, market economic activity together with an economy based on subsistence production activities. In terms of environmental quality, despite widespread concern about the environment, a considerable majority (68%) of people remain at least somewhat satisfied with the overall health of their local natural environment, and their opportunities to continue hunting and fishing. Moreover, the environmental impacts related to local industrial development are not viewed by many as a problem. Importantly, this is case even in regions where large-scale projects are in operation. Overall, an analysis of community, regional, and national level data from the SLICA initiative in this chapter reveals that the subsistence economy remains important in many regions of the Arctic. Its significance has been maintained despite often rapid and multidimensional changes that result from the introduction of large-scale industrial development. However, it is important to note that considerable shifts have occurred in how subsistence activities are carried out by individuals and households. Chapter Seven will discuss changes to subsistence economies and the factors responsible for these shifts in greater detail. 96 CHAPTER SEVEN: ANALYSIS 7.0 Introduction The social implications that have resulted from the shift to "mixed" economic activity and the development of the mining industry in the Arctic have been considerable over the past several decades. As the social stakes of development become more widely recognized, policy makers and mining companies will increasingly face the challenge of ensuring that the positive impacts of mining do not have detrimental social impacts. As stated by Huskey and Morehouse (1992, p. 135): The current mixed economy of northern villages is the result of a long period of adjustment by the indigenous population to the opportunities offered and constraints imposed by contact with external political and economic forces. Natives have responded to opportunities to earn income and have made significant adjustments in their way of life. The contemporary village resident takes advantage of opportunities offered by both traditional and modern economies to create a livelihood. Recent results from the SLICA initiative confirm that participation in subsistence harvesting and associated traditional activities remains strong throughout the entire Arctic. These findings are reflected in the emphasis that was placed on issues related to subsistence by participants in community consultations in Alaska and Northern Quebec in 2006 and 2007. Participation has been found to be especially high among men, and rates of participation in subsistence economic activity also increase with age, as middle-aged people (35-54) are the most heavily involved. Participation rates do begin to decline when people are 55 and older. 97 7.1 Discussion: Mining and Subsistence Activity 7.1.1 Income and Subsistence Economic and employment data reveal the existence of strong cash economies in many Arctic communities. However, there are notable disparities between Alaska and Nunavik. This can be attributed at least in part to a longer history of formal market based economic activity in Alaska. This economic activity has mainly been driven by large industrial projects, including oil activities at Prudhoe Bay, and zinc mining at the Red Dog Mine. Today, money and commodities are an integral part of the resources of contemporary Inuit economies. Subsistence pursuits alone require substantial monetary investments since movement on the land is done almost exclusively by truck, snowmobile, four-wheeler, and on the water by motorboat. Income attained from direct employment in the mining sector or from jobs that indirectly support the mining industry is critical in providing the financial resources necessary to support a high level of participation in the modern subsistence economy. While residents in the village of Salluit have noted that mining activities could affect hunting in areas near the project site, they also mentioned that people are now better equipped and willing to travel to new areas that are farther away and not traditionally used (Genivar, 2007). An analysis of SLICA data from across the Arctic reveals that high employment incomes relate positively to a greater level of participation in subsistence activities, more purchasing of traditional foods, and greater confidence that local harvesting economies will be sustained in coming years. Moreover, people who have the ability to purchase items used for subsistence, instead of having to borrow them are likely to have greater involvement in the harvesting economy. These findings are quite consistent across the Arctic, and between smaller and larger indigenous communities alike. Despite often being situated considerable distances from northern economic centres (e.g. Kuujjuaq and Kotzebue), many of the smallest and most remote communities have shown a reliance on modern subsistence items (e.g. GPS units) that is consistent with that of larger centres. Furthermore, country food tends to provide a larger and more important proportion of peoples' diets in smaller communities. However, people in more remote communities typically earn significantly less money, and there are fewer opportunities for wage employment. In mineral-rich regions of the north, mining exploration and development activities can provide an important influx of money that will help support the "mixed" economic activity. Recent academic research conducted in the Gwich'in village of Vashraii K'oo in northern Alaska also suggests that those who were better able to access the benefits of education and economic wealth were also more likely to pursue subsistence activities (Dinero, 2007). The findings in Dinero's study are reaffirmed by results in SLICA, which demonstrated that both formal education and traditional forms of education are a factor in promoting involvement in the subsistence economy. The role of education in promoting subsistence lifestyles, as well as Inuit employment in the mining sector was a prominent discussion theme raised by the Kangiqsujuaq Landholding Corporation during the public consultation process for the RSNP in 2006. The corporation made the following recommendations: 99 1. Schools should sponsor student visits to the mine, in order to provide students with an idea about their potential job opportunities. 2. In-school training programs should be shorter, since young people may be more motivated if training is done in a workplace environment rather than in a school classroom. 3. Canadian Royalties Inc. should reach an agreement with the Kativik School Board so that mining topics can be integrated into the high school curriculum. Residents of the neighbouring village of Salluit also suggested that Canadian Royalties Inc. could offer training programs jointly with the Kativik School Board. 7.1.2 Employment and Subsistence Common social and economic indicator research reveals that overall economic growth in northern regions is typically slower and narrower in scope than in southern, developed areas (Duhaime et al., 2004, p. 298). This situation has been a factor in the high rates of unemployment characteristic of many Arctic communities. The issue of high unemployment and low economic development in northern regions has gained considerable attention in recent decades. However, the problem may be exaggerated since much of the value of the traditional sector is "invisible" to conventional economic analysis (Berkes et al., 1994, p. 357). Since the products gained through harvesting do not pass through formal markets, government statistics are unable to take into account subsistence activities, and fulltime harvesters are technically defined as "unemployed". 100 An analysis of SLICA results show that northern indigenous peoples have a preference for an economy consisting of a combination of formal, market economic activity together with subsistence production activities. These preferences are even more pronounced in smaller communities, and as people grow older. These results also reflect the findings of studies that were carried out in the Copper Inuit community of Holman in Canada's Northwest Territories in the early 1990s. In Holman, Condon and et al (1995) noted that a general decrease in subsistence hunting involvement is characteristic of the younger generation (ages 20 to 35). This generation feels it must accommodate their harvesting activities to the demands of the workplace. It is often not until they have children of their own, or their parents die or become increasingly unable to pursue subsistence activities that they begin to express interest in subsistence activities (Oakes & Riewe, 1997, p. 107). The results of this analysis echo the findings in Kruse's examination (1991) of the relationship between labour force participation, incomes and traditional subsistence activities among North Slope Inupiat in the 1980s. His assessment of conditions revealed that despite intense wage employment related to oil development in the region, a high level of participation in subsistence activities continued. A similar pattern was exposed in Bone's study (1992) on country food purchasing and consumption by the Dene and Metis peoples during the Norman Wells pipeline project in Canada's Northwest Territories during the mid1980s; despite an increase in wage employment, there was no significant decline in the consumption of country food (Bone, 1992, p. 75). It appears that this pattern has been maintained or strengthened. 101 7.1.3 Environmental Quality and Subsistence In recent years, there has been a tremendous amount of interest and effort focused on assessing contaminants, environmental change, and the potential impacts of climate change in Arctic regions. An increase in the identification and appearance of contaminants in northern regions in the past few decades has gained widespread attention because of the potential social, environmental and human health consequences. In the face of growing concern about the decline in the quality of the natural environment and its resources, the vast majority of indigenous people in Alaska do not believe that pollution from industrial development is a problem. Also, close to 60% of people are not concerned about contamination in their subsistence resources. This is even the case in the NWAB where the Red Dog Mine has been operating for over 20 years, and is often considered to be among the largest individual industrial polluters in the entire United States (Pemberton, 2008, p. 1). The dominant message conveyed during the recent public hearings held in Alaska and Nunavik was that indigenous peoples are in favour of mining activities as long as the local natural environment is not negatively impacted. For example, at the Kotzebue scoping session for the Red Dog Mine SEIS, Siikauruq Whiting of the NWAB government stated that the Borough supports the extension of the Red Dog Mine, as long as it continues supporting local subsistence, and moves forward in a clean and environmentally friendly way (personal communication, October 2, 2007). It is unreasonable to suggest that mining developments will have no negative impact on the natural environment. However, if mining practices can minimize the extent to which they pollute, or if projects can be designed in such a way that environmental impacts and changes are either "invisible", or do not alter access to, or degrade the quality of resources used for subsistence while providing local benefits, people are likely to continue their support of mining activities. As it stands today in the NWAB, despite two decades of experience with mineral extraction and hauling, and related shipping activities at a seaport, a strong majority of people in the region are satisfied with both the health of the natural environment, and the opportunities that they have to hunt and fish. Studies in Nunavik demonstrate a similar relationship between mining exploration and development activities, and the continuation of longstanding traditional lifestyle practices. Although the regulatory regime for mining exploration and exploitation has tightened significantly in the past 30 years, a considerable amount of effort must be undertaken to redress the negligence of the past. For example, Duhaime and his colleagues (2005) suggest that there are 595 potential mining exploration sites in Nunavik which contain equipment, dwellings, vehicles or other items that might have been abandoned during works conducted before 1976. Many of these sites pose a moderate or major environmental risk (Duhaime et al., 2005, p. 270). Over the years, local populations using the territory have discovered abandoned sites when travelling between their hunting and fishing areas. Duhaime states that, "from an environmental viewpoint, the scope of the problem is as yet largely unknown. However, from a social, economic and cultural viewpoint, the effects of environmental contamination on hunting and fishing activities would be considerable if the territory affected is extensively used by the local population" (Duhaime et al., 2005, p. 262). There also appears to be growing confidence amongst northern peoples that the legal context for mining, as well as mining companies themselves are increasingly effective in mitigating the level of harm to the natural environment from mining activities. In a Nunatsiaq News report from May 17, 1996, prior to the commencement of operations at the Raglan Mine, Jimmy Kakayuk, an Elder in Salluit notes that at first he was concerned about environmental damage from the opening of the mine, but now he is convinced of the company's desire to exercise an adequate level of care in it operations (George, 1996, p. 1). 7.2 Short-Term Versus Long-Term Impacts Because of the vastness of the circumpolar north, and the fact that most major industrial developments are often situated in remote and sparsely populated areas where no previous industrial activity has ever existed, it can be difficult to predict how short-term uses of resources like minerals relate to the long-term effects on the productivity of resources such as wildlife. Short-term uses are those which occur during the lifetime of the project. Longterm effects generally refer to the time beyond the life of a project. The most significant short-term impacts to subsistence resources generally occur during the initial construction and early operational phases of a project (USEPA, 1984; Genivar, 2007). It is reasonable to suggest that if potential impacts can be properly mitigated at the beginning of a project, effects on the natural resources would be minimal. Environmental impact studies can play an important role in the early identification of potential problem areas, and enhance the potential for effective mitigation. Long-term environmental disturbances can be more difficult to predict, but they generally involve consequences to fish and wildlife. Depending upon the magnitude of a disturbance from mining activities, behaviour and movement patterns of wildlife could be significantly affected. For example, dating back to the early 1980s, there have been concerns expressed in both Alaska and Nunavik about the interruption to major seasonal caribou migrations as a consequence of nearby development activities. Major shifts in herd locations could have a very definite long-term subsistence impact on local residents. 104 7.3 Environmental Impact Assessment The environmental regimes adopted in Canada and the United States call for studies that evaluate the potential impacts of proposed mining projects. One of the key purposes of conducting an environmental impact assessment prior to any project development is to recognize potential socio-economic and environmental consequences, and to identify and evaluate alternative ways to carry out a project (Halley & Verreault, 2000, p. 5). Impact studies for major industrial projects are still relatively young in existence (approximately 30 years), and their effectiveness in mitigating negative effects is constantly being evaluated and examined for potential areas of improvement. According to Stevenson, including local knowledge of indigenous people in an EIA can only lead to improved decision-making in the assessment and mitigation of negative environmental impacts, and increased benefits for northern communities (1996, p. 279). In northern Canada, in the past few decades, indigenous knowledge has had a variety of applications, particularly in resource management and land-use planning (Usher, 2000; Peters, 2003). In the case of the Red Dog Mine Environmental Impact Statement (1984), potential subsistence impacts were evaluated primarily on the bases of interference with traditional harvest activities and increased nonresident harvest of fish and wildlife resources along the road corridors, port sites and mineral transfer facilities. The proposed mine site was located on the fringe of subsistence areas used by Kivalina and Noatak residents. Several alternatives were considered and they focused on lowering the risk of interference with subsistence harvesting activities. For example, it was suggested by a resident of Kivalina that the haul road should run parallel to the primary winter caribou range rather than cut across it. Also, 105 the road corridor should take a route that traverses fewer streams which are important for subsistence use. With respect to potential adverse effects on the continuation of traditional subsistence patterns from employment at the mine, it was also noted that work schedules and commuting patterns could be adapted to minimize conflicts with subsistence patterns (USEPA, 1984). 106 CHAPTER EIGHT: CONCLUSION 8.0 Introduction The findings in this study share many similarities with those presented by Berkes et al (1994), when they asserted that despite the predictions of many economic planners to the contrary, the land-based economy has remained the cornerstone of the mixed economies of many northern communities. The shifts in income and employment, and the environmental changes that often result from large-scale mining projects do not appear to instigate a decline in people's participation in subsistence activities. An assessment of how the Raglan Mine in Northern Quebec and the Red Dog Mine in Alaska's Northwest Arctic Borough have influenced longstanding traditional practices of local indigenous peoples reveals strong community integrity2. Even in the face of rapid and multi-dimensional changes in these Arctic regions, longstanding cultural practices have remained viable. 8.1 Summary of Study Findings Public consultation processes included as part of regulatory environmental impact assessments in Alaska and Northern Quebec were important in the identification of specific concerns about past and current mining projects in each region, and expectations in the advancement of future developments. The analysis of hundreds of public comments indicates that people's main concerns regarding mining are focused on impacts to environmental quality and subsistence resources, and more specifically on issues related to caribou and fish 2 "Community integrity" as defined in the 2004 Arctic Human Development Report (SAI, 2004): cultures can remain viable in the face of rapid and multi-dimensional changes. The experience of the Arctic demonstrates this is possible. populations, as well as water quality. Overall, people are in favour of industrial development in their local region, and believe that this type of development may even be supportive of traditional lifestyles. The examination of SLICA data reveals the existence of strong cash economies in Alaska and Northern Quebec, and that higher employment levels and incomes are associated with greater involvement in subsistence harvesting activities. Higher incomes also relate positively to peoples ownership of items used for subsistence, consumption of country food, as well as to peoples perceptions about the sustainability of the subsistence economy in the future. In a survey of the entire Canadian Arctic population, a significantly higher percentage of people who earned above $45,000 per year believed that there would be an increase in hunting, fishing, trapping, and gathering activities five years from now, compared to those earning less than $15,000 annually (Table 13). These findings are quite consistent across the Arctic region, and between smaller and larger indigenous communities alike. In contrast, there is a significant decrease in the importance that people place on subsistence values when they are making $25 or more per hour. This suggests that the practice of subsistence activities does not necessarily reflect a strong "traditional value" system. Results show that indigenous peoples in these two regions have a preference for an economy consisting of a combination of formal, market economic activity together with an economy based on subsistence production activities. These preferences are strongest in smaller communities. In regional hub communities where there is greater economic diversification and generally more opportunities for employment, such as in Kotzebue and Kuujjuaq, individuals are more likely to prefer working a wage job to make a living, than people living in smaller, more remote communities. In terms of harvesting or processing as a sole means of providing a living, a relatively small proportion of people noted this as a preferred lifestyle. However, as people grow older, this proportion increases considerably. These patterns are consistent with findings from studies which examined the relationship between labour force participation and subsistence activities in the 1980s and 1990s (Kruse, 1990; Bone, 1992; Condon et al, 1995). Despite widespread concern about the environmental issues in many northern communities, a considerable majority (68%) of people remain at least somewhat satisfied with the overall health of their local natural environment, and their opportunities to continue hunting and fishing. Moreover, the environmental impacts related to local industrial development are not viewed by many people as a problem, and the majority of people are not concerned about contamination in their subsistence resources. Importantly, this is even the case in regions where large-scale projects are in operation. In general, there does not appear to be a significant divide between central and non-central communities in terms of how people view the state of their environment, and the factors influencing it. The sense of control and influence in reducing environmental problems, as well as in managing renewable and non-renewable natural resources is also notable. With respect to environmental resources, such as fish and game which have long been the foundation of local subsistence economies, a significant majority (74%) of people in the NWAB are satisfied with their influence. In Alaska, a small majority (53%) of people surveyed felt "somewhat" or "very satisfied" with their influence over the management of natural resources like oil, natural gas and minerals. Results from SLICA reveal that participation in subsistence activities across the Arctic varies considerably. Also, there are large differences in participation rates amongst 109 different age cohorts, as well as by gender. Importantly, however, participation in family and community networks remains high in many regions, and this helps to ensure a minimum level of subsistence for most members of the population. An analysis of the entire international population represented in SLICA, reveals that high educational attainment in formal educational institutions corresponds to lower levels of subsistence participation. In contrast, a high level of traditional education is related to higher subsistence levels. A strong correlation exists between the highest level of traditional education and values, and those that engage in the highest number of subsistence activities (Table 28). It appears that if the values inherent in subsistence lifestyles have been deeply rooted in people through long-time participation in traditional activities, and an exposure to traditional education, the subsistence base of the "mixed" economy could very likely remain strong. An analysis of community, regional, and national level data from the SLICA initiative suggests that the subsistence economy remains important in many regions of the Arctic. Its significance has been maintained despite often rapid and multi-dimensional changes that can result from the introduction of large-scale industrial development. The findings in this thesis support the hypothesis, that while facing large-scale mining development in remote and northern regions, the participation of indigenous peoples in subsistence activities and their traditional values can be maintained. However, it is important to note that considerable shifts have occurred in how subsistence activities are carried out by individuals and households. For example, there have been tremendous changes to the equipment used for subsistence in recent years, and the duration of trips are often shortened as a result of more efficient and effective technologies, as well as competing work schedules (Condon et al., 1995, p. 38; 110 Buklis, 1999, p. 45). Furthermore, traditional hunting and fishing areas may have to be abandoned because of mining activities. This has occurred at the Red Dog Mine site, for example, because local hunters are no longer permitted on the land leased by Teck Cominco Inc. 8.2 Regional Economic Development and Mining Development in the Arctic The reality of energy and mineral resource development in the north is that there is little permanence and eventually non-renewable resource exploitation must end because the oil or ore body is exhausted. Bone contends that this type of development cannot be sustained in the long-term and is not effective in promoting regional development (1992, p. 33). Berkes and his colleagues (1994) note that for "comprehensive regional economic planning, cultural sustainability, ecological sustainability, and economic sustainability need to be considered together" (p. 358). In this consideration, the northern economy must be structured in such a way that economic benefits from industrial development are channeled to enhance long-term and environmentally compatible economic activities (Duerden, 1992, p. 223). In the Arctic context, this means continuing traditional land-based activities, while exploring new and long-term opportunities for generating revenue. At the same time, the integrity of the natural environment must be kept intact. Therefore, it is necessary that wildlife populations used in the subsistence economy are conserved. Preserving natural capital also includes the goods and services that are provided by the biophysical environment (Jansson et al., 1994). For example, land and marine transportation networks must be sustained, and water quality should not be degraded. Ill Economic development tied to non-renewable resource extraction such as mining can potentially result in two problems. Firstly, there is the risk that local economies may become dependent on the income and employment that a mine may provide. Secondly, large projects run the risk of environmental losses through land-use changes and disturbances, and the release of contaminants. Alternative models for development are needed to provide a more sustainable economic balance. In many areas, renewable resource developments can be a viable means of creating more balanced development (Myers & Forrest, 1999). The results of this study support the alternative development view advocated by Berger (1977), Wolfe and Walker (1989) and others who favour an economy consisting of both wage employment and traditional activities. Thus, a viable development strategy for mineral rich regions in the north may involve the sustainable use of land-based resources, while also exploring and carefully developing resource-based industries and the local services necessary to support resource development projects. Mining projects have the potential to strengthen indigenous lifestyles by providing indigenous people with the necessary income and time off to pursue their traditional land-based activities. Furthermore, they can support the skills required to live off the land and help ensure the transfer of indigenous knowledge, customs, values, and traditions to future generations (Stevenson, 1996). As Berkes argues, wildlife continues to be the major produce of the land, and it makes sense to use this renewable resource as the foundation of a culturally and environmentally sustainable economy (1995, p. 92). 112 8.3 Mining Projects and the Public It is important that the information being presented by mining companies and other cooperating agencies at public hearings is comprehensive, and does not simply inform the public about the positive impacts from a project. This project information should also be made available well before formal public hearings so that the public has time to examine project details, internalize the information and not be confused by new information. It would also be helpful for affected communities to organize their own meetings prior to formal meetings in order for people to have an opportunity to hear each other's opinions, experiences and thoughts on the issues (Genivar, 2007). Elders' opinions and guidance on these issues could play a particularly important role in these types of meetings. Wherever possible, public consultation related to large scale projects should also be widened to involve more communities that could potentially feel the impacts from development. It is also important that the public is given a clear indication of the duration of a proposed project, and an indication of the types of long-term implications that may follow decommissioning. Although shifts in commodity prices and market conditions can influence the viability of a project, and in some cases extend a project when known reserves can be extracted at a profit, project lengths are generally forecasted quite accurately (USEPA, 1984). 8.4 Further Research and Action The analysis of SLICA data, as well as the comments that were received during public consultation processes in Alaska and Northern Quebec has provided important insights into how industrial activity and more specifically, large-scale mining projects relate 113 to factors associated with subsistence activity. The quantitative and qualitative information gathered from these sources, combined with related research that has been conducted over the past few decades, and which has been presented throughout this paper provide a basis for the identification of areas requiring action. Issues requiring consideration: 1. Because of their intimate knowledge of the land and its resources, indigenous peoples could play a particularly important role in environmental monitoring and distinguishing mining project-related changes from natural changes in the environment (Stevenson, 1996, p. 278). 2. An increased emphasis on the practice of co-management of wildlife, where local indigenous users and wildlife managers cooperate to pool their expertise and knowledge, may be helpful in the development of strategies that aim to sustain wildlife supplies despite increased pressures on the natural environment stemming from polluting industrial activities (Collings, 1997, p. 41). 3. To encourage the integration of a maximum number of Inuit employees at a mine, a shorter work schedule rotation consisting of two weeks of work and two weeks off should be established. This will allow employees to spend more time in their communities and with their families, and makes available significant periods of time for involvement in subsistence activities. Where possible, it would also be beneficial to design work schedules that take into account harvesting seasons when people are most likely to engage in subsistence activities. 114 4. Monitoring of a mining project's influence on subsistence harvesting could be conducted by a special committee (e.g. Red Dog Mine Subsistence Committee) mandated to minimize potential subsistence problems. This type of committee could provide additional mitigation and monitoring of the environment that stretches beyond regulatory requirements. 5. Cross-cultural training for both Inuit and non-Inuit employees could be offered to help ensure that Inuit's traditional lifestyles are respected and protected. 6. Where applicable, infrastructure necessary for mining activities (e.g. roads and ports) should be developed in such a way that enables local people to travel more easily to hunting and fishing areas. Taking into account the vast scale and complexity of large mining projects, the suggestions outlined in this section are anything but comprehensive, but rather are a starting point for improving the relationship between subsistence economies and mining projects. It is important to note that the conclusions reached in this study should not be generalized to include all large mining projects and communities in the Circumpolar North. Although SLICA consists of a large population sample which spans regions across the Arctic, the sample and results for this particular study were mainly limited to communities and regions in Alaska and Northern Quebec. Because of historical, political, and socio-economic differences between Arctic regions, it cannot be assumed that the relationship between mining development and "mixed" economies will be the same in all regions. For instance, the regions and projects that have been addressed in this study are subject to land claim agreements and Native development corporations, whereas in Greenland or the Russian 115 Arctic, the management regimes responsible for mineral development are much different. The size and scale, as well as the location of the particular mining project relative to communities are also factors that do not allow for a broad generalization of the study's findings. To fill some of the gaps in this study, future research could address the impact of smaller mining projects and mineral exploration activities, as well as projects that are located closer to communities. Furthermore, a study that similarly addresses the relationship between large-scale mining development and "mixed" economies, but instead looks at Arctic regions outside of North America could provide a better understanding of this relationship and a broader test of the study's main hypothesis. Although the regulatory context for mineral exploration and development has gone development in remote, northern regions must continue to enhance its ability to accurately calculate the socio-economic and environmental consequences of large-scale mineral development. Mandatory public consultation activities included in the environmental impact assessment regimes in both Canada and the United States are important forums that help facilitate the exchange of conflicting ideas, interests and parties at the same discussion table. Having an opportunity to raise a wide range of concerns, expectations and hopes pertaining to a proposed industrial development project allows for setting goals that are acceptable to all parties. For instance, the importance of sustaining the quality of the natural environment for subsistence purposes was expressed during public consultation activities for the Red Dog Mine in the early 1980s. This issue was ultimately included in the Red Dog Development and Operating Agreement (1982), and eventually led to the establishment of the Red Dog Mine "subsistence committee". 116 Sustained contact with a dominant southern society and persistent demands to develop Arctic resources have inevitably altered northern subsistence economies. Despite these pressures, indigenous peoples have revealed how resilient traditional land-based economic activity can be in the face of continued industrial economic expansion. Throughout Alaska and the Canadian North, subsistence activities remain at the core of most village economies. By being aware of the issues and influences affecting the subsistence economy, and how many of the issues are interrelated, policy makers, regulatory bodies, third-party planners and consultants, and natural resource-based industries have the opportunity to be proactive, and better equipped to constructively approach subsistence-related needs. 117 REFERENCES Alaska Community Action on Toxics. (2004). Red Dog Mine and subsistence: Analysis of reports on elevated levels of heavy metals in plants used for subsistence near Red Dog Mine, Alaska. Retrieved September 24, 2007, from http://www.akaction.org/Reports/Red_Dog_Report/ACATRedDogReportFinal.pdf Alaska Department of Labor and Workforce Development. (2000). Northwest Arctic Borough map. 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Arctic Anthropology 24(2), 56-81. 125 APPENDIX A: SUPPORTING TABLES FROM ANALYSIS OF SLICA DATA 4-wheeler and ATV use for subsistence activities in Nunavik communities Uses 4-wheeler or ATV for subsistence activities Yes No Kuujjuaq 68.4% 31.6% Quaqtac 74.1% 25.9% Inukjuak 63.9% 36.1% Kangiqsujuaq 87.9% 12.1% Total Average 73.6% 26.4% Use of GPS unit for subsistence activities in Nunavik communities Uses GPS unit for subsistence activities Kuujjuaq Yes No 22.1% 77.9% Quaqtac 29.3% 70.7% Inukjuak 25.4% 74.6% Kangiqsujuaq 16.3% 83.7% Total Average 23.3% 76.7% The subsistence economy five years from now by personal income - Quaqtac, Nunavik Hunting, Fishing, Trapping and gathering will be the same 5 years from now 15000 or less 15001 or more Total average 31.5% 50.6% 39.3% Subsistence activities as a reason for staying in the community Region Nunavik NANA Subsistence activities mentioned as a reason for staying in the community on an open-ended question in SLICA 10% 18% Not mentioned 90% 82% * Age data is for Canada and Alaska as a whole 126 APPENDIX B: CONTACTS FROM ALASKA FIELD WORK (FALL 2007) Name Affiliation Patty McGrath (SEIS Project Manager) U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Bob Tsigonis Alaska Department of Natural Resources Ron Romoelman Tetra Tech Inc. George Helfrich U.S. National Park Service Nina Shestakovich Maniilaq Association David Van den Berg Northern Alaska Environmental Center Pamela Miller Alaska Community Action on Toxics Vanessa Salinas Alaskans for Responsible Mining APPENDIX C: SLICA - TRADITIONAL VALUES INDICATORS Use of traditional language Sharing and helping Respect for others Cooperation Respect for elders Love for children Hard work Knowledge of family tree Avoidance of conflict Respect for nature Spirituality Humor Family Roles Teaching girls traditional roles Teaching boys traditional roles Hunter & herder knowledge Domestic (homemaking) skills Humility Responsibility to the Inupiat community Community self-determination APPENDIX D: SUBSISTENCE RELATED COMMENTS FROM RED DOG MINE SEIS SCOPING SESSIONS Wildlife and Aquatic Resources Comment Comment Date: 10/15/2007 Source: Email Commenter: Myra Wesley Affiliation: None Type of Organization: Individual Migration patterns are changing for the fall caribou herd, which used to number in the thousands and would graze for days within a mile of Kivalina. In current years the much smaller herd grazes 10-15 miles from Kivalina and the animals do not stay in the area throughout the winter. Comment Date: 10/15/2007 Source: Email Commenter: Myra Wesley Affiliation: None Type of Organization: Individual NANA and Teck Cominco have been informed that caribou are afraid to cross the haul road. Someone in authority needs to stop trucks from driving on the haul road for a few days or a week during the fall crossing. Comment Date: 10/5/2007 Source: Consultation Commenter: Kivalina IRA Council Affiliation: Kivalina IRA Council Type of Organization: Government Policies related to stopping truck traffic during caribou migrations to allow caribou to cross the road are inadequate. The trucks only stop when the caribou are close to the road. Caribou sense the trucks from a longer distance away do not approach the road due to the trucks. The caribou stay on the Kotzebue side of the road due to the constant truck traffic. The mine needs to stop transportation of ore during the fall caribou migration. Environmental Quality Comment Comment Date: 10/14/2007 The 1984 EIS identified potential issues associated with dust and identified monitoring as part of EPA's PSD permit. Source: Letter Commenter: George Helfrich However, little physical or biological monitoring of dust has occurred. The SEIS should describe the extent of fugitive Affiliation: National Park dust, its impacts and include practical alternatives that Service would mitigate the effects presented in the analysis. Type of Organization: Agency Comment Date: 10/17/2007 Source: Letter Commenter: Joan Frankevich Affiliation: National Parks Conservation Association Type of Organization: NGO Climate change may severely affect the operations and safety of the Red Dog Mine. It is imperative the SEIS address issues such as the effect of melting permafrost on the tailings impoundment and other potential changes caused by global warming. 129 Comment Date: 10/4/2007 Source: Testimony Commenter: Unidentified Noatak Resident Affiliation; None Type of Organization: Individual Global warming could affect permafrost and allow new pathways for pollutants to get into the ground. Employment and Income Comment Comment Date: 10/8/2007 Source: Letter Commenter: Pamela Miller, Colleen Keane Affiliation: Alaska Community Action on Toxics Type of Organization: NGO The SEIS should include a comprehensive examination of how the project has affected the social structure, leadership, economics, and culture of the communities in the region. Comment Date: 10/15/2007 Source: Email Commenter: Roland Booth Affiliation: None Type of Organization: Individual The government has created a welfare mentality in the villages where not many want to work or they only work long enough to get what they want. Comment Date: 10/5/2007 Source: Testimony Commenter: Joe Swan Sr. (through interpreter) Affiliation: None Type of Organization: Individual We recognize that TCAK is providing income to NANA and the Borough and we don't want to force TCAK to stop. But we are concerned about the effects of the operation on our livelihood, our health, our lives, our business and water. TCAK should have proper rules to operate under if they are to open the new deposit. Comment Date: 10/5/2007 Source: Testimony Commenter: Millie Hawley Affiliation: None Type of Organization: Individual I have relatives that work at the port and don't want to see the mine close down but I want them to be careful mining. Red Dog started out being careless and got better over time because we voiced our concerns. We need to keep voicing our concerns. 130 Subsistence Comment Comment Date: 10/5/2007 Source: Email Commenter: Myra Wesley Affiliation: None Type of Organization: Individual Because trucks travel on the haul road every 7 minutes, caribou are afraid of crossing the road. The few caribou that do cross the road no longer graze near Kivalina and most of the animals are not 'huntable' (fawns, pregnant females). Comment Date: 10/3/2007 Source: Testimony Commenter: Siikauraq Whiting Affiliation: Northwest Arctic Borough Type of Organization: Government Subsistence is critical to our region and it is the lifeblood of who we are. Hunting and camping grounds in the Red Dog Mine area are critical for people Comment Date: 10/3/2007 Source: Testimony Commenter: Siikauraq Whiting Affiliation: Northwest Arctic Borough Type of Organization: Government The Borough supports the work on subsistence and clean air recognizing the mine is the primary source of revenue for the Borough. The Borough supports opening the Aqqaluk Deposit provided its done in an clean and environmentally friendly way. Comment Date: 10/4/2007 Source: Testimony Commenter: Michael Sherman Sr. Affiliation: None Type of Organization: Individual It's important not to leave our children behind as Teck Cominco expands the mine. It's important to be able to pursue the subsistence lifestyle but also get an education. Comment Date: 10/4/2007 Source: Testimony Commenter: Unidentified Noatak Resident Affiliation: None Type of Organization: Individual The subsistence committee should be consulted in developing the SEIS. 131 Comment Date: 10/5/2007 Source: Consultation Commenter: Kivalina IRA Council Affiliation: Kivalina IRA Council Type of Organization: Government Migrations of caribou and beluga whale have changed since the mine has been in operation. Before the port was built, beluga traveled closer to shore. Prior to the road, residents of Kivalina were able to hunt caribou in the fall and winter across the lagoon from the village. These were unexpected changes. Comment Date: 10/5/2007 Source: Consultation Commenter: Kivalina IRA Council Affiliation: Kivalina IRA Council Type of Organization: Government Subsistence hunters from Kivalina have had to travel farther, spending more time and money to hunt caribou. Comment Date: 10/5/2007 Source: Consultation Commenter: Kivalina IRA Council Affiliation: Kivalina IRA Council Type of Organization: Government Due to mine operation impacts, life is not only harder for the hunters, for also for elders who rely on hunters who share their catch with them. Elders rely on Native food, and it is hard when they cannot get it from harvesters (e.g., caribou and fish the year of the fish kill). Comment Date: 10/5/2007 Source: Consultation Commenter: Kivalina IRA Council Affiliation: Kivalina IRA Council Type of Organization: Government The three important subsistence resources are caribou, fish and bearded seal and if any one of these is affected, life is hard. Residents understood resources would be minimally affected by the mining operations but not to the point that they had to adjust to resources not being readily available. Comment Date: 10/5/2007 Source: Consultation Commenter: Kivalina IRA Council Affiliation: Kivalina IRA Council Type of Organization: Government Subsistence foods are important to cultural identity and existence. Hunters will go as far as necessary to hunt and fish regardless of the expense. 132 Comment Date: 10/5/2007 Source: Consultation Commenter: Kivalina IRA Council Affiliation: Kivalina IRA Council Type of Organization: Government A trained observer knowledgeable in both mining operations and subsistence activities should be located at the mine and port to monitor activities on a day to day basis and notify villagers in the event of a spill or other environmental issue. While Native employees at the mine may try to alert villagers of incidents at the mine, whistle blowers may be punished for reporting such incidents. Comment Date: 10/5/2007 Source: Consultation Commenter: Kivalina IRA Council Affiliation: Kivalina IRA Council Type of Organization: Government The mine was responsible for at least one fish kill (1991), which made that year difficult in terms of subsistence resources. Kivalina residents are dependent on a variety of subsistence resources and disruption of any one makes the subsistence lifestyle more difficult. Comment Date: 10/5/2007 Source: Testimony Commenter: Becky Norton Affiliation: None Type of Organization: Individual It would be good to do a subsistence study that looked at uses before Red Dog, now, and after Red Dog to see what changes have occurred. Public Health Comment Comment Date: 9/28/2007 Source: Letter Commenter: None Affiliation: Maniilaq Association Type of Organization: Agency Subsistence-related health effects should be included in the SEIS. Subsistence is integral to the nutritional, metabolic, emotional, and spiritual health of our communities. The short-term and long-term potential impacts to subsistence resources, subsistence practices and intake, and the risk of health problems pursuant to these impacts should be considered in the context of the available public health data, and the disturbances predicted under the proposed action, and appropriately mitigated. 133 Comment Date: 9/28/2007 Source: Letter Commenter: None Affiliation: Maniilaq Association Type of Organization: Agency The Alaska Department of Health and Human Services has completed excellent studies on contaminants and human health at Red Dog Mine in the past, with assistance from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control, National Center for Environmental Health. Input from these entities should be viewed as essential to a complete evaluation of potential contaminant-related concerns that may arise over the life cycle of the mine, including abandonment. Mitigation, however, might include a reasonable program of monitoring in subsistence resources and the human population, if found to be warranted. Comment Date: 10/5/2007 Source: Consultation Commenter: Kivalina IRA Council Affiliation: Kivalina IRA Council Type of Organization: Government We have concerns about air quality including that dust from the road may be contaminating subsistence resources. 134 APPENDIX E: SUBSISTENCE RELATED COMMENTS FROM RSNP SOCIAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT PUBLIC CONSULTATIONS Wildlife and Aquatic Resources Comment Date: 8/3/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Resident Population of Salluit Type of Organization: Individuals Comment Mine activities could potentially affect the caribou that are found in the area. Caribou are usually more bothered by sounds and human activities when they are in smaller groups than when they are in a herd. People are concerned that mining activities will have an Comment Date: 8/8/2006 Source: Consultation impact on fish populations. In the last few years, dead fish Affiliation: Board of have been found in Wakeham Bay River. Directors of the Kanqiqsujuaq Co-operative Type of Organization: Business Comment Date: 8/8/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Kangiqsujuaq Landholding Corporation Type of Organization: Corporation The caribou migration paths have changed since mining activities began near the study area. The new mine could lead to more changes to caribou migration paths. The coming and going of helicopters could have an impact on caribou that are present in or near the study area. At Wakeham Beach, dead crustaceans have been found on the shore. Is this related to mining activities? Comment Date: 8/10/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Nunavik Landholding Corporations Association Type of Organization: Professional Organization The transporting of minerals could be halted while the caribou migrate though the study area, as is done at Red Dog mine in Alaska. 135 Environmental Quality Comment Comment Date: 7/31/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Municipal Council/Directors of the Puvirtuq Co-operative Type of Organization: Government The mine could affect the water quality and aquatic wildlife since the mine deposits are located in close proximity to the Puvirnituq River.This river is the village's source of drinking water and it is also a fishing site. Given that the project is located at the head of the Puvirnituq River watershed, the entire watershed could be affected by the mine. The mineral excavation projects will lead to a rise in the dust level, which could affect the people who live in the surrounding areas. Dust could also fall in the water courses and affect the water quality. An increase in dust content could also potentially contaminate the natural environment, depending on the mineral composition of the dust. Mine tailings could contain contaminants that may affect the environment. Comment Date: 8/2/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Municipal Council and Landholding Corporation of Salluit Type of Organization: Government/Corporation Potential contaminations of caribou flesh because the migration route passes through the study area. Potential contamination of fish that migrate in the rivers located in the study area. Based on past mining experiences, the people are worried that mine tailings may be scattered by the wind and snow and that they will affect the surrounding natural environment. In order to limit the dispersal of mine tailings, they should be covered with gravel, layer by layer. Based on past mining experiences, the people are concerned that the water will be contaminated by accidental spills of waste water into the water courses and that overflow from the water treatment plant may end up in the water courses. Impacts on the landscape must be minimized by restoring the affected areas as much as possible. There must be environmental monitoring of the water quality and of the fish populations in water courses affected by the project. 136 Comment Date: 8/3/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Resident Population of Salluit Type of Organization: Individuals The use of the road in the Deception Bay and Watts Lake area will increase the dust content, which may affect the surrounding environment. Comment Date: 8/3/2006 and 8/4/2006 Source: Individual Meetings Affiliation: Population of Salluit Type of Organization: Individuals Fear of pollution to the surface water caused by acid rock drainage flowing from the open pit mine. Mining projects of the past did cause considerable damage to the environment (fox den habitats, archaeological sites, etc.). Today, mining projects must respect the environment if they want to pursue their activities. In order to limit the spread of mine tailings, the tailings should be covered with sand and gravel. The mining sites must be rehabilitated when the mine is closed so that the landscape is restored to its original state. Comment Date: 8/8/2006 The people are concerned about air pollution; yellow-brown Source: Consultation clouds have been observed around the bay. Affiliation: Board of Directors of the Kanqiqsujuaq Co-operative Type of Organization: Business Comment Date: 8/8/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Municipal Council of Kangiqsujuaq Type of Organization: Government The mayor raised questions about the Raglan mine and would like to know more about the environmental impacts of the Raglan mine. Comment Date: 8/8/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Kangiqsujuaq Landholding Corporation Type of Organization: Corporation Mine waste should be concentrated in a strategic location, based on the direction of the dominant winds. This will prevent the scattering of fine dust particles that could easily end up in the surrounding environment. 137 Comment Date: 8/9/2006 Source: Radio Program Affiliation: Resident population of Kangiqsujuaq Type of Organization: Individuals The mine could have negative effects on fish populations in the lakes. The mine could also affect the river flow velocity. Some water courses seem to have a reduced flow velocity, which may be due to the presence of the Raglan mine. Comment Date: 8/10/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Nunavik Landholding Corporations Association Type of Organization: Professional Organization Minerals should be transported in closed trucks; the canvas that covers trucks is not sufficient. Comment Date: 8/10/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Makivik Corporation Type of Organization: Corporation In the context of the impact study, it is important to take into account the existence of nearly 600 mining exploration sites that have been abandoned and continue to pollute the environment. Employment and Income Comment Comment Date: 7/31/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Municipal Council/Directors of the Puvirtuq Co-operative Type of Organization: Government There is concern that the majority of contracts will be awarded to companies from the south, that money will not stay in the Inuit communities and that Rouyn-Noranda will be the one to profit (as is the case currently with Raglan). Creation of companies that could fill the mine's various needs (diesel supply, construction of employee camps and maintenance buildings, hydro- or wind-power supply, air transportation, etc.), in addition to jobs at the mine, maintenance services (cleaning and machine repairs), and food services. The people want to be involved and want to be given the opportunity to invest in the project (corporate and private investments). They are also worried about discrimination against the Inuit. Cultural differences lead to a variety of conflicts. 138 Cultural exchange program for employees to teach them about Inuit values and to provide information about the Inuit way of life. This type of program was implemented (but is no longer running) at Raglan and was considered to be very positive. Comment Date: 8/2/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Municipal Council and Landholding Corporation of Salluit Type of Organization: Government/Corporation Based on past mining experience, the people of Salluit are worried that the mine will only offer them service jobs, such as maintenance, cleaning, cooking, etc. Comment Date: 8/3/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Resident Population of Salluit Type of Organization: Individuals The village of Salluit would like a road to be built between Salluit and Deception Bay. This road would: 1) facilitate the supply of food, construction materials, etc., for the village, since maritime transportation is much less costly than air transportation; 2) enable people to travel more easily to hunting and fishing areas; 3) boost tourism by facilitating access to the village; 4) encourage people to work by enabling them to get to their jobs more easily; 5) increase opportunities for creating new businesses. Comment Date: 8/3/2006 and 8/4/2006 Source: Individual Meetings Affiliation: Population of Salluit Type of Organization: Individuals Support local companies for the awarding of contracts at the mine, especially those companies that are 100% Inuitowned. All services that are provided to the mine should come from Salluit rather than from southern towns. Comment Date: 8/8/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Kangiqsujuaq Landholding Corporation Type of Organization: Corporation Canadian Royalties should reach an agreement with the school board so that mining topics can be integrated into high-school courses. Canadian Royalties must offer training programs jointly with the Kativik School Board and other partners. Training programs should be shorter. Young people will stay motivated if there is more on-the-job training. Students should visit the mine with school. This will give them an idea about their potential job opportunities. 139 Comment Date: 8/10/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Nunavik Landholding Corporations Association Type of Organization: Professional Organization The people of Nunavik are in favour of development but they are also aware of the potential environmental and social impacts. Comment Date: 8/10/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Makivik Corporation Type of Organization: Corporation The Raglan mine created a precedent by giving priority to villages that are most affected by the mine (i.e., Salluit and Kangiqsujuaq). It would be very difficult to proceed otherwise and to fairly involve all the communities of Nunavik in the new mining project. Subsistence Comment Comment Date: 8/2/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Municipal Council and Landholding Corporation of Salluit Type of Organization: Government/Corporation There are several people from Salluit who hunt and fish in traditional sites located west of the study area (between the study area and the Puvirnituq hunting and fishing area). According to them, the people from Puvirnituq should not be asking to be involved in the project because they are less affected than the people from Salluit. Nearly 90% of fishermen from Salluit fish in the Deception Bay area. Increased port activities in this area could disrupt the fishermen. An agreement should be signed between Canadian Royalties and the village concerning the passage of boats in Deception Bay in order to compensate for or minimize the impacts on users of the bay. Comment Date: 8/3/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Resident Population of Salluit Type of Organization: Individuals The population is increasingly using new areas for hunting and fishing. The population is growing and people are now better equipped with snowmobiles and ATVs so they can travel to areas that are farther away and not traditionally used. Mining activities could affect hunting in the study area. It would be preferable to prohibit the arrival of boats in Deception Bay in April (and in March if possible), because the passage of boats breaks the ice and prevents snowmobiles from crossing the bay. 140 The use of existing roads in the Deception Bay area will result in an increase in activities, which could affect hunting in the area. Canadian Royalties should compensate the population of Salluit for the use of Deception Bay because this area is used frequently for hunting and fishing. Comment Date: 8/3/2006 and 8/4/2006 Source: Individual Meetings Affiliation: Population of Salluit Type of Organization: Individuals The road from Deception Bay should be paved because otherwise there would be a large amount of dust and this would affect the villagers' hunting and fishing activities. Comment Date: 8/3/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Directors of Salluit Co-operative Type of Organization: Business An agreement will have to be negotiated to adequately compensate for the loss of hunting and fishing areas. This agreement must entail significant royalties. Comment Date: 8/8/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Board of Directors of the Kanqiqsujuaq Co-operative Type of Organization: Business There should be no mineral extraction near Mequillon Lake. Is it possible to continue fishing in this lake if there are mining activities at the Mequillon deposit? If not, there must be compensation for this loss. Comment Date: 8/8/2006 Source: Consultation Affiliation: Kangiqsujuaq Landholding Corporation Type of Organization: Corporation The project area is an important fishing area for the population of Kangiqsujuaq. When the mine opens, it is possible that the population will no longer be able to access certain fishing areas. People are concerned about a future regulation that would prohibit the carrying of rifles in the mining area and they are worried that they will no longer be able to hunt in the areas that are in close proximity to the mine. The study area is an important hunting and fishing area for the population of Kangiqsujuaq. 141 Comment Date: 8/9/2006 Source: Radio Program Affiliation: Resident population of Kangiqsujuaq Type of Organization: Individuals The project area is an important hunting area for the population of Kangiqsujuaq. The presence of the new mine may cause the animals to move and may lead to a change in the present hunting areas. It is possible that the population will not be able to access certain hunting areas due to the presence of the mine. 142